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The 

Histories  of  Herodotus 

Translated  by- 
Henry   Cary 


With  a  Critical  and  Biographical  Introduction 
by  Basil  L.  Gildersleeve 


Illustrated 


New  York 

D.  Appleton  and  Company 

1899 


NEHrtY  MORSE  STEPHEH* 


Copyright,  1899, 
By  D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY. 


HERODOTUS 


75*  \  **■ 


OF  the  life  of  Herodotus,  the  Father  of  History,  little 
is  known.  The  date  commonly  accepted  for  his  birth 
is  484  b.  c,  and  he  is  supposed  not  to  have  survived 
the  year  424.  Both  dates  rest  on  combinations.  He  was  a 
native  of  Halicarnassus,  a  Dorian  city  of  Caria,  and  was  proud 
of  his  Doric  blood.  But  the  Doric  speech  of  Halicarnassus 
was  in  time  supplanted  by  the  Ionic,  which  was  the  prevalent 
Asiatic  type  of  Greek,  and  in  a  Halicarnassian  inscription  of 
455  b.  c.  only  the  opening  formula  is  Doric.  Halicarnassus 
was  thrust  out  of  the  Dorian  league  because  of  a  sin  which 
one  of  the  citizens  had  committed  against  the  majesty  of 
Apollo,  and  fell  first  under  Lydian  and  then  under  Persian 
sway.  At  the  time  of  Herodotus's  birth  it  was  held  as  a  fief 
of  the  Persian  Empire  by  Artemisia,  the  high-hearted  heroine 
of  Salamis. 

Herodotus  was  of  a  noble  family,  the  son  of  Lyxes  and 
Dryo,  or  Rhoio,  and  a  kinsman  of  Panyassis,  the  diviner,  the 
poet,  the  reviver  of  the  epic.  What  the  relation  was  is  not 
clear.  Intermarriage  among  the  Greeks  was  often  complex, 
and  Panyassis,  his  mother's  brother,  may  readily  have  been 
his  father's  nephew.  At  all  events,  the  connection  with  Pany- 
assis lends  especial  significance  to  the  Herodotean  weakness 
for  dreams  and  omens,  signs  and  wonders,  and  makes  still 
more  intelligible  the  historian's  familiarity  with  epic  poetry, 
and  the  epic  cast  and  colouring  of  his  narrative ;  and  when 
we  read  that  Herodotus  undertook  a  long  voyage  in  order 
to  investigate  the  origin  of  the  worship  of  Tyrian  Heracles, 
we  recollect  that  Panyassis  composed  a  Heracleis.    More  im- 


I^JPZW 


57905 


iv  HERODOTUS 

portant  still  was  the  political  work  of  Panyassis,  who  perished 
in  an  unsuccessful  revolt  against  Lygdamis,  grandson  or 
haply  younger  son  of  Artemisia.  After  the  death  of  Panyassis, 
Herodotus,  who  may  have  been  implicated  in  the  affair,  is  sup- 
posed to  have  withdrawn  to  Samos,  and  it  is  recorded  that 
he  bore  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  revolution  that  unseated 
Lygdamis  in  455.  In  454  the  name  of  Halicarnassus  appears 
on  the  roll  of  the  Athenian  allies  who  paid  their  quota  to  the 
fund  levied  for  resistance  to  Persia.  But  faction  begets  faction, 
and  Herodotus,  who  had  ousted  Lygdamis,  was  himself  forced 
to  withdraw,  and  we  find  him  registered  among  those  who 
joined  the  Athenian  colony  of  Thurii,  in  Lower  Italy,  founded 
in  444.  Hence  he  is  sometimes  called  a  Thurian.  His  tomb 
was  there,  but  another  tomb  was  shown  in  Athens,  the  city 
he  loved  so  well.  Shortly  before  going  to  Thurii  he  is  said 
to  have  read  a  portion  of  his  histories  at  Athens — which  por- 
tion is  much  disputed — and  to  have  received  a  public  reward 
of  ten  talents  for  his  praise  of  the  violet-wreathed  city.  The 
amount  is  extravagant ;  the  story  reminds  one  of  the  old  tale 
about  Pindar,  but  a  public  recitation  is  not  at  all  improb- 
able, nor  a  public  recognition  of  some  kind. 

Much  of  his  time  was  spent  in  travel.  What  the  modern 
historian  finds  useful  for  giving  vividness  and  exactness  to 
his  narrative  the  ancient  historian  found  indispensable  for 
the  collection  of  material.  The  day  of  the  bookworm  his- 
torians, whose  journeys  were  limited  to  papyrus  and  to  parch- 
ment, had  not  yet  come.  In  point  of  fact,  the  geographer 
and  the  historian  were  one  in  the  early  time,  and  the  differ- 
entiation did  not  take  place  until  a  comparatively  late  period. 
History  (l<rropia)  means  investigation,  and  the  information 
sought  had  often  to  be  gathered  on  the  spot. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  trace  the  travels  of  Herodo- 
tus in  his  work,  not  always  with  signal  success.  Continental 
Greece  he  knew,  Athens  beyond  a  doubt,  and  the  traveller 
of  to-day  who  stands  in  Sparta  and  looks  out  toward  Therapne 
feels  that  he  is  on  Herodotean  ground.  Some  of  the  Cyclades 
he  must  have  visited,  but  how  many  is  open  to  question.    His 


HERODOTUS  V 

birthplace  was  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  coast  of 
Asia  Minor  he  must  have  known,  and  the  greater  islands  in 
those  waters,  notably  Samos,  where  he  is  said  to  have  re- 
sided. Sardis  he  discusses  as  one  who  had  seen  the  capital 
of  Lydia.  His  voyage  along  the  northern  coast  of  Asia  Minor 
seems  to  have  extended  to  the  mouth  of  the  Phasis,  but  there 
is  no  cogent  evidence  of  his  personal  knowledge  of  Scythia, 
and  it  has  been  suggested  that  he  went  no  farther  than 
Byzantium  and  gathered  his  material  there  for  the  regions 
beyond.  But  if  he  is  as  honest  as  we  take  him  to  be,  his  de- 
scription of  Exampaeus  (iv,  81)  is  based  on  actual  vision,  and 
it  is  desirable  that  he  should  have  visited  Olbia,  a  famous 
outpost  of  Greekdom,  which  he  calls  Borysthenes.  Tyre  he 
sought,  as  he  tells  us  expressly.  Of  Babylon  he  writes  as  one 
that  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes.  In  Palestine  he  beheld  the 
monuments  of  the  triumphal  march  of  Sesostris.  Perhaps  he 
saw  them  on  his  way  to  Egypt,  where  he  must  have  sojourned 
for  some  time.  But  the  extent  of  his  actual  vision  of  Egypt 
is  much  mooted.  Of  Upper  Egypt  he  makes  scant  mention, 
but  then  he  makes  scant  mention  of  Phoenicia.  That  he  never 
reached  Elephantine  is  supposed  to  be  proved  by  his  calling 
Elephantine  a  city  and  not  an  island;  but  it  was  both  then, 
as  Rhodes  became  both  afterward.  Cyrene  he  most  probably 
visited,  and  Lower  Italy  he  knew — Thurii,  at  least,  which  he 
helped  to  colonize,  and  Metapontum.  Sicily  was  near,  and 
it  seems  likely  that  he  knew  Sicily.  Likelihood  and  probabil- 
ity can  not  be  excluded,  but  we  may  boldly  say  that  Herodotus 
was  qualified  for  membership  even  in  an  exigent  Travellers' 
Club. 

On  these  travels,  on  these  researches,  rests  the  great  work 
which  heads  the  long  line  of  Greek  prose  classics,  and  a  brief 
summary  of  the  contents  of  the  nine  books  that  compose  the 
"  Setting  Forth  of  Investigation  "  may  fitly  precede  the  char- 
acteristic of  this  great  achievement. 

An  Alexandrian  scholar  of  some  note  denied  that  Herodo- 
tus wrote  the  preface  of  his  work,  but  every  word  in  it  is  sig- 
nificant, and,  if  properly  studied,  the  preface  gives  the  key 


V 


vi  HERODOTUS 

to  the  whole.  It  gives  the  authorship.  It  tells  us  that  it  is 
a  setting  forth  of  investigation,  that  its  object  is  to  prevent 
the  history  of  the  world  from  being  effaced  by  the  lapse  of 
time.  The  great  and  marvellous  deeds  wrought  by  Greeks 
and  non-Greeks  are  not  to  be  left  unfamoused,  and  the  cause 
of  the  war  between  them  is  to  be  set  down.  Thucydides  is 
satisfied  with  how?  Herodotus  demands  why?  Thucydides 
looks  to  history  as  a  lesson  for  future  generations  drawn  from 
experience.  Herodotus  looks  to  history  as  a  record  of  the 
dealings  of  a  higher  power.  For  the  wrath  of  Achilles  sub- 
stitute the  envy  of  the  gods,  and  we  have  a  movement  like 
that  of  the  "  Iliad." 

The  history  opens  on  mythical  ground,  but  it  is  note- 
worthy that  Herodotus  singles  out  the  Phoenicians  as  the  first 
Orientals  who  came  into  contact  with  the  Greeks,  and  it  is  sig- 
nificant that  Crete  plays  the  part  of  a  breedbate,  as  she  has 
always  done  from  that  day  to  this.  The  Eternal  Feminine  is 
at  the  bottom  of  the  trouble  between  East  and  West,  Io  and 
Medea  and  Helen.  But  these  old,  unhappy,  far-off  things  are 
soon  dismissed,  and  we  come  in  an  early  chapter  to  Croesus  the 
Lydian,  the  first  to  make  the  Greek  feel  the  power  of  the  East. 
The  history  of  the  dynasty  of  Croesus  and  his  overthrow  by 
Cyrus,  with  the  necessary  account  of  the  Medes  and  Per- 
sians, takes  up  about  two  thirds  of  the  first  book.  Upon  the 
subjection  of  the  Lydian  monarchy  follows  the  subjugation 
of  the  Ionians  and  other  peoples  of  Asia  Minor — a  task  which 
was  intrusted  by  Cyrus  to  his  lieutenant  Harpagus,  while 
Cyrus  himself  undertook  to  reduce  Babylon.  After  Babylon 
the  Great  comes  the  expedition  of  Cyrus  against  the  Massa- 
getae,  and  his  death  in  battle  with  Tomyris.  It  is  a  dramatic 
ending,  a  notable  illustration  of  the  envy  of  the  gods,  of  the 
law  of  compensation.  (The  second  book,  after  briefly  record- 
ing the  accession  of  Cambyses  and  his  designs  on  Egypt, 
takes  Egypt  itself  for  its  theme,  and  so  wholly  is  Egypt  the 
theme  that  the  book  has  been  lifted  out  of  the  complex  and 
treated  as  an  independent  work.  But  we  must  remember  that 
biologists  have  succeeded  in  isolating  the  heart  itself,  and  he 


HERODOTUS  yii 

who  studies  the  second  book  aright  can  trace  the  fibres  that 
unite  it  to  the  rest  of  the  structure.  It  has  not  been  simply 
let  in.  The  third  book  tells  of  Cambyses's  conquest  of  Egypt, 
his  plans  to  subjugate  other  peoples  of  Africa,  and  various 
performances  of  that  eccentric  monarch.  But  Greece  is  not 
forgotten.  Greeks  formed  part  of  the  army  of  Cambyses, 
and  Polycrates  of  Samos  was  an  ally  of  Cambyses,  as  he  had 
been  an  ally  of  Amasis  under  the  former  Egyptian  dynasty. 
Corinth  made  common  cause  with  the  Lacedaemonians  against 
Polycrates,  and  this  leads  to  the  story  of  Periander  of  Corinth. 
Cambyses,  Polycrates,  and  Periander  are  three  shining  ex- 
amples of  the  unhappiness  of  supreme  power,  of  the  envy  of 
the  gods.  But  Samos  was  a  digression,  and  Herodotus  apolo- 
gizes for  it  as  he  resumes  the  thread  of  his  narrative  of  Per- 
sian history,  and  recounts  the  uprising  of  the  false  Smerdis, 
the  death  of  Cambyses,  and  the  reign  of  Smerdis,  his  over- 
throw, and  the  enthronement  of  his  successor  Darius,  the 
great  organizer  of  the  Persian  Empire.  Indians  and  Arabians 
now  come  into  the  cycle.  Samos  is  subjugated,  and,  as  a 
preface  to  the  subjugation,  we  learn  the  fate  of  Polycrates, 
and  the  book  closes  with  an  account  of  the  revolt  of  Babylon 
and  the  quelling  of  the  same.  The  Persian  Empire  is  firmly 
rooted,  and  begins  again  to  send  forth  its  runners  northward 
and  westward.  In  the  fourth  book  we  follow  Darius  into  the 
land  of  the  Scythians,  and  many  chapters  are  given  up  to 
Scythian  history  and  geography.  The  Scythian  expedition 
was  a  failure,  and  this  failure  encouraged  the  Ionians  to  plan 
a  revolt.  Nor  was  the  attempt  to  extend  the  Persian  rule 
over  Libya  an  unqualified  success.  Most  of  the  Libyans  cared 
naught  for  the  Great  King,  but  the  tale  of  the  famous  colony 
of  Cyrene  is  told,  and  an  account  of  the  Libyans  is  given. 
Largely  ethnographical  and  geographical  as  the  fourth  book 
is,  it  does  not  detach  itself  so  much  as  does  the  second,  and 
prepares  us  for  the  closer  complication  of  Greece  and  Persia 
in  the  fifth.  Thrace  and  Macedon  furnish  the  introductory 
chapters  to  the  Ionian  revolt,  which  is  the  main  theme  of  the 
remainder  of  the  fifth  book  and  the  opening  of  the  sixth. 


Viii  HERODOTUS 

Upon  the  suppression  of  the  Ionian  revolt  follows  the  first 
invasion  of  Greece  by  the  Persians.  In  both  books  Athens 
comes  to  the  front,  and  much  interest  is  shown  in  the  details 
of  Athenian  history.  Books  VII  to  IX  give  a  consecutive 
history  of  the  invasion  of  Greece  by  Xerxes,  and  the  failure 
of  the  expedition.  The  digressions  are  few.  The  narrative 
moves  on,  unhasting  and  unresting,  to  the  last  chapter. 

Such  is  a  rapid  outline  of  the  nine  books  of  Herodotus — 
the  nine  Muses,  as  they  were  fancifully  named  in  Alexandrian 
times.  The  division,  also  due  doubtless  to  Alexandrian  schol- 
ars, is  not  original,  and  has  been  hotly  assailed.  But  as  the 
three  original  Muses  became  nine,  so  the  three  parts  or  vol- 
umes into  which  the  work  naturally  falls  may  have  been  split 
along  the  lines  of  the  several  books  as  we  have  them.  The  last 
triad  forms,  as  we  have  seen,  a  close  unity,  and  there  is  a 
seductive  theory  that  this  last  part  in  the  order  of  time  was 
the  first  part  in  the  order  of  composition,  and  that  the  history 
of  the  second  Persian  war  was  a  monograph,  to  which  the 
other  parts  were  afterward  added.  But  there  is  a  thread  of 
narrative  that  holds  the  triple  triad  together,  and  there  is 
no  lack  of  art  in  the  leisurely  introduction,  the  side-light  di- 
gressions, and  the  accelerated  close.  The  art  is  the  art  of 
the  "  Iliad  "  and  the  "  Odyssey." 

But  the  unity  of  Herodotus,  so  much  admired  in  antiquity, 
has  been  rudely  attacked  in  modern  times.  Ancient  critics 
laud  the  skill  with  which  the  vast  material  is  disposed  so  as 
to  preserve  unity  in  variety,  the  skill  with  which  the  historian 
has  made  one  body  out  of  the  most  heterogeneous  subjects, 
so  that  a  oneness  of  life  permeates  the  whole  structure.  Mod- 
ern critics,  on  the  other  hand — or  at  least  the  most  domineer- 
ing school  of  modern  critics — have  pointed  out  the  various 
layers  in  the  composition,  and  have  maintained  that  the  his- 
tory is  not  a  unit,  but  a  congeries  of  monographs.  Herodo- 
tus, it  seems,  did  not  differ  essentially  from  his  predecessors, 
at  least  to  begin  with.  He  prepared  accounts  of  his  travels, 
and  supplemented  his  own  researches  by  compilations  from 
various  sources.    There  was  no  great  conception  in  his  mind 


HERODOTUS  ix 

when  he  began  his  story-book.  The  thought  that  seems  to 
dominate  the  whole  was  at  best  an  after-thought,  and  what 
we  have  is  an  attempt  to  bring  a  mass  of  heterogeneous  mate- 
rial into  some  kind  of  connection  with  the  history  of  the  sec- 
ond Persian  war,  the  only  part  of  the  work  that  has  any  true 
coherence.  By  processes  familiar  to  the  student  of  Homeric 
criticism,  evidence  is  adduced  to  show  the  imperfect  welding 
of  the  mass  and  the  incompleteness  of  the  work.  References 
are  made  to  stories  that  are  never  told,  to  persons  that  never 
recur,  and  not  only  so,  but,  according  to  these  critics,  the 
narrative  fails  of  a  proper  close.  It  should  have  ended  earlier 
or  later.  Even  the  marvellous  style  has  not  escaped  criticism, 
and  attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  that  the  histories  lack 
the  supreme  touch  of  the  master's  hand. 

But  we  must  beware  of  over-analysis.  If  Herodotus  did 
not  set  out  with  a  fixed  purpose  and  a  definite  plan,  if  he 
began  as  a  curious  traveller,  and  not  as  a  systematic  investi- 
gator, still  there  must  have  been  in  his  mind  a  general  con- 
ception of  the  universe,  which  grew  clearer  and  sharper  as 
he  matured,  so  that  long  before  he  came  to  write  his  preface 
the  work  of  his  life  was  revealed  to  himself.  Revision,  elabora- 
tion, there  must  have  been,  but  the  unity  of  the  work  lies  in 
its  moral  purport. 

At  all  events  it  is  this  unity,  this  grasp  of  a  vast  and  varied 
material,  that  is  one  of  the  special  claims  set  up  for  Herodotus 
as  the  originator  of  a  new  department  of  literature,  and  before 
proceeding  to  consider  the  other  points  in  which  the  historian 
differentiates  himself  from  his  predecessors  it  is  necessary  to 
give  some  brief  account  of  the  earlier  writers  of  Greek  prose. 

The  extent  of  Herodotus's  obligations  to  his  predecessors 
is  variously  estimated,  and  there  are  those  who  have  made 
Herodotus  out  to  be  an  unscrupulous  conveyer  of  other  men's 
labours.  But  the  charge  of  plagiarism,  to  which  modern  writ- 
ers are  extremely  sensitive,  glanced  harmless  from  the  armour 
of  the  Greek  of  the  best  period.  Later  Greeklings  have  much 
to  say  about  stealing  one  from  another.  The  true  masters 
helped  themselves  to  what  they  needed.    A  good  thing  was 


X  HERODOTUS 

common  property.  Was  Sophocles  in  debt  to  Herodotus,  or 
Herodotus  to  Sophocles,  or  both  to  a  third?  To  whom  did 
Herodotus  and  Euripides  owe  the  common  estimate  of  life 
as  an  accident?  Yes,  Herodotus  had  predecessors.  He  may 
have  learned  something  of  Miletus  from  an  obscure  writer, 
Cadmus  of  Miletus,  of  Lydia  from  Xanthus,  called  the  Lydian, 
and  there  are  those  who  think  that  he  owes  much  to  Hecataeus 
of  Miletus,  an  earlier  and  haply  not  so  far  inferior  Herodotus. 
True,  he  cites  Hecataeus  but  four  times — once  to  magnify  the 
importance  of  the  historian's  calling,  once  to  approve  his  judg- 
ment, once  to  criticise,  and  once  to  show  that  his  authority 
is  not  overwhelming.  But  German  professors  are  always 
ready  to  attribute  to  others  the  processes  of  their  own  craft, 
and  there  is  scant  evidence  that  the  work  of  Herodotus  is  in 
any  sense  a  compilation.  From  whatever  sources  he  drew  his 
material,  he  was  the  originator  of  a  new  line  of  literary  work. 
Before  him  the  epopee  had  served  as  history,  and  the  eldest 
Muse  of  the  nine  was  commissioned  to  tell  of  the  glories  of 
the  past.  But  poetry  is  not  history,  for  history  means  investi- 
gation ;  and  poetry  is  inspiration,  not  investigation,  and  the 
beginnings  of  prose  presaged  the  death  of  the  epos.  The 
earliest  writers  of  prose*  were  called  logographers  ( Xoyoypdfoi 
or XoyoiroLoC),  "writers  of  accounts."  When  Logos  comes  in, 
Mythos  retreats.  There  is  no  X0709  in  Homer,  and  the  first 
prose  writers  were  the  first  critics.  The  logographer  was 
something  else  than  the  translator  of  poetry  into  the  language 
of  every-day  life.  In  the  early  period  the  poetical  form  is 
imperative,  and  the  art  of  verse  is  earlier  and  easier  than  the 
art  of  prose.  For  mere  narrative  the  epos  would  have  suf- 
ficed. Chronicles  and  genealogies — and,  for  that  matter, 
travels — might  have  been  composed  in  hexameters  to  the  end 
of  time.  But  the  Logos  is  that  which  reckons,  that  which  cal- 
culates, that  which  takes  stock,  and  this  must  be  borne  in 
mind  when  we  consider  the  predecessors  of  Herodotus.  The 
opening  words  of  the  Genealogies  of  Hecataeus  show  that  he 
approached  tradition  in  no  reverent  spirit,  and  that  he  scouted 
the  false  and  foolish  stories  which  he  found  current.    Herodo- 


HERODOTUS  xiii 

calendar.  He  is  a  critic  of  far  greater  acumen  than  was  once 
supposed,  and  the  assaults  on  his  honesty  have  not  demolished 
the  importance  of  his  evidence.  Of  course,  we  must  care- 
fully distinguish  between  the  facts  for  which  he  vouches  and 
the  reports  that  he  simply  repeats,  but  in  the  vast  number  of 
details  it  is  not  always  clear  when  he  is  speaking  of  his  own 
knowledge  and  when  he  is  giving  mere  hearsay.  The  trouble! 
we  have  found  in  establishing  his  itinerary  recurs  when  we 
follow  the  historian  along  the  track  of  events.  Those  who 
study  Herodotus  critically  must  be  content  to  put  every  nar- 
rative to  the  test,  to  tap  every  wheel  on  which  the  train  runs 
so  smoothly.  But  no  historian  can  escape  this  scrutiny,  and 
the  good  faith  of  Thucydides  himself,  who  claims  so  much 
greater  accuracy  than  does  Herodotus,  has  been  mercilessly 
impugned.  Even  in  antiquity  the  untrustworthiness  of  He- 
rodotus was  a  jest,  and  the  frivolous  scepticism  of  a  later  age 
selected  for  ridicule  the  very  points  on  which  the  testimony 
of  Herodotus  has  been  sustained  by  recent  exploration.  Trav- 
ellers' tales  are  proverbial,  and  Herodotus  may  have  con- 
tributed to  the  currency  of  the  proverb.  Indeed,  it  must  be 
confessed  that,  being  no  linguist,  he  was  at  the  mercy  of 
guides  and  interpreters,  and  yet  he  has  not  seldom  fared 
better  at  the  hands  of  modern  critics  than  those  who  had 
access  to  native  documents.  The  native  documents  require  as 
much  interpretation  as  do  the  stories  of  the  native  dragoman, 
and  he  who  takes  a  romantic  epic  for  a  sober  chronicle  is  no 
better  off  than  a  man  who  had  no  command  of  Persian.  And 
then  much,  very  much,  depends  on  the  tradition  of  the  text, 
and  in  all  matters  involving  numbers  we  must  be  careful  to 
suspend  our  judgment.  The  account  of  a  flood  in  northern 
China,  which  took  place  in  October,  1887,  showed  a  vast  dif- 
ference in  the  estimates  of  the  loss  of  life,  which  ranged  from 
one  million  to  seven  millions ;  and  to  the  intrinsic  difficulty  of 
exactness  in  figures  we  must  add  the  trouble  of  the  Greek 
double  notation,  which  lent  itself  readily  to  all  manner  of 
errors. 

But  an  introduction  like  this  can  not  go  into  the  various 


fs 


xiv  HERODOTUS 

points  which  have  been  raised  and  met  in  regard  to  the  trust- 
worthiness of  Herodotus,  and  some  space  must  be  given  to 
the  author's  conception  of  the  world,  for,  after  all,  every  his- 
tory reflects  the  historian  more  or  less. 

In  order  to  do  justice  to  Herodotus's  conception  of  his  task 
we  must  remember  that  he  belonged  to  a  sceptical  genera- 
tion. The  Persian  war  had  brought  about  what  might  be 
called  a  revival  of  religion,  but  the  old  leaven  was  working}* 
The  protest  that  Xenophanes  had  made  early  in  the  century 
against  the  anthropomorphism  of  Greek  religion  had  not  lost 
its  effect.  Pindar  is  orthodox,  but  refuses  to  believe  the  myths 
that  he  deems  dishonouring  to  the  gods.  iEschylus  shows 
by  his  attempts  to  justify  the  ways  of  God  to  men  that  there 
is  a  profound  dissidence  to  be  bridged.  Sophocles  wears  his 
faith  with  a  difference.  Euripides  is  counted  by  some  an  out- 
and-out  rationalist.  (  The  leading  agnostics  were  close  con- 
temporaries of  Herodotus.  Sophistic  influences  are  traceable 
in  his  style.  The  famous  debate  of  the  third  book  reminds 
one  of  Protagoras,  and  the  jingles  that  bear  the  name  of  Gor- 
gias  are  heard  now  and  then.  Under  these  conditions  Herodo- 
tus is  best  understood  as  a  conservative,  not  to  say  reactionist. 
He  holds  fast  to  the  old  doctrine.  He  does  not  deny  the  exist- 
ence of  the  gods  outright.  He  goes  so  far  as  to  point  out 
the  influence  of  poetic  fancy  on  the  Hellenic  notion  of  the 
several  gods,  and  extols  the  purer  ideas  of  the  Persians ;  but 
he  reveres  tradition,  he  is  a  Church  of  Greece  man,  and  he  has 
a  strong  faith  in  the  divine  power  that  regulates  the  universe. 
To  him,  as  to  Anaxagoras,  another  friend  of  Pericles,  there 
is  a  wise  Providence  that  keeps  everything  in  balance.  This 
balance  is  now  called  Nemesis,  now  vengeance,  now  envy  of 
the  gods.  "  Mind  not  high  things,"  for  high  things  are 
brought  low.  The  dread  genealogy  of  Surfeit  (K0/J09),  Out- 
rage ("T/S/tM?),  Disaster  ('Arrj),  of  which  the  poets  tell,  is  true 
of  nations  as  of  individuals.  The  innocent  suffer  with  the 
guilty.  Nor  do  the  instruments  of  divine  vengeance  escape  if 
not  modest  in  their  office.  There  must  be  no  excess,  no  over- 
stepping the  bounds.     The  Divine  gives  satisfaction  to  the 


HERODOTUS  XV 

injured,  champions  the  weaker,  and  restores  the  balance.  All 
this  is  ingrained  in  the  Greek  temper.  All  this  is  Hellenic, 
as  it  is  Herodotean. ")  The  historian  keeps  strictly  to  the  sphere 
of  national  thought,  and  proof  texts  might  be  drawn  from 
Solon  and  Theognis  and  Pindar,  as  well  as  from  Herodotus.  ■ 
We  must  go  farther  down  before  we  come  to  the  "  Chance 
central  of  circumstance,"  to  Fortune,  such  as  Thucydides  con- 
ceives her  and  as  Polybius  conceives  her.  This  poetical  jus- 
tice simplifies  the  scheme  of  the  universe — makes  it  perhaps 
suspiciously  simple.  God  in  history  becomes  too  much  a  deus 
ex  machina,  a  too  convenient  untier  of  knots;  but  even  our 
century  demands  an  increasing  purpose  that  runs  through 
the  ages,  and  even  those  who  have  rid  themselves  of  religious 
formulae  are  not  always  superior  to  spiritual  manifestations, 
to  the  study  of  psychical  research.  There  are  those  who  have 
gone  so  far  as  to  call  Herodotus  a  sceptic  lined  with  a  spir- 
itualist. 

Superior  to  his  predecessors  in  his  conception  of  his  task, 
superior,  after  all,  in  his  critical  method,  Herodotus's  greatest, 
it  is  fair  to  say  his  unapproachable  excellence  lies  in  his  style. 
True,  the  style  of  Herodotus  loses  much  of  its  charm — the 
Greek  scholar  is  tempted  to  say  all  its  charm — in  the  transfer 
to  another  idiom.  Not  the  least  of  its  attractiveness  lies  in  the 
dialect,  the  leisurely  Ionic,  with  its  soft  vowels,  its  deliberate 
utterance,  its  quavering  rhythm,  its  old-fashioned  vocabulary. 
Biblical  English,  biblical  German,  which  has  been  tried,  does 
not  reproduce  the  tone  of  Herodotus.  The  employment  of 
consecrated  phrases  in  a  secular  narrative  grates.  We  have  a 
jargon,  not  a  dialect.  The  chief  thing  gained  is  the  simple 
structure  of  the  sentence,  which  is  common  to  the  Hebrew 
original  of  the  Old  Testament  and  to  the  Greek  of  Herodotus. 
But  the  dialect  is  not  everything,  and  as  a  famous  Greek  critic 
has  undertaken  to  prove  by  actual  experiment  that  the  spell 
of  Herodotus  is  not  broken  by  the  translation  from  Ionic  into 
Attic,  so  a  transfer  from  Greek  into  English  does  not  efface 
all  the  Herodotean  charm.  The  dialect  is  gone,  it  is  true,  a 
cunningly  wrought  robe  with  gleams  of  epic  gold.    The  varied 


XVI  HERODOTUS 

i 

tone  is  gone,  the  manifold  stops  of  the  organ  voice,  but  the 
English  Herodotus  retains  the  picturesqueness  of  the  narra- 
tive, the  flow  of  the  stream,  the  play  of  the  eddy ;  and  some- 
thing of  the  dramatic  impersonation  is  kept  alive.  The  women 
of  Herodotus  are  true  womanly  in  English  as  in  Greek.  The 
tears  of  mortal  things  drip  on  our  hearts  in  English  as  in 
Greek.  The  princes  and  the  sages  of  Herodotean  history  hold 
language  fitting  their  high  estate,  their  far-reaching  wisdom. 
Those  who  emphasize  the  simplicity  of  Herodotus  are  prone 
to  forget  that  antiquity  recognised  in  him  magnificence  as 
well. 

But  no  matter  how  much  or  how  little  of  the  original  charm 
hangs  about  the  translation  of  Herodotus,  for  the  apprecia- 
tion of  the  genius  of  the  author,  for  the  correct  estimate  of 
vj^  his  position  among  the  great  writers  of  the  world,  something 
must  be  said  of  the  artistic  character  of  his  language.  Herodo- 
tus was  a  conscious  artist.  No  happy  knack  of  fluent,  grace- 
ful writing  was  his.  The  easy  style  was  the  result  of  con- 
scientious toil.  Genius  there  was,  or  else  we  should  have 
had  no  such  result,  but  the  closer  study  of  Herodotus  shows 
what  a  close  student  he  himself  was.  The  very  dialect  in 
which  he  wrote  was  a  work  of  art,  as  unreal,  as  ideal,  if  you 
choose,  as  modern  literary  Provencal,  and  the  old-fashioned 
style,  as  it  is  called  by  the  Greek  critics,  was  deliberately 
adopted  or  deliberately  retained.  The  Ionic  dialect  was  the 
first  dialect  used  for  artistic  prose,  and  its  charm  was  felt  long 
after  the  common  speech  of  Greece  had  swept  away  all  lit- 
erary rivals,  so  that  in  the  time  of  the  Greek  Renascence 
scholars  composed  in  Ionic  and  tried  to  reproduce  the  easy 
pace  of  the  dialect,  with  its  wealth  of  vowels  and  its  drawling 
utterance.  A  great  mass  of  medical  literature  bearing  the 
name  of  Hippocrates  was  written  in  Ionic ;  the  dark  and 
deep  sayings  of  Heraclitus  were  couched  in  Ionic;  the  great 
thinker  Democritus  was  a  master  of  Ionic  style ;  but  Herodo- 
tus evolved  an  Ionic  of  his  own,  and  his  Ionic  became  the 
type,  though  his  imitators  did  not  appreciate  either  his  depth 
or  his  grandeur,  did  not  feel  the  bowstring  of  tragedy  in  the 


HERODOTUS  xvii 

silken  cord  of  his  narrative.  The  naivete  of  Herodotus,  so 
much  emphasized  by  those  who  have  not  penetrated  into  his 
real  character,  does  not  show  itself  in  his  language,  which 
was  not  learned  in  the  streets  of  Halicarnassus  or  picked  up 
on  the  island  of  Samos.  It  is  a  composite  diction  of  his  own, 
and  one  of  the  hardest  tasks  of  modern  Hellenists  has  been 
set  by  the  historian's  dialect.  The  personal  equation  disar- 
ranges the  most  elaborate  schemes  of  the  uniformitarian.  Now 
the  breath  of  Attic  blows  on  the  vowels,  now  there  is  a  remi- 
niscence of  Homer  and  Panyassis.  To  the  vocal  charm  of  the 
dialect  is  added  the  delight  of  the  transparent  style,  the  sim- 
ple structure  of  the  sentence,  and  its  pellucid  flow.  Rhetoric 
had  made  considerable  advance  in  the  time  of  Herodotus, 
and  he  was  no  stranger  to  the  periodic  style,  with  its  elaborate 
framework,  with  its  protasis  and  apodosis,  its  problem  and  its 
answer,  and  the  gathered  power  of  its  circuit.  But  he  delib- 
erately preferred  the  older  type,  the  so-called  strung-on  style 
(\e|-45  eipofiev7)\  or  rosary  style,  in  which  a  simple  and,  a  sim- 
ple but,  serves  as  a  special  bead  to  co-ordinate  the  groups  of 
words.  The  freedom  with  which  the  Greek  can  handle  his 
participles  enables  him  to  give  colour  and  shade  to  the  sen- 
tence without  the  use  of  analytic  conjunctions.  The  reader, 
or,  better,  the  listener,  is  left  to  draw  his  own  inferences,  to 
make  his  own  perspective,  and  the  tide  of  the  narrative  moves 
on  full  and  yet  free.  This  artistic  use  of  the  "  strung-on  " 
style  in  narrative  has  been  misunderstood,  as  so  much  has 
been  misunderstood  in  Herodotus,  whose  art  only  too  effect- 
ually conceals  his  art. 

Whether  we  attach  much  importance  or  not  to  the  story 
of  Herodotus's  recitation  at  Athens,  and  if  we  put  aside,  as 
we  must  put  aside,  the  fable  of  his  reading  at  Olympia  and 
elsewhere,  unquestioned  is  the  fact  that  his  work  became  im- 
mediately famous.  Thucydides,  who  is  but  little  younger, 
treats  him  as  a  celebrity  of  the  old  school,  and  girds  at  him 
covertly  with  a  sense  of  superiority.  Ctesias's  "  History  of 
Persia"  was  a  formal  assault  on  Herodotus,  with  the  result 
that  in  the  age  of  facile  sneer  the  world  seemed  richer  by  an- 


xviii  HERODOTUS 

other  liar,  Ctesias  and  Herodotus  falling  into  the  same  con- 
demnation. In  his  recently  recovered  "  Commonwealth  of 
Athens  "  Aristotle  uses  Herodotus  freely,  and  the  rapid  de- 
cline in  his  reputation,  which  some  assume,  is  nothing  but  the 
inevitable  process  of  absorption.  Historian  swallowed  up 
historian ;  Herodotus  became  a  source,  and  his  limpid  current 
was  a  feeder  to  a  mill-race.  It  was  not  until  the  time  of  the 
Roman  Empire  that  Herodotus  found  readers  who  appreciated 
him  from  the  stylistic  point  of  view.  How  much  he  was 
studied  then,  how  much  imitated,  how  strenuously  the  secrets 
of  his  art  were  sought  and  practised,  how  many  allusions  to 
his  history  stud  the  pages  of  the  later  sophists,  who  saw  in 
him  the  model  of  narrative,  none  but  those  can  rightly  meas- 
ure who  are  familiar  with  the  curious  chapter  of  parasitic 
literary  life,  called  the  Greek  Renascence. 

Viewed  as  a  history,  viewed  as  a  moral  story-book,  viewed 
as  a  contribution  to  ethnology  and  anthropology,  viewed  as 
a  work  of  art,  the  "  Setting  Forth  of  Investigation  "  is  one 
of  the  greatest  literary  achievements  of  all  time,  and  well 
deserves  a  place  in  a  library  like  this.  It  is  not  a  simple  regis- 
try of  facts,  but  the  legends  and  the  fictions  are  often  as  illu- 
minative as  the  facts,  and  for  wide  vision,  for  manifold  sug- 
gestiveness,  for  noble  and  yet  liberal  spirit,  for  serene  wisdom, 
for  sunshiny  humour,  for  fascinating  style,  the  Father  of  His- 
tory may  challenge  all  those  who  have  come  after  him. 

Basil  L.  Gildersleeve. 


FAMOUS    AND    UNIQUE    MANUSCRIPT   AND 
BOOK   ILLUSTRATIONS. 

A  series  of  fac-similes,  showing  the  development  of  manuscript  and 
book  illustrating  during  four  thousand  years. 


THE   FORIRFss    OF    THE    FAITH. 

Miniature  from  a  fifteenth  century  manuscript  in  the  National  Library 

at  Pari.-. 


same  con- 
n wealth  of 


m 


regis- 


CONTENTS 

BOOK  I 

PAGE 

Clio i 

BOOK  II 
Euterpe 85 

BOOK    III 
Thalia 153 

BOOK  IV 
Melpomene 213 

BOOK  V 
Terpsichore *       .       .    275 

BOOK  VI 
Erato 319 

BOOK  VII 

POLYMNIA 366 

BOOK  VIII 
Urania 444 

BOOK  IX 
Calliope 491 

xix 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING  PAGE 

HERODOTUS Frontispiece 

Photogravure  from  a  "bust 

The  Fortress  of  the  Faith xviii 

Coloured  miniature  from  a  manuscript  of  the  fifteenth  century 

Babylonian  Marriage  Market 76 

Photogravure  from  an  engraving  after  a  painting  by  Edwin  Long 

Building  the  Pyramids 130 

Photogravure  from  a  painting  by  Gustave  Richter 

Procession  of  the  Bull  Apis-Osiris      .....    164 
Photogravure  from  a  painting  by  Frederick  Arthur  Bridgman 

The  World  as  Known  to  the  Ancients     ....    290 
Coloured  map 

Ancient  Greece,  including  Epirus  and  Thessalia  .       .    388 
Coloured  map 

The  Parthenon 458 

Steel  engraving  by  William  G.  Jackman 

xxi 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK  I 

CLIO 


THIS  is  a  publication  of  the  researches  of  Herodotus  of 
Halicarnassus,  in  order  that  the  actions  of  men  may 
not  be  effaced  by  time,  nor  the  great  and  wondrous 
deeds  displayed  by  both  Greeks  and  barbarians  1  de- 
prived of  renown — and  among  the  rest,  for  what  cause  they 
waged  war  upon  each  other. 

The  learned  among  the  Persians  assert  that  the  Phoenicians 
were  the  original  authors  of  the  quarrel ;  for  that  they  having 
migrated  from  that  which  is  called  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Medi- 
terranean,2 and  having  settled  in  the  country  which  they  now 
inhabit,  forthwith  applied  themselves  to  distant  voyages ;  and 
that  having  exported  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  merchandise, 
they  touched  at  other  places,  and  also  at  Argos.  Now  Argos 
at  that  period  in  every  respect  surpassed  all  those  states  which 
are  now  comprehended  under  the  general  appellation  of 
Greece.3  They  say,  that  on  their  arrival  at  Argos,  the  Phoe- 
nicians exposed  their  merchandise  to  sale,  and  that  on  the 
fifth  or  sixth  day  after  their  arrival,  and  when  they  had  almost 
disposed  of  their  cargo,  a  great  number  of  women  came  down 
to  the  sea-shore,  and  among  them  the  king's  daughter,  whose 
name,  as  the  Greeks  also  say,  was  Io,  daughter  of  Inachus. 

1  By  barbarians  the  Greeks  meant  all  who  were  not  sprung  from  them- 
selves — all  foreigners. 

4  The  Phoenicians  passed  over-land  from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Mediterra- 
nean, which  in  the  text  and  in  other  Grecian  writers  is  called  "  this  sea." 

8  The  region  known  by  the  name  of  Hellas  or  Greece,  in  the  time  of 
Herodotus,  was,  previous  to  the  Trojan  war,  and  indeed  long  afterward, 
only  discriminated  by  the  names  of  its  different  inhabitants.  Homer 
speaks  of  the  Danaans,  Argives,  Achaians,  etc.,  but  never  gives  these 
people  the  general  name  of  Greeks. — Larcher. 


HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [1-4 

They  add,  that  while  these  women  were  standing  near  the  stern 
of  the  vessel,  and  were  bargaining  for  such  things  as  most 
pleased  them,  the  Phoenicians,  having  exhorted  one  another, 
made  an  attack  upon  them;  and  that  most  of  the  women 
escaped,  but  that  Io,  with  some  others,  was  seized ;  and  that 
they,  having  hurried  them  on  board,  set  sail  for  Egypt.  Thus 
the  Persians  say  that  Io  went  to  Egypt,  not  agreeing  herein 
with  the  Phoenicians ;  and  that  this  was  the  beginning  of 
wrongs,.  .'After  this,  that  certain  Grecians  (for  they  are  unable 
to  teH  their  name),  having  touched  at  Tyre  in  Phoenicia,  car- 
ried off  the  king's  daughter  Europa.  These  must  have  been 
Cretans.  Thus  far  they  say  that  they  had  only  retaliated ;  but 
that  after  this  the  Greeks  were  guilty  of  the  second  provoca- 
tion ;  for  that  having  sailed  down  in  a  vessel  of  war 1  to  2E&, 
a  city  of  Colchis  on  the  river  Phasis,  when  they  had  accom- 
plished the  more  immediate  object  of  their  expedition,  they 
carried  off  the  king's  daughter  Medea;  and  that  the  King  of 
Colchis,  having  despatched  a  herald  to  Greece,  demanded 
satisfaction  for  the  rape,  and  the  restitution  of  the  princess ; 
but  the  Greeks  replied,  that  as  they  of  Asia  had  not  given 
any  satisfaction  for  the  rape  of  Io,  neither  would  they  give 
any  to  them.  They  say  too,  that  in  the  second  generation  after 
this,  Alexander,  the  son  of  Priam,  having  heard  of  these 
events,  was  desirous  of  obtaining  a  wife  from  Greece  by  means 
of  violence,  being  fully  persuaded  that  he  should  not  have 
to  give  satisfaction,  for  that  the  Greeks  had  not  done  so.  When 
therefore  he  had  carried  off  Helen,  they  say  that  the  Greeks 
immediately  sent  messengers  to  demand  her  back  again,  and 
require  satisfaction  for  the  rape ;  but  that  they,  when  they 
brought  forward  these  demands,  objected  to  them  the  rape 
of  Medea ;  that  they  who  had  not  themselves  given  satis- 
faction, nor  made  it  when  demanded,  now  wished  others  to 
give  it  to  themselves.  Thus  far  then  they  say  that  there  had 
only  been  rapes  from  each  other ;  but  that  after  this  the 
Greeks  were  greatly  to  blame,  for  that  they  levied  war  against 
Asia  before  the  Asiatics  did  upon  Europe.  Now,  to  carry  off 
women  by  violence  the  Persians  think  is  the  act  of  wicked 
men,  but  to  trouble  one's  self  about  avenging  them  when  so 
carried  off  is  the  act  of  foolish  ones ;  and  to  pay  no  regard  to 
them  when  carried  off,  of  wise  men :  for  that  it  is  clear,  that  .if 
they  had  not  been  willing,  they  could  not  have  been  carried 

1  "  In  a  long  vessel."  The  long  vessels  were  vessels  of  war ;  the 
round  vessels,  merchantmen  and  transports. 

Note. — The  small  figures  in  the  headlines  refer  to  the  paragraphing 
of  Baehr. 


4-71  CRCESUS  3. 

off.  Accordingly,  the  Persians  say,  that  they  of  Asia  made 
no  account  of  women  that  were  carried  off;  but  that  the 
Greeks  for  the  sake  of  a  Lacedaemonian  woman  assembled 
a  mighty  fleet,  and  then  having  come  to  Asia  overthrew  the 
empire  of  Priam.  That  from  this  event  they  had  always  con- 
sidered the  Greeks  as  their  enemies:  for  the  Persians  claim 
Asia  and  the  barbarous  nations  that  inhabit  it  as  their  own, 
and  consider  Europe  and  the  people  of  Greece  as  totally  dis- 
tinct. 

Such  is  the  Persian  account;  and  to  the  capture  of  Troy 
they  ascribe  the  beginning  of  their  enmity  to  the  Greeks.  As 
relates  to  Io,  the  Phoenicians  do  not  agree  with  this  account 
of  the  Persians :  for  they  affirm  that  they  did  not  use  violence 
to  carry  her  into  Egypt ;  but  that  she  had  connection  at  Argos 
with  the  master  of  a  vessel,  and  when  she  found  herself  preg- 
nant, she,  through  dread  of  her  parents,  voluntarily  sailed 
away  with  the  Phoenicians  to  avoid  detection.  Such,  then,  are 
the  accounts  of  the  Persians  and  Phoenicians.  I,  however,  am 
not  going  to  inquire  whether  the  facts  were  so  or  not;  but 
having  pointed  out  the  person  whom  I  myself  know  to  have 
been  the  first  guilty  of  injustice  toward  the  Greeks,  I  will  then 
proceed  with  my  history,  touching  as  well  on  the  small  as 
the  great  estates  of  men :  for  of  those  that  were  formerly  pow- 
erful many  have  become  weak,  and  some  that  were  powerful 
in  my  time  were  formerly  weak.  Knowing  therefore  the  pre- 
carious nature  of  human  prosperity,  I  shall  commemorate  both 
alike. 

Croesus  was  a  Lydian  by  birth,  son  of  Alyattes,  and  sov- 
ereign of  the  nations  on  this  side  the  river  Halys.  This  river, 
flowing  from  the  south  '  between  the  Syrians  2  and  Paphla- 
gonians,  empties  itself  northward  into  the  Euxine  Sea.  This 
Croesus  was  the  first  of  the  barbarians  whom  we  know  of  that 
subjected  some  of  the  Greeks  to  the  payment  of  tribute,  and 
formed  alliances  with  others.  He  subdued  the  Ionians  and 
^Eolians,  and  the  Dorians  settled  in  Asia,  and  he  formed  an 
alliance  with  the  Lacedaemonians ;  but  before  the  reign  of 
Croesus  all  the  Greeks  were  free ;  for  the  incursion  of  the 
Cimmerians  3  into  Ionia,  which  was  before  the  time  of  Croesus, 
was  not  for  the  purpose  of  subjecting  states,  but  an  invasion 
for  plunder.  The  government,  which  formerly  belonged  to 
the  Heraclidae,  passed  in  the  following  manner  to  the  family 

1  The  Halys  had  two  branches,  one  flowing  from  the  east,  the  other 
from  the  south  :  Herodotus  speaks  only  of  the  southern  one. 

*  Syria  was  at  that  time  the  name  of  Cappadocia. 

a  The  incursion  here  spoken  of  occurred  in  the  reign  of  the  Lydian 
Ardys. 


4  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [7-9 

of  Croesus,  who  were  called  Mermnadae.  Candaules,  whom 
the  Greeks  call  Myrsilus,  was  tyrant  of  Sardis,  and  a  descend- 
ant of  Alcaeus,  son  of  Hercules.  For  Agron,  son  of  Ninus, 
grandson  of  Belus,  great-grandson  of  Alcseus,  was  the  first  of 
the  Heraclidae  who  became  King  of  Sardis ;  and  Candaules, 
son  of  Myrsus,  was  the  last.  They  who  ruled  over  this  coun- 
try before  Agron  were  descendants  of  Lydus,  son  of  Atys, 
from  whom  this  whole  people,  anciently  called  Maeonians,  de- 
rived the  name  of  Lydians.  The  Heraclidae,  descended  from 
a  female  slave  of  Jardanus  and  Hercules,  having  been  in- 
trusted with  the  government  by  these  princes,  retained  the 
supreme  power  in  obedience  to  the  declaration  of  an  oracle ; 
they  reigned  for  twenty-two  generations,  a  space  of  five  hun- 
dred and  five  years,  the  son  succeeding  to  the  father  to  the 
time  of  Candaules,  son  of  Myrsus.  This  Candaules  was 
enamoured  of  his  own  wife,  and  being  so,  thought  that  she 
was  by  far  the  most  beautiful  of  all  women.  Now  being  of  this 
opinion — Gyges,  son  of  Dascylus,  one  of  his  body-guard,  hap- 
pened to  be  his  especial  favourite,  and  to  him  Candaules  con- 
fided his  most  important  affairs,  and  moreover  extolled  the 
beauty  of  his  wife  in  exaggerated  terms.  In  lapse  of  time 
(for  Candaules  was  fated  to  be  miserable)  he  addressed  Gyges 
as  follows :  "  Gyges,  as  I  think  you  do  not  believe  me  when 
I  speak  of  my  wife's  beauty  (for  the  ears  of  men  are  naturally 
more  incredulous  than  their  eyes),  you  must  contrive  to  see 
her  naked."  But  he,  exclaiming  loudly,  answered :  "  Sire, 
what  a  shocking  proposal  do  you  make,  bidding  me  behold 
my  queen  naked!  With  her  clothes  a  woman  puts  off  her 
modesty.  Wise  maxims  have  been  of  old  laid  down  by  men ; 
from  these  it  is  our  duty  to  learn :  among  them  is  the  follow- 
ing, '  Let  every  man  look  to  the  things  that  concern  himself.' 
I  am  persuaded  that  she  is  the  most  beautiful  of  her  sex,  but 
I  entreat  of  you  not  to  require  what  is  wicked."  Saying  thus, 
Gyges  fought  off  the  proposal,  dreading  lest  some  harm  should 
befall  himself :  but  the  king  answered :  "  Gyges,  take  cour- 
age, and  be  not  afraid  of  me,  as  if  I  desired  to  make  trial  of 
you,  by  speaking  thus,  nor  of  my  wife,  lest  any  harm  should 
befall  you  from  her.  For  from  the  outset  I  will  so  contrive 
that  she  shall  not  know  she  has  been  seen  by  you.  I  will 
place  you  behind  the  open  door  of  the  apartment  in  which 
we  sleep ;  as  soon  as  I  enter  my  wife  will  come  to  bed ;  by 
the  entrance  stands  a  chair ;  on  this  she  will  lay  her  garments 
one  by  one  as  she  takes  them  off,  and  then  she  will  give  you 
an  opportunity  to  look  at  her  at  your  leisure;  but  when  she 
steps  from  the  chair  to  the  bed,  and  you  are  at  her  back,  be 


9-i2j  GYGES  AND  CANDAULES  5 

careful  that  she  does  not  see  you  as  you  are  going  out  by 
the  door."  Gyges  therefore,  finding  he  could  not  escape,  pre- 
pared to  obey.  And  Candaules,  when  it  seemed  to  be  time  to 
go  to  bed,  led  him  to  the  chamber,  and  the  lady  soon  after- 
ward appeared,  and  Gyges  saw  her  enter  and  lay  her  clothes 
on  the  chair :  when  he  was  at  her  back,  as  the  lady  was  going 
to  bed,  he  crept  secretly  out,  but  she  saw  him  as  he  was  going 
away.  Perceiving  what  her  husband  had  done,  she  neither 
cried  out  through  modesty  nor  appeared  to  notice  it,  pur- 
posing to  take  vengeance  on  Candaules ;  for  among  the  Lydi- 
ans  and  almost  all  the  barbarians  it  is  deemed  a  great  disgrace 
even  for  a  man  to  be  seen  naked. 

At  the  time,  therefore,  having  shown  no  consciousness  of 
what  had  occurred,  she  held  her  peace,  and  as  soon  as  it  was 
day,  having  prepared  such  of  her  domestics  as  she  knew  were 
most  to  be  trusted,  she  sent  for  Gyges.  He,  supposing  that 
she  knew  nothing  of  what  had  happened,  came  when  he  was 
sent  for,  for  he  had  been  before  used  to  attend  whenever  the 
queen  sent  for  him.  When  Gyges  came,  the  lady  thus  ad- 
dressed him :  "  Gyges,  I  submit  two  proposals  to  your  choice  : 
either  kill  Candaules  and  take  possession  of  me  and  of  the 
Lydian  kingdom,  or  expect  immediate  death,  so  that  you  may 
not,  from  your  obedience  to  Candaules  in  all  things,  again  see 
what  you  ought  not.  It  is  necessary  that  he  who  planned  this, 
or  that  you  who  have  seen  me  naked,  and  have  done  what  is 
not  decorous,  should  die."  Gyges  for  a  time  was  amazed  at 
what  he  heard ;  but  afterward  he  implored  her  not  to  com- 
pel him  to  make  such  a  choice.  He,  however,  could  not  per- 
suade, but  saw  a  necessity  imposed  on  him,  either  to  kill  his 
master  Candaules  or  die  himself  by  the  hands  of  others ;  he 
chose,  therefore,  to  survive,  and  made  the  following  inquiry: 
"  Since  you  compel  me  to  kill  my  master  against  my  will,  tell 
me  how  we  shall  lay  hands  on  him."  She  answered :  "  The 
assault  shall  be  made  from  the  very  spot  whence  he  showed 
me  naked;  the  attack  shall  be  made  on  him  while  asleep." 
When  they  had  concerted  their  plan,  on  the  approach  of  night 
he  followed  the  lady  to  the  chamber:  then  (for  Gyges  was 
not  suffered  to  depart,  nor  was  there  any  possibility  of  escape, 
but  either  he  or  Candaules  must  needs  perish),  she,  having 
given  him  a  dagger,  concealed  him  behind  the  same  door :  and 
after  this,  when  Candaules  was  asleep,  Gyges  having  crept 
stealthily  up  and  slain  him,  possessed  himself  both  of  the 
woman  and  of  the  kingdom.    Of  this  event,  also,  Archilochus  * 

1  Archilochus  was  one  of  the  earliest  writers  of  iambics.     All  that  re- 
mains of  his  writing  is  to  be  met  with  in  Brunck's  "Analecta." 


6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,    CLIO  [12-16 

the  Parian,  who  lived  about  the  same  time,  has  made  mention 
in  a  trimeter  iambic  poem.  Thus  Gyges  obtained  the  king- 
dom, and  was  confirmed  in  it  by  the  oracle  at  Delphi.  For 
when  the  Lydians  resented  the  murder  of  Candaules,  and  were 
up  in  arms,  the  partisans  of  Gyges  and  the  other  Lydians 
came  to  the  following  agreement,  that  if  the  oracle  should 
pronounce  him  king  of  the  Lydians,  he  should  reign ;  if  not, 
he  should  restore  the  power  to  the  Heraclidae.  The  oracle 
answered  accordingly,  and  so  Gyges  became  king.  But  the 
Pythian  added  this,  "  that  the  Heraclidae  should  be  avenged 
on  the  fifth  descendant  of  Gyges."  Of  this  prediction  neither 
the  Lydians  nor  their  kings  took  any  notice  until  it  was  ac- 
tually accomplished. 

Thus  the  Mermnadae,  having  deprived  the  Heraclidse,  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  supreme  power.  Gyges  having  ob- 
tained the  kingdom,  sent  many  offerings  to  Delphi ;  for  most 
of  the  silver  offerings  at  Delphi  are  his :  and  besides  the  sil- 
ver, he  gave  a  vast  quantity  of  gold;  and  among  the  rest, 
what  is  especially  worthy  of  mention,  the  bowls  of  gold,  six 
in  number,  were  dedicated  by  him :  these  now  stand  in  the 
treasury  of  the  Corinthians,  and  are  thirty  talents  in  weight ; 
though,  to  say  the  truth,  this  treasury  does  not  belong  to  the 
people  of  Corinth,  but  to  Cypselus,  son  of  Eetion.  This  Gyges 
is  the  first  of  the  barbarians  whom  we  know  of  that  dedicated 
offerings  at  Delphi ;  except  Midas,  son  of  Gordius,  King  of 
Phrygia,  for  Midas  dedicated  the  royal  throne,  on  which  he 
used  to  sit  and  administer  justice,  a  piece  of  workmanship 
deserving  of  admiration.  This  throne  stands  in  the  same 
place  as  the  bowls  of  Gyges.  This  gold  and  silver  which 
Gyges  dedicated  is  by  the  Delphians  called  Gygian,  from  the 
name  of  the  donor.  Now  this  prince,  when  he  obtained  the 
sovereignty,  led  an  army  against  Miletus  and  Smyrna,  and 
took  the  city  of  Colophon ;  but  as  he  performed  no  other 
great  action  during  his  reign  of  eight  and  thirty  years,  we 
will  pass  him  over,  having  made  this  mention  of  him.  I  will 
proceed  to  mention  Ardys,  the  son  and  successor  of  Gyges. 
He  took  Priene,  and  invaded  Miletus.  During  the  time  that 
he  reigned  at  Sardis,  the  Cimmerians,  being  driven  from  their 
seats  by  the  Scythian  nomads,  passed  into  Asia,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  all  Sardis  except  the  citadel. 

When  Ardys  had  reigned  forty-nine  years,  his  son  Sady- 
attes  succeeded  him,  and  reigned  twelve  years ;  and  Alyattes 
succeeded  Sadyattes.  He  made  war  upon  Cyaxares,  a  de- 
scendant of  Deioces,  and  upon  the  Medes.  He  drove  the 
Cimmerians  out  of  Asia;  took  Smyrna,  which  was  founded 


16-19]  CONQUESTS   OF   THE   LYDIANS  7 

from  Colophon,  and  invaded  Clazomenae.  From  this  place 
he  departed,  not  as  he  could  wish,  but  signally  defeated.  He 
also  performed  in  the  course  of  his  reign  the  following  actions 
worthy  of  mention :  he  continued  the  war  which  his  father 
had  begun  against  the  Milesians,  and  leading  his  army 
against  Miletus,  he  invaded  it  in  the  following  manner :  when 
their  fruits  were  ripe  on  the  ground,  he  led  his  army  into  their 
territory,  attended  in  his  march  with  pipes,  harps,  and  flutes, 
masculine  and  feminine.  On  his  arrival  in  Milesia,  he  nei- 
ther demolished  nor  burned  their  country  houses,  nor  forced 
off  the  doors,  but  let  them  stand  as  they  were ;  but  when  he 
had  destroyed  their  trees  and  the  fruits  on  the  ground,  he  re- 
turned home;  for  the  Milesians  were  masters  of  the  sea,  so 
that  there  was  no  use  in  the  army's  besieging  it.  And  the 
Lydian  king  would  not  destroy  their  houses  for  this  reason, 
that  the  Milesians,  having  those  habitations,  might  come  out 
to  sow  and  cultivate  the  ground,  and  when  they  had  culti- 
vated it,  he  might  have  something  to  ravage,  when  he  should 
invade  them  with  his  army.  In  this  manner  he  carried  on 
the  war  eleven  years,  during  which  the  Milesians  received 
two  great  blows,  one  in  a  battle  at  Limeneion  in  their  own 
territory,  the  other  in  the  plain  of  the  Maeander.  Six  of  these 
eleven  years  Sadyattes,  the  son  of  Ardys,  was  still  king  of 
the  Lydians,  and  during  those  he  made  incursions  into  the 
Milesian  territory  (for  this  Sadyattes  was  the  person  that 
began  the  war).  But  during  the  five  years  that  succeeded 
the  six,  Alyattes,  the  son  of  Sadyattes,  who  (as  I  have  before 
mentioned)  received  it  from  his  father,  earnestly  applied  him- 
self to  it.  None  of  the  Ionians,  except  the  Chians,  assisted 
the  Milesians  in  bearing  the  burden  of  this  war:  they  did  it 
in  requital  for  succour  they  had  received;  for  formerly  the 
Milesians  had  assisted  the  Chians  in  prosecuting  the  war 
against  the  Erythraeans. 

In  the  twelfth  year,  when  the  corn  had  been  set  on  fire 
by  the  army,  an  accident  of  the  following  nature  occurred: 
as  soon  as  the  corn  had  caught  fire,  the  flames,  carried  by 
the  wind,  caught  a  temple  of  Minerva,  called  Assesian ; x  and 
the  temple,  thus  set  on  fire,  was  burned  to  the  ground.  No 
notice  was  taken  of  this  at  the  time ;  but  afterward,  when  the 
army  had  returned  to  Sardis,  Alyattes  fell  sick.  When  the 
disease  continued  a  considerable  time,  he  sent  messengers  to 
Delphi  to  consult  the  oracle,  either  from  the  advice  of  some 
friend  or  because  it  appeared  right  to  himself  to  send  and 

1  Assesus  was  a  small  town  dependent  on   Miletus.     Minerva  had  a 
temple  there,  and  hence  took  the  name  of  the  Assesian  Minerva.— Larcher. 


8  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [19-23 

make  inquiries  of  the  god  concerning  his  disorder.  The  Pyth- 
ian refused  to  give  any  answer  to  the  messengers  when  they 
arrived  at  Delphi  until  they  had  rebuilt  the  Temple  of 
Minerva  which  they  had  burned  at  Assesus  in  the  territory 
of  Milesia.  This  relation  I  had  from  the  Delphians:  but  the 
Milesians  add  that  Periander,  the  son  of  Cypselus,  who  was 
a  very  intimate  friend  of  Thrasybulus,  at  that  time  King  of 
Miletus,  having  heard  of  the  answer  given  to  Alyattes,  de- 
spatched a  messenger  to  inform  him  of  it,  in  order  that,  being 
aware  of  it  beforehand,  he  might  form  his  plans  according 
to  present  circumstances.  This  is  the  Milesian  account.  Aly- 
attes, when  the  above  answer  was  brought  to  him,  immedi- 
ately sent  a  herald  to  Miletus,  desiring  to  make  a  truce  with 
Thrasybulus  and  the  Milesians  till  such  time  as  he  should 
h:.ve  rebuilt  the  temple.  The  herald  accordingly  went  on  this 
mission  to  Miletus.  But  Thrasybulus  being  accurately  in- 
formed of  the  whole  matter,  and  knowing  the  design  of  Aly- 
attes, had  recourse  to  the  following  artifice :  having  collected 
in  the  market-place  all  the  corn  that  was  in  the  city,  both  his 
own  and  what  belonged  to  private  persons,  he  made  a  proc- 
lamation, that  when  he  gave  the  signal  all  the  inhabitants 
should  feast  together.  Thrasybulus  contrived  and  ordered 
this,  to  the  end  that  the  Sardian  herald,  seeing  so  great  a  pro- 
fusion of  corn,  and  the  people  enjoying  themselves,  might 
report  accordingly  to  Alyattes ;  and  so  it  came  to  pass.  For 
when  the  herald  had  seen  these  things,  and  delivered  to 
Thrasybulus  the  message  of  the  Lydian  king,  he  returned  to 
Sardis ;  and,  as  I  am  informed,  a  reconciliation  was  brought 
about  for  no  other  reason.  For  Alyattes  expecting  that  there 
was  a  great  scarcity  of  corn  in  Miletus,  and  that  the  people 
were  reduced  to  extreme  distress,  received  from  the  herald 
on  his  return  from  Miletus  an  account  quite  contrary  to  what 
he  expected.  Soon  afterward  a  reconciliation  took  place  be- 
tween them,  on  terms  of  mutual  friendship  and  alliance.  And 
Alyattes  built  two  temples  to  Minerva  at  Assesus,  instead  of 
one,  and  himself  recovered  from  sickness.  Such  were  the 
circumstances  of  the  war  that  Alyattes  made  against  Thrasy- 
bulus and  the  Milesians. 

Periander  was  the  son  of  Cypselus — he  it  was  who  ac- 
quainted Thrasybulus  with  the  answer  of  the  oracle.  Now, 
Periander  was  King  of  Corinth,  and  the  Corinthians  say  (and 
the  Lesbians  confirm  their  account)  that  a  wonderful  prodigy 
occurred  in  his  lifetime.  They  say  that  Arion  of  Methymna, 
who  was  second  to  none  of  his  time  in  accompanying  the  harp, 
and  who  was  the  first  that  we  are  acquainted  with  who  com- 


23-25]  THE   STORY  OF  ARION  9 

posed,  named,  and  represented  the  dithyrambus  at  Corinth, 
was  carried  to  Tsenarus  on  the  back  of  a  dolphin.  They  say 
that  this  Arion,  having  continued  a  long  time  with  Periander, 
was  desirous  of  making  a  voyage  to  Italy  and  Sicily ;  and  that 
having  acquired  great  wealth,  he  determined  to  return  to 
Corinth :  that  he  set  out  from  Tarentum,  and  hired  a  ship 
of  certain  Corinthians,  because  he  put  more  confidence  in 
them  than  in  any  other  nation;  but  that  these  men,  when 
they  were  in  the  open  sea,  conspired  together  to  throw  him 
overboard  and  seize  his  money,  and  he  being  aware  of  this, 
offered  them  his  money,  and  entreated  them  to  spare  his  life. 
However,  he  could  not  prevail  on  them ;  but  the  sailors  or- 
dered him  either  to  kill  himself,  that  he  might  be  buried 
ashore,  or  to  leap  immediately  into  the  sea.  They  add,  that 
Arion,  reduced  to  this  strait,  entreated  them,  since  such  was 
their  determination,  to  permit  him  to  stand  on  the  poop  in 
his  full  dress  and  sing,  and  he  promised  when  he  had  sung 
to  make  away  with  himself.  The  seamen,  pleased  that  they 
should  hear  the  best  singer  in  the  world,  retired  from  the  stern 
to  the  middle  of  the  vessel.  They  relate,  that  Arion,  having 
put  on  all  his  robes,  and  taken  his  harp,  stood  on  the  rowing 
benches  and  went  through  the  Orthian  strain ;  that  when  the 
strain  was  ended  he  leaped  into  the  sea  as  he  was,  in  his  full 
dress ;  and  the  sailors  continued  their  voyage  to  Corinth. 
But  they  say  that  a  dolphin  received  him  on  his  back,  and 
carried  him  to  Taenarus ;  and  that  he,  having  landed,  pro- 
ceeded to  Corinth  in  his  full  dress,  and  upon  his  arrival  there 
related  all  that  had  happened;  but  that  Periander,  giving 
no  credit  to  his  relation,  put  Arion  under  close  confinement, 
and  watched  anxiously  for  the  seamen :  that  when  they  ap- 
peared, he  summoned  them  and  inquired  if  they  could  give 
any  account  of  Arion ;  but  when  they  answered  that  he 
was  safe  in  Italy,  and  that  they  had  left  him  flourishing 
at  Tarentum,  Arion  in  that  instant  appeared  before  them 
just  as  he  was  when  he  leaped  into  the  sea ;  at  which  they 
were  so  astonished  that,  being  fully  convicted,  they  could 
no  longer  deny  the  fact.  These  things  are  reported  by 
the  Corinthians  and  Lesbians ;  and  there  is  a  small  brazen 
statue  of  Arion  at  Taenarus,  representing  a  man  sitting  on 
a  dolphin. 

Alyattes,  the  Lydian,  having  waged  this  long  war  against 
the  Milesians,  afterward  died,  when  he  had  reigned  fifty-seven 
years.  On  his  recovery  from  sickness  he  was  the  second  of 
his  family  that  dedicated  at  Delphi  a  large  silver  bowl,  with 
a  saucer  of  iron  inlaid ;  an  object  that  deserves  attention  above 


IO  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [25-29 

all  the  offerings  at  Delphi.  It  was  made  by  Glaucus  the  Chian, 
who  first  invented  the  art  of  inlaying  iron. 

After  the  death  of  Alyattes,  his  son  Croesus,  who  was  then 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  succeeded  to  the  kingdom.  He  at- 
tacked the  Ephesians  before  any  other  Grecian  people.  The 
Ephesians,  being  besieged  by  him,  consecrated  their  city 
to  Diana,  by  fastening  a  rope  from  the  temple  to  the  wall. 
The  distance  between  the  old  town,  which  was  then  besieged, 
and  the  temple  is  seven  stadia.  Croesus  then  attacked  these 
the  first,  and  afterward  the  several  cities  of  the  Ionians  and 
^Eolians  one  after  another,  alleging  different  pretences  against 
different  states,  imputing  graver  charges  against  those  in 
whom  he  was  able  to  discover  greater  causes  of  blame,  and 
against  some  of  them  alleging  frivolous  pretences.  After  he 
had  reduced  the  Grecians  in  Asia  to  the  payment  of  tribute, 
he  formed  a  design  to  build  ships  and  attack  the  Islanders. 
But  when  all  things  were  ready  for  the  building  of  ships,  Bias 
of  Priene  (or,  as  others  say,  Pittacus  of  Mitylene),  arriving 
at  Sardis,  put  a  stop  to  his  ship-building,  by  making  this  reply, 
when  Croesus  inquired  if  he  had  any  news  from  Greece :  "  O 
king,  the  Islanders  are  enlisting  a  large  body  of  cavalry,  with 
intention  to  make  war  upon  you  and  Sardis."  Croesus,  think- 
ing he  had  spoken  the  truth,  said,  "  May  the  gods  put  such 
a  thought  into  the  Islanders  as  to  attack  the  sons  of  the  Lydi- 
ans  with  horse."  The  other  answering  said :  "  Sire,  you  ap- 
pear to  wish  above  all  things  to  see  the  Islanders  on  horse- 
back upon  the  continent ;  and  not  without  reason.  But  what 
can  you  imagine  the  Islanders  more  earnestly  desire,  after 
having  heard  of  your  resolution  to  build  a  fleet  in  order  to 
attack  them,  than  to  catch  the  Lydians  at  sea,  that  they  may 
revenge  on  you  the  cause  of  those  Greeks  who  dwell  on  the 
continent,  whom  you  hold  in  subjection?  "  It  is  related,  that 
Croesus  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  conclusion,  and  that, 
being  convinced  (for  he  appeared  to  speak  to  the  purpose), 
he  put  a  stop  to  the  ship-building,  and  made  an  alliance  with 
the  Ionians  that  inhabit  the  islands.  i 

In  course  of  time  nearly  all  the  nation^  that  dwelt  with- 
in the  river  Halys,  except  the  Cilicians  and  Lycians,  were 
subdued;  for  Croesus  held  all  the  rest  in  subjection:  and 
they  were  the  following:  the  Lydians,  Phrygians,  Mysians, 
Mariandynians,  Chalybians,  Paphlagonians,  Thracians,  both 
the  Thynians  and  Bithynians,  Carians,  Ionians,  Dorians,  yEoli- 
ans,  and  Pamphylians.  When  these  nations  were  subdued, 
and  Croesus  had  added  them  to  the  Lydians,  all  the  other  wise 
men  of  that  time,  as  each  had  opportunity,  came  from  Greece 


29-31]  CROESUS   QUESTIONS   SOLON  || 

to  Sardis,  which  had  then  attained  to  the  highest  degree  of 
prosperity;  and  among  them  Solon,  an  Athenian,  who,  hav- 
ing made  laws  for  the  Athenians  at  their  request,  absented 
himself  for  ten  years,  having  sailed  away  under  pretence  of 
seeing  the  world,  that  he  might  not  be  compelled  to  abro- 
gate any  of  the  laws  he  had  established:  for  the  Athenians 
could  not  do  it  themselves,  since  they  were  bound  by  solemn 
oaths  to  observe  for  ten  years  whatever  laws  Solon  should 
enact  for  them.  Solon,  therefore,  having  gone  abroad  for 
these  reasons,  and  for  the  purpose  of  observation,  arrived  in 
Egypt  at  the  court  of  Amasis,  and  afterward  at  that  of  Crcesus 
at  Sardis.  On  his  arrival  he  was  hospitably  entertained  by 
Crcesus,  and  on  the  third  or  fourth  day,  by  order  of  the  king, 
the  attendants  conducted  him  round  the  treasury,  and  showed 
him  all  their  grand  and  costly  contents;  and  when  he  had 
seen  and  examined  everything  sufficiently,  Crcesus  asked  him 
this  question :  "  My  Athenian  guest,  your  great  fame  has 
reached  even  to  us,  as  well  of  your  wisdom  as  of  your  travels, 
how  that  as  a  philosopher  you  have  travelled  through  various 
countries  for  the  purpose  of  observation ;  I  am  therefore  de- 
sirous of  asking  you,  who  is  the  most  happy  man  you  have 
seen  ?  "  He  asked  this  question,  because  he  thought  himself 
the  most  happy  of  men.  But  Solon,  speaking  the  truth  freely, 
without  any  flattery,  answered,  "  Tellus  the  Athenian."  Crce- 
sus, astonished  at  his  answer,  eagerly  asked  him,  "  On 
what  account  do  you  deem  Tellus  the  happiest  ?  "  He  replied : 
"  Tellus,  in  the  first  place,  lived  in  a  well-governed  common- 
wealth ;  had  sons  who  were  virtuous  and  good ;  and  he  saw 
children  born  to  them  all,  and  all  surviving :  in  the  next  place, 
when  he  had  lived  as  happily  as  the  condition  of  human  affairs 
will  permit,  he  ended  his  life  in  a  most  glorious  manner.  For 
coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  Athenians  in  a  battle  with 
their  neighbours  of  Eleusis,  he  put  the  enemy  to  flight,  and 
died  nobly.  The  Athenians  buried  him  at  the  public  charge 
in  the  place  where  he  fell,  and  honoured  him  greatly." 

When  Solon  had  aroused  the  attention  of  Crcesus  by  relat- 
ing many  and  happy  circumstances  concerning  Tellus,  Crce- 
sus, expecting  at  least  to  obtain  the  second  place,  asked  whom 
he  had  seen  next  to  him.  "  Cleobis,"  said  he,  "  and  Biton, 
for  they,  being  natives  of  Argos,  possessed  a  sufficient  for- 
tune, and  had  withal  such  strength  of  body  that  they  were 
both  alike  victorious  in  the  public  games.  And  moreover  the 
following  story  is  related  of  them :  when  the  Argives  were 
celebrating  a  festival  of  Juno,  it  was  necessary  that  their 
mother  should  be  drawn  to  the  temple  in  a  chariot ;  the  oxen 


12  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [31-32 

did  not  come  from  the  field  in  time,  and  the  young  men 
therefore,  being  pressed  for  time,  put  themselves  beneath  the 
yoke,  and  drew  the  car  in  which  their  mother  sat ;  and  hav- 
ing conveyed  it  forty-five  stadia,  they  reached  the  temple. 
After  they  had  done  this  in  sight  of  the  assembled  people,  a 
most  happy  termination  was  put  to  their  lives;  and  in  them 
the  Deity  clearly  showed  that  it  is  better  for  a  man  to  die  than 
to  live.  For  the  men  of  Argos,  who  stood  round,  commended 
the  strength  of  the  youths,  and  the  women  blessed  her  as  the 
mother  of  such  sons ;  but  the  mother  herself,  transported  with 
joy  both  on  account  of  the  action  and  its  renown,  stood  be- 
fore the  image  and  prayed  that  the  goddess  would  grant  to 
Cleobis  and  Biton,  her  own  sons,  who  had  so  highly  honoured 
her,  the  greatest  blessing  man  could  receive.  After  this  prayer, 
when  they  had  sacrificed  and  partaken  of  the  feast,  the  youths 
fell  asleep  in  the  temple  itself,  and  never  awoke  more,  but 
met  with  such  a  termination  of  life.  Upon  this  the  Argives, 
in  commemoration  of  their  piety,  caused  their  statues  to  be 
made  and  dedicated  at  Delphi."  Thus  Solon  adjudged  the 
second  place  of  felicity  to  these  youths.  But  Croesus,  being 
enraged,  said,  "  My  Athenian  friend,  is  my  happiness  then  so 
slighted  by  you  as  nothing  worth,  that  you  do  not  think  me 
of  so  much  value  as  private  men  ?  "  He  answered :  "  Croesus, 
do  you  inquire  of  me  concerning  human  affairs — of  me,  who 
know  that  the  divinity  is  always  jealous,  and  delights  in  con- 
fusion ?  For  in  lapse  of  time  men  are  constrained  to  see  many 
things  they  would  not  willingly  see,  and  to  suffer  many  things 
they  would  not  willingly  suffer.  Now  I  put  the  term  of  man's 
life  at  seventy  years ;  these  seventy  years  then  give  twenty- 
five  thousand  two  hundred  days,  without  including  the  inter- 
calary month ;  and  if  we  add  that  month  '  to  every  other  year, 
in  order  that  the  seasons  arriving  at  the  proper  time  may 
agree,  the  intercalary  months  will  be  thirty-five  more  in  the 
seventy  years,  and  the  days  of  these  months  will  be  one  thou- 
sand and  fifty.  Yet  in  all  this  number  of  twenty-six  thousand 
two  hundred  and  fifty  days,  that  compose  these  seventy  years, 
one  day  produces  nothing  exactly  the  same  as  another.  Thus, 
then,  O  Croesus,  man  is  altogether  the  sport  of  fortune.  You 
appear  to  me  to  be  master  of  immense  treasures,  and  king 
of  many  nations ;  but  as  relates  to  what  you  inquire  of  me, 
I  can  not  say  till  I  hear  you  have  ended  your  life  happily.    For 

1  If  the  first  number  25,200  is  correct,  it  follows  that  the  year  was  360 
days;  if  the  number  of  intercalary  days  was  1,050  in  70  years,  there  will 
be  altogether  26,259,  which  will  give  375  days  to  the  year ;  so  that  in  spite 
of  the  precaution  the  seasons  will  be  confused. — Larcher. 


32-34]  THE  WISDOM   OF  SOLON  1 3 

the  richest  of  men  is  not  more  happy  than  he  that  has  a  suf- 
ficiency for  a  day  unless  good  fortune  attend  him  to  the  grave, 
so  that  he  ends  his  life  in  happiness.  Many  men  who  abound 
in  wealth  are  unhappy ;  and  many  who  have  only  a  moderate 
competency  are  fortunate.  He  that  abounds  in  wealth,  and 
is  yet  unhappy,  surpasses  the  other  only  in  two  things;  but 
the  other  surpasses  the  wealthy  and  the  miserable  in  many 
things.  The  former,  indeed,  is  better  able  to  gratify  desire, 
and  to  bear  the  blow  of  adversity.  But  the  latter  surpasses 
him  in  this ;  he  is  not  indeed  equally  able  to  bear  misfortune 
or  satisfy  desire,  but  his  good  fortune  wards  off  these  things 
from  him;  and  he  enjoys  the  full  use  of  his  limbs,  he  is  free 
from  disease  and  misfortune,  he  is  blessed  with  good  children 
and  a  fine  form,  and  if,  in  addition  to  all  these  things,  he  shall 
end  his  life  well,  he  is  the  man  you  seek,  and  may  justly  be 
called  happy;  but  before  he  die  we  ought  to  suspend  our 
judgment,  and  not  pronounce  him  happy,  but  fortunate.  Now 
it  is  impossible  for  any  one  man  to  comprehend  all  these  ad- 
vantages: as  no  one  country  suffices  to  produce  everything 
for  itself,  but  affords  some  and  wants  others,  and  that  which 
affords  the  most  is  the  best;  so  no  human  being  is  in  all  re- 
spects self-sufficient,  but  possesses  one  advantage,  and  is  in 
need  of  another;  he  therefore  who  has  constantly  enjoyed 
the  most  of  these,  and  then  ends  his  life  tranquilly,  this  man, 
in  my  judgment,  O  king,  deserves  the  name  of  happy.  We 
ought  therefore  to  consider  the  end  of  everything,  in  what 
way  it  will  terminate ;  for  the  Deity  having  shown  a  glimpse 
of  happiness  to  many,  has  afterward  utterly  overthrown  them." 
When  he  spoke  thus  to  Crcesus,  Crcesus  did  not  confer  any 
favour  on  him,  and  holding  him  in  no  account,  dismissed  him ; 
for  he  considered  him  a  very  ignorant  man,  because  he  over- 
looked present  prosperity,  and  bade  men  look  to  the  end  of 
everything. 

After  the  departure  of  Solon,  the  indignation  of  the  gods 
fell  heavily  upon  Crcesus,  probably  because  he  thought  himself 
the  most  happy  of  all  men.  A  dream  soon  after  visited  him 
while  sleeping,  which  pointed  out  to  him  the  truth  of  the  mis- 
fortunes that  were  about  to  befall  him  in  the  person  of  one 
of  his  sons.  For  Crcesus  had  two  sons,  of  whom  one  was 
grievously  afflicted,  for  he  was  dumb ;  but  the  other,  whose 
name  was  Atys,  far  surpassed  all  the  young  men  of  his  age. 
Now  the  dream  intimated  to  Crcesus  that  he  would  lose  this 
Atys  by  a  wound  inflicted  by  the  point  of  an  iron  weapon ; 
he,  when  he  awoke,  and  had  considered  the  matter  with  him- 
self, dreading  the  dream,  provided  a  wife  for  his  son;  and 


14  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [34-37 

though  he  was  accustomed  to  command  the  Lydian  troops, 
he  did  not  ever  after  send  him  out  on  that  business ;  and 
causing  all  spears,  lances,  and  such  other  weapons  as  men  use 
in  war  to  be  removed  from  the  men's  apartments,  he  had  them 
laid  up  in  private  chambers,  that  none  of  them  being  sus- 
pended might  fall  upon  his  son.  While  Croesus  was  engaged 
with  the  nuptials  of  his  son,  a  man  oppressed  by  misfortune, 
and  whose  hands  were  polluted,  a  Phrygian  by  birth,  and  of 
royal  family,  arrived  at  Sardis.  This  man,  having  come  to 
the  palace  of  Croesus,  sought  permission  to  obtain  purification 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  country.  Croesus  purified  him 
(now  the  manner  of  expiation  is  nearly  the  same  among  the 
Lydians  and  the  Greeks) ;  and  when  he  had  performed  the 
usual  ceremonies,  Croesus  inquired  whence  he  came,  and  who 
he  was,  speaking  to  him  as  follows  :  "  Stranger,  who  art  thou, 
and  from  what  part  of  Phrygia  hast  thou  come  as  a  suppliant 
to  my  hearth  ?  and  what  man  or  woman  hast  thou  slain  ?  " 
The  stranger  answered :  "  Sire,  I  am  the  son  of  Gordius,  son 
of  Midas,  and  am  called  Adrastus;  having  unwittingly  slain 
my  own  brother,  and  being  banished  by  my  father  and  de- 
prived of  everything,  I  am  come  hither."  Croesus  answered 
as  follows :  "  You  are  born  of  parents  who  are  our  friends, 
and  you  are  come  to  friends,  among  whom,  if  you  will  stay, 
you  shall  want  nothing;  and  by  bearing  your  misfortune  as 
lightly  as  possible,  you  will  be  the  greatest  gainer."  So  Adras- 
tus took  up  his  abode  in  the  palace  of  Croesus. 

