Ground-breakings are a dime a dozen in Washington, D.C., where cranes and high-rises glut the skyline. But the spade of dirt turned last week near the National Mall for the new headquarters of the United States Institute of Peace was a real milestone.
After a quarter century in temporary quarters, USIP is getting a permanent home. It testifies to the value of the institute’s work and changing perceptions about how best to advance the national security interest.
In 1984, a United States senator from West Virginia named Jennings Randolph led the charge for a federal entity that would focus on peacemaking and conflict avoidance. (He had first proposed the idea 39 years earlier) The United States at the time was spending $297 billion annually on a finely honed war-fighting machine. Senator Randolph and others argued the country also had a responsibility to throw at least a few dollars — initially $16 million — toward peacemaking and problem solving.
It was the Cold War era and to many, the idea of a peace “academy” (as it was initially called) sounded rather vague, quaint and idealistic. But advocates insisted that the new institute — a congressionally funded but independent, bipartisan entity — should devise practical applications to resolving international disputes. And over time, that’s just what it has done.
The institute has been deeply involved in the Balkans since the 1995 Dayton peace accords, helping war-weary Bosnia build a civil society. This has included reforming the constitution and building government structures that could help prepare the country for accession to the European Union.
The institute’s central role in managing the Iraq Study Group — which in December 2006 issued a pivotal report on a new approach to post-war Iraq — is well known. Less publicized are its efforts to work at the neigborhood level in Iraq to support cross-sectarian dialogue and promote tolerance. Among other projects, USIP has trained dozens of Iraqis as facilitators to mediate local conflicts.
The institute’s programs on religion and rule of law have been especially innovative. Staff are working with madrassas in Pakistan to prepare teaching modules on subjects relating to peace, tolerance and pluralism; organizing exchanges between American Muslims and their Iranian counterparts; organizing peace councils in Darfur and producing a book in which Muslim scholars discuss reforming Muslim attitudes on peace and conflict management.
They are also working on strengthening Afghanistan’s supreme court and helping to develop an integrated justice system in south Sudan where 60 tribal systems now exist.
As its top officials admit, the institute is not intended to be a prime mover in foreign affairs. Its role is as a nimble change agent in an era when American security can be threatened as much (or more) by a failed state embroiled in sectarian strife as by a strong state unleashing a powerful army.
The United States needs a well-funded, technologically advanced and highly skilled military. It also must invest in protecting and advancing its interests through other means. One mechanism is the United States Institute of Peace, which can attempt possible solutions that government cannot. Another is the State Department, which for too many years has been underfunded for its diplomatic work.
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