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A revolution that wasn’t going to happen

Uncontested ruler of Azerbaijan

Many thought that Azerbaijan would be next to overthrow its president in a revolution. They were wrong: supporters of President Ilham Aliev swept the board in recent parliamentary elections. The quasi-dynastic regime survives thanks to repression, nationalism and oil money.

by Vicken Cheterian 

Both Azeris and international observers underestimated the president of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliev. When he was chosen to succeed his father, Heydar Aliev, in autumn 2003, he did not have much political experience. Many doubted his ability to govern Azerbaijan and preserve its recent stability. Yet two years later, Aliev was elected as president while his allies swept the board in parliamentary elections in November 2005. By then he was already well established as the uncontested ruler of Azerbaijan.

Only 11 seats out of 125 in the Milli Majlis, the Azerbaijani parliament, went to opposition parties. The rest were divided between the ruling party, Yeni Azerbaijan (New Azerbaijan), and “independent” representatives thought to be close to the regime. The opposition and western observers made complaints, but Yeni Azerbaijan enjoys full control of the state apparatus, and has the blessing of observers from the Commonwealth of Independent States. Complaints about election irregularities are unlikely to change anything.

After peaceful, pro-democratic revolutions following contested elections in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan, many people expected key elections in other post-Soviet countries to produce dramatic events. Not in Azerbaijan. Ilham Aliev has never feared that his regime could be overthrown. When a journalist asked him whether a revolution was possible in Azerbaijan, he answered “absolutely not”, adding that “every nation has its own history”.

And the history of modern Azerbaijan is closely associated with that of the Aliev family. For most of the past 36 years, the Alievs have ruled Azerbaijan and shaped its politics. Heydar Aliev, a former KGB officer, was appointed first secretary of the Azerbaijani Communist party in 1969. In 1982 he became a member of the Soviet politburo. He was forced to retire under Mikhail Gorbachev in 1987, during attempts under perestroika to reform the corrupt Brezhnevite administrations in the Soviet republics. But the reforms (...)

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Vicken Cheterian

Vicken Cheterian is a lecturer in history and international relations at the University of Geneva and Webster University Geneva. His latest book is Open Wounds, Armenians, Turks and a Century of Genocide (Hurst and Oxford University Press, 2015).
Original text in English

(1See Bahey Eldin Hassan, ‘Egypt: the permanent coup’, Orient XXI, 15 April 2019.

(2For analysis and data on the effects of this stagnation, see Gilbert Achcar, The People Want: a Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising, Saqi Books, 2013.

(3For more on the UGTT, a co-recipient of the 2015 Nobel peace prize, see Héla Yousfi, Trade Unions and Arab Revolutions: the Tunisian Case of UGTT, Routledge, 2017.

(4See Pierre Daum, ‘Tahrir Square, seven years on’, Le Monde diplomatique, English edition, March 2018.

(5‘ “L’imagination au pouvoir”, une interview de Daniel Cohn-Bendit par Jean-Paul Sartre’ (‘Imagination in power’, Jean-Paul Sartre interviews Daniel Cohn-Bendit), Le Nouvel Observateur, Paris, 20 May 1968.

(6Edward W Said, Orientalism, Pantheon, New York, 1978.

(7See Gilbert Achcar, ‘The fall of Sudan’s “Morsisi” ’, Jacobin, 12 May 2019.

(8The Association of Democratic Women of Tunisia also played a notable role in protests and the constitutive process, but feminism was less central in the Tunisian events.

(9David Pilling, ‘Sudan’s protests feel like a trip back to revolutionary Russia’, Financial Times, London, 24 April 2019.

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