At  this  same  time  a  boar  of  enormous  size  appeared  in 
Mysian  Olympus,  and,  rushing  down  from  that  mountain, 
ravaged  the  fields  of  the  Mysians.  The  Mysians,  though  they 
often  went  out  against  him,  could  not  hurt  him,  but  suffered 
much  from  him.  At  last  deputies  from  the  Mysians  having 
come  to  Croesus,  spoke  as  follows :  "  O  king,  a  boar  of  enor- 
mous size  has  appeared  in  our  country,  and  ravages  our  fields : 
though  we  have  often  endeavoured  to  take  him,  we  can  not. 
We  therefore  earnestly  beg  that  you  would  send  with  us  your 
son  and  some  chosen  youths  with  dogs,  that  we  may  drive  him 
from  the  country."  Such  was  their  entreaty,  but  Croesus, 
remembering  the  warning  of  his  dream,  answered :  "  Make  no 
further  mention  of  my  son,  for  I  shall  not  send  him  with 
you,  because  he  is  lately  married,  and  that  now  occupies  his 
attention;  but  I  will  send  with  you  chosen  Lydians,  and  the 
whole  hunting  train,  and  will  order  them  to  assist  you  with 
their  best  endeavours  in  driving  the  monster  from  your  coun- 
try." Such  was  his  answer ;  and  when  the  Mysians  were  con- 
tent with  this,  the  son  of  Croesus,  who  had  heard  of  their 


37-40  ATYS   AND   ADRASTUS  1 5 

request,  came  in ;  and  when  Crcesus  refused  to  send  him  with 
them,  the  youth  thus  addressed  him :  "  Father,  in  time  past 
I  was  permitted  to  signalize  myself  in  the  two  most  noble 
and  becoming  exercises  of  war  and  hunting;  but  now  you 
keep  me  excluded  from  both,  without  having  observed  in  me 
either  cowardice  or  want  of  spirit.  How  will  men  look  on 
me  when  I  go  or  return  from  the  forum  ?  What  kind  of  man 
shall  I  appear  to  my  fellow-citizens  ?  What  to  my  newly  mar- 
ried wife?  What  kind  of  man  will  she  think  she  has  for  a 
partner?  Either  suffer  me  then  to  go  to  this  hunt,  or  con- 
vince me  that  it  is  better  for  me  to  do  as  you  would  have  me." 
"  My  son,"  answered  Crcesus,  "  I  act  thus,  not  because  I  have 
seen  any  cowardice,  or  anything  else  unbecoming  in  you ; 
but  a  vision  in  a  dream  appearing  to  me  in  my  sleep  warned 
me  that  you  would  be  short-lived,  and  would  die  by  the  point 
of  an  iron  weapon.  On  account  of  this  vision  therefore 
I  hastened  your  marriage,  and  now  refuse  to  send  you  on  this 
expedition,  taking  care  to  preserve  you,  if  by  any  means  I 
can,  as  long  as  I  live,  for  you  are  my  only  son;  the  other, 
who  is  deprived  of  his  hearing,  I  consider  as  lost."  The  youth 
answered :  "  You  are  not  to  blame,  my  father,  if  after  such  a 
dream  you  take  so  much  care  of  me;  but  it  is  right  for  me 
to  explain  that  which  you  do  not  comprehend,  and  which  has 
escaped  your  notice  in  the  dream.  You  say  the  dream  signi- 
fied that  I  should  die  by  the  point  of  an  iron  weapon.  But 
what  hand,  or  what  pointed  iron  weapon  has  a  boar,  to  occa- 
sion such  fears  in  you?  Had  it  said  I  should  lose  my  life  by 
a  tusk,  or  something  of  like  nature,  you  ought  then  to  have 
done  as  you  now  do ;  whereas  it  said  by  the  point  of  a  weapon ; 
since  then  we  have  not  to  contend  against  men,  let  me  go." 
"  You  have  surpassed  me,"  replied  Crcesus,  "  in  explaining 
the  import  of  the  dream ;  therefore,  being  overcome  by  you, 
I  change  my  resolution,  and  permit  you  to  go  to  the  chase." 

Crcesus,  having  thus  spoken,  sent  for  the  Phrygian  Adras- 
tus,  and,  when  he  came,  addressed  him  as  follows :  "  Adras- 
tus,  I  purified  you  when  smitten  by  a  grievous  misfortune, 
which  I  do  not  upbraid  you  with,  and  have  received  you  into 
my  house,  and  supplied  you  with  everything  necessary.  Now 
therefore  (for  it  is  your  duty  to  requite  me  with  kindness, 
since  I  have  first  conferred  a  kindness  on  you)  I  beg  you 
would  be  my  son's  guardian,  when  he  goes  to  the  chase,  and 
take  care  that  no  skulking  villains  show  themselves  in  the  way 
to  do  him  harm.  Besides,  you  ought  to  go  for  your  own 
sake,  where  you  may  signalize  yourself  by  your  exploits ;  for 
this  was  the  glory  of  your  ancestors,  and  you  are  besides  in 


l6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [41-45 

full  vigour."  Adrastus  answered :  "  On  no  other  account, 
sire,  would  I  have  taken  part  in  this  enterprise;  for  it  is  not 
fitting  that  one  in  my  unfortunate  circumstances  should  join 
with  his  prosperous  compeers,  nor  do  I  desire  to  do  so;  and, 
indeed,  I  have  often  restrained  myself.  Now,  since  you  urge 
me,  and  I  ought  to  oblige  you,  for  I  am  bound  to  requite 
the  benefits  you  have  conferred  on  me,  I  am  ready  to  do  as 
you  desire ;  and  rest  assured  that  your  son,  whom  you  bid 
me  take  care  of,  shall,  as  far  as  his  guardian  is  concerned, 
return  to  you  uninjured." 

When  Adrastus  had  made  this  answer  to  Croesus,  they 
went  away,  well  provided  with  chosen  youths  and  dogs ;  and, 
having  arrived  at  Mount  Olympus,  they  sought  the  wild  beast, 
and  having  found  him  and  encircled  him  around,  they  hurled 
their  javelins  at  him.  Among  the  rest,  the  stranger,  the  same 
that  had  been  purified  of  murder,  named  Adrastus,  throwing 
his  javelin  at  the  boar,  missed  him  and  struck  the  son  of  Croe- 
sus :  thus  he  being  wounded  by  the  point  of  the  lance,  fulfilled 
the  warning  of  the  dream.  Upon  this,  some  one  ran  off  to 
tell  Croesus  what  had  happened,  and  having  arrived  at  Sardis, 
gave  him  an  account  of  the  action  and  of  his  son's  fate.  Croe- 
sus, exceedingly  distressed  by  the  death  of  his  son,  lamented 
it  the  more  bitterly  because  he  fell  by  the  hand  of  one  whom 
he  himself  had  purified  from  blood ;  and  vehemently  deplor- 
ing his  misfortune,  he  invoked  Jove  the  Expiator,  attesting 
what  he  had  suffered  by  this  stranger.  He  invoked  also  the 
same  deity,  by  the  name  of  the  god  of  hospitality  and  private 
friendship :  as  the  god  of  hospitality,  because  by  receiving  a 
stranger  into  his  house,  he  had  unawares  fostered  the  mur- 
derer of  his  son ;  as  the  god  of  private  friendship,  because, 
having  sent  him  as  a  guardian,  he  found  him  his  greatest 
enemy.  After  this  the  Lydians  approached,  bearing  the  corpse, 
and  behind  it  followed  the  murderer.  He,  having  advanced 
in  front  of  the  corpse,  delivered  himself  up  to  Croesus,  stretch- 
ing forth  his  hands  and  begging  of  him  to  kill  him  upon 
it,  relating  his  former  misfortune,  and  how  in  addition  to 
that  he  had  destroyed  his  purifier,  and  that  he  ought  to  live 
no  longer.  When  Croesus  heard  this,  though  his  own  afflic- 
tion was  so  great,  he  pitied  Adrastus,  and  said  to  him :  "  You 
have  made  me  full  satisfaction  by  condemning  yourself  to  die. 
But  you  are  not  the  author  of  this  misfortune,  except  as  far 
as  you  were  the  involuntary  agent ;  but  that  god,  whoever 
he  was,  that  long  since  foreshadowed  what  was  about  to  hap- 
pen." Croesus  therefore  buried  his  son  as  the  dignity  of  his 
birth  required;  and  Adrastus,  son  of  Gorgius,  son  of  Midas, 


45-48]  CRCESUS   TESTS   THE   ORACLES  17 

who  had  been  the  murderer  of  his  own  brother,  and  the  mur- 
derer of  his  purifier,  when  all  was  silent  round  the  tomb,  judg- 
ing himself  the  most  heavily  afflicted  of  all  men,  killed  him- 
self on  the  tomb.  Croesus,  bereaved  of  his  son,  continued  dis- 
consolate for  two  years. 

Some  time  afterward,  the  overthrow  of  the  kingdom  of 
Astyages,  son  of  Cyaxares,  by  Cyrus,  son  of  Cambyses,  and 
the  growing  power  of  the  Persians,  put  an  end  to  the  grief 
of  Croesus ;  and  he  began  to  consider  whether  he  could  by 
any  means  check  the  growing  power  of  the  Persians  before 
they  became  formidable.  After  he  had  formed  this  purpose, 
he  determined  to  make  trial  as  well  of  the  oracles  in  Greece 
as  of  that  in  Libya;  and  sent  different  persons  to  different 
places,  some  to  Delphi,  some  to  Abae  of  Phocis,  and  some  to 
Dodona ;  others  were  sent  to  Amphiaraus  and  Trophonius, 
and  others  to  Branchidae  of  Milesia :  these  were  the  Grecian 
oracles  to  which  Croesus  sent  to  consult.  He  sent  others  also 
to  consult  that  of  Ammon  in  Libya.  And  he  sent  them  differ- 
ent ways,  designing  to  make  trial  of  what  the  oracles  knew ; 
in  order  that  if  they  should  be  found  to  know  the  truth,  he 
might  send  a  second  time  to  inquire  whether  he  should  ven- 
ture to  make  war  on  the  Persians.  He  despatched  them  to 
make  trial  of  the  oracles  with  the  following  orders :  that  com- 
puting the  days  from  the  time  of  their  departure  from  Sardis, 
they  should  consult  the  oracles  on  the  hundredth  day,  by  ask- 
ing what  Croesus,  son  of  Alyattes,  and  king  of  the  Lydians, 
was  then  doing;  and  that  they  should  bring  him  the  answer 
of  each  oracle  in  writing.  Now  what  were  the  answers  given 
by  the  other  oracles,  is  mentioned  by  none ;  but  no  sooner 
had  the  Lydians  entered  the  Temple  of  Delphi  to  consult  the 
god,  and  ask  the  question  enjoined  them,  than  the  Pythian 
answered  in  hexameter  verse :  "  I  know  the  number  of  the 
sands,  and  the  measure  of  the  sea ;  I  understand  the  dumb, 
and  hear  him  that  does  not  speak ;  the  savour  of  the  hard- 
shelled  tortoise  boiled  in  brass  with  the  flesh  of  lamb  strikes 
on  my  senses ;  brass  is  laid  beneath  it,  and  brass  is  put  over 
it."  The  Lydians,  having  written  down  this  answer  of  the 
Pythian,  returned  to  Sardis.  And  when  the  rest,  who  had 
been  sent  to  other  places,  arrived  bringing  the  answers, 
Croesus,  having  opened  each  of  them,  examined  their  con- 
tents; but  none  of  them  pleased  him.  When,  however,  he 
heard  .that  from  Delphi,  he  immediately  adored  it,  and  ap- 
proved of  it,  being  convinced  that  the  oracle  at  Delphi  alone 
was  a  real  oracle,  because  it  had  discovered  what  he  had  done. 
For  when  he  had  sent  persons  to  consult  the  different  oracles, 


1 8  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [48-51 

watching  the  appointed  day,  he  had  recourse  to  the  following 
contrivance :  having  thought  of  what  it  was  impossible  to 
discover  or  guess  at,  he  cut  up  a  tortoise  and  a  lamb,  and 
boiled  them  himself  together  in  a  brazen  caldron,  and  put 
on  it  a  cover  of  brass.  Such  then  was  the  answer  given  to 
Crcesus  from  Delphi:  as  regards  the  answer  of  the  oracle  of 
Amphiaraus,  I  can  not  say  what  answer  it  gave  to  the  Lydians, 
who  performed  the  accustomed  rites  at  the  temple ;  for  noth- 
ing else  is  related  than  that  he  considered  this  also  to  be  a 
true  oracle. 

After  this  he  endeavoured  to  propitiate  the  god  at  Delphi 
by  magnificent  sacrifices ;  for  he  offered  three  thousand  head 
of  cattle  of  every  kind  fit  for  sacrifice,  and  having  heaped  up 
a  great  pile,  he  burned  on  it  beds  of  gold  and  silver,  vials  of 
gold,  and  robes  of  purple  and  garments ;  hoping  by  that  means 
more  completely  to  conciliate  the  god :  he  also  ordered  all  the 
Lydians  to  offer  to  the  god  whatever  he  was  able.  When 
the  sacrifice  was  ended,  having  melted  down  a  vast  quantity 
of  gold,  he  cast  half  bricks  from  it,  of  which  the  longest  were 
six  palms  in  length,  the  shortest  three,  and  in  thickness  one 
palm :  their  number  was  one  hundred  and  seventeen ;  four 
of  these,  of  pure  gold,  weighed  each  two  talents  and  a  half; 
the  other  half  bricks  of  pale  gold  weighed  two  talents  each. 
He  made  also  the  figure  of  a  lion  of  fine  gold,  weighing  ten 
talents.  This  lion,  when  the  Temple  of  Delphi  was  burned 
down,  fell  from  the  half  bricks,  for  it  had  been  placed  on  them ; 
and  it  now  lies  in  the  treasury  of  the  Corinthians,  weighing 
six  talents  and  a  half ;  for  three  talents  and  a  half  were  melted 
from  it.  Crcesus,  having  finished  these  things,  sent  them  to 
Delphi,  and  with  them  these  following:  two  large  bowls, 
one  of  gold,  the  other  of  silver:  that  of  gold  was  placed  on 
the  right  hand  as  one  enters  the  temple,  and  that  of  silver 
on  the  left ;  but  these  also  were  removed  when  the  temple 
was  burned  down ;  and  the  golden  one,  weighing  eight  talents 
and  a  half  and  twelve  minae,  is  placed  in  the  treasury  of  Clazo- 
menae;  the  silver  one,  containing  six  hundred  amphorae,  lies 
in  a  corner  of  the  vestibule,  and  is  used  by  the  Delphians  for 
mixing  the  wine  on  the  Theophanian  festival.  The  Delphians 
say  it  was  the  workmanship  of  Theodorus  the  Samian ;  and  I 
think  so  too,  for  it  appears  to  be  no  common  work.  He  also 
sent  four  casks  of  silver,  which  stand  in  the  treasury  of  the 
Corinthians ;  and  he  dedicated  two  lustral  vases,  one  of  gold, 
the  other  of  silver:  on  the  golden  one  is  an  inscription,  OF 
THE  LACEDAEMONIANS,"  who  say  that  it  was  their  offer- 
ing, but  wrongfully,  for  this  also  was  given  by  Crcesus :  a  cer- 


5i-55]  RICH  GIFTS  OF  CRCESUS  19 

tain  Delphian  made  the  inscription,  in  order  to  please  the 
Lacedaemonians ;  I  know  his  name,  but  forbear  to  mention  it. 
The  boy,  indeed,  through  whose  hand  the  water  flows,  is  their 
gift ;  but  neither  of  the  lustral  vases.  At  the  same  time  Croe- 
sus sent  many  other  offerings  without  an  inscription :  among 
them  some  round  silver  covers;  and  moreover  a  statue  of  a 
woman  in  gold  three  cubits  high,  which  the  Delphians  say  is 
the  image  of  Croesus's  baking  woman ;  and  to  all  these  things 
he  added  the  necklaces  and  girdles  of  his  wife. 

These  were  the  offerings  he  sent  to  Delphi;  and  to  Am- 
phiaraus,  having  ascertained  his  virtue  and  sufferings,  he 
dedicated  a  shield  all  of  gold,  and  a  lance  of  solid  gold,  the 
shaft  as  well  as  the  points  being  of  gold;  and  these  are  at 
Thebes  in  the  Temple  of  Ismenian  Apollo. 

To  the  Lydians  appointed  to  convey  these  presents  to  the 
temples,  Croesus  gave  it  in  charge  to  inquire  of  the  oracles 
whether  he  should  make  war  on  the  Persians,  and  if  he  should 
unite  any  other  nation  as  an  ally.  Accordingly,  when  the 
Lydians  arrived  at  the  places  to  which  they  were  sent,  and 
had  dedicated  the  offerings,  they  consulted  the  oracles,  say- 
ing :  "  Croesus,  King  of  the  Lydians  and  of  other  nations,  es- 
teeming these  to  be  the  only  oracles  among  men,  sends  these 
presents  in  acknowledgment  of  your  discoveries ;  and  now 
asks,  whether  he  should  lead  an  army  against  the  Persians, 
and  whether  he  should  join  any  auxiliary  forces  with  his 
own  ?  "  Such  were  their  questions ;  and  the  opinions  of  both 
oracles  concurred,  foretelling  "  that  if  Croesus  should  make 
war  on  the  Persians,  he  would  destroy  a  mighty  empire  " ; 
and  they  advised  him  to  engage  the  most  powerful  of  the 
Grecians  in  his  alliance.  When  Croesus  heard  the  answers 
that  were  brought  back,  he  was  beyond  measure  delighted 
with  the  oracles ;  and  fully  expecting  that  he  should  destroy 
the  kingdom  of  Cyrus,  he  again  sent  to  Delphi,  and  having 
ascertained  the  number  of  the  inhabitants,  presented  each  of 
them  with  two  staters  of  gold.  In  return  for  this,  the  Del- 
phians gave  Croesus  and  the  Lydians  the  right  to  consult  the 
oracle  before  any  others,  and  exemption  from  tribute,  and 
the  first  seats  in  the  temple,  and  the  privilege  of  being  made 
citizens  of  Delphi,  to  as  many  as  should  desire  it  in  all  future 
time.  Croesus  having  made  these  presents  to  the  Delphians, 
sent  a  third  time  to  consult  the  oracle.  For  after  he  had  ascer- 
tained the  veracity  of  the  oracle,  he  had  frequent  recourse  to 
it.  His  demand  now  was,  whether  he  should  long  enjoy  the 
kingdom,  to  which  the  Pythian  gave  this  answer :  "  When 
a  mule  shall  become  King  of  the  Medes,  then,  tender-footed 


20  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [55-58 

Lydian,  flee  over  pebbly  Hermus,  nor  tarry,  nor  blush  to  be 
a  coward."  With  this  answer,  when  reported  to  him,  Croesus 
was  more  than  ever  delighted,  thinking  that  a  mule  should 
never  be  King  of  the  Medes  instead  of  a  man,  and  consequently 
that  neither  he  nor  his  posterity  should  ever  be  deprived  of  the 
kingdom.  In  the  next  place  he  began  to  inquire  carefully 
who  were  the  most  powerful  of  the  Greeks  whom  he  might 
gain  over  as  allies ;  and  on  inquiry  found  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians and  the  Athenians  excelled  the  rest,  the  former  being 
of  Dorian,  the  latter  of  Ionic  descent :  for  these  were  in  ancient 
times  the  most  distinguished,  the  latter  being  a  Pelasgian, 
the  other  an  Hellenic  nation ;  the  latter  had  never  emigrated, 
but  the  former  had  very  often  changed  their  seat;  for  under 
the  reign  of  Deucalion  they  inhabited  the  country  of  Phthi- 
otis ;  and  in  the  time  of  Dorus,  the  son  of  Hellen,  the  coun- 
try at  the  foot  of  Ossa  and  Olympus,  called  Histiaeotis :  when 
they  were  driven  out  of  Histiaeotis  by  the  Cadmaeans,  they  set- 
tled on  Mount  Pidnus,  at  a  place  called  Macednum ;  thence 
they  again  removed  to  Dryopis ;  and  at  length  coming  into 
Peloponnesus,  were  called  Dorians. 

What  language  the  Pelasgians  used  I  can  not  with  cer- 
tainty affirm ;  but  if  I  may  form  a  conjecture  from  those  Pelas- 
gians who  now  exist,  and  who  now  inhabit  the  town  of  Cres- 
tona  above  the  Tyrrhenians,  and  who  were  formerly  neigh- 
bours to  those  now  called  Dorians,  and  at  that  time  occupied 
the  country  at  present  called  Thessaliotis :  and  if  I  may  con- 
jecture from  those  Pelasgians  settled  at  Placia  and  Scylace 
on  the  Hellespont,  and  who  once  dwelt  with  the  Athenians, 
and  whatever  other  cities,  which,  though  really  Pelasgian, 
have  changed  their  name ;  if,  I  say,  I  may  be  permitted  to 
conjecture  from  these,  the  Pelasgians  spoke  a  barbarous  lan- 
guage. And  if  the  whole  Pelasgian  body  did  so,  the  Attic 
race,  being  Pelasgic,  must  at  the  time  they  changed  into  Hel- 
lenes have  altered  their  language.  For  neither  do  the  Cres- 
tonions  use  the  same  language  with  any  of  their  neighbours, 
nor  do  the  people  of  Placia,  but  both  use  the  same  language ; 
by  which  it  appears  they  have  taken  care  to  preserve  the  char- 
acter of  the  language  they  brought  with  them  into  those 
places.  The  Hellenic  race,  however,  as  appears  to  me,  from 
the  time  they  became  a  people  have  used  the  same  language : 
though,  when  separated  from  the  Pelasgians,  they  were  at  first 
insignificant,  yet  from  a  small  beginning  they  have  increased 
to  a  multitude  of  nations,  chiefly  by  a  union  with  many  other 
barbarous  nations.  Wherefore  it  appears  to  me  that  the  Pelas- 
gic race,  being  barbarous,  never  increased  to  any  great  extent. 


59-60]  PISISTRATUS  21 

Of  these  nations  then  Croesus  learned  that  the  Attic  was 
oppressed  and  distracted  by  Pisistratus,  son  of  Hippocrates, 
then  reigning  in  Athens.  To  this  Hippocrates,  who  was  at  the 
time  a  private  person,  and  a  spectator  at  the  Olympian  games, 
a  great  prodigy  occurred.  For  having  killed  a  victim,  the 
caldrons,  which  were  full  of  flesh  and  water,  bubbled  up  with- 
out any  fire  and  boiled  over.  Chilon,  the  Lacedaemonian,  who 
was  accidentally  there,  and  saw  the  prodigy,  advised  Hippoc- 
rates, first  of  all,  not  to  marry  any  woman  by  whom  he  might 
have  children ;  or,  if  he  was  already  married,  then  to  put  away 
his  wife ;  and  if  he  happened  to  have  a  son,  to  disown  him. 
However,  Hippocrates,  when  Chilon  gave  this  advice,  would 
not  be  persuaded;  and  had  afterward  this  same  Pisistratus, 
who,  when  a  quarrel  happened  between  those  who  dwelt  on 
the  sea-coast  and  the  Athenians,  the  former  headed  by  Mega- 
cles,  son  of  Alcmaeon,  the  latter  by  Lycurgus,  son  of  Aristo- 
laides,  aiming  at  the  sovereign  power,  formed  a  third  party. 
And  having  assembled  his  partisans  under  colour  of  protecting 
those  of  the  mountains,  he  contrived  this  stratagem :  having 
wounded  himself  and  his  mules,  he  drove  his  chariot  into  the 
public  square,  as  if  he  had  escaped  from  enemies  that  de- 
signed to  murder  him  on  his  way  to  the  country;  and  be- 
sought the  people  to  grant  him  a  guard,  having  before 
acquired  renown  in  the  expedition  against  Megara,  by  taking 
Nissea,1  and  displaying  other  illustrious  deeds.  The  people 
of  Athens,  being  deceived  by  this,  gave  him  such  of  the  citi- 
zens as  he  selected,  who  were  not  to  be  his  javelin  men,  but 
club-bearers,  for  they  attended  him  with  clubs  of  wood.  These 
men,  therefore,  joining  in  revolt  with  Pisistratus,  seized  the 
Acropolis,  and  thereupon  Pisistratus  assumed  the  government 
of  the  Athenians,  neither  disturbing  the  existing  magistracies 
nor  altering  the  laws ;  but  he  administered  the  government 
according  to  the  established  institutions,  ordering  it  liberally 
and  well.  Not  long  after,  the  partisans  of  Megacles  and 
Lycurgus,  being  reconciled,  drove  him  out.  In  this  manner 
Pisistratus  first  made  himself  master  of  Athens,  and,  his  power 
not  being  very  firmly  rooted,  lost  it.  But  those  who  expelled 
Pisistratus  quarrelled  anew  with  one  another ;  and  Megacles, 
harassed  by  the  sedition,  sent  a  herald  to  Pisistratus  to  ask 
if  he  was  willing  to  marry  his  daughter,  on  condition  of  having 
the  sovereignty.  Pisistratus  having  accepted  the  proposal  and 
agreed  to  his  terms,  in  order  to  his  restitution,  they  contrived 
the  most  ridiculous  project  that,  I  think,  was  ever  imagined; 
especially  if  we  consider  that  the  Greeks  have  from  old  been 
1  Nisaea  was  the  port  of  the  Megarians,  about  two  miles  from  the  city. 


22  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [60-62 

distinguished  from  the  barbarians  as  being  more  acute  and 
free  from  all  foolish  simplicity,  and  more  particularly  as  they 
played  this  trick  upon  the  Athenians,  who  are  esteemed  among 
the  wisest  of  the  Grecians.  In  the  Paeanean  tribe  was  a  woman 
named  Phya,  four  cubits  high,  wanting  three  fingers,  and  in 
other  respects  handsome ;  having  dressed  this  woman  in  a 
complete  suit  of  armour,  and  placed  her  on  a  chariot,  and  hav- 
ing shown  her  beforehand  how  to  assume  the  most  becoming 
demeanour,  they  drove  her  to  the  city,  having  sent  heralds 
before,  who,  on  their  arrival  in  the  city,  proclaimed  what  was 
ordered  in  these  terms :  "  O  Athenians,  receive  with  kind 
wishes  Pisistratus,  whom  Minerva  herself,  honouring  above 
all  men,  now  conducts  back  to  her  own  citadel."  They  then 
went  about  proclaiming  this ;  and  a  report  was  presently 
spread  among  the  people  that  Minerva  was  bringing  back 
Pisistratus ;  and  the  people  in  the  city,  believing  this  woman 
to  be  the  goddess,  both  adored  a  human  being  and  received 
Pisistratus. 

Pisistratus  having  recovered  the  sovereignty  in  the  man- 
ner above  described,  married  the  daughter  of  Megacles  in 
accordance  with  his  agreement.  But  as  he  already  had  grown- 
up sons,  and  as  the  Alcmaeonidae  were  said  to  be  under  a 
curse,  he,  wishing  not  to  have  any  children  by  his  newly  mar- 
ried wife,  had  intercourse  with  her  unnaturally.  The  woman 
at  first  kept  the  thing  a  secret,  but  afterward,  whether  ques- 
tioned by  her  mother  or  not,  she  discovered  it  to  her,  and  she 
to  her  husband.  He  felt  highly  indignant  at  being  dishon- 
oured by  Pisistratus,  and  in  his  rage  instantly  reconciled  him- 
self to  those  of  the  opposite  faction;  but  Pisistratus  hearing 
of  the  designs  that  were  being  formed  against  him,  withdrew 
entirely  out  of  the  country,  and  arriving  in  Eretria,1  consulted 
with  his  sons.  The  opinion  of  Hippias  prevailed,  and,  to  re- 
cover the  kingdom,  they  immediately  began  to  collect  con- 
tributions from  those  cities  which  felt  any  gratitude  to  them 
for  benefits  received;  and  though  many  gave  large  sums, 
the  Thebans  surpassed  the  rest  in  liberality.  At  length  (not 
to  give  a  detailed  account)  time  passed,  and  everything  was 
ready  for  their  return,  for  Argive  mercenaries  arrived  from 
Peloponnesus ;  and  a  man  of  Naxos,  named  Lygdamis,  who 
had  come  as  a  volunteer,  and  brought  both  men  and  money, 
showed  great  zeal  in  the  cause.  Having  set  out  from  Eretria, 
they  came  back  in  the  eleventh  year  of  their  exile,  and  first 
of  all  possessed  themselves  of  Marathon.    While  they  lay  en- 

1  There  were  two  places  of  this  name,  one  in  Thessaly  and  another  in 
Eubcea.     Pisistratus  retired  to  this  last. — Larcher. 


62-64]  PISISTRATUS,   TYRANT   AT   ATHENS  23 

camped  in  this  place,  both  their  partisans  from  the  city  joined 
them,  and  others  from  the  various  districts,  to  whom  a  tyranny 
was  more  welcome  than  liberty,  crowded  to  them ;  thus  they 
were  collected  together.  The  Athenians  of  the  city,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  shown  very  little  concern  all  the. time  Pisis- 
tratus  was  collecting  money,  or  even  when  he  took  possession 
of  Marathon.  But  when  they  heard  that  he  was  marching 
from  Marathon  against  the  city,  they  at  length  went  out  to 
resist  him :  so  they  marched  with  their  whole  force  against  the 
invaders.  In  the  meantime  Pisistratus's  party,  having  set  out 
from  Marathon,  advanced  toward  the  city,  and  arrived  in  a 
body  at  the  Temple  of  the  Pallenian  *  Minerva,  and  there  took 
up  their  position.  Here  Amphilytus,  a  prophet  of  Acarnania, 
moved  by  divine  impulse,  approached  Pisistratus,  and  pro- 
nounced this  oracle  in  hexameter  verse :  "  The  cast  is  thrown, 
and  the  net  is  spread ;  by  the  moonlight  the  tunnies  will  rush 
in."  He,  inspired  by  the  god,  uttered  this  prophecy,  and  Pi- 
sistratus, comprehending  the  oracle,  and  saying  he  accepted 
the  omen,  led  on  his  army.  The  Athenians  of  the  city  were 
then  engaged  at  their  breakfast,  and  some  of  them  after 
breakfast  had  betaken  themselves  to  dice,  others  to  sleep. 
The  army  of  Pisistratus,  falling  upon  them  by  surprise,  soon 
put  them  to  flight,  and  as  they  were  flying,  Pisistratus  con- 
trived a  clever  stratagem  to  prevent  their  rallying  again, 
that  they  might  be  thoroughly  dispersed.  He  mounted  his 
sons  on  horseback  and  sent  them  forward;  and  they,  having 
overtaken  the  fugitives,  spoke  as  they  were  ordered  by  Pisis- 
tratus, bidding  them  be  of  good  cheer,  and  to  depart  every 
man  to  his  own  home.  The  Athenians  yielded  a  ready  obedi- 
ence, and  thus  Pisistratus,  having  a  third  time  possessed  him- 
self of  Athens,  secured  his  power  more  firmly  both  by  the  aid 
of  auxiliary  forces  and  by  revenues  partly  collected  at  home 
and  partly  drawn  from  the  river  Strymon.2  He  also  seized 
as  hostages  the  sons  of  the  Athenians  who  had  held  out  against 
him,  and  had  not  immediately  fled,  and  settled  them  at  Naxos ; 
which  island  Pisistratus  had  formerly  subdued,  and  given  in 
charge  to  Lygdamis :  he,  moreover,  purified  the  island  of 
Delos,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle.  And  he  purified  it  in  the 
following  manner:  having  dug  up  the  dead  bodies,  as  far 
as  the  prospect  from  the  temple  reached,  he  removed  them 
to  another  part  of  Delos.    Thus  Pisistratus  ruled  despotically 

1  Pallene  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  boroughs  of  Attica,  belonging  to 
the  tribe  Antiochides,  on  the  road  from  Marathon  to  Athens. 

'  The  country  between  the  Strymon  and  the  Nessus  was  celebrated  for 
its  mines. — Larcher. 


24  HERODOTUS— BOOK    I,   CLIO  [64-66 

over  the  Athenians,  but  of  them,  some  had  fallen  in  the  bat- 
tle, and  others  fled  from  their  homes  with  the  son  of  Alcmseon.1 
Croesus  was  informed  at  that  time  that  such  was  the 
condition  of  the  Athenians ;  and  that  the  Lacedaemonians, 
having  extricated  themselves  out  of  great  difficulties,  had 
first  gained  the  mastery  over  the  Tegeans  in  war.  For 
during  the  reign  of  Leo  and  Hegesicles,  Kings  of  Sparta, 
the  Lacedaemonians  were  successful  in  all  other  wars,  and 
were  worsted  by  the  Tegeans  only.  And  long  before  their 
reign  they  had  been  governed  by  the  worst  laws  of  almost 
any  people  in  Greece,  both  as  regarded  their  dealings  with 
one  another,  and  in  holding  no  intercourse  with  strangers. 
But  they  changed  to  a  good  government  in  the  following  man- 
ner: Lycurgus,  a  man  much  esteemed  by  the  Spartans,  hav- 
ing arrived  at  Delphi  to  consult  the  oracle,  no  sooner  entered 
the  temple  than  the  Pythian  spoke  as  follows :  "  Thou  art 
come,  Lycurgus,  to  my  wealthy  temple,  beloved  by  Jove  and 
all  that  inhabit  Olympian  mansions :  I  doubt  whether  I  shall 
pronounce  thee  god  or  man ;  but  rather  god,  I  think,  Lycur- 
gus." Some  men  say  that,  besides  this,  the  Pythian  also  com- 
municated to  him  that  form  of  government  now  established 
among  the  Spartans.  But,  as  the  Lacedaemonians  themselves 
affirm,  Lycurgus,  being  appointed  guardian  to  his  nephew 
Leobotas,2  King  of  Sparta,  brought  those  institutions  from 
Crete.  For  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  the  guardianship,  he 
altered  all  their  customs,  and  took  care  that  no  one  should 
transgress  them.  Afterward  he  established  military  regula- 
tions, the  enomotiae,  the  triecades,  and  the  syssitia,  and  besides 
these  he  instituted  the  ephori  and  senators.  Thus,  having 
changed  their  laws,  they  established  good  institutions  in  their 
stead ;  and  having  erected  a  temple  to  Lycurgus  after  his 
death,  they  held  him  in  the  highest  reverence.  As  they  had 
a  good  soil  and  abundant  population,  they  quickly  sprang  up 
and  flourished.  And  now  they  were  no  longer  content  to  live 
in  peace,  but  proudly  considering  themselves  superior  to  the 
Arcadians,  they  sent  to  consult  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  touching 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  country  of  the  Arcadians ;  and  the 
Pythian  gave  them  this  answer :  "  Dost  thou  ask  of  me  Arca- 
dia ?  thou  askest  a  great  deal ;  I  can  not  grant  it  thee.  There 
are  many  acorn-eating  men  in  Arcadia  who  will  hinder  thee. 
But  I  do  not  grudge  thee  all ;  I  will  give  thee  Tegea  to  dance 
on  with  beating  of  the  feet,  and  a  fair  plain  to  measure  out 

1  Megacles. 

*  It  is  generally  agreed  that  the  name  of  Lycurgus's  nephew  was  not 
Leobotas,  but  Charilaus. 


66-68]  LICHAS   AND   THE   BODY   OF   ORESTES  25 

by  the  rod."  When  the  Lacedaemonians  heard  this  answer 
reported,  they  laid  aside  their  design  against  all  Arcadia,  and 
relying  on  an  equivocal  oracle,  led  an  army  against  Tegea 
only,  carrying  fetters  with  them,  as  if  they  would  surely  reduce 
the  Tegeans  to  slavery.  But  being  defeated  in  an  engagement, 
as  many  of  them  as  were  taken  alive  were  compelled  to  work, 
wearing  the  fetters  they  had  brought,  and  measuring  the  lands 
of  the  Tegeans  with  a  rod.  Those  fetters  in  which  they  were 
bound  were,  even  in  my  time,  preserved  in  Tegea,  suspended 
around  the  Temple  of  Alean  Minerva. 

In  the  first  war  they  had  constantly  fought  against  the 
Tegeans  with  ill  success;  but  in  the  time  of  Crcesus,  and 
during  the  reign  of  Anaxandrides  and  Ariston  at  Lacedae- 
mon,  they  had  at  length  become  superior  in  the  war,  and 
they  became  so  in  the  following  manner:  when  they  had 
always  been  worsted  in  battle  by  the  Tegeans,  they  sent  to 
inquire  of  the  oracle  at  Delphi  what  god  they  should  propi- 
tiate, in  order  to  become  victorious  over  the  Tegeans.  The 
Pythian  answered,  they  should  become  so  when  they  had 
brought  back  the  bones  of  Orestes,  the  son  of  Agamemnon. 
But  as  they  were  unable  to  find  the  sepulchre  of  Orestes,  they 
sent  again  to  inquire  of  the  god  in  what  spot  Orestes  lay  in- 
terred, and  the  Pythian  gave  this  answer  to  the  inquiries  of 
those  who  came  to  consult  her :  "  In  the  level  plain  of  Arcadia 
lies  Tegea,  where  two  winds  by  hard  compulsion  blow,  and 
stroke  answers  to  stroke,  and  woe  lies  on  woe.  There  life- 
engendering  earth  contains  Agamemnon's  son ;  convey  him 
home,  and  you  will  be  victorious  over  Tegea."  When  the 
Lacedaemonians  heard  this,  they  were  as  far  from  the  discovery 
as  ever,  though  they  searched  everywhere :  till  Lichas,  one 
of  the  Spartans  who  are  called  Agathoergi,  found  it.  These 
Agathoergi  consist  of  citizens  who  are  discharged  from  serv- 
ing in  the  cavalry,  such  as  are  senior,  five  in  every  year;  it 
is  their  duty  during  the  year  in  which  they  are  discharged 
from  the  cavalry  not  to  remain  inactive,  but  go  to  different 
places  where  they  are  sent  by  the  Spartan  commonwealth. 
Lichas,  who  was  one  of  these  persons,  discovered  it  in  Tegea, 
both  meeting  with  good  fortune  and  employing  sagacity.  For 
as  the  Lacedaemonians  had  at  that  time  intercourse  with  the 
Tegeans,  he,  coming  to  a  smithy,  looked  attentively  at  the 
iron  being  forged,  and  was  struck  with  wonder  when  he  saw 
what  was  done.  The  smith,  perceiving  his  astonishment,  de- 
sisted from  his  work,  and  said :  "  O  Laconian  stranger,  you 
would  certainly  have  been  astonished  had  you  seen  what  I 
saw,  since  you  are  so  surprised  at  the  working  of  iron.     For 


26  HERODOTUS— BOOK    I,   CLIO  [68-70 

as  I  was  endeavouring  to  sink  a  well  in  this  inclosure,  in  dig- 
ging I  came  to  a  coffin  seven  cubits  long;  and  because  I  did 
not  believe  that  men  were  ever  taller  than  they  now  are,  I 
opened  it,  and  saw  that  the  body  was  equal  to  the  coffin  in 
length,  and  after  I  had  measured  it  I  covered  it  up  again."  The 
man  told  him  what  he  had  seen,  but  Lichas,  reflecting  on  what 
was  said,  conjectured  from  the  words  of  the  oracle  that  this 
must  be  the  body  of  Orestes,  forming  his  conjecture  on  the 
following  reasons :  seeing  the  smith's  two  bellows,  he  dis- 
cerned in  them  the  two  winds,  and  in  the  anvil  and  hammer 
the  stroke  answering  to  stroke,  and  in  the  iron  that  was  being 
forged  the  woe  that  lay  on  woe ;  representing  it  in  this  way, 
that  iron  had  been  invented  to  the  injury  of  man.  Having 
made  this  conjecture,  he  returned  to  Sparta,  and  gave  the 
Lacedaemonians  an  account  of  the  whole  matter ;  they  brought 
a  feigned  charge  against  him,  and  sent  him  into  banish- 
ment. He  then,  going  back  to  Tegea,  related  his  misfor- 
tune to  the  smith,  and  wished  to  hire  the  inclosure  from  him, 
but  he  would  not  let  it.  But  in  time,  when  he  had  persuaded 
him,  he  took  up  his  abode  there,  and  having  opened  the  sepul- 
chre and  collected  the  bones,  he  carried  them  away  with  him 
to  Sparta.  From  that  time,  whenever  they  made  trial  of  each 
other's  strength,  the  Lacedaemonians  were  by  far  superior  in 
war;  and  the  greater  part  of  Peloponnesus  had  been  already 
subdued  by  them. 

Crcesus  being  informed  of  all  these  things,  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  Sparta  with  presents,  and  to  request  their  alliance,  hav- 
ing given  them  orders  what  to  say;  and  when  they  were  ar- 
rived they  spoke  as  follows :  "  Crcesus,  King  of  the  Lydians 
and  of  other  nations,  has  sent  us  with  this  message :  '  O  Lace- 
daemonians, since  the  Deity  has  directed  me  by  an  oracle  to 
unite  myself  to  a  Grecian  friend,  therefore  (for  I  am  informed 
that  you  are  pre-eminent  in  Greece)  I  invite  you  in  obedience 
to  the  oracle,  being  desirous  of  becoming  your  friend  and 
ally,  without  treachery  or  guile.'  "  Crcesus  made  this  pro- 
posal through  his  ambassadors.  And  the  Lacedaemonians, 
who  had  before  heard  of  the  answer  given  by  the  oracle  to 
Crcesus,  were  gratified  at  the  coming  of  the  Lydians,  and  ex- 
changed pledges  of  friendship  and  alliance:  and  indeed  cer- 
tains favours  had  been  formerly  conferred  on  them  by  Crcesus, 
for  when  the  Lacedaemonians  sent  to  Sardis  to  purchase  gold, 
wishing  to  use  it  in  erecting  the  statue  of  Apollo  that  now 
stands  at  Thornax  in  Laconia,  Crcesus  gave  it  as  a  present  to 
them  when  they  were  desirous  of  purchasing  it.  For  this  rea- 
son then,  and  because  he  had  selected  them  from  all  the 


70-72]  CHARACTER   OF   THE   PERSIANS  27 

Greeks,  and  desired  their  friendship,  the  Lacedaemonians  ac- 
cepted his  offer  of  alliance ;  and  in  the  first  place  they  prom- 
ised to  be  ready  at  his  summons ;  and  in  the  next,  having 
made  a  brazen  bowl,  capable  of  containing  three  hundred 
amphorae,  and  covered  it  outside  to  the  rim  with  various  fig- 
ures, they  sent  it  to  him,  being  desirous  of  making  Croesus 
a  present  in  return.  But  this  bowl  never  reached  Sardis,  for 
one  of  the  two  following  reasons :  the  Lacedaemonians  say, 
that  when  this  bowl,  on  its  way  to  Sardis,  was  off  Samos,  the 
Samians  having  heard  of  it,  sailed  out  in  long  ships,  and  took 
it  away  by  force.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Samians  affirm  that 
when  the  Lacedaemonians  who  were  conveying  the  bowl  found 
they  were  too  late,  and  heard  that  Sardis  was  taken,  and  Croe- 
sus a  prisoner,  they  sold  the  bowl  in  Samos,  and  that  some 
private  persons  who  bought  it  dedicated  it  in  the  Temple  of 
Juno.  And  perhaps  they  who  sold  it,  when  they  returned 
to  Sparta,  might  say  that  they  had  been  robbed  of  it  by  the 
Samians.    So  it  is  then  respecting  this  bowl. 

Croesus,  misinterpreting  the  oracle,  prepared  to  invade 
Cappadocia,  hoping  to  overthrow  Cyrus  and  the  power  of  the 
Persians.  While  Croesus  was  preparing  for  his  expedition 
against  the  Persians,  a  certain  Lydian,  who  before  that  time 
was  esteemed  a  wise  man,  and  on  this  occasion  acquired  a 
very  great  name  in  Lydia,  gave  him  advice  in  these  words 
(the  name  of  this  person  was  Sandanis) :  "  O  king,  you  are 
preparing  to  make  war  against  a  people  who  wear  leather 
trousers,  and  the  rest  of  their  garments  of  leather;  who  in- 
habit a  barren  country,  and  feed  not  on  such  things  as  they 
choose,  but  such  as  they  can  get.  Besides,  they  do  not  habit- 
ually use  wine,  but  drink  water ;  nor  have  they  figs  to  eat,  nor 
anything  that  is  good.  In  the  first  place,  then,  if  you  should 
conquer,  what  will  you  take  from  them,  since  they  have  noth- 
ing? On  the  other  hand,  if  you  should  be  conquered,  consider 
what  good  things  you  will  lose.  For  when  they  have  tasted 
of  our  good  things,  they  will  become  fond  of  them,  nor  will 
they  be  driven  from  them.  As  for  me,  I  thank  the  gods  that 
they  have  not  put  it  into  the  thoughts  of  the  Persians  to  make 
war  on  the  Lydians."  In  saying  this,  he  did  not  persuade 
Croesus.  Now  before  they  subdued  the  Lydians,  the  Persians 
possessed  nothing  either  luxurious  or  good.  The  Cappado- 
cians  are  by  the  Greeks  called  Syrians ;  these  Syrians,  before 
the  establishment  of  the  Persian  power,  were  subject  to  the 
Medes,  but  then  to  Cyrus.  For  the  boundary  of  the  Median 
empire  and  the  Lydian  was  the  river  Halys,  which  flows  from 
the  mountains  of  Armenia  through  Cilicia,  and  afterward  has 


28  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [72-74 

the  Matienians  on  the  right  and  the  Phrygians  on  the  other 
side ;  then  passing  these  and  flowing  up  toward  the  north,  it 
skirts  the  Syrian  Cappadocians  on  one  side,  and  the  Paphla- 
gonians  on  the  left.  Thus  the  river  Halys  divides  almost  the 
whole  of  lower  Asia,  from  the  sea  opposite  Cyprus  to  the 
Euxine:  this  is  the  isthmus  of  that  whole  country;  as  to  the 
length  of  the  journey,  it  takes  five  days  for  a  well-girt  man.1 

Croesus  invaded  Cappadocia  for  the  following  reasons,  as 
well  from  a  desire  of  adding  it  to  his  own  dominions,  as,  espe- 
cially, from  his  confidence  in  the  oracle,  and  a  wish  to  punish 
Cyrus  on  account  of  Astyages.  For  Cyrus,  son  of  Cambyses, 
had  subjugated  Astyages,  son  of  Cyaxares,  who  was  brother- 
in-law  of  Crcesus,  and  King  of  the  Medes.  He  had  become 
brother-in-law  to  Crcesus  in  the  following  manner:  a  band 
of  Scythian  nomads  having  risen  in  rebellion,  withdrew  into 
Media;  at  that  time  Cyaxares,  son  of  Phraortes,  grandson  of 
Deioces,  ruled  over  the  Medes ;  he  at  first  received  these  Scyth- 
ians kindly,  as  being  suppliants,  so  much  so  that,  esteem- 
ing them  very  highly,  he  intrusted  some  youths  to  them  to 
learn  their  language  and  the  use  of  the  bow.  In  course  of 
time  it  happened  that  these  Scythians,  who  were  constantly 
going  out  to  hunt,  and  who  always  brought  home  something, 
on  one  occasion  took  nothing.  On  their  returning  empty- 
handed,  Cyaxares  (for  he  was,  as  he  proved,  of  a  violent  tem- 
per) treated  them  with  most  opprobrious  language.  The 
Scythians,  having  met  with  this  treatment  from  Cyaxares,  and 
considering  it  undeserved  by  them,  determined  to  kill  one  of 
the  youths  that  were  being  educated  under  their  care,  and 
having  prepared  the  flesh  as  they  used  to  dress  the  beasts 
taken  in  hunting,  to  serve  it  up  to  Cyaxares  as  if  it  were  game ; 
and  then  to  make  their  escape  immediately  to  Alyattes,  son 
of  Sadyattes,  at  Sardis.  This  accordingly  was  done:  Cyax- 
ares and  his  guests  feasted  on  this  flesh,  and  the  Scythians 
having  done  this,  became  suppliants  to  Alyattes.  After  this 
(for  Alyattes  refused  to  deliver  up  the  Scythians  to  Cyaxares 
when  he  demanded  them)  war  lasted  between  the  Lydians  and 
the  Medes  for  five  years ;  during  this  period  the  Medes  often 
defeated  the  Lydians,  and  often  the  Lydians  defeated  the  Medes, 
and  during  this  time  they  had  a  kind  of  nocturnal  engage- 
ment. In  the  sixth  year,  when  they  were  carrying  on  the  war 
with  nearly  equal  success,  on  occasion  of  an  engagement,  it 
happened  that  in  the  heat  of  the  battle  day  was  suddenly 
turned  into  night.    This  change  of  the  day  Thales  the  Milesian 

1  The  long  flowing  dresses  of  the  ancients  made  it  necessary  to  gird 
them  up  when  they  wished  to  move  expeditiously. 


74-76]  CRCESUS   INVADES  CAPPADOCIA  29 

had  foretold  to  the  Ionians,  fixing  beforehand  this  year  as 
the  very  period  in  which  the  change  actually  took  place.  The 
Lydians  and  Medes,  seeing  night  succeeding  in  the  place  of 
day,  desisted  from  fighting,  and  both  showed  a  great  anxiety 
to  make  peace.  Syennesis  x  the  Cilician,  and  Labynetus  2  the 
Babylonian,  were  the  mediators  of  their  reconciliation ;  these 
were  they  who  hastened  the  treaty  between  them,  and  made 
a  matrimonial  connection  ;  for  they  persuaded  Alyattes  to  give 
his  daughter  Aryenis  in  marriage  to  Astyages,  son  of  Cyax- 
ares.  For,  without  strong  necessity,  agreements  are  not  wont 
to  remain  firm.  These  nations  in  their  federal  contracts  ob- 
serve the  same  ceremonies  as  the  Greeks,  and#  in  addition, 
when  they  have  cut  their  arms  to  the  outer  skin,  they  lick  up 
one  another's  blood. 

Cyrus  had  subdued  this  same  Astyages,  his  grandfather  by 
the  mother's  side,  for  reasons  which  I  shall  hereafter  relate. 
Croesus,  alleging  this  against  him,  sent  to  consult  the  oracle, 
if  he  should  make  war  on  the  Persians ;  and  when  an  ambigu- 
ous answer  came  back,  he,  interpreting  it  to  his  own  advan- 
tage, led  his  army  against  the  territory  of  the  Persians.  When 
he  arrived  at  the  river  Halys,  Croesus  transported  his  forces, 
as  I  believe  by  the  bridges  which  are  now  there.  But  the 
common  opinion  of  the  Grecians  is  that  Thales  the  Milesian 
procured  him  a  passage.  For,  while  Croesus  was  in  doubt 
how  his  army  should  pass  over  the  river  (for  they  say  that 
these  bridges  were  not  at  that  time  in  existence),  Thales,  who 
was  in  the  camp,  caused  the  stream,  which  flowed  along  the 
left  of  the  army,  to  flow  likewise  on  the  right ;  he  contrived 
it  thus :  having  begun  above  the  camp,  he  dug  a  deep 
trench,  in  the  shape  of  a  half  moon,  so  that  the  river,  being 
turned  into  this,  from  its  old  channel,  might  pass  in  the  rear 
of  the  camp  pitched  where  it  then  was,  and  afterward,  hav- 
ing passed  by  the  camp,  might  fall  into  its  former  course ;  so 
that  as  soon  as  the  river  was  divided  into  two  streams  it  be- 
came fordable  in  both.  Some  say  that  the  ancient  channel  of 
the  river  was  entirely  dried  up ;  but  this  I  can  not  assent  to : 
for  how  then  could  they  have  crossed  it  on  their  return? 
Croesus,  after  passing  the  river  with  his  army,  came  to  a 
place  called  Pteria,  in  Cappadocia.  (Now  Pteria  is  the  strong- 
est position  of  the  whole  of  this  country,  and  is  situated 
over  against  Sinope,  a  city  on  the  Euxine  Sea.)     Here  he 

1  Syennesis  seems  to  have  been  a  name  common  to  the  kings  of  Cilicia. 
In  addition  to  the  one  here  mentioned,  we  meet  with  another  in  the  time 
of  Darius,  and  a  third  in  the  time  of  Xerxes. 

*  The  same,  says  Prideaux,  with  the  Nebuchadnezzar  of  Scripture. 


\ 


30  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [76-78 

encamped  and  ravaged  the  lands  of  the  Syrians,  and  took 
the  city  of  the  Pterians,  and  enslaved  the  inhabitants ;  he  also 
took  all  the  adjacent  places,  and  expelled  the  inhabitants,  who 
had  given  him  no  cause  for  blame.  Then  Cyrus,  having  assem- 
bled his  own  army,  and  having  taken  with  him  all  who  in- 
habited the  intermediate  country,  went  to  meet  Crcesus.  But 
before  he  began  to  advance  he  sent  heralds  to  the  Ionians, 
to  persuade  them  to  revolt  from  Crcesus ;  the  Ionians,  how- 
ever, refused.  When  Cyrus  had  come  up  and  encamped  oppo- 
site Crcesus,  they  made  trial  of  each  other's  strength  on  the 
plains  of  Pteria ;  but  when  an  obstinate  battle  took  place,  and 
many  fell  on  both  sides,  they  at  last  parted  on  the  approach 
of  night,  neither  having  been  victorious.  In  this  manner  did 
the  two  armies  engage. 

But  Crcesus  laying  the  blame  on  his  own  army  on  account 
of  the  smallness  of  its  numbers,  for  his  forces  that  engaged 
were  far  fewer  than  those  of  Cyrus — laying  the  blame  on  this, 
when  on  the  following  day  Cyrus  did  not  attempt  to  attack 
him  he  marched  back  to  Sardis,  designing  to  summon  the 
Egyptians  according  to  treaty,  for  he  had  made  an  alliance 
with  Amasis,  King  of  Egypt,  before  he  had  with  the  Lace- 
daemonians ;  and  to  send  for  the  Babylonians  (for  he  had  made 
an  alliance  with  them  also,  and  Labynetus  at  this  time  reigned 
over  the  Babylonians),  and  to  require  the  presence  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  at  a  fixed  time :  having  collected  these  to- 
gether, and  assembled  his  own  army,  he  purposed,  when  win- 
ter was  over,  to  attack  the  Persians  in  the  beginning  of  the 
spring.  With  this  design  when  he  reached  Sardis,  he  de- 
spatched ambassadors  to  his  different  allies,  requiring  them 
to  meet  at  Sardis  before  the  end  of  five  months ;  but  the  army 
that  was  with  him,  and  that  had  fought  with  the  Persians, 
which  was  composed  of  mercenary  troops,  he  entirely  dis- 
banded, not  imagining  that  Cyrus,  who  had  come  off  on  such 
equal  terms,  would  venture  to  advance  upon  Sardis.  While 
Crcesus  was  forming  these  plans,  the  whole  suburbs  were 
filled  with  serpents,  and  when  they  appeared,  the  horses,  for- 
saking their  pastures,  came  and  devoured  them.  When  Crce- 
sus beheld  this,  he  considered  it  to  be,  as  it  really  was,  a 
prodigy,  and  sent  immediately  to  consult  the  interpreters  at 
Telmessus ;  but  the  messengers  having  arrived  there,  and 
learned  from  the  Telmessians  what  the  prodigy  portended, 
were  unable  to  report  it  to  Crcesus,  for  before  they  sailed  back 
to  Sardis  Crcesus  had  been  taken  prisoner.  The  Telmessians 
had  pronounced  as  follows :  that  Crcesus  must  expect  a  for- 
eign army  to  invade  his  country  which,  on  its  arrival,  would 


78-8o]  RETREAT   OF   CRCESUS  3 1 

subdue  the  natives,  because,  they  said,  the  serpent  is  the  son 
of  the  earth,  but  the  horse  is  an  enemy  and  a  stranger.  This 
answer  the  Telmessians  gave  to  Croesus  when  he  had  been 
already  taken ;  yet  without  knowing  what  had  happened  with 
respect  to  Sardis  or  Croesus  himself. 

But  Cyrus,  as  soon  as  Croesus  had  retreated  after  the  bat- 
tle at  Pteria,  having  discovered  that  it  was  the  intention  of 
Crcesus  to  disband  his  army,  found,  upon  deliberation,  that 
it  would  be  to  his  advantage  to  march  with  all  possible  ex- 
pedition on  Sardis,  before  the  forces  of  the  Lydians  could  be 
a  second  time  assembled ;  and  when  he  had  thus  determined, 
he  put  his  plan  into  practice  with  all  possible  expedition,  for 
having  marched  his  army  into  Lydia,  he  brought  this  news 
of  his  own  enterprise  to  Croesus.  Thereupon  Croesus,  being 
thrown  into  great  perplexity,  seeing  that  matters  had  turned 
out  contrary  to  his  expectations,  nevertheless  drew  out  the 
Lydians  to  battle ;  and  at  that  time  no  nation  in  Asia  was  more 
valiant  and  warlike  than  the  Lydians.  Their  mode  of  fight- 
ing was  from  horseback ;  they  were  armed  with  long  lances, 
and  managed  their  horses  with  admirable  address.  The  place 
where  they  met  was  the  plain  that  lies  before  the  city  of  Sardis, 
which  is  extensive  and  bare ;  several  rivers  as  well  as  the 
Hyllus,  flowing  through  it,  force  a  passage  into  the  greatest, 
called  the  Hermus,  which,  flowing  from  the  sacred  mountain 
of  mother  Cybele,  falls  into  the  sea  near  the  city  of  Phocaea. 
Here  Cyrus,  when  he  saw  the  Lydians  drawn  up  in  order  of 
battle,  alarmed  at  the  cavalry,  had  recourse  to  the  following 
stratagem,  on  the  suggestion  of  Harpagus,  a  Mede :  collect- 
ing together  all  the  camels  that  followed  his  army  with  pro- 
visions and  baggage,  and  having  caused  their  burdens  to  be 
taken  off,  he  mounted  men  upon  them,  equipped  in  cavalry 
accoutrements,  and  having  furnished  them,  he  ordered  them 
to  go  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  his  army  against  the  Lydian 
horse;  and  he  commanded  his  infantry  to  follow  the  camels, 
and  he  placed  the  whole  of  his  cavalry  behind  the  infantry. 
When  all  were  drawn  up  in  order,  he  charged  them  not  to 
spare  any  of  the  Lydians,  but  to  kill  every  one  they  met ;  but 
on  no  account  to  kill  Croesus,  even  if  he  should  offer  resistance 
when  taken.  Such  were  the  orders  he  gave.  He  drew  up 
the  camels  in  the  front  of  the  cavalry,  for  this  reason :  a  horse 
is  afraid  of  a  camel,  and  can  not  endure  either  to  see  its  form 
or  to  scent  its  smell :  for  this  reason,  then,  he  had  recourse  to 
this  stratagem,  that  the  cavalry  might  be  useless  to  Croesus, 
by  which  the  Lydian  expected  to  signalize  himself.  Accord- 
ingly, when  they  joined  battle,  the  horses  no  sooner  smelt 


32  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [8(^82 

the  camels  and  saw  them  than  they  wheeled  round,  and  the 
hopes  of  Croesus  were  destroyed.  Nevertheless,  the  Lydians 
were  not  therefore  discouraged,  but  when  they  perceived  what 
had  happened,  leaped  from  their  horses  and  engaged  with  the 
Persians  on  foot ;  at  last,  when  many  had  fallen  on  both  sides, 
the  Lydians  were  put  to  flight,  and  being  shut  up  within  the 
walls,  were  besieged  by  the  Persians. 

Siege  was  then  laid  to  them;  but  Croesus,  thinking  it 
would  last  a  long  time,  sent  other  messengers  from  the  city  to 
his  allies ;  for  those  whom  he  had  sent  before  requested  them 
to  assemble  at  Sardis  on  the  fifth  month,  but  he  sent  out  these 
last  to  request  them  to  succour  him  with  all  speed,  as  he  was 
already  besieged.  He  sent  therefore  to  the  rest  of  his  allies, 
and  especially  to  the  Lacedaemonians ;  but  at  that  very  time  the 
Spartans  themselves  happened  to  have  a  quarrel  with  the  Ar- 
gians  about  a  tract  called  Thyrea,  for  this  Thyrea,  which 
properly  belongs  to  the  territory  of  Argos,  the  Spartans  had 
seized.  And  indeed  the  country  that  lies  westward  as  far  as 
Malea,  both  on  the  continent,  and  the  island  Cythera  and  the 
other  islands,  belongs  to  the  Argians.  The  Argians  having 
advanced  to  the  defence  of  their  country  which  had  been  thus 
seized  upon,  both  parties,  upon  a  conference,  agreed  that  three 
hundred  men  on  each  side  should  engage,  and  that  whichever 
party  was  victorious  should  be  entitled  to  the  disputed  terri- 
tory: but  it  was  stipulated  that  the  main  body  of  each  army 
should  withdraw  to  their  own  country,  and  not  remain  while 
the  engagement  was  going  on,  lest,  if  the  armies  were  present, 
either  side,  seeing  their  countrymen  in  distress,  should  come 
to  their  assistance.  Having  agreed  to  these  terms,  the  armies 
withdrew,  and  the  picked  men  on  each  side  remaining  be- 
hind engaged :  they  fought  with  such  equal  success  that  of 
the  six  hundred,  only  three  men  were  left  alive;  of  the  Ar- 
gians, Alcenor  and  Chromius,  and  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
Othryades ;  these  survived  when  night  came  on.  The  two 
Argians,  thinking  themselves  victorious,  ran  to  Argus  with 
the  news ;  but  Othryades,  the  Lacedaemonian,  having  stripped 
the  corpses  of  the  Argians,  and  carried  their  arms  to  his  own 
camp,  continued  at  his  post.  On  the  next  day  both  armies, 
being  informed  of  the  event,  met  again  in  the  same  place,  and 
for  a  time  both  laid  claim  to  the  victory ;  the  one  side  alleging 
that  the  greater  number  of  their  men  survived,  the  other 
side  urging  that  those  survivors  had  fled,  and  that  their  coun- 
tryman had  kept  the  field  and  spoiled  their  dead.  At  length, 
from  words  they  betook  themselves  to  blows ;  and  when  many 
had  fallen  on  both  sides,  the  Lacedaemonians  obtained  the  vie- 


82-85]  SARDIS  IS  TAKEN  33 

tory.  From  that  time  the  Argians,  cutting  off  their  hair,  which 
they  had  before  been  compelled  to  wear  long,  enacted  a  law, 
which  was  confirmed  by  a  curse,  that  no  Argian  should  suf- 
fer his  hair  to  grow,  nor  any  woman  wear  ornaments  of  gold, 
till  they  should  recover  Thyrea.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Lace- 
daemonians made  a  contrary  law,  enjoining  all  their  people 
to  wear  long  hair,  which  they  had  never  done  before.  As  to 
Othryades,  who  was  the  only  one  that  survived  of  the  three 
hundred,  they  say  that,  being  ashamed  to  return  to  Sparta 
when  all  his  fellow-soldiers  had  perished,  he  put  an  end  to 
himself  at  Thyrea.  When  the  affairs  of  the  Spartans  were 
in  this  condition,  the  Sardian  ambassador  arrived,  and  re- 
quested them  to  assist  Croesus,  who  was  besieged  in  Sardis ; 
they  no  sooner  heard  the  ambassador's  report  than  they  made 
preparations  to  succour  him.  But  when  they  were  prepared 
to  set  out,  and  their  ships  were  ready,  another  message  reached 
them  that  the  citadel  of  the  Lydians  was  taken,  and  Croesus 
made  prisoner;  they  accordingly,  deeming  it  a  great  misfor- 
tune, desisted  from  their  enterprise. 

Sardis  was  taken  in  the  following  manner:  on  the  four- 
teenth day  after  Croesus  had  been  besieged,  Cyrus  sent  horse- 
men throughout  his  army,  and  proclaimed  that  he  would  lib- 
erally reward  the  man  who  should  first  mount  the  wall ;  upon 
this  several  attempts  were  made,  and  as  often  failed,  until 
after  the  rest  had  desisted,  a  Mardian,  whose  name  was  Hyrce- 
ades,  endeavoured  to  climb  that  part  of  the  citadel  where 
no  guard  was  stationed,  because  there  did  not  appear  to  be 
any  danger  that  it  would  be  taken  at  that  part,  for  on  that 
side  the  citadel  was  precipitous  and  impracticable.  Round 
this  part  alone,Meles,a  former  King  of  Sardis,  had  not  brought 
the  lion  which  his  concubine  bore  to  him,  though  the  Tel- 
messians  had  pronounced  that  if  the  lion  were  carried  round 
the  wall  Sardis  would  be  impregnable ;  but  Meles,  having 
caused  it  to  be  carried  round  the  rest  of  the  wall,  where  the 
citadel  was  exposed  to  assault,  neglected  this,  as  altogether 
unassailable  and  precipitous :  this  is  the  quarter  of  the  city 
that  faces  Mount  Tmolus.  Now  this  Hyrceades,  the  Mardian, 
having  seen  a  Lydian  come  down  this  precipice  the  day  be- 
fore, for  a  helmet  that  had  rolled  down,  and  carry  it  up  again, 
noticed  it  carefully,  and  reflected  on  it  in  his  mind ;  he  there- 
upon ascended  the  same  way,  followed  by  divers  Persians, 
and  when  great  numbers  had  gone  up,  Sardis  was  thus  taken, 
and  the  whole  town  plundered. 

The  following  incidents  befell  Croesus  himself:  he  had  a 
son  of  whom  I  have  before  made  mention,  who  was  in  other 
3 


34  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [85-86 

respects  proper  enough,  but  dumb.  Now,  in  the  time  of  his 
former  prosperity,  Croesus  had  done  everything  he  could 
for  him,  and  among  other  expedients  had  sent  to  consult  the 
oracle  of  Delphi  concerning  him ;  but  the  Pythian  gave  him 
this  answer :  "  O  Lydian  born,  king  of  many,  very  foolish 
Croesus,  wish  not  to  hear  the  longed-for  voice  of  thy  son 
speaking  within  thy  palace :  it  were  better  for  thee  that  this 
should  be  far  off;  for  he  will  first  speak  in  an  unhappy  day." 
When  the  city  was  taken,  one  of  the  Persians,  not  knowing 
Croesus,  was  about  to  kill  him :  Croesus,  though  he  saw  him 
approach,  from  his  present  misfortune,  took  no  heed  of  him, 
nor  did  he  care  about  dying  by  the  blow ;  but  this  speechless 
son  of  his,  when  he  saw  the  Persian  advancing  against  him, 
through  dread  and  anguish,  burst  into  speech,  and  said,  "  Man, 
kill  not  Croesus."  These  were  the  first  words  he  ever  uttered ; 
but  from  that  time  he  continued  to  speak  during  the  remainder 
of  his  life.  So  the  Persians  got  possession  of  Sardis,  and 
made  Croesus  prisoner,  after  he  had  reigned  fourteen  years, 
being  besieged  fourteen  days,  and  lost  his  great  empire,  as 
the  oracle  had  predicted.  The  Persians,  having  taken  him, 
conducted  him  to  Cyrus ;  and  he,  having  heaped  up  a  great 
pile,  placed  Croesus  upon  it,  bound  with  fetters,  and  with  him 
fourteen  young  Lydians,  designing  either  to  offer  this  sacri- 
fice to  some  god,  as  the  first  fruits  of  his  victory,  or  wishing 
to  perform  a  vow ;  or  perhaps,  having  heard  that  Croesus 
was  a  religious  person,  he  placed  him  on  the  pile  for  the  pur- 
pose of  discovering  whether  any  deity  would  save  him  from 
being  burned  alive.  He  accordingly  did  what  has  been  re- 
lated :  it  is  added  that  when  Croesus  stood  upon  the  pile,  not- 
withstanding the  weight  of  his  misfortunes,  the  words  of 
Solon  recurred  to  him,  as  spoken  by  inspiration  of  the  deity, 
that  no  living  man  could  be  justly  called  happy.  When  this 
occurred  to  him,  it  is  said  that  after  a  long  silence  he  re- 
covered himself,  and  uttering  a  groan,  thrice  pronounced  the 
name  of  Solon :  that  when  Cyrus  heard  him,  he  commanded 
his  interpreters  to  ask  Croesus  whom  it  was  he  called  upon ; 
that  they  drew  near  and  asked  him,  but  Croesus  for  some  time 
kept  silence :  but  at  last,  being  constrained  to  speak,  said,  "  I 
named  a  man  whose  discourses  I  more  desire  all  tyrants  might 
hear  than  to  be  possessor  of  the  greatest  riches."  When  he 
gave  them  this  obscure  answer,  they  again  inquired  what  he 
said :  and  when  they  persisted  in  their  inquiries,  and  were 
very  importunate,  he  at  length  told  them  that  Solon,  an 
Athenian,  formerly  visited  him,  and  having  viewed  all  his 
treasures,  made  no  account  of  them;  telling,  in  a  word,  how 


86-88]  CRCESUS  PARDONED  BY  CYRUS  35 

everything  had  befallen  him  as  Solon  had  warned  him,  though 
his  discourse  related  to  all  mankind  as  much  as  to  himself, 
and  especially  to  those  who  imagine  themselves  happy.  They 
say  that  Croesus  gave  this  explanation,  and  that  the  pile  being 
now  kindled,  the  outer  parts  began  to  burn ;  and  that  Cyrus, 
informed  by  the  interpreters  of  what  Croesus  had  said,  re- 
lented, and'  considering  that  being  but  a  man,  he  was  yet 
going  to  burn  another  man  alive,  who  had  been  no  way  in- 
ferior to  himself  in  prosperity,  and  moreover,  fearing  retri- 
bution, and  reflecting  that  nothing  human  is  constant,  com- 
manded the  fire  to  be  instantly  extinguished,  and  Croesus, 
with  those  who  were  about  him,  to  be  taken  down ;  and  that 
they  with  all  their  endeavours  were  unable  to  master  the  fire. 
It  is  related  by  the  Lydians  that  Croesus,  perceiving  that 
Cyrus  had  altered  his  resolution,  when  he  saw  every  man  en- 
deavouring to  put  out  the  fire,  but  unable  to  get  the  better 
of  it,  shouted  aloud,  invoking  Apollo,  and  besought  him,  if 
ever  any  of  his  offerings  had  been  agreeable  to  him,  to  protect 
and  deliver  him  from  the  present  danger :  they  report  that  he 
with  tears  invoked  the  god,  and  that  on  a  sudden  clouds  were 
seen  gathering  in  the  air,  which  before  was  serene,  and  that 
a  violent  storm  burst  forth  and  vehement  rain  fell  and  ex- 
tinguished the  flames ;  by  which  Cyrus,  perceiving  that  Croe- 
sus was  beloved  by  the  gods,  and  a  good  man,  when  he  had 
had  him  taken  down  from  the  pile,  asked  him  the  following 
question :  "  Who  persuaded  you,  Croesus,  to  invade  my  ter- 
ritories, and  to  become  my  enemy  instead  of  my  friend  ? " 
He  answered :  "  O  king,  I  have  done  this  for  your  good,  but 
my  own  evil  fortune,  and  the  god  of  the  Greeks  who  encour- 
aged me  to  make  war  is  the  cause  of  all.  For  no  man  is  so 
void  of  understanding  as  to  prefer  war  before  peace;  for  in 
the  latter,  children  bury  their  fathers,  in  the  former,  fathers 
bury  their  children.  But,  I  suppose,  it  pleased  the  gods  that 
these  things  should  be  so." 

He  thus  spoke,  and  Cyrus,  having  set  him  at  liberty, 
placed  him  by  his  own  side,  and  showed  him  great  respect; 
and  both  he  and  all  those  that  were  with  him  were  astonished 
at  what  they  saw.  But  Croesus,  absorbed  in  thought,  re- 
mained silent;  and  presently  turning  round  and  beholding 
the  Persians  sacking  the  city  of  the  Lydians,  he  said,  "  Does 
it  become  me,  O  king,  to  tell  you  what  is  passing  through 
my  mind,  or  to  keep  silence  on  the  present  occasion?  "  Cyrus 
bade  him  say  with  confidence  whatever  he  wished ;  upon  which 
Croesus  asked  him,  saying,  "  What  is  this  vast  crowd  so  ear- 
nestly employed  about?"    He  answered,  "They  are  sacking 


36  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [88-90 

your  city,  and  plundering  your  riches."  M  Not  so,"  Croesus 
replied ;  "  they  are  neither  sacking  my  city  nor  plundering 
my  riches,  for  they  no  longer  belong  to  me,  but  they  are  rav- 
aging what  belongs  to  you."  The  reply  of  Croesus  attracted 
the  attention  of  Cyrus;  he  therefore  ordered  all  the  rest  to 
withdraw,  and  asked  Croesus  what  he  thought  should  be  done 
in  the  present  conjuncture.  He  answered :  "  Since  the  gods 
have  made  me  your  servant,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  acquaint 
you,  if  I  perceive  anything  deserving  of  remark.  The  Per- 
sians, who  are  by  nature  overbearing,  are  poor.  If,  there- 
fore, you  permit  them  to  plunder  and  possess  great  riches, 
you  may  expect  the  following  results :  whoso  acquires  the 
greatest  possessions,  be  assured,  will  be  ready  to  rebel.  There- 
fore, if  you  approve  what  I  say,  adopt  the  following  plan: 
place  some  of  your  body-guard  as  sentinels  at  every  gate, 
with  orders  to  take  the  booty  from  all  those  who  would  go 
out,  and  to  acquaint  them  that  the  tenth  must  of  necessity 
be  consecrated  to  Jupiter;  thus  you  will  not  incur  the  odium 
of  taking  away  their  property,  and  they,  acknowledging  your 
intention  to  be  just,  will  readily  obey."  Cyrus,  when  he  heard 
this,  was  exceedingly  delighted,  as  he  thought  the  suggestion 
a  very  good  one ;  having  therefore  commended  it  highly,  and 
ordered  his  guards  to  do  what  Croesus  suggested,  he  addressed 
Croesus  as  follows :  "  Croesus,  since  you  are  resolved  to  dis- 
play the  deeds  and  words  of  a  true  king,  ask  whatever  boon 
you  desire  on  the  instant."  "  Sir,"  he  answered,  "  the  most 
acceptable  favour  you  can  bestow  upon  me  is  to  let  me  send 
my  fetters  to  the  god  of  the  Grecians,  whom  I  have  honoured 
more  than  any  other  deity,  and  to  ask  him  if  it  be  his  custom 
to  deceive  those  who  deserve  well  of  him."  Cyrus  asked  him 
what  cause  he  had  to  complain  that  induced  him  to  make  this 
request :  upon  which  Croesus  recounted  to  him  all  his  projects, 
and  the  answers  of  the  oracles,  and  particularly  the  offerings 
he  had  presented ;  and  how  he  was  incited  by  the  oracle  to 
make  war  against  the  Persians.  When  he  had  said  this,  he 
again  besought  him  to  grant  him  leave  to  reproach  the  god 
with  these  things.  But  Cyrus,  smiling,  said,  "  You  shall  not 
only  receive  this  boon  from  me,  but  whatever  else  you  may 
at  any  time  desire."  When  Croesus  heard  this,  he  sent  cer- 
tain Lydians  to  Delphi  with  orders  to  lay  his  fetters  at  the 
entrance  of  the  temple,  and  to  ask  the  god  if  he  were  not 
ashamed  to  have  encouraged  Croesus  by  his  oracles  to  make 
war  on  the  Persians,  assuring  him  that  he  would  put  an  end 
to  the  power  of  Cyrus,  of  which  war  such  were  the  first  fruits 
(commanding  them  at  these  words  to  show  the  fetters),  and 


90-92]  THE   ORACLE   INTERPRETED  37 

at  the  same  time  to  ask  if  it  were  the  custom  of  the  Grecian 
gods  to  be  ungrateful.  When  the  Lydians  arrived  at  Delphi, 
and  had  delivered  their  message,  the  Pythian  is  reported  to 
have  made  this  answer :  "  The  god  himself  even  can  not  avoid 
the  decrees  of  fate;  and  Crcesus  has  atoned  the  crime  of  his 
ancestor  in  the  fifth  generation,1  who,  being  one  of  the  body- 
guard of  the  Heraclidae,  was  induced  by  the  artifice  of  a 
woman  to  murder  his  master,  and  to  usurp  his  dignity,  to 
which  he  had  no  right.  But  although  Apollo  was  desirous 
that  the  fall  of  Sardis  might  happen  in  the  time  of  the  sons 
of  Crcesus,  and  not  during  his  reign,  yet  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  avert  the  fates ;  but  so  far  as  they  allowed  he  ac- 
complished, and  conferred  the  boon  on  him;  for  he  delayed 
the  capture  of  Sardis  for  the  space  of  three  years.  Let  Crce- 
sus know,  therefore,  that  he  was  taken  prisoner  three  years 
later  than  the  fates  had  ordained:  and  in  the  next  place,  he 
came  to  his  relief  when  he  was  upon  the  point  of  being  burned 
alive.  Then,  as  to  the  prediction  of  the  oracle,  Crcesus  had 
no  right  to  complain ;  for  Apollo  foretold  him  that  if  he  made 
war  on  the  Persians  he  would  subvert  a  great  empire;  and 
had  he  desired  to  be  truly  informed,  he  ought  to  have  sent 
again  to  inquire  whether  his  own  or  that  of  Cyrus  was  meant. 
But  since  he  neither  understood  the  oracle  nor  inquired  again, 
let  him  lay  the  blame  on  himself.  And  when  he  last  consulted 
the  oracle,  he  did  not  understand  the  answer  concerning  the 
mule ;  for  Cyrus  was  that  mule ;  inasmuch  as  he  was  born 
of  parents  of  different  nations,  the  mother  superior,  but  the 
father  inferior.  For  she  was  a  Mede,  and  daughter  of  Asty- 
ages,  King  of  Media;  but  he  was  a  Persian,  subject  to  the 
Medes,  and  though  in  every  respect  inferior,  married  his 
own  mistress."  The  Pythian  gave  this  answer  to  the  Lydians, 
and  they  carried  it  back  to  Sardis,  and  reported  it  to  Crcesus, 
and  he,  when  he  heard  it,  acknowledged  the  fault  to  be  his, 
and  not  the  god's.  Such  is  the  account  of  the  kingdom  of 
Crcesus,  and  the  first  subjection  of  Ionia. 

Many  other  offerings  were  also  consecrated  by  Crcesus  in 
Greece,  besides  those  already  mentioned.  For  at  Thebes  of 
Bceotia  there  is  a  golden  tripod,  which  he  dedicated  to  Isme- 
nian  Apollo;  and  in  Ephesus,  the  golden  heifers,  and  several 
of  the  pillars;  and  in  the  Pronaea  at  Delphi  a  large  golden 
shield.  All  these  were  in  existence  in  my  day ;  but  others  have 
been  lost.    The  offerings  he  dedicated  in  Branchis,  a  city  of 

1  Croesus  was  the  fifth  descendant  of  Gyges,  if  we  inciude  the  two 
extremes  ;  for  the  house  of  the  Mermnadae  was  as  follows  :  Gyges,  Ardys, 
Sadyattes,  Alyattes,  Croesus. 


38  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [92-94 

the  Milesians,  were,  as  I  am  informed,  equal  in  weight  and 
similar  to  those  at  Delphi.  Now  the  offerings  which  he  made 
to  Delphi  and  to  Amphiaraus  were  his  own  property  and  the 
first  fruits  of  his  patrimonial  riches ;  but  the  rest  were  the 
produce  of  the  property  of  an  enemy  who,  before  he  came  to 
the  throne,  had  set  up  an  adverse  faction,  endeavouring  to 
raise  Pantaleon  to  the  throne :  now  Pantaleon  was  the  son  of 
Alyattes,  but  not  of  the  same  mother  as  Croesus,  for  Aly- 
attes  had  Crcesus  by  a  Carian,  and  Pantaleon  by  an  Ionian 
woman.  When  therefore  Crcesus  by  the  will  of  his  father 
obtained  the  kingdom,  he  put  his  opponent  to  death  by  tear- 
ing his  flesh  with  a  fuller's  thistle ;  and  having  already  vowed 
all  his  treasure  to  the  gods,  he  dedicated  it  in  the  manner 
above  described  to  the  places  I  have  mentioned.  And  this 
may  suffice  respecting  the  offerings. 

The  Lydian  territory  does  not  present  many  wonders 
worthy  of  description,  like  some  other  countries,  except  the 
gold  dust  brought  down  from  Mount  Tmolus.  It  exhibits, 
however,  one  work  the  greatest  of  all,  except  those  of  the 
Egyptians  and  Babylonians.  There  is  there  a  monument  to 
Alyattes,  father  of  Crcesus,  the  basis  of  which  is  composed 
of  large  stones ;  the  rest  is  a  mound  of  earth.  This  fabric  was 
raised  by  merchants,  artificers,  and  prostitutes.  On  the  sum- 
mit of  this  monument  remained,  even  in  my  day,  five  termini, 
upon  which  were  inscriptions,  showing  how  much  of  the  work 
each  class  executed,  and  when  measured  the  work  of  the 
women  proved  to  be  the  greatest.  For  the  daughters  of  the 
Lydian  common  people  all  prostitute  themselves,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  providing  themselves  with  dowries ;  and  they  con- 
tinue to  do  so  until  they  marry;  and  they  dispose  of  them- 
selves in  marriage.  This  monument  is  six  stades  and  two 
plethra  in  circumference,  and  in  breadth  thirteen  plethra; 
contiguous  to  it  is  a  large  lake,  which  the  Lydians  say  is  fed 
by  perpetual  springs,  and  it  is  called  the  Gygean  Lake.  This 
may  suffice  for  this  subject. 

The  customs  of  the  Lydians  differ  little  from  those  of  the 
Grecians,  except  that  they  prostitute  their  women.  They  are 
the  first  of  all  nations  We  know  of  that  introduced  the  art  of 
coining  gold  and  silver ;  and  they  were  the  first  retailers.  The 
Lydians  themselves  say  that  the  games  which  are  now  com- 
mon to  themselves  and  the  Greeks  were  their  invention ;  and 
they  say  they  were  invented  about  the  time  they  sent  a  colony 
to  Tyrrhenia,  of  all  which  they  give  the  following  account: 
During  the  reign  of  Atys,  son  of  Manes,  King  of  Lydia,  a  great 
scarcity  of  corn  pervaded  all  Lydia :  for  some  time  the  Lydi- 


94-96]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE    LYDIANS  39 

ans  supported  it  with  constancy ;  but  when  they  saw  the  evil 
still  continuing  they  sought  for  remedies,  and  some  devised 
one  thing,  some  another ;  and  at  that  time  the  games  of  dice, 
hucklebones,  ball,  and  all  other  kinds  of  games  except 
draughts,  were  invented,  for  the  Lydians  do  not  claim  the  in- 
vention of  this  last.  And  having  made  these  inventions  to 
alleviate  the  famine,  they  employed  them  as  follows :  they 
used  to  play  one  whole  day  that  they  might  not  be  in  want 
of  food;  and  on  the  next,  they  ate  and  abstained  from  play; 
thus  they  passed  eighteen  years ;  but  when  the  evil  did  not 
abate,  on  the  contrary  became  still  more  virulent,  their  king 
divided  the  whole  people  into  two  parts,  and  cast  lots  which 
should  remain  and  which  quit  the  country,  and  over  that  part 
whose  lot  it  should  be  to  stay  he  appointed  himself  king; 
and  over  that  part  which  was  to  emigrate  he  appointed  his 
own  son,  whose  name  was  Tyrrhenus.  Those  to  whose  lot 
it  fell  to  leave  their  country  went  down  to  Smyrna,  built  ships, 
and  having  put  all  their  movables  which  were  of  use  on  board, 
set  sail  in  search  of  food  and  land,  until  having  passed  by  many 
nations,  they  reached  the  Ombrici,  where  they  built  towns, 
and  dwell  to  this  day.  From  being  called  Lydians,  they 
changed  their  name  to  one  after  the  king's  son,  who  led  them 
out;  from  him  they  gave  themselves  the  appellation  of  Tyr- 
rhenians. The  Lydians  then  were  reduced  under  the  power 
of  the  Persians. 

My  history  hence  proceeds  to  inquire  who  Cyrus  was  that 
overthrew  the  power  of  Croesus,  and  how  the  Persians  be- 
came masters  of  Asia.  In  which  narration  I  shall  follow  those 
Persians  who  do  not  wish  to  magnify  the  actions  of  Cyrus, 
but  to  relate  the  plain  truth ;  though  I  am  aware  that  there 
are  three  other  ways  of  relating  Cyrus's  history.  After  the 
Assyrians  had  ruled  over  upper  Asia  five  hundred  and  twenty 
years,  the  Medes  first  began  to  revolt  from  them ;  and  they  it 
seems,  in  their  struggle  with  the  Assyrians  for  liberty,  proved 
themselves  brave  men,  and  having  shaken  off  the  yoke,  be- 
came free ;  afterward  the  other  nations  also  did  the  same  as 
the  Medes.  When  all  throughout  the  continent  were  independ- 
ent, they  were  again  reduced  under  a  despotic  government  in 
the  following  manner:  There  was  among  the  Medes  a  man 
famous  for  wisdom,  named  Deioces,  son  of  Phraortes.  This 
Deioces,  aiming  at  absolute  power,  had  recourse  to  the  fol- 
lowing plan :  the  Medes  were  at  that  time  distributed  in 
villages,  and  Deioces,  who  was  already  highly  esteemed  in 
his  own  district,  applied  himself  with  great  zeal  to  the  exercise 
of  justice;  and  this  he  did,  since  great  lawlessness  prevailed 


40  HERODOTUS— BOOK    I,   CLIO  [96-98 

throughout  the  whole  of  Media,  and  he  knew  that  injustice 
and  justice  are  ever  at  variance.  The  Medes  of  the  same 
village,  observing  his  conduct,  chose  him  for  their  judge ; 
and  he,  constantly  keeping  the  sovereign  power  in  view, 
showed  himself  upright  and  just.  By  this  conduct  he  acquired 
no  slight  praise  from  his  fellow-citizens,  so  much  so  that  the 
inhabitants  of  other  villages,  hearing  that  Deioces  was  the 
only  one  who  judged  uprightly,  having  before  met  with  un- 
just sentences,  when  they  heard  of  him,  gladly  came  from  all 
parts  to  Deioces,  in  order  to  submit  their  quarrels  to  his  de- 
cision ;  and  at  last  they  would  commit  the  decision  to  no  one 
else.  In  the  end,  when  the  number  of  those  who  had  re- 
course to  him  continually  increased  as  men  heard  of  the  jus- 
tice of  his  decisions,  Deioces,  seeing  the  whole  devolved  upon 
himself,  would  no  longer  occupy  the  seat  where  he  used  to 
sit  to  determine  differences,  and  refused  to  act  as  judge  any 
more,  for  that  it  was  of  no  advantage  to  him  to  neglect  his 
own  affairs,  and  spend  the  day  in  deciding  the  quarrels  of 
others.  Upon  this,  rapine  and  lawlessness  growing  far  more 
frequent  throughout  the  villages  than  before,  the  Medes  called 
an  assembly  and  consulted  together  about  the  present  state 
of  things,  but,  as  I  suspect,  the  partisans  of  Deioces  spoke 
to  the  following  purpose :  "  Since  it  is  impossible  for  us  to 
inhabit  the  country  if  we  continue  in  our  present  condition, 
let  us  constitute  a  king  over  us,  and  so  the  country  will  be 
governed  by  good  laws,  and  we  ourselves  shall  be  able  to 
attend  to  our  business,  nor  be  any  longer  driven  from  our 
homes  by  lawlessness."  By  some  such  words  they  persuaded 
them  to  submit  to  a  kingly  government.  Upon  their  imme- 
diately putting  the  question,  whom  they  should  appoint  king, 
Deioces  was  unanimously  preferred  and  commended ;  so  that 
at  last  they  agreed  that  he  should  be  their  king.  But  he  re- 
quired them  to  build  him  a  palace  suitable  to  the  dignity  of 
a  king,  and  guards  for  the  security  of  his  person.  The  Medes 
accordingly  did  so ;  and  built  him  a  spacious  and  strong  pal- 
ace in  the  part  of  the  country  that  he  selected,  and  permitted 
him  to  choose  guards  for  his  person  out  of  all  the  Medes. 
Being  thus  possessed  of  the  power,  he  compelled  the  Medes 
to  build  one  city,  and  having  carefully  adorned  that,  to  pay 
less  attention  to  the  others.  And  as  the  Medes  obeyed  him 
in  this  also,  he  built  lofty  and  strong  walls,  which  now  go 
under  the  name  of  Ecbatana,1  one  placed  in  a  circle  within 
the  other;  and  this  fortification  is  so  contrived  that  each  cir- 
cle was  raised  above  the  other  by  the  height  of  the  battlements 
1  For  the  Scripture  account  of  Ecbatana,  see  Judith,  i :  1-4. 


98-102]  DEIOCES   RULES   THE   MEDES  41 

only.  The  situation  of  the  ground,  rising  by  an  easy  ascent, 
was  very  favourable  to  the  design.  But  that  which  was  par- 
ticularly attended  to  is,  that  there  being  seven  circles  alto- 
gether, the  king's  palace  and  the  treasury  are  situated  within 
the  innermost  of  them.  The  largest  of  these  walls  is  about 
equal  in  circumference  to  the  city  of  Athens ;  the  battlements 
of  the  first  circle  are  white,  of  the  second  black,  of  the  third 
purple,  of  the  fourth  blue,  of  the  fifth  bright  red.  Thus  the 
battlements  of  all  the  circles  are  painted  with  different  colours ; 
but  the  last  two  have  their  battlements  plated,  the  one  with 
silver,  the  other  with  gold. 

Deioces  then  built  these  fortifications  for  himself,  and 
round  his  own  palace ;  and  he  commanded  the  rest  of  the 
people  to  fix  their  habitations  round  the  fortification.  And 
when  all  the  buildings  were  completed  he,  for  the  first  time, 
established  the  following  regulations :  that  no  man  should 
be  admitted  to  the  king's  presence,  but  every  one  should  con- 
sult him  by  means  of  messengers,  and  that  none  should  be 
permitted  to  see  him;  and,  moreover,  that  it  should  be  ac- 
counted indecency  for  any  to  laugh  or  spit  before  him.  He 
established  such  ceremony  about  his  own  person,  for  this 
reason,  that  those  who  were  his  equals,  and  who  were  brought 
up  with  him,  and  of  no  meaner  family,  nor  inferior  to  him  in 
manly  qualities,  might  not,  when  they  saw  him,  grieve  and 
conspire  against  him;  but  that  he  might  appear  to  be  of  a 
different  nature  to  them  who  did  not  see  him.  When  he  had 
established  these  regulations,  and  settled  himself  in  the  tyran- 
ny, he  was  very  severe  in  the  distribution  of  justice.  And  the 
parties  contending  were  obliged  to  send  him  their  cases  in 
writing,  and  he  having  come  to  a  decision,  on  the  cases  so 
laid  before  him,  sent  them  back  again.  This  then  was  his 
plan  in  reference  to  matters  of  litigation.  And  all  other  things 
were  regulated  by  him :  so  that  if  he  received  information  that 
any  man  had  injured  another,  he  would  presently  send  for 
him,  and  punish  him  in  proportion  to  his  offence;  and  for 
this  purpose  he  had  spies  and  eavesdroppers  in  every  part  of 
his  dominions. 

Now  Deioces  collected  the  Medes  into  one  nation,  and 
ruled  over  that.  The  following  are  the  tribes  of  the  Medes : 
the  Busse,  Parataceni,  Struchates,  Arizanti,  Budii,  and  the 
Magi.  Such  are  the  tribes  of  the  Medes.  Deioces  had  a  son, 
Phraortes,  who,  when  his  father  died,  after  a  reign  of  fifty- 
three  years,  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom ;  but  having  so 
succeeded,  he  was  not  content  to  rule  over  the  Medes  only, 
but,  having  made  war  on  the  Persians,  he  attacked  them  and 


42  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [102-105 

reduced  them  under  the  dominion  of  the  Medes.  And  after- 
ward being  master  of  these  two  nations,  both  of  them  power- 
ful, he  subdued  Asia,  attacking  one  nation  after  another, 
until  at  last  he  invaded  the  Assyrians,  who  inhabited  the 
city  of  Nineveh,  and  who  had  before  been  supreme  though 
at  that  time  they  were  abandoned  by  their  confederates  (who 
had  revolted),  but  who  were  otherwise  in  good  condition : 
Phraortes  then,  having  made  war  on  them,  perished  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  army,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-two 
years. 

When  Phraortes  was  dead,  Cyaxares,  his  son,  grandson 
of  Deioces,  succeeded  him.  He  is  said  to  have  been  more 
warlike  than  his  ancestors.  He  first  divided  the  people  of 
Asia  into  cohorts,  and  first  divided  them  into  spearmen,  arch- 
ers, and  cavalry ;  whereas  before  they  had  been  confusedly 
mixed  together.  It  was  he  that  fought  with  the  Lydians,  when 
the  day  was  turned  into  night  as  they  were  fighting;  and 
who  subjected  the  whole  of  Asia  above  the  river  Halys.  He 
assembled  the  forces  of  all  his  subjects,  and  marched  against 
Nineveh  to  avenge  his  father  and  destroy  that  city.  How- 
ever, when  he  had  obtained  a  victory  over  the  Assyrians, 
and  while  he  was  besieging  Nineveh,  a  great  army  of  Scythi- 
ans came  upon  him,  under  the  conduct  of  their  king  Madyes, 
son  of  Protothyas.  These  Scythians  had  driven  the  Cim- 
merians out  of  Europe,  and  pursuing  them  into  Asia,  by  that 
means  entered  the  territories  of  the  Medes.  The  distance 
from  the  lake  Maeotis  to  the  river  Phasis  and  to  Colchis  is  a 
journey  of  thirty  days  to  a  well-girt  man,  but  the  route  from 
Colchis  to  Media  is  not  long,  for  only  one  nation,  the  Sas- 
pires,  lies  between  them :  when  one  has  passed  over  this, 
one  finds  one's  self  in  Media.  The  Scythians,  however,  did 
not  pass  by  this  way,  but  turned  to  the  higher  road  by  a  much 
longer  route,  having  Mount  Caucasus  on  the  right,  and  there 
the  Medes  coming  to  an  engagement  with  the  Scythians,  and 
being  worsted  in  the  battle,  lost  their  dominion,  and  the 
Scythians  became  masters  of  all  Asia.  Thence  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Egypt,  and  when  they  reached  Palestine  in  Syria, 
Psammitichus,  King  of  Egypt,  having  met  them  with  pres- 
ents and  prayers,  diverted  them  from  advancing  farther.  In 
their  return,  however,  they  came  to  Ascalon,  a  city  of  Syria, 
and  when  most  of  them  had  marched  through  without  doing 
any  injury,  some  few,  who  were  left  behind,  pillaged  the  Tem- 
ple of  Celestial  Venus.  This  temple,  as  I  find  by  inquiry,  is 
the  most  ancient  of  all  the  temples  dedicated  to  this  goddess ; 
for  that  in  Cyprus  was  built  after  this,  as  the  Cyprians  them- 


105-108]  THE   SCYTHIANS   IN   ASIA  43 

selves  confess  ;  and  that  in  Cythera  was  erected  by  Phoenicians 
who  came  from  the  same  part  of  Syria.  However,  the  god- 
dess inflicted  on  the  Scythians  who  robbed  her  temple  at 
Ascalon,  and  on  all  their  posterity,  a  female  disease ;  so  that 
the  Scythians  confess  that  they  are  afflicted  with  it  on  this 
account,  and  those  who  visit  Scythia  may  see  in  what  a  state 
they  are  whom  the  Scythians  call  Enarees.  For  twenty-eight 
years,  then,  the  Scythians  governed  Asia,  and  everything  was 
overthrown  by  their  licentiousness  and  neglect ;  for  besides 
the  usual  tribute,  they  exacted  from  each  whatever  they  chose 
to  impose,  and,  in  addition  to  the  tribute,  they  rode  round 
the  country  and  plundered  them  of  all  their  possessions.  Now 
Cyaxares  and  the  Medes  invited  the  greatest  part  of  them  to 
a  feast,  and  having  made  them  drunk,  put  them  to  death ;  and 
so  the  Medes  recovered  their  former  power,  and  all  they  had 
possessed  before;  and  they  took  Nineveh  (how  they  took  it, 
I  will  relate  in  another  work  1),  and  reduced  the  Assyrians 
into  subjection,  with  the  exception  of  the  Babylonian  district. 
Having  accomplished  these  things,  Cyaxares  died,  after  he 
had  reigned  forty  years,  including  the  time  of  the  Scythian 
dominion. 

Astyages,  the  son  of  Cyaxares,  succeeded  him  in  the  king- 
dom. He  had  a  daughter,  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of 
Mandane.  He  dreamed  that  she  made  so  great  a  quantity 
of  water  as  not  only  filled  his  own  city,  but  overflowed  all  Asia. 
And  having  communicated  this  dream  to  those  of  the  Magi 
who  interpret  dreams,  he  was  exceedingly  alarmed  when  in- 
formed by  them  of  every  particular;  and  he  afterward  gave 
this  Mandane,  when  she  had  arrived  at  a  marriageable  age, 
to  no  one  of  the  Medes  who  was  worthy  of  her,  through  dread 
of  the  vision,  but  to  a  Persian,  named  Cambyses,  whom  he 
found  descended  of  a  good  family,  and  of  a  peaceful  disposi- 
tion, deeming  him  far  inferior  to  a  Mede  of  moderate  rank. 
In  the  first  year  after  Mandane  was  married  to  Cambyses, 
Astyages  saw  another  vision :  it  appeared  to  him  that  a  vine 
grew  up  from  his  daughter's  womb,  and  that  the  vine  covered 
all  Asia.  Having  seen  this  and  communicated  it  to  the  inter- 
preters of  dreams,  he  sent  to  Persia  for  his  daughter,  who  was 
then  near  her  time  of  delivery;  and  upon  her  arrival  he  put 
her  under  a  guard,  resolving  to  destroy  whatever  should  be 
born  of  her ;  for  the  Magian  interpreters  had  signified  to  him 
from  his  vision  that  the  issue  of  his  daughter  would  reign 

1  Several  passages  of  our  author  seem  to  prove  that  Herodotus  wrote 
other  histories  than  those  which  have  come  down  to  us.  In  this  book  he 
speaks  of  his  Assyrian  history ;  in  the  second  of  the  Libyan. 


44  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [108-110 

in  his  stead.  Astyages  therefore,  guarding  against  this,  as 
soon  as  Cyrus  was  born,  sent  for  Harpagus,  a  kinsman  of  his, 
the  most  faithful  of  all  the  Medes,  and  the  manager  of  all  his 
affairs,  and  said  to  him :  "  Harpagus,  on  no  account  fail  to 
perform  the  business  I  now  charge  you  with ;  nor  expose  me 
to  danger  by  deceiving  me ;  nor,  by  preferring  another,  draw 
ruin  upon  thy  own  head.  Take  the  child  that  Mandane  has 
given  birth  to,  carry  him  to  your  own  house  and  kill  him, 
and  afterward  bury  him  in  whatever  way  you  think  fit."  Har- 
pagus answered :  "  O  king,  you  have  never  yet  observed  any 
ingratitude  in  me,  and  I  shall  take  care  never  to  offend  you 
in  the  future.  If  therefore  it  is  your  pleasure  that  this  thing 
should  be  done,  it  is  fitting  that  I  readily  obey  you."  Har- 
pagus, having  given  this  answer,  when  the  child  had  been 
put  into  his  hands,  adorned  as  if  for  death,  returned  home 
weeping;  and  upon  his  arrival  he  told  his  wife  all  that  Asty- 
ages had  said.  She  asked  him,  "  What  then  do  you  propose 
to  do  ?  "  He  answered :  "  Not  as  Astyages  has  commanded ; 
though  he  should  be  yet  more  outrageous  and  mad  than  he 
is,  I  will  not  comply  with  his  wishes,  nor  will  I  submit  to 
him  by  performing  such  a  murder:  and  for  many  reasons  I 
will  not  murder  the  child;  both  because  he  is  my  own  rela- 
tion, and  because  Astyages  is  old,  and  has  no  male  offspring ; 
besides,  if,  after  his  death,  the  sovereignty  should  devolve  on 
this  daughter,  whose  son  he  would  now  murder  by  my  means, 
what  else  remains  for  me  but  the  greatest  danger  ?  It  is  neces- 
sary, however,  for  my  safety  that  the  child  should  die,  but  as 
necessary  that  one  of  Astyages's  people  should  be  the  execu- 
tioner, and  not  one  of  mine."  Thus  he  spoke,  and  immedi- 
ately sent  a  messenger  for  one  of  Astyages's  herdsmen,  whom 
he  knew  grazed  his  cattle  on  pastures  most  convenient  for 
the  purpose,  and  on  mountains  abounding  with  wild  beasts. 
His  name  was  Mitradates,  and  he  had  married  his  fellow- 
servant.  The  name  of  the  woman  to  whom  he  was  married, 
in  the  language  of  Greece  was  Cyno,  and  in  that  of  the  Medes 
Spaco,  for  the  Medes  call  a  bitch  Spaca.  The  foot  of  the 
mountains  at  which  this  herdsman  grazed  his  cattle  lies  to 
the  north  of  Ecbatana,  toward  the  Euxine  Sea.  For  the 
Medic  territory  on  this  side  toward  the  Saspires  is  very  moun- 
tainous, lofty,  and  covered  with  forests ;  whereas  all  the  rest 
of  Media  is  level.  When  therefore  the  herdsman,  being  sum- 
moned in  great  haste,  arrived,  Harpagus  addressed  him  as 
follows  :  "  Astyages  bids  thee  take  this  infant,  and  expose  him 
on  the  bleakest  part  of  the  mountains,  that  he  may  speedily 
perish ;  and  has  charged  me  to  add  that  if  thou  by  any  means 


no-112]  THE  BIRTH  OF  CYRUS  45 

shouldst  save  the  child,  thou  shalt  die  by  the  most  cruel  death ; 
and  I  am  appointed  to  see  the  child  exposed."  The  herds- 
man, having  heard  these  words,  took  the  infant,  returned  back 
by  the  same  way,  and  reached  his  cottage.  It  so  happened 
that  his  wife,  whose  confinement  had  been  daily  expected, 
was  brought  to  bed  while  he  was  absent  in  the  city.  And 
each  had  been  in  a  state  of  anxiety  for  the  other;  he  being 
alarmed  about  his  wife's  delivery,  and  the  woman  because 
Harpagus,  who  had  not  been  accustomed  to  do  so,  had  sent 
for  her  husband.  When  he  returned  and  came  up  to  her,  she 
seeing  him  thus  unexpectedly,  first  asked  him  why  Harpagus 
had  sent  for  him  in  such  haste.  "  Wife,"  said  he,  "  when  I 
reached  the  city,  I  saw  and  heard  what  I  wish  I  had  never 
seen,  nor  had  ever  befallen  our  masters.  The  whole  house 
of  Harpagus  was  filled  with  lamentations ;  I,  greatly  alarmed, 
went  in,  and  as  soon  as  I  entered  I  saw  an  infant  lying  before 
me,  panting  and  crying,  dressed  in  gold  and  a  robe  of  various 
colours.  When  Harpagus  saw  me,  he  ordered  me  to  take 
up  the  child  directty,  and  carry  him  away,  and  expose  him 
in  the  part  of  the  mountain  most  frequented  by  wild  beasts ; 
telling  me  at  the  same  time  that  it  was  Astyages  who  imposed 
this  task  on  me,  and  threatening  the  severest  punishment  if 
I  should  fail  to  do  it.  I  took  up  the  infant  and  carried  him 
away,  supposing  him  to  belong  to  one  of  the  servants ;  for  I 
had  then  no  suspicion  whence  he  came ;  though  I  was  aston- 
ished at  seeing  him  dressed  in  gold  and  fine  apparel ;  and 
also  at  the  sorrow  which  evidently  prevailed  in  the  house  of 
Harpagus.  But  soon  after,  on  my  way  home,  I  learned  the 
whole  truth  from  a  servant  who  accompanied  me  out  of  the 
city  and  delivered  the  child  into  my  hands ;  that  he  was  born 
of  Mandane,  Astyages's  daughter,  and  of  Cambyses,  son  of 
Cyrus,  and  that  Astyages  had  commanded  him  to  be  put  to 
death." 

As  the  herdsman  uttered  these  last  words,  he  uncovered 
the  child  and  showed  it  to  his  wife ;  she  seeing  that  the  child 
was  large  and  of  a  beautiful  form,  embraced  the  knees  of  her 
husband,  and  with  tears  besought  him  by  no  means  to  expose 
it.  He  said  that  it  was  impossible  to  do  otherwise;  for  that 
spies  would  come  from  Harpagus  to  see  the  thing  done,  and 
he  must  himself  die  the  most  cruel  death  if  he  should  fail  to 
do  it.  The  woman,  finding  she  could  not  persuade  her  hus- 
band, again  addressed  him  as  follows :  "  Since,  then,  I  can 
not  persuade  you  not  to  expose  the  child,  do  this  at  least,  if 
it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  he  should  be  seen  exposed :  now 
I  too  have  been  delivered,  and  delivered  of  a  still-born  child, 


46  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [112-114 

then  take  this  and  expose  it,  and  let  us  bring  up  the  son  of 
Astyages's  daughter  as  our  own.  Thus  you  will  neither  be 
convicted  of  having  wronged  our  masters,  nor  shall  we  have 
consulted  ill  for  our  own  interests ;  for  the  child  that  is  dead 
will  have  a  royal  burial,  and  the  one  that  survives  will  not  be 
deprived  of  life."  The  herdsman  thought  his  wife  spoke  very 
much  to  the  purpose  under  existing  circumstances,  and  im- 
mediately proceeded  to  act  accordingly :  the  child  that  he  had 
brought  for  the  purpose  of  putting  to  death  he  delivered  to 
his  wife;  his  own,  which  was  dead,  he  put  into  the  basket  in 
which  he  had  brought  the  other,  and  having  dressed  it  in  all 
the  finery  of  the  other  child,  he  exposed  it  in  the  most  deso- 
late part  of  the  mountains.  On  the  third  day  after  the  infant 
had  been  exposed,  the  herdsman,  having  left  one  of  his  as- 
sistants as  a  guard,  went  to  the  city,  and,  arriving  at  the  house 
of  Harpagus,  told  him  he  was  ready  to  show  the  dead  body 
of  the  infant.  Harpagus  accordingly  sent  some  of  the  most 
trusty  of  his  guards,  and  by  that  means  saw  the  body,  and 
buried  the  herdsman's  child.  Thus  this  child  was  buried. 
The  other,  who  afterward  had  the  name  of  Cyrus,  was  brought 
up  by  the  herdsman's  wife,  who  gave  him  some  other  name, 
and  not  that  of  Cyrus. 

When  the  child  attained  the  age  of  ten  years,  a  circum- 
stance of  the  following  nature  discovered  him :  he  was  play- 
ing in  the  village  in  which  the  ox-stalls  were,  with  boys  of 
his  own  age,  in  the  road.  The  boys  who  were  playing  chose 
this  reputed  son  of  the  herdsman  for  their  king.  But  he  ap- 
pointed some  of  them  to  build  houses,  and  others  to  be  his 
body-guards,  one  of  them  to  be  the  king's  eye,  and  to  an- 
other he  gave  the  office  of  bringing  messages  to  him,  assign- 
ing to  each  his  proper  duty.  Now  one  of  these  boys  who 
was  playing  with  him,  being  son  of  Artembares,  a  man  of 
rank  among  the  Medes,  refused  to  obey  the  orders  of  Cyrus ; 
he  therefore  commanded  the  others  to  seize  him,  and  when 
they  obeyed,  Cyrus  scourged  the  boy  very  severely.  But 
the  boy,  as  soon  as  he  was  let  loose,  considering  that  he  had 
been  treated  with  great  indignity,  took  it  very  much  to  heart, 
and  hastening  to  the  city,  complained  to  his  father  of  the 
treatment  he  had  met  with  from  Cyrus,  not  indeed  saying 
from  Cyrus  (for  he  was  not  yet  known  by  that  name),  but 
from  the  son  of  Astyages's  herdsman.  Artembares,  in  a  trans- 
port of  anger,  went  immediately  to  Astyages,  and  taking  his 
son  with  him,  said  that  he  suffered  treatment  that  was  not  to 
be  borne,  adding,  "  Thus,  O  king,  are  we  insulted  by  your 
slave,  the  son  of  a  herdsman,"  showing  the  boy's  shoulders. 


1 1 5-1 17]  CYRUS   IS  DISCOVERED  47 

Astyages  having  heard  and  seen  what  was  done,  resolving, 
on  account  of  the  rank  of  Artembares,  to  avenge  the  indig- 
nity offered  to  the  youth,  sent  for  the  herdsman  and  his 
son.  When  both  came  into  his  presence,  Astyages,  looking 
upon  Cyrus,  said,  "  Have  you,  who  are  the  son  of  such  a  man 
as  this,  dared  to  treat  the  son  of  one  of  the  principal  persons 
in  my  kingdom  with  such  indignity  ?  "  But  Cyrus  answered : 
"  Sir,  I  treated  him  as  I  did  with  justice.  For  the  boys  of 
our  village,  of  whom  he  was  one,  in  their  play  made  me  their 
king,  because  I  appeared  to  them  the  most  fitted  to  that  of- 
fice. Now,  all  the  other  boys  performed  what  they  were  or- 
dered, but  he  alone  refused  to  obey,  and  paid  no  attention  to 
my  commands,  wherefore  he  was  punished;  if  then  on  this 
account  I  am  deserving  of  punishment,  here  I  am  ready  to 
submit  to  it."  As  the  boy  was  speaking  thus,  Astyages  recog- 
nised who  he  was;  both  the  character  of  his  face  appeared 
like  his  own,  and  his  answer  more  free  than  accorded  with 
his  condition ;  the  time  also  of  the  exposure  seemed  to  agree 
with  the  age  of  the  boy.  Alarmed  at  this  discovery,  he  was 
for  some  time  speechless ;  and  at  last,  having  with  difficulty 
recovered  himself  (being  desirous  of  sending  Artembares  away 
in  order  that  he  might  examine  the  herdsman  in  private),  he 
said,  "  Artembares,  I  will  take  care  that  neither  you  nor  your 
son  shall  have  any  cause  of  complaint."  Thus  he  dismissed 
Artembares ;  but  the  servants,  at  the  command  of  Astyages, 
conducted  Cyrus  into  an  inner  room ;  and  when  the  herds- 
man remained  alone,  he  asked  him  in  the  absence  of  wit- 
nesses, whence  he  had  the  boy,  and  from  whose  hands  he  re- 
ceived him?  He  affirmed  that  the  boy  was  his  own  son,  and 
that  the  mother  who  bore  him  was  still  living  with  him.  Asty- 
ages told  him  that  he  did  not  consult  his  own  safety  in  wish- 
ing to  be  put  to  the  torture;  and  as  he  said  this  he  made  a 
signal  to  his  guards  to  seize  him.  The  man,  when  brought 
to  the  torture,  discovered  the  whole  matter,  and  beginning 
from  the  outset  he  went  through  it,  speaking  the  truth 
throughout;  and  concluded  with  prayers  and  entreaties  for 
pardon.  Astyages,  when  the  herdsman  had  confessed  the 
truth,  did  not  concern  himself  much  about  him  afterward ;  but 
attaching  great  blame  to  Harpagus,  he  ordered  his  guards 
to  summon  him ;  and  when  Astyages  asked,  "  Harpagus,  by 
what  kind  of  a  death  did  you  dispose  of  the  child  which  I  de- 
livered to  you  born  of  my  daughter  ?  "  Harpagus,  seeing  the 
herdsman  present,  had  not  recourse  to  falsehood,  lest  he 
should  be  detected  and  convicted,  but  said :  "  O  king,  when 
I  had  received  the  infant,  I  carefully  considered  how  I  could 


48  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [117-119 

act  according  to  your  wish  and  command,  and,  without  of- 
fending you,  I  might  be  free  from  the  crime  of  murder  both 
in  your  daughter's  sight  and  in  yours.  I  therefore  acted  as 
follows :  having  sent  for  this  herdsman,  I  gave  him  the  child, 
saying  that  you  had  commanded  him  to  put  it  to  death ;  and 
in  saying  this  I  did  not  speak  falsely,  for  such  indeed  were 
your  orders.  In  this  manner  I  delivered  the  infant  to  him, 
charging  him  to  place  it  in  some  desert  mountain,  and  to 
stay  and  watch  till  the  child  was  dead,  threatening  the  severest 
punishment  if  he  should  not  fully  carry  out  these  injunctions. 
When  he  had  executed  these  orders,  and  the  child  was  dead, 
I  sent  some  of  the  most  trusty  of  my  eunuchs,  and  by  means 
of  them  beheld  the  body,  and  buried  it.  This  is  the  whole 
truth,  O  king,  and  such  was  the  fate  of  the  child." 

Thus  Harpagus  told  the  real  truth ;  but  Astyages,  dis- 
sembling the  anger  which  he  felt  on  account  of  what  had  been 
done,  again  related  to  Harpagus  the  whole  matter  as  he  had 
heard  it  from  the  herdsman ;  and  afterward,  when  he  had 
repeated  it  throughout,  he  ended  by  saying  that  the  child  was 
alive  and  all  was  well.  "  For,"  he  added,  "  I  suffered  much 
on  account  of  what  had  been  done  regarding  this  child,  and 
could  not  easily  bear  the  reproaches  of  my  daughter;  there- 
fore since  fortune  has  taken  a  more  favourable  turn,  do  you, 
in  the  first  place,  send  your  own  son  to  accompany  the  boy 
I  have  recovered ;  and,  in  the  next  place  (for  I  purpose  to 
offer  a  sacrifice  for  the  preservation  of  the  child  to  the  gods, 
to  whom  that  honour  is  due),  do  you  be  with  me  at  supper." 
Harpagus,  on  hearing  these  words,  when  he  had  paid  his 
homage,  and  had  congratulated  himself  that  his  fault  had 
turned  to  so  good  account,  and  that  he  was  invited  to  the 
feast  under  such  auspicious  circumstances,  went  to  his  own 
home.  And  as  soon  as  he  entered  he  sent  his  only  son,  who 
was  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  bade  him  go  to  Asty- 
ages, and  do  whatever  he  should  command;  and  then,  being 
full  of  joy,  he  told  his  wife  what  had  happened.  But  when 
the  son  of  Harpagus  arrived,  having  slain  and  cut  him  into 
joints,  Astyages  roasted  some  parts  of  his  flesh  and  boiled 
others,  and  having  had  them  well  dressed,  kept  them  in  readi- 
ness. At  the  appointed  hour,  when  the  other  guests  and  Har- 
pagus were  come,  tables  full  of  mutton  were  placed  before 
the  rest  and  Astyages  himself,  but  before  Harpagus  all  the 
body  of  his  son,  except  the  head,  the  hands,  and  the  feet; 
these  were  laid  apart  in  a  basket  covered  over.  When  Har- 
pagus seemed  to  have  eaten  enough,  Astyages  asked  him  if 
he  was  pleased  with  the  entertainment;  and  when  Harpagus 


U9-I20]  ASTYAGES  PUNISHES  HARPAGUS  49 

replied  that  he  was  highly  delighted,  the  officers  appointed 
for  the  purpose  brought  him  the  head  of  his  son  covered  up 
with  the  hands  and  feet,  and  standing  before  Harpagus,  they 
bade  him  uncover  the  basket  and  take  what  he  chose.  Har- 
pagus doing  as  they  desired,  and  uncovering  the  basket,  saw 
the  remains  of  his  son's  body,  but  he  expressed  no  alarm  at 
the  sight,  and  retained  his  presence  of  mind ;  whereupon  Asty- 
ages  asked  him  if  he  knew  of  what  animal  he  had  been  eat- 
ing. He  said  he  knew  very  well,  and  that  whatever  a  king 
did  was  agreeable  to  him.  After  he  had  given  this  answer, 
he  gathered  the  remains  of  the  flesh  and  went  home,  pur- 
posing, as  I  conjecture,  to  collect  all  he  could  and  bury  it. 

Astyages  thus  punished  Harpagus;  and  then  considering 
what  he  should  do  with  Cyrus,  summoned  the  Magi,  who  had 
formerly  interpreted  his  dream.  When  they  were  come,  Asty- 
ages asked  them  in  what  way  they  had  interpreted  his  vision. 
They  gave  the  same  answer  as  before ;  and  said,  that  if  the 
boy  was  still  alive,  and  had  not  already  died,  he  must  of  neces- 
sity be  king.  He  answered  them  as  follows :  "  The  boy  is 
and  still  survives,  and  while  living  in  the  country,  the  boys  of 
the  village  made  him  king,  and  he  has  already  performed  all 
such  things  as  kings  really  do,  for  he  has  appointed  guards, 
door-keepers,  messengers,  and  all  other  things  in  like  man- 
ner ;  and  now  I  desire  to  know  to  what  do  these  things  appear 
to  you  to  tend."  The  Magi  answered :  "  If  the  boy  be  liv- 
ing, and  has  already  been  a  king  by  no  settled  plan,  you  may 
take  courage  on  his  account  and  make  your  mind  easy,  for  he 
will  not  reign  a  second  time.  For  some  of  our  predictions 
terminate  in  trifling  results ;  and  dreams,  and  things  like 
them,  are  fulfilled  by  slight  events."  To  this  Astyages  re- 
plied, "  I  too,  O  Magi,  am  very  much  of  the  same  opinion, 
that  since  the  child  has  been  named  king,  the  dream  is  ac- 
complished, and  that  the  bo)r  is  no  longer  an  object  of  alarm 
to  me ;  yet  consider  well,  and  carefully  weigh  what  will  be 
the  safest  course  for  my  family  and  yourselves."  The  Magi 
answered :  "  O  king,  it  is  of  great  importance  to  us  that  your 
empire  should  be  firmly  established,  for  otherwise  it  is  alien- 
ated, passing  over  to  this  boy,  who  is  a  Persian,  and  we,  who 
are  Medes,  shall  be  enslaved  by  Persians,  and  held  in  no 
account  as  being  foreigners ;  whereas  while  you,  who  are  of 
our  own  country,  are  king,  we  have  a  share  in  the  government, 
and  enjoy  great  honours  at  your  hands.  Thus,  then,  we  must 
on  every  account  provide  for  your  safety  and  that  of  your  gov- 
ernment; and  now,  if  we  saw  anything  to  occasion  alarm  we 
should  tell  you  of  it  beforehand ;  but  now,  since  the  dream  has 
4 


50  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [120-123 

issued  in  a  trifling  event,  we  ourselves  take  courage,  and  advise 
you  to  do  the  like,  and  to  send  the  boy  out  of  your  sight  to  his 
parents  in  Persia."  When,  therefore,  Astyages  heard  this  he 
was  delighted,  and,  having  called  for  Cyrus,  said  to  him : 
"  Child,  I  have  been  unjust  to  you,  by  reason  of  a  vain  dream ; 
but  you  survive  by  your  own  destiny.  Now  go  in  happiness 
to  Persia,  and  I  will  send  an  escort  to  attend  you :  when  you 
arrive  there  you  will  find  a  father  and  mother  very  different 
from  the  herdsman  Mitradates  and  his  wife." 

Astyages,  having  spoken  thus,  sent  Cyrus  away,  and, 
upon  his  arrival  at  the  house  of  Cambyses,  his  parents  wel- 
comed him ;  and  having  received  him,  when  they  heard 
who  he  was  they  embraced  him  with  the  greatest  tender- 
ness, having  been  assured  that  he  had  died  immediately 
after  his  birth ;  and  they  inquired  of  him  by  what  means 
his  life  had  been  preserved.  He  told  them,  saying,  that  be- 
fore he  knew  not,  but  that  on  the  road  he  had  heard  the 
whole  case ;  for  that  till  that  time  he  believed  he  was  the 
son  of  Astyages's  herdsman.  He  related  that  he  had  been 
brought  up  by  the  herdsman's  wife ;  and  he  went  on  con- 
stantly praising  her;  and  Cyno  was  the  chief  subject  of  his 
talk.  His  parents  having  taken  up  this  name  (in  order  that 
the  Persians  might  suppose  that  the  child  was  somewhat 
miraculously  preserved  for  them),  spread  about  a  report  that 
a  bitch  had  nourished  him  when  exposed :  hence  this  report 
was  propagated.  When  Cyrus  had  reached  man's  estate,  and 
proved  the  most  manly  and  beloved  of  his  equals  in  age,  Har- 
pagus  paid  great  court  to  him,  sending  him  presents,  from  his 
desire  to  be  avenged  on  Astyages;  for  he  did  not  see  that 
he  himself,  who  was  but  a  private  man,  could  be  able  to  take 
vengeance  on  Astyages.  Perceiving,  therefore,  that  Cyrus 
was  growing  up  to  be  his  avenger,  he  contracted  a  friendship 
with  him,  comparing  the  sufferings  of  Cyrus  with  his  own. 
And  before  this  he  had  made  the  following  preparations :  see- 
ing Astyages  severe  in  his  treatment  of  the  Medes,  Harpagus, 
holding  intercourse  with  the  chief  persons  of  the  nation,  one 
after  another,  persuaded  them  that  they  ought  to  place  him 
at  their  head,  and  depose  Astyages.  When  he  had  effected 
his  purpose  in  this  respect,  and  all  was  ready,  Harpagus,  wish- 
ing to  discover  his  designs  to  Cyrus,  who  resided  in  Persia, 
and  having  no  other  way  left,  because  the  roads  were  all 
guarded,  contrived  the  following  artifice:  having  cunningly 
contrived  a  hare,  by  opening  its  belly,  and  tearing  off  none 
of  the  hair,  he  put  a  letter,  containing  what  he  thought  neces- 
sary to  write,  into  the  body;  and  having  sewed  up  the  belly 


123-126]  HARPAGUS  PLOTS  WITH   CYRUS  5 1 

of  the  hare,  he  gave  it  with  some  nets  to  the  most  trusty  of 
his  servants,  dressed  as  a  hunter,  and  sent  him  to  Persia; 
having  by  word  of  mouth  commanded  him  to  bid  Cyrus,  as 
he  gave  him  the  hare,  to  open  it  with  his  own  hand,  and  not 
to  suffer  any  one  to  be  present  when  he  did  so.  This  was 
accordingly  done,  and  Cyrus  having  received  the  hare,  opened 
it;  and  finding  the  letter  which  was  in  it,  he  read  it;  and  it 
was  to  the  following  purport :  "  Son  of  Cambyses,  seeing  the 
gods  watch  over  you  (for  otherwise  you  could  never  have 
arrived  at  your  present  fortune),  do  you  now  avenge  yourself 
on  your  murderer  Astyages ;  for  as  far  as  regards  his  pur- 
pose you  are  long  since  dead,  but  by  the  care  of  the  gods  and 
of  me  you  survive.  I  suppose  you  have  been  long  since 
informed  both  as  to  what  was  done  regarding  yourself,  and 
what  I  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Astyages,  because  I  did  not  put 
you  to  death,  but  gave  you  to  the  herdsman.  If,  then,  you 
will  follow  my  counsel,  you  shall  rule  over  the  whole  terri- 
tory that  Astyages  now  governs.  Persuade  the  Persians  to 
revolt,  and  invade  Media;  and  whether  I  or  any  other  illus- 
trious Mede  be  appointed  to  command  the  army  opposed  to 
you,  everything  will  turn  out  as  you  wish;  for  they,  on  the 
first  onset,  having  revolted  from  him,  and  siding  with  you, 
will  endeavour  to  depose  him.  Since,  then,  everything  is 
ready  here,  do  as  I  advise,  and  do  it  quickly." 

Cyrus,  having  received  this  intelligence,  began  to  consider 
by  what  measures  he  could  best  persuade  the  Persians  to  re- 
volt ;  and,  after  mature  consideration,  he  fixed  upon  the  follow- 
ing as  the  most  proper,  and  accordingly  he  put  it  in  practice : 
having  written  such  a  letter  as  he  thought  fit,  he  called  an 
assembly  of  the  Persians,  and  then,  having  opened  the  letter 
and  read  it,  he  said  that  Astyages  had  appointed  him  general 
of  the  Persians.  "  Now,"  he  continued,  "  I  require  you  to 
attend  me,  every  man  with  a  sickle."  Cyrus  then  issued  such 
an  order.  Now  the  Persians  are  divided  into  many  tribes, 
and  some  of  them  Cyrus  assembled  together,  and  persuaded 
to  revolt  from  the  Medes ;  these  are  they  upon  whom  the  rest 
of  the  Persians  are  dependent,  the  Pasargadae,  the  Maraphi- 
ans,  and  the  Maspians :  of  these  the  Pasargadae  are  the  most 
noble;  among  them  is  the  family  of  the  Achaemenidae,  from 
which  the  kings  of  Persia  are  descended.  The  rest  are  as 
follows:  the  Panthialaeans,  the  Derusiaeans,  and  the  Ger- 
manians ;  these  are  all  husbandmen :  the  rest  are  pastoral ; 
Daians,  Mardians,  Dropicians,  and  Sagartians.  When  all  were 
come  with  their  sickles,  as  had  been  ordered,  Cyrus  selected 
a  tract  of  land  in  Persia,  which  was  overgrown  with  briers, 


52  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [126-128 

and  about  eighteen  or  twenty  stadia  square,  and  directed  them 
to  clear  it  during  the  day :  when  the  Persians  had  finished  the 
appointed  task,  he  next  told  them  to  come  again  on  the  next 
day,  having  first  washed  themselves.  In  the  meantime  Cyrus, 
having  collected  together  all  his  father's  flocks  and  herds, 
had  them  killed  and  dressed,  as  purposing  to  entertain  the 
Persian  forces,  and  he  provided  wine  and  bread  in  abundance. 
The  next  day,  when  the  Persians  were  assembled,  he  made 
them  lie  down  on  the  turf,  and  feasted  them ;  and  after  the 
repast  was  over,  Cyrus  asked  them  whether  the  treatment 
they  had  received  the  day  before,  or  the  present,  were  prefer- 
able. They  answered  that  the  difference  was  great;  for  on 
the  preceding  day  they  had  every  hardship,  but  on  the  pres- 
ent everything  that  was  good.  Cyrus  therefore,  having  re- 
ceived this  answer,  discovered  his  intentions,  and  said :  "  Men 
of  Persia,  the  case  stands  thus :  if  you  will  hearken  to  me,  you 
may  enjoy  these,  and  numberless  other  advantages,  without 
any  kind  of  servile  labour;  but  if  you  will  not  hearken  to 
me,  innumerable  hardships,  like  those  of  yesterday,  await 
you.  Now,  therefore,  obey  me,  and  be  free ;  for  I  am  per- 
suaded I  am  born  of  divine  providence  to  undertake  this  work ; 
and  I  deem  you  to  be  men  in  no  way  inferior  to  the  Medes, 
either  in  other  respects  or  in  war:  since  then  these  things 
.  are  so,  revolt  with  all  speed  from  Astyages." 

The  Persians  having  obtained  a  leader,  gladly  asserted 
their  freedom,  having  for  a  long  time  felt  indignant  at  being 
governed  by  the  Medes.  Astyages,  being  informed  of  what 
Cyrus  was  doing,  sent  a  messenger  and  summoned  him ; 
but  Cyrus  bade  the  messenger  take  back  word  that  he  would 
come  to  him  sooner  than  Astyages  desired.  When  Astyages 
heard  this,  he  armed  all  the  Medes,  and,  as  if  the  gods  had 
deprived  him  of  understanding,  made  Harpagus  their  general, 
utterly  forgetting  the  outrage  he  had  done  him.  And  when 
the  Medes  came  to  an  engagement  with  the  Persians,  such 
of  them  as  knew  nothing  of  the  plot,  fought,  but  others  went 
over  to  the  Persians ;  and  the  far  greater  part  purposely  be- 
haved as  cowards  and  fled.  The  army  of  the  Medes  being  thus 
shamefully  dispersed,  as  soon  as  the  news  was  brought  to 
Astyages,  he  exclaimed,  threatening  Cyrus,  "  Not  even  so 
shall  Cyrus  have  occasion  to  rejoice."  Having  so  said,  he 
first  impaled  the  Magi,  who  had  interpreted  his  dream,  and 
advised  him  to  let  Cyrus  go;  then  he  armed  all  the  Medes 
that  were  left  in  the  city,  both  old  and  young;  and  leading 
them  out,  he  engaged  the  Persians,  and  was  defeated.  Asty- 
ages himself  was  made  prisoner,  and  he  lost  all  the  Medes 


128-131]  REVOLT   OF   THE   PERSIANS  53 

whom  he  had  led  out.  Harpagus,  standing  by  Astyages  after 
he  was  taken,  exulted  over  him  and  jeered  him ;  and  among 
other  galling  words,  he  asked  him  also  about  the  supper,  at 
which  he  had  feasted  him  with  his  son's  flesh,  and  inquired 
how  he  liked  slavery  in  exchange  for  a  kingdom.  Asty- 
ages, looking  steadfastly  on  Harpagus,  asked  in  return 
whether  he  thought  himself  the  author  of  Cyrus's  success. 
Harpagus  said  he  did,  for,  as  he  had  written,  the  achieve- 
ment was  justly  due  to  himself.  Astyages  thereupon  proved 
him  to  be  the  weakest  and  most  unjust  of  all  men :  the  weak- 
est, in  giving  the  kingdom  to  another,  which  he  might  have 
assumed  to  himself,  if  indeed  he  had  effected  this  change ;  and 
the  most  unjust,  because  he  had  enslaved  the  Medes  on  ac- 
count of  the  supper.  For  if  it  were  absolutely  necessary  to 
transfer  the  kingdom  to  some  one  else,  and  not  to  take  it  him- 
self, he  might  with  more  justice  have  conferred  this  benefit 
on  some  one  of  the  Medes  than  on  a  Persian ;  whereas  now  the 
Medes,  who  were  not  at  all  in  fault,  had  become  slaves  instead 
of  masters,  and  the  Persians,  who  before  were  slaves  to  the 
Medes,  had  now  become  their  masters. 

So  Astyages,  after  he  had  reigned  thirty-five  years,  was 
thus  deposed;  and  by  reason  of  his  cruelty  the  Medes  bent 
under  the  Persian  yoke,  after  they  had  ruled  over  all  Asia 
beyond  the  river  Halys  for  the  space  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  years,1  excepting  the  interval  of  the  Scythian 
dominion.  At  a  later  period,  however,  they  repented  of  what 
they  had  done,  and  revolted  from  Darius,  but  being  conquered 
in  battle,  were  again  subdued :  but  now  in  the  time  of  Asty- 
ages, the  Persians,  under  the  conduct  of  Cyrus,  having  risen 
against  the  Medes,  have  from  that  time  been  masters  of  Asia. 
As  for  Astyages,  Cyrus  kept  him  with  him  till  he  died,  with- 
out doing  him  any  further  injury.  Cyrus  therefore,  having 
been  thus  born  and  educated,  came  to  the  throne ;  and  after 
these  events  he  conquered  Crcesus,  who  gave  the  first  provo- 
cation, as  I  have  already  related,  and  having  subdued  him, 
he  became  master  of  all  Asia. 

The  Persians,  according  to  my  own  knowledge,  observe 

the  following  customs :  it  is  not  their  practice  to  erect  statues, 

1  According  to  Herodotus,  Deioces  reigned  53  years 

Phraortes     .     .  22 

Cyaxares      .     .  40 

Astyages      .     .  35 

150 
If  from  this  number  we  subtract  28,  the  time  that  the  Scythians  reigned, 
there  remain  but  122 ;  so  that  in  all  probability  a  mistake  has  been  made 
in  the  text  by  some  copyist. — Larcher. 


54  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [131-133 

or  temples,  or  altars,  but  they  charge  those  with  folly  who 
do  so;  because,  as  I  conjecture,  they  do  not  think  the  gods 
have  human  forms,  as  the  Greeks  do.  They  are  accustomed 
to  ascend  the  highest  parts  of  the  mountains,  and  offer  sacri- 
fice to  Jupiter,  and  they  call  the  whole  circle  of  the  heavens 
by  the  name  of  Jupiter.  They  sacrifice  to  the  sun  and  moon, 
to  the  earth,  fire,  water,  and  the  winds.  To  these  alone  they 
have  sacrificed  from  the  earliest  times :  but  they  have  since 
learned  from  the  Arabians  and  Assyrians  to  sacrifice  to  Venus 
Urania,  whom  the  Assyrians  call  Venus  Mylitta,  the  Arabians, 
Alitta,  and  the  Persians,  Mitra.  The  following  is  the  estab- 
lished mode  of  sacrifice  to  the  above-mentioned  deities :  they 
do  not  erect  altars  nor  kindle  fires  when  about  to  sacrifice ; 
they  do  not  use  libations,  or  flutes,  or  fillets,  or  cakes ;  but, 
when  any  one  wishes  to  offer  sacrifice  to  any  one  of  these 
deities,  he  leads  the  victim  to  a  clean  spot,  and  invokes  the 
god,  usually  having  his  tiara  decked  with  myrtle.  He  that 
sacrifices  is  not  permitted  to  pray  for  blessings  for  himself 
alone ;  but  he  is  obliged  to  offer  prayers  for  the  prosperity  of 
all  the  Persians,  and  the  king,  for  he  is  himself  included  in 
the  Persians.  When  he  has  cut  the  victim  into  small  pieces, 
and  boiled  the  flesh,  he  strews  under  it  a  bed  of  tender  grass, 
generally  trefoil,  and  then  lays  all  the  flesh  upon  it :  when 
he  has  put  everything  in  order,  one  of  the  Magi  standing  by 
sings  an  ode  concerning  the  original  of  the  gods,  which  they 
say  is  the  incantation ;  and  without  one  of  the  Magi  it  is  not 
lawful  for  them  to  sacrifice.  After  having  waited  a  short  time, 
he  that  has  sacrificed  carries  away  the  flesh  and  disposes  of 
it  as  he  thinks  fit.  It  is  their  custom  to  honour  their  birth- 
day above  all  other  days ;  and  on  this  day  they  furnish  their 
table  in  a  more  plentiful  manner  than  at  other  times.  The 
rich  then  produce  an  ox,  a  horse,  a  camel,  and  an  ass,  roasted 
whole  in  an  oven ;  but  the  poor  produce  smaller  cattle.  They 
are  moderate  at  their  meals,  but  eat  of  many  after-dishes,  and 
those  not  served  up  together.  On  this  account  the  Persians 
say  that  the  Greeks  rise  hungry  from  table,  because  nothing 
worth  mentioning  is  brought  in  after  dinner,  and  that  if  any- 
thing were  brought  in,  they  would  not  leave  off  eating.  The 
Persians  are  much  addicted  to  wine;  they  are  not  allowed 
to  vomit  or  make  water  in  presence  of  another.  These  cus- 
toms are  observed  to  this  day.  They  are  accustomed  to  de- 
bate important  affairs  when  intoxicated;  but  whatever  they 
have  determined  on  in  such  deliberations  is  on  the  following 
day,  when  they  are  sober,  proposed  to  them  by  their  master 
of  the  house  where  they  have  met  to  consult;  and  if  they 


133-137]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE   PERSIANS  55 

approve  of  it  when  sober  also,  then  they  adopt  it ;  if  not,  they 
reject  it.  And  whatever  they  have  first  resolved  on  when 
sober,  they  reconsider  when  intoxicated.  When  they  meet  one 
another  in  the  streets,  one  may  discover  by  the  following  cus- 
tom whether  those  who  meet  are  equals :  for  instead  of  ac- 
costing one  another,  they  kiss  on  the  mouth ;  if  one  be  a  little 
inferior  to  the  other,  they  kiss  the  cheek ;  but  if  he  be  of  a 
much  lower  rank,  he  prostrates  himself  before  the  other.  They 
honour,  above  all,  those  who  live  nearest  to  themselves;  in 
the  second  degree,  those  that  are  second  in  nearness ;  and 
after  that,  as  they  go  further  off,  they  honour  in  proportion ; 
and  least  of  all  they  honour  those  who  live  at  the  greatest 
distance;  esteeming  themselves  to  be  by  far  the  most  excel- 
lent of  men  in  every  respect ;  and  that  others  make  approaches 
to  excellence  according  to  the  foregoing  gradations,  but  that 
they  are  the  worst  who  live  farthest  from  them.  During  the 
empire  of  the  Medes,  each  nation  ruled  over  its  next  neigh- 
bour, the  Medes  over  all,  and  especially  over  those  that  were 
nearest  to  them ;  these  again,  over  the  bordering  people,  and 
the  last  in  like  manner  over  their  next  neighbours ;  and  in  the 
same  gradations  the  Persians  honour;  for  that  nation  went 
on  extending  its  government  and  guardianship.  The  Persians 
are  of  all  nations  most  ready  to  adopt  foreign  customs ;  for 
they  wear  the  Medic  costume,  thinking  it  handsomer  than 
their  own ;  and  in  war  they  use  the  Egyptian  cuirass.  And 
they  practise  all  kinds  of  indulgences  with  which  they  become 
acquainted ;  among  others,  they  have  learned  from  the  Greeks 
a  passion  for  boys ;  they  marry,  each  of  them,  many  wives, 
and  keep  a  still  greater  number  of  concubines.  Next  to 
bravery  in  battle,  this  is  considered  the  greatest  proof  of  man- 
liness, to  be  able  to  exhibit  many  children,  and  to  such  as 
can  exhibit  the  greatest  number  the  king  sends  presents  every 
year;  for  numbers  are  considered  strength.  Between  the 
ages  of  five  years  and  twenty,  they  instruct  their  sons  in  three 
things  only — to  ride,  to  use  the  bow,  and  to  speak  the  truth. 
Before  he  is  five  years  of  age,  a  son  is  not  admitted  to  the  pres- 
ence of  his  father,  but  lives  entirely  with  the  women :  the 
reason  of  this  custom  is,  that  if  he  should  die  in  childhood, 
he  may  occasion  no  grief  to  his  father. 

Now  I  much  approve  of  the  above  custom,  as  also  of  the 
following,  that  not  even  the  king  is  allowed  to  put  any  one 
to  death  for  a  single  crime,  nor  any  private  Persian  exercise 
extreme  severity  against  any  of  his  domestics  for  one  fault, 
but  if  on  examination  he  should  find  that  his  misdeeds  are 
more  numerous  and  greater  than  his  services,  he  may  in  that 


56  HERODOTUS— BOOK  I,  CLIO  [137-141 

case  give  vent  to  his  anger.  They  say  that  no  one  ever  yet 
killed  his  own  father  or  mother,  but  whenever  such  things 
have  happened  they  affirm  that  if  the  matter  were  thoroughly 
searched  into  they  would  be  found  to  have  been  committed 
by  supposititious  children  or  those  born  in  adultery,  for  they 
hold  it  utterly  improbable  that  a  true  father  should  be  mur- 
dered by  his  own  son.  They  are  not  allowed  even  to  mention 
the  things  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  them  to  do.  To  tell  a  lie 
is  considered  by  them  the  greatest  disgrace;  next  to  that,  to 
be  in  debt ;  and  this  for  many  other  reasons,  but  especially 
because  they  think  that  one  who  is  in  debt  must  of  necessity 
tell  lies.  Whosoever  of  the  citizens  has  the  leprosy  or  scrofula 
is  not  permitted  to  stay  within  a  town,  nor  to  have  communi- 
cation with  other  Persians;  and  they  say  that  from  having 
committed  some  offence  against  the  sun  a  man  is  afflicted 
with  these  diseases.  Every  stranger  that  is  seized  with  these 
distempers  many  of  them  even  drive  out  of  the  country ;  and 
they  do  the  same  to  white  pigeons,  making  the  same  charge 
against  them.  They  neither  make  water,  nor  spit,  nor  wash 
their  hands  in  a  river,  nor  defile  the  stream  with  urine,  nor 
do  they  allow  any  one  else  to  do  so,  but  they  pay  extreme 
veneration  to  all  rivers.  Another  circumstance  is  also  pecul- 
iar to  them,  which  has  escaped  the  notice  of  the  Persians 
themselves,  but  not  of  us.  Their  names,  which  correspond 
with  their  personal  forms  and  their  rank,  all  terminate  in  the 
same  letter  which  the  Dorians  call  San,  and  the  Ionians  Sigma. 
And  if  you  inquire  into  this  you  will  find  that  all  Persian 
names,  without  exception,  end  in  the  same  letter.  These 
things  I  can  with  certainty  affirm  to  be  true,  since  I  myself 
know  them.  But  what  follows,  relating  to  the  dead,  is  only 
secretly  mentioned  and  not  openly;  namely,  that  the  dead 
body  of  a  Persian  is  never  buried  until  it  has  been  torn  by 
some  bird  or  dog;  but  I  know  for  a  certainty  that  the  Magi 
do  this,  for  they  do  it  openly.  The  Persians  then,  having  cov- 
ered the  body  with  wax,  conceal  it  in  the  ground.  The  Magi 
differ  very  much  from  all  other  men,  and  particularly  from  the 
Egyptian  priests,  for  the  latter  hold  it  matter  of  religion  not 
to  kill  anything  that  has  life,  except  such  things  as  they  offer 
in  sacrifice ;  whereas  the  Magi  kill  everything  with  their  own 
hands,  except  a  dog  or  a  man ;  and  they  think  they  do  a  meri- 
torious thing  when  they  kill  ants,  serpents,  and  other  reptiles 
and  birds.  And  with  regard  to  this  custom,  let  it  remain  as 
it  existed  from  the  first.  I  will  now  return  to  my  former  sub- 
ject. 

The  Ionians  and  ^Eolians,  as  soon  as  the  Lydians  were 


141-143]  THE   IONIAN   CITIES  57 

subdued  by  the  Persians,  sent  ambassadors  to  Cyrus  at  Sardis, 
wishing  to  become  subject  to  him,  on  the  same  terms  as  they 
had  been  to  Croesus.  But  he,  when  he  heard  their  proposal, 
told  them  this  story :  "  A  piper,  seeing  some  fishes  in  the  sea, 
began  to  pipe,  expecting  that  they  would  come  to  shore ;  but 
finding  his  hopes  disappointed,  he  took  a  casting-net,  and  in- 
closed a  great  number  of  fishes,  and  drew  them  out.  When 
he  saw  them  leaping  about,  he  said  to  the  fishes,  '  Cease  your 
dancing,  since  when  I  piped  you  would  not  come  out  and 
dance.'  "  Cyrus  told  this  story  to  the  Ionians  and  ^olians, 
because  the  Ionians,  when  Cyrus  pressed  them  by  his  ambas- 
sador to  revolt  from  Crcesus,  refused  to  consent,  and  now, 
when  the  business  was  done,  were  ready  to  listen  to  him.  He, 
therefore,  under  the  influence  of  anger,  gave  them  this  answer. 
But  the  Ionians,  when  they  heard  this  message  brought  back 
to  their  cities,  severally  fortified  themselves  with  walls,  and 
met  together  at  the  Panionium,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Milesians ;  for  Cyrus  made  an  alliance  with  them  only,  on  the 
same  terms  as  the  Lydians  had  done.  The  rest  of  the  Ionians 
resolved  unanimously  to  send  ambassadors  to  Sparta  to  im- 
plore them  to  succour  the  Ionians.  These  Ionians,  to  whom 
the  Panionium  belongs,  have  built  their  cities  under  the  finest 
sky  and  climate  of  the  world  that  we  know  of ;  for  neither  the 
regions  that  are  above  it,  nor  those  that  are  below,  nor  the 
parts  to  the  east  or  west,  are  at  all  equal  to  Ionia;  for  some 
of  them  are  oppressed  by  cold  and  rain,  others  by  heat  and 
drought.  These  Ionians  do  not  all  use  the  same  language, 
but  have  four  varieties  of  dialect.  Miletus,  the  first  of  them, 
lies  toward  the  south ;  next  are  Myus  and  Priene ;  these  are 
situate  in  Caria,  and  use  the  same  dialect.  The  following  are 
in  Lydia :  Ephesus,  Colophon,  Lebedus,  Teos,  Clazomenae, 
Phocsea :  these  cities  do  not  at  all  agree  with  those  before 
mentioned  in  their  language,  but  they  speak  a  dialect  common 
to  themselves.  There  are  three  remaining  of  the  Ionian  cities, 
of  which  two  inhabit  islands,  Samos  and  Chios,  and  one, 
Erythrse,  is  situated  on  the  continent.  Now  the  Chians  and 
Erythraeans  use  the  same  dialect,  but  the  Samians  have  one 
peculiar  to  themselves.  And  these  are  the  four  different  forms 
of  language. 

Of  these  Ionians,  the  Milesians  were  sheltered  from  dan- 
ger, as  they  had  made  an  alliance.  The  islanders  also  had 
nothing  to  fear,  for  the  Phoenicians  were  not  yet  subject  to  the 
Persians,  nor  were  the  Persians  themselves  at  all  acquainted 
with  maritime  affairs.  Now  the  Milesians  had  seceded  from 
the  rest  of  the  Ionians  only  for  this  reason,  that  weak  as  the 


58  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [143-146 

Grecian  race  then  was,  the  Ionian  was  weakest  of  all,  and  of 
least  account ;  for  except  Athens,  there  was  no  other  city  of 
note.  The  other  Ionians,  therefore,  and  the  Athenians  shunned 
the  name,  and  would  not  be  called  Ionians ;  and  even  now 
many  of  them  appear  to  me  to  be  ashamed  of  the  name.  But 
these  twelve  cities  gloried  in  the  name,  and  built  a  temple  for 
their  own  use,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Panionium ; 
and  they  resolved  not  to  communicate  privileges  to  any  other 
of  the  Ionians ;  nor  indeed  have  any  others,  except  the  Smyr- 
naeans,  desired  to  participate  in  them.  In  the  same  manner 
the  Dorians  of  the  present  Pentapolis,  which  was  before  called 
Hexapolis,  take  care  not  to  admit  any  of  the  neighbouring 
Dorians  into  the  temple  at  Triopium,  but  excluded  from  par- 
ticipation such  of  their  own  community  as  have  violated  the 
sacred  laws.  For  in  the  games  in  honour  of  Triopian  Apollo 
they  formerly  gave  brazen  tripods  to  the  victors;  and  it  was 
usual  for  those  who  gained  them  not  to  carry  them  out  of 
the  temple,  but  to  dedicate  them  there  to  the  god :  however, 
a  man  of  Halicarnassus,  whose  name  was  Agasicles,  having 
won  the  prize,  disregarded  their  custom,  and  carrying  away 
the  tripod,  hung  it  up  in  his  own  house ;  for  this  offence  the 
five  cities,  Lindus,  Ialyssus,  Cameirus,  Cos,  and  Cnidus,  ex- 
cluded the  sixth  city,  Halicarnassus,  from  participation ;  on 
them,  therefore,  they  imposed  this  punishment.  The  Ionians 
appear  to  me  to  have  formed  themselves  into  twelve  cities, 
and  to  have  refused  to  admit  more,  for  the  following  reason, 
because  when  they  dwelt  in  Peloponnesus  there  were  twelve 
divisions  of  them,  as  now  there  are  twelve  divisions  of  the 
Achaeans,  who  drove  out  the  Ionians.  Pellene  is  the  first  to- 
ward Sicyon;  next  Mgyra.  and  Mge,  in  which  is  the  ever- 
flowing  river  Crathis,  from  which  the  river  in  Italy  derived 
its  name;  then  Bura  and  Helice,  to  which  the  Ionians  fled 
when  they  were  defeated  by  the  Achaeans ;  JEgium,  Rhypes, 
Patrees,  Pharees,  and  Olenus,  in  which  is  the  great  river  Pirus ; 
lastly,  Dyma  and  Tritaees,  the  only  inland  places  among  them. 
These  now  are  the  twelve  divisions  of  the  Achaeans,  which 
formerly  belonged  to  the  Ionians ;  and  on  that  account  the 
Ionians  erected  twelve  cities.  For  to  say  that  these  are  more 
properly  Ionians,  or  of  more  noble  origin  than  other  Ionians, 
would  be  great  folly ;  since  the  Abantes  from  Euboea,  who 
had  no  connection  even  in  name  with  Ionia,  are  no  inconsider- 
able part  of  this  colony;  and  Minyan-Orchomenians  are  in- 
termixed with  them,  and  Cadmaeans,  Dryopians,  Phocians 
(who  separated  themselves  from  the  rest  of  their  countrymen), 
and  Molossians,  Pelasgians  of  Arcadia,  Dorian  Epidaurians, 


146-150]  THE   IONIAN   CITIES  59 

and  many  other  people,  are  intermixed  with  them ;  and  those 
of  them  who  set  out  from  the  Prytaneum  of  Athens,  and  who 
deem  themselves  the  most  noble  of  the  Ionians,  brought  no 
wives  with  them  when  they  came  to  settle  in  this  country, 
but  seized  a  number  of  Carian  women,  after  they  had  killed 
their  men:  and  on  account  of  this  massacre  these  women 
established  a  law  and  imposed  on  themselves  an  oath,  and 
transmitted  it  to  their  daughters,  that  they  would  never  eat 
with  their  husbands,  nor  ever  call  them  by  the  name  of  hus- 
band ;  because  they  had  killed  their  fathers,  their  husbands, 
and  their  children,  and  then  after  so  doing  had  forced  them 
to  become  their  wives.  This  was  done  in  Miletus.  The  Ioni- 
ans appointed  kings  to  govern  them ;  some  choosing  Lycians, 
of  the  posterity  of  Glaucus,  son  of  Hippolochus ;  others  Cau- 
conian  Pylians,  descended  from  Codrus,  son  of  Melanthus; 
others  again  from  both  those  families.  However,  they  are 
more  attached  to  the  name  of  Ionians  than  any  others ;  let  it 
be  allowed  then  that  they  are  genuine  Ionians :  still,  all  are 
Ionians  who  derive  their  original  from  Athens  and  celebrate 
the  Apaturian  festival ;  but  all  do  so  except  the  Ephesians  and 
Colophonians ;  for  these  alone  do  not  celebrate  the  Apaturian 
festival,  on  some  pretext  of  a  murder.  The  Panionium  is  a 
sacred  place  in  Mycale,  looking  to  the  north,  and  by  the  Ioni- 
ans consecrated  in  common  to  Heliconian  Neptune;  and 
Mycale  is  a  headland  on  the  continent,  stretching  westward 
toward  Samos.  At  this  place  the  Ionians,  assembling  from 
the  various  cities,  were  accustomed  to  celebrate  the  festival 
to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Panionia;  and  not  only  do 
the  festivals  of  the  Ionians,  but  all  the  festivals  of  all  the  Greeks 
terminate,  like  the  Persian  names,  in  the  same  letter.  These 
then  are  the  Ionian  cities. 

The  following  are  the  ^olian :  Cyme,  called  also  Phri- 
conis,  Larissae,  Neon-teichos,  Temnos,  Cilia,  Notium,  JEgivo- 
essa,  Pitane,  ^Egsese,  Myrina,  and  Grynia :  these  are  eleven 
of  the  ancient  cities  of  the  ^Eolians ;  for  one  of  them,  Smyrna, 
was  taken  away  from  them  by  the  Ionians ;  for  they  too  had 
twelve  cities  on  the  continent.  These  Cohans  have  settled  in 
a  more  fertile  country  than  the  Ionians,  but  not  equal  in  cli- 
mate. The  Cohans  lost  Smyrna  in  the  following  manner: 
They  received  into  their  city  certain  Colophonians,  who  were 
unsuccessful  in  a  sedition  and  driven  from  their  country.  But 
some  time  afterward,  the  Colophonian  exiles,  having  watched 
the  opportunity  while  the  Smyrnaeans  were  celebrating  a  festi- 
val to  Bacchus  outside  the  walls,  shut  to  the  gates,  and  seized 
the  city.    But  when  all  the  Cohans  came  to  the  assistance  of 


60  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [150-153 

the  Smyrnaeans,  an  agreement  was  made  that  the  Ionians  should 
restore  the  movable  property,  and  that  the  vEolians  should 
abandon  Smyrna.  When  the  Smyrnaeans  did  this,  the  other 
eleven  cities  distributed  them  among  themselves  and  gave 
them  the  privilege  of  citizens.  These  then  are  the  yEolian 
cities  on  the  continent;  besides  those  settled  on  Mount  Ida; 
for  these  are  altogether  distinct.  But  of  those  that  occupy 
islands,  five  cities  are  situated  in  Lesbos ;  for  the  sixth  in 
Lesbos,  Arisba,  the  Methymnaeans  reduced  to  slavery,  al- 
though they  were  of  kindred  blood;  one  city  is  situated  in 
Tenedos  ;  and  another  in  what  are  called  the  Hundred  Islands. 
Accordingly,  the  Lesbians  and  Tenedians,  as  well  as  the  Ioni- 
ans of  the  islands,  had  nothing  to  fear ;  but  all  the  other  cities 
resolved  with  one  accord  to  follow  the  Ionians  wherever  they 
should  lead  the  way. 

When  the  ambassadors  of  the  Ionians  and  iEolians  arrived 
at  Sparta  (for  this  was  done  with  all  possible  speed),  they  made 
choice  of  a  Phocaean,  whose  name  was  Pythermus,  to  speak 
in  behalf  of  all ;  he  then,  having  put  on  a  purple  robe,  in  order 
that  as  many  as  possible  of  the  Spartans  might  hear  of  it  and 
assemble,  and  having  stood  forward,  addressed  them  at  length, 
imploring  their  assistance.  But  the  Lacedaemonians  would 
not  listen  to  him,  and  determined  not  to  assist  the  Ionians: 
they  therefore  returned  home.  Nevertheless  the  Lacedaemoni- 
ans, though  they  had  rejected  the  Ionian  ambassadors,  de- 
spatched men  in  a  penteconter,  as  I  conjecture,  to  keep  an 
eye  upon  the  affairs  of  Cyrus  and  Ionia.  These  men,  arriving 
in  Phocaea,  sent  the  most  eminent  person  among  them,  whose 
name  was  Lacrines,  to  Sardis,  to  warn  Cyrus,  in  the  name 
of  the  Lacedaemonians,  not  to  injure  any  city  in  the  Grecian 
territory,  for  in  that  case  they  would  not  pass  it  by  unnoticed. 
When  the  herald  gave  this  message,  it  is  related  that  Cyrus 
inquired  of  the  Grecians  who  were  present  who  the  Lace- 
daemonians were,  and  how  many  in  number,  that  they  sent 
him  such  a  warning.  And  when  informed,  he  said  to  the  Spar- 
tan herald :  "  I  was  never  yet  afraid  of  those  who  in  the  midst 
of  their  city  have  a  place  set  apart  in  which  they  collect  and 
cheat  one  another  by  false  oaths ;  and  if  I  continue  in  health, 
not  the  calamities  of  the  Ionians  shall  be  talked  about,  but 
their  own."  This  taunt  of  Cyrus  was  levelled  at  the  Grecians 
in  general,  who  have  markets  for  the  purposes  of  buying  and 
selling;  for  the  Persians  themselves  are  not  accustomed  to 
use  markets,  nor  have  they  such  a  thing  as  a  market.  After 
this,  Cyrus,  having  intrusted  Tabalus,  a  Persian,  with  the 
government  of  Sardis,  and  appointed  Pactyas,  a  Lydian,  to 


153-156]  REVOLT   OF   THE   LYDIANS  6 1 

bring  away  the  gold,  both  that  belonging  to  Croesus  and  to 
the  other  Lydians,  took  Croesus  with  him,  and  departed  for 
Ecbatana,  for  from  the  first  he  took  no  account  of  the  Ionians. 
But  Babylon  was  an  obstacle  to  him,  as  were  also  the  Bac- 
trians,  the  Sacae,  and  the  Egyptians  ;  against  whom  he  resolved 
to  lead  an  army  in  person,  and  to  send  some  other  general 
against  the  Ionians.  But  as  soon  as  Cyrus  had  marched  from 
Sardis,  Pactyas  prevailed  on  the  Lydians  to  revolt  from  Ta- 
balus  and  Cyrus ;  and  going  down  to  the  sea-coast,  with  all 
the  gold  taken  from  Sardis  in  his  possession,  he  hired  mer- 
cenaries and  persuaded  the  inhabitants  of  the  coast  to  join 
him ;  and  then  having  marched  against  Sardis,  he  besieged 
Tabalus,  who  was  shut  up  in  the  citadel. 

When  Cyrus  heard  this  news  on  his  march,  he  said  to 
Crcesus :  "  Croesus,  what  will  be  the  end  of  these  things  ?  the 
Lydians,  it  seems,  will  never  cease  to  give  trouble  to  me,  and 
to  themselves.  I  am  in  doubt  whether  it  will  not  be  better  to 
reduce  them  to  slavery;  for  I  appear  to  have  acted  like  one 
who,  having  killed  the  father,  has  spared  the  children ;  I  am 
carrying  away  you,  who  have  been  something  more  than 
a  father  to  the  Lydians,  and  have  intrusted  their  city  to  the 
Lydians  themselves :  and  then  I  wonder  at  their  rebellion ! " 
Now  he  said  what  he  had  in  contemplation  to  do :  but  Croesus, 
fearing  lest  he  should  utterly  destroy  Sardis,  answered :  "  Sir, 
you  have  but  too  much  reason  for  what  you  say;  yet  do  not 
give  full  vent  to  your  anger,  nor  utterly  destroy  an  ancient  city, 
which  is  innocent  as  well  of  the  former  as  of  the  present  of- 
fence: for  of  the  former  I  myself  was  guilty,  and  now  bear 
the  punishment  on  my  own  head ;  but  in  the  present  instance 
Pactyas,  to  whom  you  intrusted  Sardis,  is  the  culprit ;  let  him 
therefore  pay  the  penalty.  But  pardon  the  Lydians,  and  en- 
join them  to  observe  the  following  regulations,  to  the  end  that 
they  may  never  more  revolt,  nor  be  troublesome  to  you :  send 
to  them  and  order  them  to  keep  no  weapons  of  war  in  their 
possession  ;  and  enjoin  them  to  wear  tunics  under  their  cloaks, 
and  buskins  on  their  feet;  and  require  them  to  teach  their 
sons  to  play  on  the  cithara,  to  strike  the  guitar,  and  to  sell 
by  retail ;  and  then  you  will  soon  see  them  becoming  women 
instead  of  men,  so  that  they  will  never  give  you  any  appre- 
hensions about  their  revolting."  Crcesus  suggested  this  plan, 
thinking  it  would  be  more  desirable  for  the  Lydians  than  that 
they  should  be  sold  for  slaves ;  and  being  persuaded  that  un- 
less he  could  suggest  some  feasible  proposal,  he  should  not 
prevail  with  him  to  alter  his  resolution :  and  he  dreaded  also, 
lest  the  Lydians,  if  they  should  escape  the  present  danger, 


62  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [156-159 

might  hereafter  revolt  from  the  Persians,  and  bring  utter 
ruin  on  themselves.  Cyrus,  pleased  with  the  expedient,  laid 
aside  his  anger,  and  said  that  he  would  follow  his  advice :  then 
having  sent  for  Mazares,  a  Mede,  he  commanded  him  to  order 
the  Lydians  to  conform  themselves  to  the  regulations  pro- 
posed by  Croesus,  and  moreover  to  enslave  all  the  others  who 
had  joined  the  Lydians  in  the  attack  on  Sardis ;  but  by  all 
means  to  bring  Pactyas  to  him  alive.  Cyrus  then  having  given 
these  orders  on  his  way,  proceeded  to  the  settlements  of  the 
Persians.  But  Pactyas,  hearing  that  the  army  which  was  com- 
ing against  him  was  close  at  hand,  fled  in  great  consternation 
to  Cyme;  and  Mazares  the  Mede,  having  marched  against 
Sardis  with  an  inconsiderable  division  of  Cyrus's  army,  when 
he  found  that  Pactyas  and  his  party  were  no  longer  there,  in 
the  first  place  compelled  the  Lydians  to  conform  to  the  in- 
junctions of  Cyrus ;  and  by  his  order  the  Lydians  completely 
changed  their  mode  of  life :  after  this  Mazares  despatched 
messengers  to  Cyme,  requiring  them  to  deliver  up  Pactyas. 
But  the  Cymaeans,  in  order  to  come  to  a  decision,  resolved  to 
refer  the  matter  to  the  deity  at  Branchidae,  for  there  was  there 
an  oracular  shrine,  erected  in  former  times,  which  all  the  Ioni- 
ans  and  Cohans  were  in  the  practice  of  consulting :  this  place 
is  situated  in  Milesia,  above  the  port  of  Panormus.1  The 
Cymaeans,  therefore,  having  sent  persons  to  consult  the  ora- 
cle at  Branchidae,  asked  what  course  they  should  pursue  re- 
specting Pactyas  that  would  be  most  pleasing  to  the  gods. 
The  answer  to  their  question  was,  that  they  should  deliver  up 
Pactyas  to  the  Persians.  When  the  Cymaeans  heard  this  an- 
swer reported,  they  determined  to  give  him  up ;  but  though 
most  of  them  came  to  this  determination,  Aristodicus,  the  son 
of  Heraclides,  a  man  of  high  repute  among  the  citizens,  dis- 
trusting the  oracle,  and  suspecting  the  sincerity  of  the  con- 
suiters,  prevented  them  from  doing  so ;  till  at  last  other  mes- 
sengers, among  whom  was  Aristodicus,  went  to  inquire  a 
second  time  concerning  Pactyas.  When  they  arrived  at  Bran- 
chidae, Aristodicus  consulted  the  oracle  in  the  name  of  all, 
inquiring  in  these  words :  "  O  king,  Pactyas,  a  Lydian,  has 
come  to  us  as  a  suppliant,  to  avoid  a  violent  death  at  the  hands 
of  the  Persians.  They  now  demand  him,  and  require  the 
Cymaeans  to  give  him  up.  We,  however,  though  we  dread  the 
Persian  power,  have  not  yet  dared  to  surrender  the  suppliant 
till  it  be  plainly  declared  by  thee  what  we  ought  to  do."    Such 

1  It  will  be  proper  to  remark  that  there  were  two  places  of  that  name ; 
and  that  this  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  port  of  Panormus,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Ephesus. — Beloe. 


159-162]  PACTYAS  63 

was  the  inquiry  of  Aristodicus ;  but  the  oracle  gave  the  same 
answer  as  before,  and  bade  them  surrender  Pactyas  to  the 
Persians.  Upon  this  Aristodicus  deliberately  acted  as  follows : 
walking  round  the  temple,  he  took  away  the  sparrows  and 
all  other  kinds  of  birds  that  had  built  nests  in  the  temple ;  and 
while  he  was  doing  this,  it  is  reported  that  a  voice  issued  from 
the  sanctuary,  and,  addressing  Aristodicus,  spoke  as  follows: 
"O  most  impious  of  men,,  how  darest  thou  do  this?  Dost 
thou  tear  my  suppliants  from  my  temple  ?  "  Aristodicus  with- 
out hesitation  answered,  "  O  king,  art  thou  then  so  careful  to 
succour  thy  suppliants,  but  biddest  the  Cymaeans  to  deliver  up 
theirs?"  The  oracle  again  rejoined:  "Yes,  I  bid  you  do  so; 
that  having  acted  impiously,  ye  may  the  sooner  perish,  and 
never  more  come  and  consult  the  oracle  about  the  delivering 
up  of  suppliants."  When  the  Cymaeans  heard  this  last  answer, 
they,  not  wishing  to  bring  destruction  on  themselves  by  sur- 
rendering Pactyas,  or  to  subject  themselves  to  a  siege  by  pro- 
tecting him,  sent  him  away  to  Mitylene.  But  the  Mitylenae- 
ans,  when  Mazares  sent  a  message  to  them  requiring  them 
to  deliver  up  Pactyas,  were  preparing  to  do  so  for  some  re- 
muneration ;  what,  I  am  unable  to  say  precisely,  for  the  pro- 
posal was  never  completed.  For  the  Cymaeans,  being  informed 
of  what  was  being  done  by  the  Mitylenaeans,  despatched  a 
vessel  to  Lesbos,  and  transported  Pactyas  to  Chios,  whence 
he  was  torn  by  violence  from  the  Temple  of  Minerva  Poli- 
uchus  by  the  Chians,  and  delivered  up.  The  Chians  delivered 
him  up  in  exchange  for  Atarneus ;  this  Atarneus  was  a  place 
situated  in  Mysia,  opposite  Lesbos.  In  this  manner  Pactyas 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians ;  therefore  having  got  pos- 
session of  Pactyas,  they  kept  him  under  guard  in  order  that 
they  might  deliver  him  up  to  Cyrus.  And  for  a  long  time 
after  this  none  of  the  Chians  would  offer  barley  meal  from 
Atarneus  to  any  of  the  gods,  or  make  any  cakes  of  the  fruit 
that  came  from  thence ;  but  all  the  productions  of  that  coun- 
try were  excluded  from  the  temples.  Thus  the  Chians  gave 
up  Pactyas.  Mazares,  after  this,  marched  against  those  who 
had  assisted  in  besieging  Tabalus ;  and  in  the  first  place  he 
reduced  the  Prienians  to  slavery,  and  in  the  next  overran  the 
whole  plain  of  the  Maeander,  and  gave  it  to  his  army  to  pillage ; 
and  he  treated  Magnesia  in  the  same  manner:  and  shortly 
afterward  he  fell  sick  and  died. 

On  his  death  Harpagus  came  down  as  his  successor  in 
the  command :  he  also  was  by  birth  a  Mede,  the  same  whom 
Astyages,  King  of  the  Medes,  entertained  at  an  impious  feast, 
and  who  assisted  Cyrus  in  ascending  the  throne.    This  man, 


64  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [162-165 

being  appointed  general  by  Cyrus,  on  his  arrival  in  Ionia,  took 
several  cities  by  means  of  earthworks ;  for  he  forced  the  peo- 
ple to  retire  within  their  fortifications,  and  then,  having  heaped 
up  mounds  against  the  walls,  he  carried  the  cities  by  storm. 
Phocaea  was  the  first  place  in  Ionia  that  he  attacked. 

These  Phocaeans  were  the  first  of  all  the  Grecians  who 
undertook  long  voyages,  and  they  are  the  people  who  discov- 
ered the  Adriatic  and  Tyrrhenian  Seas,  and  Iberia,  and  Tar- 
tessus.1  They  made  their  voyages  in  fifty-oared  galleys,  and 
not  in  merchant  ships.  When  they  arrived  at  Tartessus  they 
were  kindly  received  by  the  King  of  the  Tartessians,  whose 
name  was  Arganthonius ;  he  reigned  eighty  years  over  Tar- 
tessus, and  lived  to  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty.  The 
Phocaeans  became  such  great  favourites  with  him  that  he  at 
first  solicited  them  to  abandon  Ionia,  and  to  settle  in  any  part 
of  his  territory  they  should  choose;  but  afterward,  finding  he 
could  not  prevail  with  the  Phocaeans  to  accept  his  offer,  and 
hearing  from  them  the  increasing  power  of  the  Mede,  he  gave 
them  money  for  the  purpose  of  building  a  wall  around  their 
city;  and  he  gave  it  unsparingly,  for  the  wall  is  not  a  few 
stades  in  circumference,  and  is  entirely  built  of  large  and  well- 
compacted  stone.  Now  the  wall  of  the  Phocaeans  had  been 
built  in  the  above  manner;  but  when  Harpagus  marched  his 
army  against  them,  he  besieged  them,  having  first  offered 
terms:  That  he  would  be  content  if  the  Phocaeans  would 
throw  down  only  one  of  their  battlements,  and  consecrate 
one  house  to  the  king's  use.  The  Phocaeans,  detesting 
slavery,  said  that  they  wished  for  one  day  to  deliberate,  and 
would  then  give  their  answer;  but  while  they  were  delib- 
erating they  required  him  to  draw  off  his  forces  from  the 
wall.  Harpagus  said  that,  though  he  well  knew  their  de- 
sign, yet  he  would  permit  them  to  consult  together.  In  the 
interval,  then,  during  which  Harpagus  withdrew  his  army 
from  the  wall,  the  Phocaeans  launched  their  fifty-oared  galleys, 
and  having  put  their  wives,  children,  and  goods  on  board,  to- 
gether with  the  images  from  the  temples,  and  other  offerings, 
except  works  of  brass  or  stone,  or  pictures — with  these  ex- 
ceptions, having  put  everything  on  board,  and  embarked 
themselves,  they  set  sail  for  Chios :  and  the  Persians  took  pos- 
session of  Phocaea,  abandoned  by  all  its  inhabitants.  The 
Phocaeans,  when  the  Chians  refused  to  sell  them  the  CEnyssae 
Islands,  for  fear  they  should  become  the  seat  of  trade,  and 
their  own  island  be  thereby  excluded,  thereupon  directed  their 

1  Tartessus  was  situated  between  the  two  branches  of  the  Bcetis  (now 
Guadalquiver),  through  which  it  discharges  itself  into  the  sea. 


165-167]     THE   WANDERINGS   OF   THE   PHOCAEANS  65 

course  to  Cyrnus,  where,  by  the  admonition  of  an  oracle,  they 
had  twenty  years  before  built  a  city,  named  Alalia.  But  Ar- 
ganthonius  was  at  that  time  dead.  On  their  passage  to  Cyr- 
nus, having  first  sailed  down  to  Phocaea,  they  put  to  death 
the  Persian  garrison  which  had  been  left  by  Harpagus  to 
guard  the  city.  Afterward,  when  this  was  accomplished,  they 
pronounced  terrible  imprecations  on  any  who  should  desert 
the  fleet:  besides  this,  they  sunk  a  mass  of  red-hot  iron,  and 
swore  that  they  would  never  return  to  Phocaea  till  this  burn- 
ing mass  should  appear  again.  Nevertheless,  as  they  were 
on  their  way  toward  Cyrnus,  more  than  one  half  of  the  citi- 
zens were  seized  with  regret  and  yearning  for  their  city  and 
dwellings  in  the  country,  and  violating  their  oaths,  sailed  back 
to  Phocaea ;  but  such  of  them  as  kept  to  their  oath,  weighed 
anchor  and  sailed  from  the  CEnyssae  Islands.  On  their  ar- 
rival at  Cyrnus  they  lived  for  five  years  in  common  with  the 
former  settlers :  but  as  they  ravaged  the  territories  of  all  their 
neighbours,  the  Tyrrhenians  and  Carthaginians  combined  to- 
gether to  make  war  against  them,  each  with  sixty  ships :  and 
the  Phocaeans,  on  their  part,  having  manned  their  ships,  con- 
sisting of  sixty  in  number,  met  them  in  the  Sardinian  Sea; 
and  having  engaged,  the  Phocaeans  obtained  a  kind  of  Cad- 
mean  victory ; *  for  forty  of  their  own  ships  were  destroyed,  and 
the  twenty  that  survived  were  disabled,  for  their  prows  were 
blunted.  They  therefore  sailed  back  to  Alalia,  and  took  on 
board  their  wives  and  children,  with  what  property  their  ships 
were  able  to  carry,  and  leaving  Cyrnus,  sailed  to  Rhegium. 
As  to  the  men  belonging  to  the  ships  destroyed,  most  of  them 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians  and  Tyrrhenians,  who 
took  them  on  shore  and  stoned  them  to  death.  But  after- 
ward all  animals  belonging  to  the  Agyllaeans  that  passed  by 
the  spot  where  the  Phocaeans  who  had  been  stoned  lay,  be- 
came distorted,  maimed,  and  crippled,  as  well  sheep,  as  beasts 
of  burden,  and  men.  The  Agyllaeans  therefore,  being  anxious 
to  expiate  the  guilt,  sent  to  Delphi :  and  the  Pythia  enjoined 
them  to  use  those  rites  which  the  Agyllaeans  still  observe; 
for  they  commemorate  their  death  with  great  magnificence, 
and  have  established  gymnastic  and  equestrian  contests.  This 
was  the  fate  of  these  Phocaeans;  but  the  others  who  fled  to 
Rhegium,  left  that  place,  and  got  possession  of  that  town  in 
the  territory  of  (Enotria,  which  is  now  called  Hyela,  and  they 
colonized  this  town  by  the  advice  of  a  certain  Posidonian, 
who  told  them  the  Pythia  had   directed  them  to  establish 

1  A  proverbial  expression,  importing  "that  the  victors  suffered  more 
than  the  vanquished." 


66  HERODOTUS— BOOK  I,   CLIO  [167-171 

sacred  rites  to  Cyrnus  as  being  a  hero,  but  not  to  colonize  the 
island  of  that  name. 

The  Teians  also  acted  nearly  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Phocaeans.  For  when  Harpagus  by  means  of  his  earthworks 
had  made  himself  master  of  their  walls,  they  all  went  on  board 
their  ships,  and  sailed  away  to  Thrace,  and  there  settled  in 
the  city  of  Abdera ;  which  Timesius  of  Clazomense  having 
formerly  founded,  did  not  enjoy,  but  was  driven  out  by  the 
Thracians,  and  is  now  honoured  as  a  hero  by  the  Teians  of 
Abdera. 

These  were  the  only  Ionians  who  abandoned  their  coun- 
try rather  than  submit  to  servitude.  The  rest,  except  the 
Milesians,  gave  battle  to  Harpagus,  and  as  well  as  those  who 
abandoned  their  country,  proved  themselves  brave  men,  each 
fighting  for  his  own;  but  being  defeated  and  subdued,  they 
severally  remained  in  their  own  countries,  and  submitted  to 
the  commands  imposed  on  them.  But  the  Milesians,  as  I 
have  before  mentioned,  having  made  a  league  with  Cyrus, 
remained  quiet.  Thus  then  was  Ionia  a  second  time  enslaved ; 
and  when  Harpagus  had  subdued  the  Ionians  on  the  conti- 
nent, those  that  occupied  the  islands,  dreading  the  same  fate, 
made  their  submission  to  Cyrus.  When  the  Ionians  were 
brought  to  this  wretched  condition,  and  nevertheless  still  held 
assemblies  at  Panionium,  I  am  informed  that  Bias  of  Priene 
gave  them  most  salutary  advice,  which,  if  they  had  hearkened 
to  him,  would  have  made  them  the  most  flourishing  of  all 
the  Grecians.  He  advised  that  the  Ionians,  having  weighed 
anchor,  should  sail  in  one  common  fleet  to  Sardinia,  and  then 
build  one  city  for  all  the  Ionians ;  thus  being  freed  from  servi- 
tude, they  would  flourish,  inhabiting  the  most  considerable 
of  the  islands,  and  governing  the  rest;  whereas  if  they  re- 
mained in  Ionia,  he  saw  no  hope  of  recovering  their  liberty. 
This  was  the  advice  of  Bias  the  Prienean  after  the  Ionians 
were  ruined.  But  before  Ionia  was  ruined  the  advice  of 
Thales  the  Milesian,  who  was  of  Phoenician  extraction,  was 
also  good.  He  advised  the  Ionians  to  constitute  one  general 
council  in  Teos,  which  stands  in  the  centre  of  Ionia ;  and  that 
the  rest  of  the  inhabited  cities  should  nevertheless  be  governed 
as  independent  states.  Such  was  the  advice  they  severally 
gave. 

Harpagus,  having  subdued  Ionia,  marched  against  the 
Carians,  Caunians,  Lycians,  Ionians,  and  Cohans.  Of  these 
the  Carians  had  come  from  the  islands  to  the  continent.  For 
being  subjects  of  Minos,  and  anciently  called  Leleges,  they 
occupied  the  islands  without  paying  any  tribute,  as  far  as  I 


171-173]  HARPAGUS  SUBDUES  IONIA  67 

am  able  to  discover  by  inquiring  into  the  remotest  times,  but, 
whenever  he  required  them,  they  manned  his  ships;  and  as 
Minos  subdued  a  large  territory,  and  was  successful  in  war, 
the  Carians  were  by  far  the  most  famous  of  all  nations  in  those 
times.  They  also  introduced  three  inventions  which  the 
Greeks  have  adopted.  For  the  Carians  set  the  example  of 
fastening  crests  upon  helmets  and  of  putting  devices  on 
shields ;  they  are  also  the  first  who  put  handles  to  shields ; 
but  until  their  time  all  who  used  shields  carried  them  without 
handles,  guiding  them  with  leathern  thongs,  having  them 
slung  round  their  necks  and  left  shoulders.  After  a  long 
time  had  elapsed,  the  Dorians  and  Ionians  drove  the  Carians 
out  of  the  islands,  and  so  they  came  to  the  continent.  This 
then  is  the  account  that  the  Cretans  give  of  the  Carians :  the 
Carians  themselves,  however,  do  not  admit  its  correctness ; 
but  consider  themselves  to  be  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the 
continent,  and  always  to  have  gone  under  the  same  name  as 
they  now  do.  And  in  testimony  of  this  they  show  an  ancient 
Temple  of  Jupiter  Carius  at  Mylasa,  which  the  Mysians  and 
Lydians  share,  as  kinsmen  to  the  Carians,  for  they  say  that 
Lydus  and  Mysus  were  brothers  to  Car.  Now  they  do  share 
the  temple,  but  none  who  are  of  a  different  nation,  though  of 
the  same  language  with  the  Carians,  are  allowed  to  share  it. 
The  Caunians,  in  my  opinion,  are  aboriginals,  though  they 
say  they  are  from  Crete.  However,  they  have  assimilated 
their  language  to  that  of  the  Carians,  or  the  Carians  to  theirs ; 
for  this  I  can  not  determine  with  certainty.  Their  customs 
are  totally  distinct  from  those  of  other  nations,  even  from  the 
Carians ;  for  they  account  it  very  becoming  for  men,  women, 
and  boys  to  meet  together  to  drink  according  to  their  age  and 
intimacy.  They  had  formerly  erected  temples  to  foreign  dei- 
ties, but  afterward,  when  they  changed  their  minds  (for  they 
resolved  to  have  none  but  their  own  national  deities),  all  the 
Caunians  armed  themselves,  both  young  and  old,  and  beating 
the  air  with  their  spears,  marched  in  a  body  to  the  Calindian 
confines,  and  said  they  were  expelling  strange  gods.  They 
then  have  such  customs.  The  Lycians  were  originally  sprung 
from  Crete,  for  in  ancient  time  Crete  was  entirely  in  the  pos- 
session of  barbarians.  But  a  dispute  having  arisen  between 
Sarpedon  and  Minos,  sons  of  Europa,  respecting  the  sover- 
eign power,  when  Minos  got  the  upper  hand  in  the  struggle, 
he  drove  out  Sarpedon  with  his  partisans ;  and  they  being 
expelled  came  to  the  land  of  Milyas  in  Asia :  for  the  country 
which  the  Lycians  now  occupy  was  anciently  called  Milyas ; 
but  the  Milyans  were  then  called  Solymi.    So  long  as  Sarpe- 


68  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [»73~i7S 

• 

don  reigned  over  them,  they  went  by  the  name  of  Termilae, 
which  they  brought  with  them,  and  the  Lycians  are  still  called 
by  that  name  by  their  neighbours.  But  when  Lycus,  son  of 
Pandion,  who  was  likewise  driven  out  by  his  brother  JEgeus, 
came  from  Athens,  the  Termilae  under  Sarpedon,  in  course 
of  time,  got  to  be  called  Lycians  after  him.  Their  customs  are 
partly  Cretan  and  partly  Carian ;  but  they  have  one  peculiar 
to  themselves,  in  which  they  differ  from  all  other  nations ;  for 
they  take  their  name  from  their  mothers  and  not  from  their 
fathers ;  so  that  if  any  one  ask  another  who  he  is,  he  will  de- 
scribe himself  by  his  mother's  side,  and  reckon  up  his  ma- 
ternal ancestry  in  the  female  line.  And  if  a  free-born  woman 
marry  a  slave,  the  children  are  accounted  of  pure  birth;  but 
if  a  man  who  is  a  citizen,  even  though  of  high  rank,  marry 
a  foreigner,  or  cohabit  with  a  concubine,  the  children  are  in- 
famous. 

Now  the  Carians  were  subdued  by  Harpagus  without  hav- 
ing done  any  memorable  action  in  their  own  defence :  and 
not  only  the  Carians,  but  all  the  Grecians  that  inhabit  those 
parts,  behaved  themselves  with  as  little  courage.  And  among 
others  settled  there  are  the  Cnidians,  colonists  from  the  Lace- 
daemonians, whose  territory  juts  on  the  sea,  and  is  called  the 
Triopean:  but  the  region  of  Bybassus  extended  from  the 
Peninsula,  for  all  Cnidia,  except  a  small  space,  is  surrounded 
by  water;  for  the  Ceramic  Gulf  bounds  it  on  the  north,  and 
on  the  south  the  sea  by  Syme  and  Rhodes :  now  this  small 
space,  which  is  about  five  stades  in  breadth,  the  Cnidians, 
wishing  to  make  their  territory  insular,  designed  to  dig 
through,  while  Harpagus  was  subduing  Ionia.  For  the  whole 
of  their  dominions  were  within  the  isthmus ;  and  where  the 
Cnidian  territory  terminates  toward  the  continent  there  is  the 
isthmus  that  they  designed  to  dig  through.  But  as  they  were 
carrying  on  the  work  with  great  diligence,  the  workmen  ap- 
peared to  be  wounded  to  a  greater  extent  and  in  a  more 
strange  manner  than  usual,  both  in  other  parts  of  the  body, 
and  particularly  in  the  eyes,  by  the  chipping  of  the  rock ;  they 
therefore  sent  deputies  to  Delphi  to  inquire  what  was  the 
cause  of  the  obstruction ;  and,  as  the  Cnidians  say,  the  Pythia 
answered  as  follows,  in  trimeter  verse :  "  Build  not  a  tower  on 
the  isthmus,  nor  dig  it  through,  for  Jove  would  have  made 
it  an  island  had  he  so  willed."  When  the  Pythia  had  given 
this  answer,  the  Cnidians  desisted  from  their  work,  and  sur- 
rendered without  resistance  to  Harpagus  as  soon  as  he  ap- 
proached with  his  army.  The  Pedasians  were  situated  inland 
above  Halicarnassus.     When  any  mischief  is  about  to  befall 


175-179]  THE   CITY  0F  BABYLON  69 

them  or  their  neighbours,  the  priestess  of  Minerva  has  a  long 
beard;  this  has  occurred  three  times.  Now  these  were  the 
only  people  about  Caria  who  opposed  Harpagus  for  any  time, 
and  gave  him  much  trouble,  by  fortifying  a  mountain  called 
Lyda.  After  some  time,  however,  the  Pedasians  were  sub- 
dued. The  Lycians,  when  Harpagus  marched  his  army  to- 
ward the  Xanthian  plain,  went  out  to  meet  him,  and,  engaging 
with  very  inferior  numbers,  displayed  great  feats  of  valour. 
But  being  defeated,  and  shut  up  within  their  city,  they  col- 
lected their  wives,  children,  property,  and  servants  within  the 
citadel,  and  then  set  fire  to  it  and  burned  it  to  the  ground. 
When  they  had  done  this,  and  engaged  themselves  by  the 
strongest  oaths,  all  the  Xanthians  went  out  and  died  fighting. 
Of  the  modern  Lycians,  who  are  said  to  be  Xanthians,  all,  ex- 
cept eighty  families,  are  strangers ;  but  these  eighty  families 
happened  at  the  time  to  be  away  from  home  and  so  survived. 
Thus  Harpagus  got  possession  of  Xanthus,  and  Caunia  almost 
in  the  same  manner,  for  the  Caunians  generally  followed  the 
example  of  the  Lycians. 

Harpagus,  therefore,  reduced  the  lower  parts  of  Asia,  but 
Cyrus  conquered  the  upper  parts,  subduing  every  nation  with- 
out exception.  The  greatest  part  of  these  I  shall  pass  by 
without  notice ;  but  I  will  make  mention  of  those  which  gave 
him  most  trouble,  and  are  most  worthy  of  being  recorded. 

When  Cyrus  had  reduced  all  the  other  parts  of  the  conti- 
nent, he  attacked  the  Assyrians.  Now  Assyria  contains  many 
large  cities,  but  the  most  renowned  and  the  strongest,  and 
where  the  seat  of  government  was  established  after  the  de- 
struction of  Nineveh,  was  Babylon,  which  is  of  the  follow- 
ing description :  the  city  stands  in  a  spacious  plain,  and  is 
quadrangular,  and  shows  a  front  on  every  side  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  stades ;  these  stades  make  up  the  sum  of 
four  hundred  and  eighty  in  the  whole  circumference.  Such  is 
the  size  of  the  city  of  Babylon.  It  was  adorned  in  a  manner 
surpassing  any  city  we  are  acquainted  with.  In  the  first  place, 
a  moat,  deep,  wide,  and  full  of  water,  runs  entirely  round  it; 
next,  there  is  a  wall  fifty  royal  cubits  in  breadth,  and  in  height 
two  hundred,  but  the  royal  cubit  is  larger  than  the  common 
one  by  three  fingers'  breadth.  And  here  I  think  I  ought  to 
explain  how  the  earth,  taken  out  of  the  moat,  was  consumed, 
and  in  what  manner  the  wall  was  built.  As  they  dug  the 
moat  they  made  bricks  of  the  earth  that  was  taken  out;  and 
when  they  had  moulded  a  sufficient  number,  they  baked  them 
in  kilns.  Then  making  use  of  hot  asphalt  for  cement,  and 
laying  wattled  weeds  between  the  thirty  bottom  courses  of 


70  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [179-182 

bricks,  they  first  built  up  the  sides  of  the  moat,  and  afterward 
the  wall  itself  in  the  same  manner;  and  on  the  top  of  the 
wall,  at  the  edges,  they  built  dwellings  of  one  story,  fronting 
each  other,  and  they  left  a  space  between  these  dwellings  suf- 
ficient for  turning  a  chariot  with  four  horses.  In  the  circum- 
ference of  the  wall  there  are  a  hundred  gates,  all  of  brass, 
as  also  are  the  posts  and  lintels.  Eight  days'  journey  from 
Babylon  stands  another  city,  called  Is,  on  a  small  river  of  the 
same  name,  which  discharges  its  stream  into  the  Euphrates; 
now,  this  river  brings  down  with  its  water  many  lumps  of 
bitumen,  from  whence  the  bitumen  used  in  the  wall  of  Baby- 
lon was  brought.  In  this  manner  Babylon  was  encompassed 
with  a  wall.  And  the  city  consists  of  two  divisions,  for  a  river 
called  the  Euphrates  separates  it  in  the  middle:  this  river, 
which  is  broad,  deep,  and  rapid,  flows  from  Armenia,  and  falls 
into  the  Red  Sea.  The  wall,  therefore,  on  either  bank  has  an 
elbow  carried  down  to  the  river ;  from  thence  along  the  curva- 
tures of  each  bank  of  the  river  runs  a  wall  of  baked  bricks. 
The  city  itself,  which  is  full  of  houses  three  and  four  stories 
high,  is  cut  up  into  straight  streets ;  all  the  others  as  well  as 
the  transverse  ones  that  lead  to  the  river.  At  the  end  of  each 
street  a  little  gate  is  formed  in  the  wall  along  the  river-side, 
in  number  equal  to  the  streets ;  and  they  are  all  made  of 
brass,  and  lead  down  to  the  edge  of  the  river.  This  outer 
wall  is  the  chief  defence,  but  another  wall  runs  round  within, 
not  much  inferior  to  the  other  in  strength,  though  narrower. 
In  the  middle  of  each  division  of  the  city  fortified  buildings 
were  erected ;  in  one,  the  royal  palace,  with  a  spacious  and 
strong  inclosure,  brazen  gated ;  and  in  the  other,  the  pre- 
cinct of  Jupiter  Belus,  which  in  my  time  was  still  in  exist- 
ence, a  square  building  of  two  stades  on  every  side.  In  the 
midst  of  this  precinct  is  built  a  solid  tower  of  one  stade  both 
in  length  and  breadth,  and  on  this  tower  rose  another,  and 
another  upon  that,  to  the  number  of  eight.  And  an  ascent 
to  these  is  outside,  running  spirally  round  all  the  towers. 
About  the  middle  of  the  ascent  there  is  a  landing-place  and 
seats  to  rest  on,  on  which  those  who  go  up  sit  down  and  rest 
themselves;  and  in  the  uppermost  tower  stands  a  spacious 
temple,  and  in  this  temple  is  placed,  handsomely  furnished, 
a  large  couch,  and  by  its  side  a  table  of  gold.  No  statue  has 
been  erected  within  it,  nor  does  any  mortal  pass  the  night 
there,  except  only  a  native  woman,  chosen  by  the  god  out 
of  the  whole  nation,  as  the  Chaldseans,  who  are  priests  of  this 
deity,  say.  These  same  priests  assert,  though  I  can  not  credit 
what  they  say,  that  the  god  himself  comes  to  the  temple  and 


182-185]  SEMIRAMIS   AND   NITOCRIS  71 

reclines  on  the  bed,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Egyptians 
say  happens  at  Thebes  in  Egypt,  for  there  also  a  woman  lies 
in  the  Temple  of  Theban  Jupiter,  and  both  are  said  to  have 
no  intercourse  with  men ;  in  the  same  manner  also  the  priest- 
ess, who  utters  the  oracles  at  Patarse  in  Lycia,  when  the  god 
is  there,  for  there  is  not  an  oracle  there  at  all  times,  but  when 
there,  she  is  shut  up  during  the  night  in  the  temple  with  the 
god.  There  is  also  another  temple  below,  within  the  precinct 
at  Babylon;  in  it  is  a  large  golden  statue  of  Jupiter  seated, 
and  near  it  is  placed  a  large  table  of  gold ;  the  throne  also 
and  the  step  are  of  gold,  which  together  weigh  eight  hun- 
dred talents,  as  the  Chaldaeans  affirm.  Outside  the  temple 
is  a  golden  altar;  and  another  large  altar,  where  full-grown 
sheep  are  sacrificed ;  for  on  the  golden  altar  only  sucklings 
may  be  offered.  On  the  great  altar  the  Chaldaeans  consume 
yearly  a  thousand  talents  of  frankincense  when  they  celebrate 
the  festival  of  this  god.  There  was  also  at  that  time  within 
the  precincts  of  this  temple  a  statue  of  solid  gold,  twelve  cubits 
high :  I  indeed  did  not  see  it,  I  only  relate  what  is  said  by 
the  Chaldaeans.  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  formed  a  design 
to  take  away  this  statue,  but  dared  not  do  so;  but  Xerxes, 
son  of  Darius,  took  it,  and  killed  the  priest  who  forbade  him 
to  remove  it.  Thus,  then,  this  temple  was  adorned ;  and  be- 
sides there  are  many  private  offerings. 

There  were  many  others  who  reigned  over  Babylon,  whom 
I  shall  mention  in  my  Assyrian  history,  who  beautified  the 
walls  and  temples,  and  among  them  were  two  women.  The 
first  of  these,  named  Semiramis,  lived  five  generations  before 
the  other ;  she  raised  mounds  along  the  plain,  which  are 
worthy  of  admiration ;  for  before  the  river  used  to  overflow 
the  whole  plain  like  a  sea.  But  the  other,  who  was  queen  next 
after  her,  and  whose  name  was  Nitocris  (she  was  much  more 
sagacious  than  the  queen  before  her),  in  the  first  place  left 
monuments  of  herself,  which  I  shall  presently  describe ;  and 
in  the  next  place,  when  she  saw  the  power  of  the  Medes  grow- 
ing formidable  and  restless,  and  that,  among  other  cities, 
Nineveh  was  captured  by  them,  she  took  every  possible  pre- 
caution for  her  own  defence.  First  of  all,  with  respect  to  the 
river  Euphrates,  which  before  ran  in  a  straight  line,  and 
which  flows  through  the  middle  of  the  city,  this,  by  having 
channels  dug  above,  she  made  so  winding  that  in  its  course 
it  touches  three  times  at  one  and  the  same  village  in  Assyria : 
the  name  of  this  village  at  which  the  Euphrates  touches  is 
Arderica :  and  to  this  day  those  who  go  from  our  sea  to  Baby- 
lon, if  they  travel  by  the  Euphrates,  come  three  times  to  this 


72  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [185-187 

village  on  three  successive  days.  She  also  raised  on  either 
bank  of  the  river  a  mound,  astonishing  for  its  magnitude  and 
height.  At  a  considerable  distance  above  Babylon  she  had 
a  reservoir  for  a  lake  dug,  carrying  it  out  some  distance  from 
the  river,  and  in  depth  digging  down  to  water,  and  in  width 
making  its  circumference  of  four  hundred  and  twenty  stades : 
she  consumed  the  soil  from  this  excavation  by  heaping  it  up 
on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  when  it  was  completely  dug  she 
had  stones  brought  and  built  a  casing  to  it  all  round.  She 
had  both  these  works  done,  the  river  made  winding,  and  the 
whole  excavation  a  lake,  in  order  that  the  current,  being 
broken  by  frequent  turnings,  might  be  more  slow,  and  the 
navigation  to  Babylon  tedious,  and  that  after  the  voyage  a 
long  march  round  the  lake  might  follow.  All  this  was  done 
in  that  part  of  the  country  where  the  approach  to  Babylon  is 
nearest,  and  where  is  the  shortest  way  for  the  Medes ;  in  order 
that  the  Medes  might  not,  by  holding  intercourse  with  her 
people,  become  acquainted  with  her  affairs.  She  inclosed 
herself,  therefore,  with  these  defences  by  digging,  and  imme- 
diately afterward  made  the  following  addition:  as  the  city 
consisted  of  two  divisions,  which  were  separated  by  the  river, 
during  the  reign  of  former  kings,  when  any  one  had  occasion 
to  cross  from  one  division  to  the  other,  he  was  obliged  to  cross 
in  a  boat :  and  this,  in  my  opinion,  was  very  troublesome :  she 
therefore  provided  for  this,  for  after  she  had  dug  the  reser- 
voir for  the  lake,  she  left  this  other  monument  built  by  similar 
toil.  She  had  large  blocks  of  stone  cut,  and  when  they  were 
ready  and  the  place  was  completely  dug  out,  she  turned  the 
whole  stream  of  the  river  into  the  place  she  had  dug:  while 
this  was  filled,  and  the  ancient  channel  had  become  dry,  in  the 
first  place,  she  lined  with  burned  bricks  the  banks  of  the  river 
throughout  the  city,  and  the  descents  that  lead  from  the  gates 
to  the  river,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  walls.  In  the  next 
place,  about  the  middle  of  the  city,  she  built  a  bridge  with 
the  stones  she  had  prepared,  and  bound  them  together  with 
plates  of  lead  and  iron.  Upon  these  stones  she  laid,  during 
the  day,  square  planks  of  timber,  on  which  the  Babylonians 
might  pass  over ;  but  at  night  these  planks  were  removed,  to 
prevent  people  from  crossing  by  night  and  robbing  one  an- 
other. When  the  hollow  that  was  dug  had  become  a  lake 
filled  by  the  river,  and  the  bridge  was  finished,  she  brought 
back  the  river  to  its  ancient  channel  from  the  lake.  And  thus, 
the  excavation  having  been  turned  into  a  marsh,  appeared 
to  answer  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  made,  and  a  bridge 
was  built  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants. 


187-189]  CYRUS  AT  THE   GYNDES  73 

This  same  queen  also  contrived  the  following  deception: 
over  the  most  frequented  gate  of  the  city  she  prepared  a 
sepulchre  for  herself,  high  up  above  the  gate  itself ;  and  on  the 
sepulchre  she  had  engraved:  Should  any  one  of  my  suc- 
cessors, Kings  of  Babylon,  find  himself  in  want  of 
money,  let  him  open  this  sepulchre  and  take  as  much 
as  he  chooses;  but  if  he  be  not  in  want,  let  him  not 
open  it;  for  that  were  not  well.  This  monument  re- 
mained undisturbed  until  the  kingdom  fell  to  Darius;  but  it 
seemed  hard  to  Darius  that  this  gate  should  be  of  no  use,  and 
that  when  money  was  lying  there,  and  this  money  invit- 
ing him  to  take  it,  he  should  not  do  so;  but  no  use  was 
made  of  this  gate  for  this  reason,  that  a  dead  body  was  over 
the  head  of  any  one  who  passed  through  it.  He  therefore 
opened  the  sepulchre,  and  instead  of  money  found  only 
the  body,  and  these  words  written:  Hadst  thou  not 
been  insatiably  covetous,  and  greedy  of  the  most 
sordid  gain,  thou  wouldst  not  have  opened  the  cham- 
bers of  the  dead.  Such  then  is  the  account  given  of  this 
queen. 

Cyrus  made  war  against  the  son  of  this  queen,  who  bore 
the  name  of  his  father  Labynetus,  and  had  the  empire  of  As- 
syria. Now  when  the  great  king  leads  his  army  in  person, 
he  carries  with  him  from  home  provisions  well  prepared  and 
cattle ;  and  he  takes  with  him  water  from  the  river  Choaspes, 
which  flows  past  Susa,  of  which  alone,  and  no  other,  the  king 
drinks.  A  great  number  of  four-wheeled  carriages  drawn  by 
mules  carry  the  water  of  this  river,  after  it  has  been  boiled 
in  silver  vessels,  and  follow  him  from  place  to  place  wherever 
he  marches.  When  Cyrus,  in  his  march  against  Babylon, 
arrived  at  the  river  Gyndes,  whose  fountains  are  in  the  Ma- 
tienian  Mountains,  and  which  flows  through  the  land  of  the 
Dardanians,  and  falls  into  another  river,  the  Tigris;  which 
latter,  flowing  by  the  city  of  Opis,  discharges  itself  into  the 
Red  Sea — now,  when  Cyrus  was  endeavouring  to  cross  this 
river  Gyndes,  which  can  be  passed  only  in  boats,  one  of  the 
sacred  white  horses  through  wantonness  plunged  into  the 
stream  and  attempted  to  swim  over,  but  the  stream  having 
carried  him  away  and  drowned  him,  Cyrus  was  much  en- 
raged with  the  river  for  this  affront,  and  threatened  to  make 
his  stream  so  weak  that  henceforth  women  should  easily  cross 
it  without  wetting  their  knees.  After  this  menace,  deferring 
his  expedition  against  Babylon,  he  divided  his  army  into  two 
parts ;  and  having  so  divided  it,  he  marked  out  by  lines  one 
hundred  and  eighty  channels,  on  each  side  of  the  river,  di- 


74  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [189-191 

verging  every  way;  then  having  distributed  his  army,  he 
commanded  them  to  dig.  His  design  was  indeed  executed 
by  the  great  numbers  he  employed ;  but  they  spent  the  whole 
summer  in  the  work.  When  Cyrus  had  avenged  himself  on 
the  river  Gyndes,  by  distributing  it  into  three  hundred  and 
sixty  channels,  and  the  second  spring  began  to  shine,  he  then 
advanced  against  Babylon.  But  the  Babylonians,  having 
taken  the  field,  awaited  his  coming;  and  when  he  had  ad- 
vanced near  the  city,  the  Babylonians  gave  battle,  and,  being 
defeated,  were  shut  up  in  the  city.  But  as  they  had  been  long 
aware  of  the  restless  spirit  of  Cyrus,  and  saw  that  he  attacked 
all  nations  alike,  they  had  laid  up  provisions  for  many  years ; 
and  therefore  were  under  no  apprehensions  about  a  siege. 
On  the  other  hand,  Cyrus  found  himself  in  difficulty,  since 
much  time  had  elapsed,  and  his  affairs  were  not  at  all  ad- 
vanced. Whether  therefore  some  one  else  made  the  sug- 
gestion to  him  in  his  perplexity,  or  whether  he  himself  devised 
the  plan,  he  had  recourse  to  the  following  stratagem :  having 
stationed  the  bulk  of  his  army  near  the  passage  of  the  river 
where  it  enters  Babylon,  and  again  having  stationed  another 
division  beyond  the  city,  where  the  river  makes  its  exit,  he 
gave  orders  to  his  forces  to  enter  the  city  as  soon  as  they 
should  see  the  stream  fordable.  Having  thus  stationed  his 
forces,  and  given  these  directions,  he  himself  marched  away 
with  the  ineffective  part  of  his  army ;  and  having  come  to  the 
lake,  Cyrus  did  the  same  with  respect  to  the  river  and  the 
lake  as  the  queen  of  the  Babylonians  had  done.  For  having 
diverted  the  river,  by  means  of  a  canal,  into  the  lake,  which 
was  before  a  swamp,  he  made  the  ancient  channel  fordable 
by  the  sinking  of  the  river.  When  this  took  place,  the  Per- 
sians who  were  appointed  to  that  purpose  close  to  the  stream 
of  the  river,  which  had  now  subsided  to  about  the  middle  of 
a  man's  thigh,  entered  Babylon  by  this  passage.  If,  however, 
the  Babylonians  had  been  aware  of  it  beforehand,  or  had 
known  what  Cyrus  was  about,  they  would  not  have  suffered 
the  Persians  to  enter  the  city,  but  would  have  utterly  de- 
stroyed them ;  for  having  shut  all  the  little  gates  that  lead 
down  to  the  river,  and  mounting  the  walls  that  extend  along 
the  banks  of  the  river,  they  would  have  caught  them  as  in  a 
net;  whereas  the  Persians  came  upon  them  by  surprise.  It 
is  related  by  the  people  who  inhabited  this  city  that,  by  reason 
of  its  great  extent,  when  they  who  were  at  the  extremities 
were  taken,  those  of  the  Babylonians  who  inhabited  the  centre 
knew  nothing  of  the  capture  (for  it  happened  to  be  a  festival)  ; 
but  they  were  dancing  at  the  time,  and  enjoying  themselves, 


191-193]  CYRUS  TAKES  BABYLON  75 

till  they  received  certain  information  of  the  truth ;  and  thus 
Babylon  was  taken  for  the  first  time.1 

How  great  was  the  power  of  the  Babylonians  I  can  prove 
by  many  other  circumstances,  and  especially  by  the  following : 
the  whole  territory  over  which  the  great  king  reigns  is  di- 
vided into  districts  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing  subsistence 
for  him  and  his  army,  in  addition  to  the  usual  tribute ;  now, 
whereas  there  are  twelve  months  in  the  year,  the  Babylonian 
territory  provides  him  with  subsistence  for  four  months,  and 
all  the  rest  of  Asia  for  the  remaining  eight :  thus  the  territory 
of  Assyria  amounts  to  a  third  part  of  the  power  of  all  Asia, 
and  the  government  of  this  region,  which  the  Persians  call  a 
satrapy,  is  considerable ;  since  it  yielded  a  full  artabe  of  silver 
every  day  to  Tritsechmes,  son  of  Artabazus,  who  held  this  dis- 
trict from  the  king:  the  artabe  is  a  Persian  measure,  con- 
taining three  Attic  chcenices  more  than  the  Attic  medimnus 
And  he  had  a  private  stud  of  horses,  in  addition  to  those  used 
in  war,  of  eight  hundred  stallions  and  sixteen  thousand  mares ; 
for  each  stallion  served  twenty  mares.  He  kept,  too,  such  a 
number  of  Indian  dogs  that  four  considerable  towns  in  the 
plains  were  exempted  from  all  other  taxes,  and  appointed  to 
find  food  for  the  dogs.  Such  were  the  advantages  accruing 
to  the  governor  of  Babylon.  The  land  of  Assyria  is  but  little 
watered  by  rain,  and  that  little  nourishes  the  root  of  the 
corn ;  the  stalk  grows  up,  and  the  grain  comes  to  maturity, 
by  being  irrigated  from  the  river,  not,  as  in  Egypt,  by  the 
river  overflowing  the  fields,  but  it  is  irrigated  by  the  hand 
and  by  engines.  For  the  Babylonian  territory,  like  Egypt,  is 
intersected  by  canals ;  and  the  largest  of  these  is  navigable, 
stretching  in  the  direction  of  the  winter  sunrise ; 2  and  it  ex- 
tends from  the  Euphrates  to  another  river,  the  river  Tigris, 
on  which  the  city  of  Nineveh  stood.  This  is,  of  all  lands  with 
which  we  are  acquainted,  by  far  the  best  for  the  growth  of 
corn :  but  it  does  not  carry  any  show  of  producing  trees  of 
any  kind,  neither  the  fig,  nor  the  vine,  nor  the  olive ;  yet  it 
is  so  fruitful  in  the  produce  of  corn  that  it  yields  continually 
two  hundred  fold,  and  when  it  produces  its  best  it  yields  even 
three  hundred  fold.  The  blades  of  wheat  and  barley  grow 
there  to  full  four  fingers  in  breadth ;  and  though  I  well  know 
to  what  a  height  millet  and  sesame  grow,  I  shall  not  mention 
it;  for  I  am  well  assured  that  to  those  who  have  never  been 
in  the  Babylonian  country  what  has  been  said  concerning  its 
productions  will  appear  to  many  incredible.  They  use  no 
other  oil  than  such  as  is  drawn  from  sesame.    They  have  palm 

1  It  was  again  taken  by  Darius.  '  That  is,  southeast. 


]6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [193-196 

trees  growing  all  over  the  plain ;  most  of  these  bear  fruit  from 
which  they  make  bread,  wine,  and  honey.  These  they  cul- 
tivate as  fig  trees,  both  in  other  respects,  and  they  also  tie  the 
fruit  of  that  which  the  Grecians  call  the  male  palm  about 
those  trees  that  bear  dates,  in  order  that  the  fly  entering  the 
date  may  ripen  it,  lest  otherwise  the  fruit  fall  before  maturity ; 
for  the  males  have  flies  in  the  fruit,  just  like  wild  fig  trees. 

The  most  wonderful  thing  of  all  here,  next  to  the  city 
itself,  is  what  I  now  proceed  to  describe :  their  vessels  that 
sail  down  the  river  to  Babylon  are  circular,  and  made  of 
leather.  For  when  they  have  cut  the  ribs  out  of  willows  that 
grow  in  Armenia  above  Babylon,  they  cover  them  with  hides 
extended  on  the  outside,  by  way  of  a  bottom;  neither  mak- 
ing any  distinction  in  the  stern,  nor  contracting  the  prow, 
but  making  them  circular  like  a  buckler;  then  having  lined 
this  vessel  throughout  with  reeds,  they  suffer  it  to  be  carried 
down  by  the  river  freighted  with  merchandise,  but  they  chiefly 
take  down  casks  of  palm  wine.  The  vessel  is  steered  by  two 
spars,  and  two  men  standing  upright,  one  of  whom  draws 
his  spar  in  and  the  other  thrusts  his  out.  Some  of  these  ves- 
sels are  made  very  large,  and  others  of  a  smaller  size ;  but 
the  largest  of  them  carry  a  cargo  of  five  thousand  talents. 
Every  vessel  has  a  live  ass  on  board,  and  the  larger  ones  more. 
For  after  they  arrive  at  Babylon,  and  have  disposed  of  their 
freight,  they  sell  the  ribs  of  the  boat  and  all  the  reeds  by  public 
auction ;  then  having  piled  the  skins  on  the  asses,  they  re- 
turn by  land  to  Armenia,  for  it  is  not  possible  by  any  means 
to  sail  up  the  river  by  reason  of  the  rapidity  of  the  current: 
and  for  this  reason  they  make  their  vessels  of  skins  and  not 
of  wood,  and  at  their  return  to  Armenia  with  their  asses  they 
construct  other  vessels  in  the  same  manner.  Such,  then,  is 
the  description  of  their  boats.  For  their  dress,  they  wear  a 
linen  tunic  that  reaches  down  to  the  feet;  over  this  they  put 
another  garment  of  wool,  and  over  all  a  short  white  cloak ; 
they  have  sandals  peculiar  to  the  country,  very  like  the  Boeo- 
tian clogs.  They  wear  long  hair,  binding  their  heads  with 
turbans,  and  anoint  the  whole  body  with  perfumes.  Every 
man  has  a  seal,  and  a  staff  curiously  wrought ;  and  on  every 
staff  is  carved  either  an  apple,  a  rose,  a  lily,  an  eagle,  or  some- 
thing of  the  kind ;  for  it  is  not  allowable  to  wear  a  stick  with- 
out a  device.  Such,  then,  is  their  manner  of  adorning  the 
body. 

The  following  customs  prevail  among  them :  this,  in  my 
opinion,  was  the  wisest,  which  I  hear  the  Venetians,  of  Illyria, 
also  practise.     Once  in  every  year  the  following  course  was 


BABYLOXIAX  MARRIAGE  MARKET. 

Photogravure  from  an  engraving  after  a  painting  bv  Edwin  Long. 


£0  'I^ 

I  torn 

Hey  cul- 

tie  the 

i  about 

ing  the 

naturity; 

;es. 

city 

that 

made  of 

jws  that 

udes 

•her  mak- 

the  prow, 

ned 

ied 

<-fly 


;  but 

e  larger  ones  more, 
d  of  their 
by  public 
■ 

neans 
rrent : 

i  put 

with 
Every 
every 
T  or  sotne- 
a  stick  with- 
out a  (lev  adorning  the 

'urse  was 


196-198]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS  jj 

pursued  in  every  village :  whatever  maidens  were  of  a  mar- 
riageable age,  they  used  to  collect  together  and  bring  in  a  body 
to  one  place ;  around  them  stood  a  crowd  of  men.  Then  a 
crier,  having  made  them  stand  up  one  by  one,  offered  them  for 
sale,  beginning  with  the  most  beautiful ;  and  when  she  had 
been  sold  for  a  large  sum,  he  put  up  another  who  was  next  in 
beauty.  They  were  sold  on  condition  that  they  should  be  mar- 
ried. Such  men  among  the  Babylonians  as  were  rich  and  de- 
sirous of  marrying  used  to  bid  against  one  another,  and  pur- 
chase the  handsomest.  But  such  of  the  lower  classes  as  were 
desirous  of  marrying  did  not  require  a  beautiful  form,  but  were 
willing  to  take  the  plainer  damsels  with  a  sum  of  money.  For 
when  the  crier  had  finished  selling  the  handsomest  of  the  maid- 
ens, he  made  the  ugliest  stand  up,  or  one  that  was  a  cripple, 
and  put  her  up  to  auction  for  the  person  who  would  marry  her 
with  the  least  sum  until  she  was  adjudged  to  the  man  who 
offered  to  take  the  smallest  sum.  This  money  was  obtained 
from  the  sale  of  the  handsome  maidens ;  and  thus  the  beauti- 
ful ones  portioned  out  the  ugly  and  the  crippled.  A  father 
was  not  allowed  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  whom 
he  pleased,  neither  might  a  purchaser  carry  off  a  maiden 
without  security,  but  he  was  first  obliged  to  give  security  that 
he  would  certainly  marry  her,  and  then  he  might  take  her 
away.  If  they  did  not  agree,  a  law  was  enacted  that  the  money 
should  be  repaid.  It  was  also  lawful  for  any  one  who  pleased 
to  come  from  another  village  and  purchase.  Such  was  their 
best  institution  ;  it  has  not,  however,  continued  to  exist.  They 
have  lately  adopted  another  regulation  to  prevent  them  from 
ill  treating  the  women,  or  carrying  them  away  to  another  city ; 
for  now  that,  since  the  taking  of  the  city,  they  have  been 
harshly  treated,  and  ruined  in  fortune,  all  the  meaner  sort, 
from  want  of  a  livelihood,  prostitute  their  daughters.  They 
have  also  this  other  custom,  second  to  the  former  in  wisdom. 
They  bring  out  their  sick  to  the  market-place,  for  they  have 
no  physicians ;  then  those  who  pass  by  the  sick  person  con- 
fer with  him  about  the  disease  to  discover  whether  they  have 
themselves  been  afflicted  with  the  same  disease  as  the  sick 
person,  or  have  seen  others  so  afflicted :  thus  the  passers-by 
confer  with  him,  and  advise  him  to  have  recourse  to  the  same 
treatment  as  that  by  which  they  escaped  a  similar  disease,  or 
as  they  have  known  cure  others.  And  they  are  not  allowed 
to  pass  by  a  sick  person  in  silence  without  inquiring  into  the 
nature  of  his  distemper.  They  embalm  the  dead  in  honey, 
and  their  funeral  lamentations  are  like  those  of  the  Egyptians. 
Whenever  a  Babylonian  has  had  intercourse  with  his  wife, 


78  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [198-202 

he  sits  over  burning  incense,  and  his  wife  does  the  same  in 
some  other  place;  at  break  of  day  both  wash,  for  they  will 
not  touch  any  vessel  till  they  have  washed.  The  same  prac- 
tice is  observed  by  the  Arabians. 

The  most  disgraceful  of  the  Babylonian  customs  is  the 
following:  every  native  woman  is  obliged,  once  in  her  life, 
to  sit  in  the  Temple  of  Venus  and  have  intercourse  with  some 
stranger.  And  many  disdaining  to  mix  with  the  rest,  being 
proud  on  account  of  their  wealth,  come  in  covered  carriages, 
and  take  up  their  station  at  the  temple  with  a  numerous  train 
of  servants  attending  them.  But  the  far  greater  part  do  thus : 
many  sit  down  in  the  Temple  of  Venus,  wearing  a  crown  of 
cord  round  their  heads ;  some  are  continually  coming  in,  and 
others  are  going  out.  Passages  marked  out  in  a  straight  line 
lead  in  every  direction  through  the  women,  along  which 
strangers  pass  and  make  their  choice.  When  a  woman  has 
once  seated  herself,  she  must  not  return  home  till  some 
stranger  has  thrown  a  piece  of  silver  into  her  lap  and  lain  with 
her  outside  the  temple.  He  who  throws  the  silver  must  say 
thus,  "  I  beseech  the  goddess  Mylitta  to  favour  thee  " :  for 
the  Assyrians  call  Venus  Mylitta.  The  silver  may  be  ever  so 
small,  but  she  will  not  reject  it,  inasmuch  as  it  is  not  lawful 
for  her  to  do  so,  for  such  silver  is  accounted  sacred.  The 
woman  follows  the  first  man  that  throws,  and  refuses  no  one. 
But  when  she  has  had  intercourse  and  has  absolved  herself 
from  her  obligation  to  the  goddess,  she  returns  home ;  md 
after  that  time,  however  great  a  sum  you  may  give  her,  you 
will  not  gain  possession  of  her.  Those  that  are  endowed  'nth 
beauty  and  symmetry  of  shape  are  soon  set  free ;  but  the  de- 
formed are  detained  a  long  time,  from  inability  to  satisfy  the 
law,  for  some  wait  for  a  space  of  three  or  four  years.  In  some 
parts  of  Cyprus  there  is  a  custom  very  similar.  These  cus- 
toms, then,  prevail  among  the  Babylonians.  There  are  three 
tribes  among  them  that  eat  nothing  but  fish]  these,  when 
they  have  taken  and  dried  them  in  the  sun,  they  treat  in  the 
following  manner :  they  put  them  into  a  mortar,  and  having 
pounded  them  with  a  pestle,  sift  them  through  a  fine  cloth ; 
then,  whoever  pleases,  kneads  them  into  a  cake,  or  bakes 
them  like  bread. 

When  Cyrus  had  conquered  this  nation,  he  was  anxious 
to  reduce  the  Massagetae  to  subjection.  Now,  this  nation  is 
said  to  be  both  powerful  and  valiant,  dwelling  toward  the 
east  and  the  rising  sun  beyond  the  river  Araxes,  over  against 
the  Issedonians ;  there  are  some  who  say  that  this  nation  is 
Scythian.     The  Araxes  is  reported  by  some  persons  to  be 


202-204]  THE   MASSAGET^E  79 

greater,  by  others  less,  than  the  Ister ;  they  say  that  there  are 
many  islands  in  it,  some  nearly  equal  in  size  to  Lesbos ;  and 
that  in  them  are  men  who  during  the  summer  feed  upon  all 
manner  of  roots,  which  they  dig  out  of  the  ground ;  and  that 
they  store  up  for  food  ripe  fruits  which  they  find  on  the  trees, 
and  feed  upon  these  during  the  winter.  They  add  that  they 
have  discovered  other  trees  that  produce  fruit  of  a  peculiar 
kind,  which  the  inhabitants,  when  they  meet  together  in  com- 
panies, and  have  lit  a  fire,  throw  on  the  fire,  as  they  sit  round 
in  a  circle ;  and  that  by  inhaling  the  fumes  of  the  burning 
fruit  that  has  been  thrown  on  they  become  intoxicated  by 
the  odour,  just  as  the  Greeks  do  by  wine ;  and  that  the  more 
fruit  is  thrown  on  the  more  intoxicated  they  become,  until 
they  rise  up  to  dance  and  betake  themselves  to  singing.  In 
this  manner  these  islanders  are  reported  to  live.  The  river 
Araxes  flows  from  the  Matienian  Mountains,  whence  also 
springs  the  river  Gyndes,  which  Cyrus  distributed  into  the 
three  hundred  and  sixty  trenches ;  and  it  gushes  out  from 
forty  springs,  all  of  which,  except  one,  discharge  themselves 
into  fens  and  swamps,  in  which  it  is  said  men  live  who  feed 
on  raw  fish  and  clothe  themselves  in  the  skins  of  sea-calves ; 
but  the  one  stream  of  the  Araxes  flows  through  an  unob- 
structed channel  into  the  Caspian  Sea.  The  Caspian  is  a  sea 
by  itself,  having  no  communication  with  any  other  sea ;  for 
the  whole  of  that  which  the  Grecians  navigate,  and  that  be- 
yonc  the  Pillars,  called  the  Atlantic,  and  the  Red  Sea,  are  all 
one  But  the  Caspian  is  a  separate  sea  of  itself,  being  in 
leng*  '1  a  fifteen  days'  voyage  for  a  rowing-boat ;  and  in  breadth, 
where  it  is  widest,  an  eight  days'  voyage.  On  the  western 
shore  of  this  sea  stretches  the  Caucasus,  which  is  in  extent 
the  largest,  and  in  height  the  loftiest  of  all  mountains ;  it  con- 
tains within  itself  many  and  various  nations  of  men,  who  for 
the  most  part  live  upon  the  produce  of  wild  fruit  trees.  In 
this  country,  it  is  said,  there  are  trees  which  produce  leaves 
of  such  a  nature  chat  by  rubbing  them  and  mixing  them  with 
water  the  people  paint  figures  on  their  garments ;  these  fig- 
ures, they  say,  do  not  wash  out,  but  grow  old  with  the  wool, 
as  if  they  had  been  woven  in  from  the  first.  It  is  said  that 
sexual  intercourse  among  these  people  takes  place  openly,  as 
with  cattle.  The  Caucasus,  then,  bounds  the  western  side 
of  this  sea,  which  is  called  the  Caspian ;  and  on  the  east,  to- 
ward the  rising  sun,  succeeds  a  plain  in  extent  unbounded  in 
the  prospect.  A  great  portion  of  this  extensive  plain  is  in- 
habited by  the  Massagetae,  against  whom  Cyrus  resolved  to 
make  war ;  for  the  motives  that  urged  and  incited  him  to  this 


80  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [204-207 

enterprise  were  many  and  powerful ;  first  of  all  his  birth,  which 
he  thought  was  something  more  than  human;  and  secondly, 
the  good  fortune  which  had  attended  him  in  his  wars ;  for 
wherever  Cyrus  directed  his  arms  it  was  impossible  for  that 
nation  to  escape. 

A  woman  whose  husband  was  dead  was  Queen  of  the  Mas- 
sagetae; her  name  was  Tomyris;  and  Cyrus  sent  ambassa- 
dors under  pretence  of  wooing  her,  and  made  her  an  offer  of 
marriage.  But  Tomyris,  being  aware  that  he  was  not  woo- 
ing her,  but  the  kingdom  of  the  Massagetae,  forbade  their 
approach.  Upon  this  Cyrus,  perceiving  his  artifice  ineffec- 
tual, marched  to  the  Araxes,  and  openly  prepared  to  make 
war  on  the  Massagetae,  by  throwing  bridges  over  the  river 
and  building  turrets  on  the  boats  which  carried  over  his  army. 
While  he  was  employed  in  this  work,  Tomyris  sent  a  herald 
to  him  with  this  message :  "  King  of  the  Medes,  desist  from 
your  great  exertions ;  for  you  can  not  know  if  they  will  ter- 
minate to  your  advantage;  and  having  desisted,  reign  over 
your  own  dominions,  and  bear  to  see  me  governing  what  is 
mine.  But  if  you  will  not  attend  to  my  advice,  and  prefer 
everything  before  peace ;  in  a  word,  if  you  are  very  anxious 
to  make  trial  of  the  Massagetae,  toil  no  longer  in  throwing 
a  bridge  over  the  river ;  but  do  you  cross  over  to  our  side, 
while  we  retire  three  days'  march  from  the  river;  or  if  you 
had  rather  receive  us  on  your  side,  do  you  the  like."  When 
Cyrus  heard  this  proposal,  he  called  a  council  of  the  princi- 
pal Persians ;  and  having  assembled  them,  he  laid  the  matter 
before  them,  and  demanded  their  opinion  as  to  what  he  should 
do:  they  unanimously  advised  him  to  let  Tomyris  pass  with 
her  army  into  his  territory.  But  Croesus  the  Lydian,  who 
was  present  and  disapproved  this  advice,  delivered  a  contrary 
opinion  to  that  which  was  put  forward,  and  said :  "  O  king,  I 
assured  you  long  ago  that,  since  Jupiter  delivered  me  into 
your  hands,  I  would  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  avert  what- 
ever misfortune  I  should  see  impending  over  your  house ; 
and  my  own  calamities,  sad  as  they  are,  have  been  lessons  to 
me.  If  you  think  yourself  immortal,  and  that  you  command 
an  army  that  is  so  too,  it  were  needless  for  me  to  make  known 
to  you  my  opinion.  But  if  you  know  that  you  too  are  a  man, 
and  that  you  command  such  as  are  men,  learn  this  first  of 
all,  that  there  is  a  wheel  in  human  affairs,  which,  continually 
revolving,  does  not  suffer  the  same  persons  to  be  always  suc- 
cessful. Now,  therefore,  I  hold  an  opinion  touching  the  mat- 
ter before  us,  wholly  at  variance  with  that  already  given.  For 
if  we  shall  receive  the  enemy  into  this  country,  there  is  this 


207-209]  CYRUS  CROSSES  THE  ARAXES  8 1 

danger  in  so  doing,  if  you  are  defeated,  you  will  lose,  besides, 
your  whole  empire;  for  it  is  plain  that  if  the  Massagetae  are 
victorious,  they  will  not  flee  home  again,  but  will  march  upon 
your  territories :  and  if  you  are  victorious,  your  victory  is  not 
so  complete  as  if,  having  crossed  over  into  their  territory,  you 
should  conquer  the  Massagetae,  and  pursue  them  in  their 
flight ;  for  I  will  carry  the  comparison  throughout,  it  is  plain, 
that  if  you  are  victorious  over  your  adversaries  you  will  march 
directly  into  the  dominions  of  Tomyris.  In  addition  to  what 
has  been  now  stated,  it  were  a  disgrace  and  intolerable  that 
Cyrus,  the  son  of  Cambyses,  should  give  way  and  retreat  be- 
fore a  woman.  My  opinion  therefore  is  that  you  should  pass 
over  and  advance  as  far  as  they  retire ;  and  then  by  the  fol- 
lowing stratagem  endeavour  to  get  the  better  of  them:  as 
I  hear,  the  Massagetae  are  unacquainted  with  the  Persian  luxu- 
ries, and  are  unused  to  the  comforts  of  life.  My  opinion  then 
is  that,  having  cut  up  and  dressed  abundance  of  cattle,  you 
should  lay  out  a  feast  in  our  camp  for  these  men;  and,  be- 
sides, bowls  of  unmixed  wine  without  stint,  and  all  other  pro- 
visions ;  and  that  having  done  this,  and  having  left  the  weak- 
est part  of  your  army  behind,  the  rest  should  return  again 
toward  the  river;  for  the  Massagetae,  if  I  mistake  not,  when 
they  see  so  much  excellent  fare,  will  turn  to  immediately,  and 
after  that  there  remains  for  us  the  display  of  mighty  achieve- 
ments." 

Now  these  two  contrary  opinions  were  given.  Cyrus,  re- 
jecting the  former,  and  approving  that  of  Croesus,  bade  Tomy- 
ris retire,  for  that  he  would  cross  over  to  her.  She  accord- 
ingly retired,  as  she  had  promised  at  first.  But  Cyrus  having 
placed  Croesus  in  the  hands  of  his  son  Cambyses,  to  whom 
he  also  intrusted  the  kingdom,  and  having  strictly  charged 
him  to  honour  Croesus,  and  treat  him  well,  in  case  his  inroad 
on  the  Massagetae  should  fail ;  having  given  these  injunctions, 
and  sent  them  back  to  Persia,  he  himself  crossed  the  river 
with  his  army.  When  he  had  passed  the  Araxes,  and  night 
came  on,  he  saw  the  following  vision,  as  he  was  sleeping  in 
the  country  of  the  Massagetae :  Cyrus  fancied  in  his  sleep  that 
he  saw  the  eldest  son  of  Hystaspes  with  wings  on  his  shoul- 
ders ;  and  that  with  one  of  these  he  overshadowed  Asia,  and 
with  the  other  Europe.  Now  Darius,  who  was  then  about 
twenty  years  of  age,  was  the  eldest  son  of  Hystaspes,  son  of 
Arsames,  one  of  the  Achaemenides ;  and  he  had  been  left  in 
Persia,  for  he  had  not  yet  attained  the  age  of  military  service. 
When,  therefore,  Cyrus  awoke,  he  considered  his  dream  with 
attention ;  and  as  it  seemed  to  him  of  great  moment,  he  sum- 
6 


82  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [209-212 

moned  Hystaspes,  and,  taking  him  aside,  said :  "  Hystaspes, 
your  son  has  been  detected  plotting  against  me  and  my  em- 
pire ;  and  I  will  show  you  how  I  know  it  for  a  certainty.  The 
gods  watch  over  me,  and  forewarn  me  of  everything  that  is 
about  to  befall  me.  Now,  in  the  past  night,  as  I  was  sleep- 
ing, I  saw  the  eldest  of  your  sons  with  wings  on  his  shoul- 
ders, and  with  one  of  these  he  overshadowed  Asia,  and  Eu- 
rope with  the  other;  from  this  vision  it  can  not  be  otherwise 
than  that  your  son  is  forming  designs  against  me;  do  you 
therefore  go  back  to  Persia  with  all  speed,  and  take  care,  that 
when  I  have  conquered  these  people  and  return  home,  you 
bring  your  son  before  me  to  be  examined."  Cyrus  spoke  thus 
under  a  persuasion  that  Darius  was  plotting  against  him; 
but  the  deity  forewarned  him  that  he  himself  would  die  in 
that  very  expedition,  and  that  his  kingdom  would  devolve 
on  Darius.  Hystaspes,  however,  answered  in  these  words : 
"  God  forbid,  O  king,  that  a  Persian  should  be  born  who 
would  plot  against  you !  But  if  any  such  there  be,  may  sud- 
den destruction  overtake  him,  for  you  have  made  the  Persians 
free  instead  of  being  slaves,  and  instead  of  being  ruled  over 
by  others,  to  rule  over  all :  but  if  any  vision  informs  you  that 
my  son  is  forming  any  plot  against  you,  I  freely  surrender 
him  to  you  to  deal  with  as  you  please."  Hystaspes,  having 
given  this  answer,  repassed  the  Araxes  and  went  to  Persia, 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  his  son  Darius  in  custody  for 
Cyrus. 

Cyrus  having  advanced  one  day's  march  from  the  Araxes, 
proceeded  to  act  according  to  the  suggestion  of  Crcesus.  After 
this,  when  Cyrus  and  the  effective  part  of  the  Persian  army 
had  marched  back  to  the  Araxes,  leaving  the  ineffective  part 
behind,  a  third  division  of  the  army  of  the  Massagetae  attacked 
those  of  Cyrus's  forces  that  had  been  left  behind,  and,  after 
some  resistance,  put  them  to  death.  Then,  seeing  the  feast 
laid  out,  as  soon  as  they  had  overcome  their  enemies  they  lay 
down  and  feasted ;  and  being  filled  with  food  and  wine,  fell 
asleep.  But  the  Persians  having  attacked  them,  put  many 
of  them  to  death,  and  took  a  still  greater  number  prisoners, 
and  among  them  the  son  of  Queen  Tomyris,  who  commanded 
the  Massagetae,  and  whose  name  was  Spargapises.  She,  when 
she  heard  what  had  befallen  her  army  and  her  son,  sent  a 
herald  to  Cyrus  with  the  following  message :  "  Cyrus,  insa- 
tiate with  blood,  be  not  elated  with  what  has  now  happened, 
that  by  the  fruit  of  the  vine,  with  which  ye  yourselves,  when 
filled  with  it,  so  rave,  that  when  it  descends  into  your  bodies 
evil  words  float  on  your  lips;  be  not  elated  that  by  such  a 


212-216]  THE   DEATH   OF   CYRUS  83 

poison  you  have  deceived  and  conquered  my  son,  instead  of 
by  prowess  in  battle.  Now,  however,  take  the  good  advice 
that  I  offer  you.  Restore  my  son ;  depart  out  of  this  coun- 
try unpunished  for  having  insolently  disgraced  a  third  di- 
vision of  the  army  of  the  Massagetse.  But  if  you  will  not  do 
this,  I  swear  by  the  sun,  the  Lord  of  the  Massagetse,  that,  in- 
satiable as  you  are,  I  will  glut  you  with  blood."  Cyrus,  how- 
ever, paid  no  attention  to  this  message ;  but  Spargapises,  the 
son  of  Queen  Tomyris,  as  soon  as  he  recovered  from  the  ef- 
fects of  the  wine,  and  perceived  in  what  a  plight  he  was, 
begged  of  Cyrus  that  he  might  be  freed  from  his  fetters ;  but 
as  soon  as  he  was  set  free,  and  found  his  hands  at  liberty,  he 
put  himself  to  death.  Such  was  the  end  he  met  with.  But 
Tomyris,  finding  Cyrus  did  not  listen  to  her,  assembled  all 
her  forces,  and  engaged  with  him.  I  think  that  this  battle 
was  the  most  obstinate  that  was  ever  fought  between  bar- 
barians. And  I  am  informed  that  it  took  place  in  the  follow- 
ing manner :  it  is  related  that,  first  of  all,  they  stood  at  a  dis- 
tance and  used  their  bows,  and  that  afterward,  when  they  had 
emptied  their  quivers,  they  engaged  in  close  fight  with  their 
swords  and  spears,  and  that  thus  they  continued  fighting  for 
a  long  time,  and  neither  were  willing  to  give  way ;  but  at 
length  the  Massagetse  got  the  better,  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  Persian  army  was  cut  in  pieces  on  the  "spot,  and  Cyrus 
himself  killed,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-nine  years.  But 
Tomyris,  having  filled  a  skin  with  human  blood,  sought  for 
the  body  of  Cyrus  among  the  slain  of  the  Persians,  and,  hav- 
ing found  it,  thrust  the  head  into  the  skin,  and  insulting  the 
dead  body,  said :  "  Thou  hast  indeed  ruined  me  though  alive 
and  victorious  in  battle,  since  thou  hast  taken  my  son  by 
stratagem ;  but  I  will  now  glut  thee  with  blood,  as  I  threat- 
ened." Of  the  many  accounts  given  of  the  end  of  Cyrus,  this 
appears  to  me  most  worthy  of  credit. 

The  Massagetse  resemble  the  Scythians  in  their  dress  and 
mode  of  living ;  they  have  both  horse  and  foot ;  for  they  have 
some  of  each;  and  bowmen,  and  javelin-men,  who  are  ac- 
customed to  carry  battle-axes :  they  use  gold  and  brass  for 
everything;  for  in  whatever  concerns  spears,  and  arrow- 
points,  and  battle-axes,  they  use  brass ;  but  for  the  head,  and 
belts,  and  shoulder-pieces,  they  are  ornamented  with  gold. 
In  like  manner  with  regard  to  the  chests  of  horses,  they  put 
on  breastplates  of  brass;  but  the  bridle-bit  and  cheek-pieces 
are  ornamented  with  gold.  They  make  no  use  of  silver  or 
iron,  for  neither  of  those  metals  is  found  in  their  country, 
but  they  have  brass  and  gold  in  abundance.    Their  manners 


84  HERODOTUS— BOOK   I,   CLIO  [216 

are  as  follows:  each  man  marries  a  wife,  but  they  use  the 
women  promiscuously.  What  the  Grecians  say  the  Scythians 
do  is  a  mistake,  for  they  do  it  not,  but  the  Massagetse;  for 
when  a  Massagetan  desires  to  have  the  company  of  a  woman 
he  hangs  up  his  quiver  in  front  of  her  chariot,  and  has  inter- 
course with  her  without  shame.  No  particular  term  of  life 
is  prescribed  to  them;  but  when  a  man  has  attained  a  great 
age,  all  his  kinsmen  meet,  and  sacrifice  him,  together  with 
cattle  of  several  kinds :  and  when  they  have  boiled  the  flesh, 
they  feast  on  it.  This  death  they  account  the  most  happy ;  but 
they  do  not  eat  the  bodies  of  those  who  die  of  disease;  but 
bury  them  in  the  earth,  and  think  it  a  great  misfortune  that 
they  did  not  reach  the  age  to  be  sacrificed.  They  sow  noth- 
ing, but  live  on  cattle  and  fish,  which  the  river  Araxes  yields 
in  abundance,  and  they  are  drinkers  of  milk.  They  worship 
the  sun  only  of  all  the  gods,  and  sacrifice  horses  to  him ;  and 
this  is  the  reason  of  this  custom :  they  think  it  right  to  offer 
the  swiftest  of  all  animals  to  the  swiftest  of  all  the  gods. 


BOOK  II 

EUTERPE 

A  FTER  the  death  of  Cyrus,  Cambyses  succeeded  to  the 
/\  kingdom :  he  was  the  son  of  Cyrus,  and  Cassandane,  the 
J  V.  daughter  of  Pharnaspes,  who,  having  died  some  time 
before,  Cyrus  both  deeply  mourned  for  her  himself, 
and  commanded  all  his  subjects  to  mourn.  Cambyses,  being 
the  son  of  this  lady  and  Cyrus,  considered  the  Ionians  and 
Cohans  as  his  hereditary  slaves;  when,  therefore,  he  made 
an  expedition  against  Egypt,  he  took  with  him  others  of  his 
subjects,  and  also  some  of  the  Greeks  over  whom  he  bore 
rule. 

The  Egyptians,  before  the  reign  of  Psammitichus,  consid- 
ered themselves  to  be  the  most  ancient  of  mankind.  But 
afterward  Psammitichus,  having  come  to  the  throne,  endeav- 
oured to  ascertain  who  were  the  most  ancient,  from  that  time 
they  consider  the  Phrygians  to  have  been  before  them,  and 
themselves  before  all  others.  Now,  when  Psammitichus  was 
unable,  by  inquiry,  to  discover  any  solution  of  this  question, 
who  were  the  most  ancient  of  men,  he  devised  the  following 
expedient:  He  gave  two  new-born  children  of  poor  parents 
to  a  shepherd,  to  be  brought  up  among  his  flocks  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  he  gave  strict  orders  that  no  one  should 
utter  a  word  in  their  presence,  that  they  should  lie  in  a  soli- 
tary room  by  themselves,  and  that  he  should  bring  goats  to 
them  at  certain  times,  and  that  when  he  had  satisfied  them 
with  milk  he  should  attend  to  his  other  employments.  Psam- 
mitichus contrived  and  ordered  this,  for  the  purpose  of  hear- 
ing what  word  the  children  would  first  articulate  after  they 
had  given  over  their  insignificant  mewlings ;  and  such  ac- 
cordingly was  the  result.  For  when  the  shepherd  had  pur- 
sued this  plan  for  the  space  of  two  years,  one  day  as  he  opened 
the  door  and  went  in,  both  the  children  falling  upon  him,  and 
holding  out  their  hands,  cried  "  Becos."  The  shepherd  when 
he  first  heard  it  said  nothing;  but  when  this  same  word  was 
constantly  repeated  to  him  whenever  he  went  and  tended  the 

85 


86         HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE        [2-5 

children,  he  at  length  acquainted  his  master,  and  by  his  com- 
mand brought  the  children  into  his  presence.  When  Psam- 
mitichus  heard  the  same,  he  inquired  what  people  call  any- 
thing by  the  name  of  "  Becos  " ;  and  on  inquiry  he  discovered 
that  the  Phrygians  call  bread  by  that  name.  Thus  the  Egyp- 
tians, convinced  by  the  above  experiment,  allowed  that  the 
Phrygians  were  more  ancient  than  themselves.  This  relation 
I  had  from  the  priests  of  Vulcan  at  Memphis.  But  the  Greeks 
tell  many  other  foolish  things,  and  moreover  that  Psammiti- 
chus,  having  had  the  tongues  of  some  women  cut  out,  then 
had  the  children  brought  up  by  these  women.  Such  is  the 
account  they  gave  of  the  nurture  of  the  children.  I  heard 
other  things  also  at  Memphis  in  conversation  with  the  priests 
of  Vulcan.  And  on  this  very  account  I  went  also  to  Thebes, 
and  to  Heliopolis,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  they  would 
agree  with  the  accounts  given  at  Memphis ;  for  the  Heliopoli- 
tans  are  esteemed  the  most  learned  in  history  of  all  the  Egyp- 
tians. The  parts  of  the  narration  that  I  heard  concerning  di- 
vine things  I  am  not  willing  to  relate,  except  only  their  names  ; 
and  with  these  I  suppose  all  men  are  equally  well  acquainted : 
but  what  more  I  shall  relate  of  these  matters,  I  shall  relate 
from  a  necessity  to  keep  up  the  thread  of  my  story. 

But  as  concerns  human  affairs,  they  agree  with  one  an- 
other in  the  following  account:  That  the  Egyptians  were  the 
first  to  discover  the  year,  which  they  divided  into  twelve  parts ; 
and  they  say  that  they  made  this  discovery  from  the  stars : 
and  so  far,  I  think,  they  act  more  wisely  than  the  Grecians,  in 
that  the  Grecians  insert  an  intercalary  month  every  third  year, 
on  account  of  the  seasons ;  whereas  the  Egyptians,  reckon- 
ing twelve  months  of  thirty  days  each,  add  five  days  each  year 
above  that  number,  and  so  with  them  the  circle  of  the  seasons 
comes  round  to  the  same  point.  They  say  also  that  the  Egyp- 
tians were  the  first  who  introduced  the  names  of  the  twelve 
gods,  and  that  the  Greeks  borrowed  those  names  from  them ; 
that  they  were  the  first  to  assign  altars,  images,  and  temples 
to  the  gods,  and  to  carve  the  figures  of  animals  on  stone ;  and 
most  of  these  things  they  proved  were  so  in  fact.  They  added, 
that  Menes  was  the  first  mortal  who  reigned  over  Egypt,  and 
that  in  his  time  all  Egypt,  except  the  district  of  Thebes,  was 
a  morass,  and  that  no  part  of  the  land  that  now  exists  below 
Lake  Myris  was  then  above  water :  to  this  place  from  the  sea 
is  a  seven  days'  passage  up  the  river.  And  they  seemed  to 
me  to  give  a  good  account  of  this  region.  For  it  is  evident  to 
a  man  of  common  understanding,  who  has  not  heard  it  be- 
fore, but  sees  it,  that  the  part  of  Egypt  which  the  Greeks  fre- 


5-8]  EGYPT  87 

quent  with  their  shipping  is  land  acquired  by  the  Egyptians, 
and  a  gift  from  the  river;  and  the  parts  above  this  lake,  dur- 
ing a  three  days'  passage,  of  which,  however,  they  said  noth- 
ing, are  of  the  same  description.  For  the  nature  of  the  soil 
of  Egypt  is  of  this  kind :  when  you  are  first  sailing  to  it,  and 
are  at  the  distance  of  a  day's  sail  from  land,  if  you  cast  the 
lead  you  will  bring  up  mud,  and  will  find  yourself  in  eleven 
fathoms  water:  this  so  far  shows  that  there  is  an  alluvial  de- 
posit. 

The  length  of  Egypt  along  the  sea-coast  is  sixty  schceni, 
according  as  we  reckon  it  to  extend  from  the  Plinthinetic  Bay 
to  Lake  Serbonis,  near  which  Mount  Casius  stretches :  from 
this  point  then  the  length  is  sixty  schoeni.  Now,  all  men 
who  are  short  of  land  measure  their  territory  by  fathoms ;  but 
those  who  are  less  short  of  land,  by  stades ;  and  those  who 
have  much,  by  parasangs;  and  such  as  have  a  very  great 
extent,  by  schceni.  Now,  a  parasang  is  equal  to  thirty  stades, 
and  each  schcenus,  which  is  an  Egyptian  measure,  is  equal 
to  sixty  stades.  So  the  whole  coast  of  Egypt  is  three  thou- 
sand six  hundred  stades  in  length.  From  thence,  as  far  as 
Heliopolis,  inland,  Egypt  is  wide,  being  all  flat,  without  water, 
and  a  swamp.  The  distance  to  Heliopolis,  as  one  goes  up 
from  the  sea,  is  about  equal  in  length  to  the  road  from  Athens 
— that  is  to  say,  from  the  altar  of  the  twelve  gods  to  Pisa  and 
the  Temple  of  Olympian  Jupiter.  For  whoever  will  com- 
pare these  roads  will  find,  by  computation,  that  the  difference 
between  them  is  but  little,  not  exceeding  fifteen  stades  ;  for  the 
road  from  Athens  to  Pisa  is  only  fifteen  stades  short  of  one 
thousand  five  hundred  stades,  but  the  road  from  the  sea  to 
Heliopolis  amounts  to  just  that  number.  From  Heliopolis 
upward  Egypt  is  narrow,  for  on  one  side  the  mountain  of 
Arabia  extends  from  north  to  south  and  southwest,  stretch- 
ing up  continuously  to  that  which  is  called  the  Red  Sea.  In 
this  mountain  are  the  quarries  whence  the  stone  was  cut  for 
the  pyramids  at  Memphis ;  here  the  mountain,  deviating, 
turns  to  the  parts  above  mentioned.  But  where  its  length  is 
the  greatest,  I  have  heard  that  it  is  a  two  months'  journey 
from  east  to  west;  and  that  eastward  its  confines  produce 
frankincense.  On  that  side  of  Egypt  which  borders  upon 
Libya  extends  another  rocky  mountain,  and  covered  with 
sand,  on  which  the  pyramids  stand ;  and  this  stretches  in  the 
same  direction  as  that  part  of  the  Arabian  mountain  that 
runs  southward.  So  that  from  Heliopolis,  the  territory  which 
belongs  to  Egypt  is  not  very  extensive;  but  for  four  days' 
sail  up  the  river  it  is  very  narrow.     Between  the  mountains 


88        HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE       [8-u 

before  mentioned  the  land  is  level,  and  in  the  narrowest  part 
appeared  to  me  to  be  not  more  than  two  hundred  stades  in 
breadth,  from  the  Arabian  mountain  to  that  called  the  Libyan ; 
but  above  this  Egypt  again  becomes  wide.  Such,  then,  is 
the  character  of  this  country.  From  Heliopolis  to  Thebes  is 
a  voyage  up  of  nine  days ;  the  length  of  this  journey  is  in 
stades  four  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty,  which  amounts 
to  eighty-one  schoeni.  Now,  if  we  compute  these  stades  to- 
gether, the  coast  of  Egypt,  as  I  before  explained,  contains 
in  length  three  thousand  and  six  hundred  stades:  how  far  it 
is  from  the  sea  inland  as  far  as  Thebes  I  will  next  show, 
namely,  six  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty  stades;  and 
from  Thebes  to  the  city  called  Elephantine,  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  stades. 

The  greater  part  of  all  this  country,  as  the  priests  informed 
me,  and  as  appeared  to  me  also  to  be  the  case,  has  been  ac- 
quired by  the  Egyptians.  For  the  space  between  the  above- 
mentioned  mountains,  that  are  situated  beyond  the  city  of 
Memphis,  seem  to  me  to  have  been  formerly  a  bay  of  the 
sea ;  as  is  the  case  also  with  the  parts  about  Ilium,  Teuthrania, 
Ephesus,  and  the  plain  of  the  Maeander,  if  I  may  be  permitted 
to  compare  small  things  with  great;  for  of  the  rivers  that 
have  thrown  up  the  soil  that  forms  these  countries,  not  one 
can  justly  be  brought  into  comparison,  as  to  size,  with  any 
one  of  the  five  mouths  of  the  Nile.  But  there  are  other  rivers 
not  equal  in  size  to  the  Nile,  which  have  wrought  great  works  ; 
of  these  I  could  mention  the  names,  and  among  them  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  is  the  Achelous,  which,  flowing  through 
Acarnania,  and  falling  into  the  sea,  has  already  converted  one 
half  of  the  Echinades  Islands  into  continent.  There  is  also 
in  the  Arabian  territory,  not  far  from  Egypt,  branching  from 
the  Red  Sea,  a  bay  of  the  sea,  of  the  length  and  width  I  shall 
here  describe :  the  length  of  the  voyage,  beginning  from  the 
innermost  part  of  this  bay  to  the  broad  sea,  occupies  forty 
days  for  a  vessel  with  oars ;  and  the  width,  where  the  bay  is 
widest,  half  a  day's  passage :  and  in  it  an  ebb  and  flow  takes 
place  daily ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that  Egypt  was  formerly  a 
similar  bay;  this  stretching  from  the  Northern  Sea  toward 
Ethiopia ;  and  the  Arabian  Bay,  which  I  am  describing,  from 
the  south  toward  Syria ;  and  that  they  almost  perforated  their 
recesses  so  as  to  meet  each  other,  overlapping  to  some  small 
extent.  Now,  if  the  Nile  were  to  turn  its  stream  into  this 
Arabian  gulf,  what  could  hinder  it  from  being  filled  with  soil 
by  the  river  within  twenty  thousand  years?  For  my  part,  I 
think  it  would  be  filled  within  ten  thousand.    How,  then,  in 


11-14]  EGYPT  89 

the  time  that  has  elapsed  before  I  was  born,  might  not  even 
a  much  greater  bay  than  this  have  been  filled  up  by  such  a 
great  and  powerful  river?  I  therefore  both  give  credit  to 
those  who  relate  these  things  concerning  Egypt,  and  am  my- 
self persuaded  of  their  truth  when  I  see  that  Egypt  projects 
beyond  the  adjoining  land ;  that  shells  are  found  on  the  moun- 
tains ;  that  a  saline  humour  forms  on  the  surface  so  as  even 
to  corrode  the  pyramids ;  and  that  this  mountain  which  is 
above  Memphis  is  the  only  one  in  Egypt  that  abounds  in 
sand :  add  to  which,  that  Egypt,  in  its  soil,  is  neither  like 
Arabia  or  its  confines,  nor  Libya,  nor  Syria  (Syrians  occupy 
the  sea-coast  of  Arabia),  but  is  black  and  crumbling,  as  if  it 
were  mud  and  alluvial  deposit  brought  down  by  the  river 
from  Ethiopia;  whereas  we  know  that  the  earth  of  Libya  is 
reddish,  and  somewhat  more  sandy;  and  that  of  Arabia  and 
Syria  is  more  clayey  and  flinty. 

The  priests  told  me  this  also,  as  a  great  proof  of  what  they 
related  concerning  this  country,  that  in  the  reign  of  Moeris, 
when  the  river  rose  at  least  eight  cubits,  it  irrigated  all  Egypt 
below  Memphis ;  and  yet  Moeris  had  not  been  nine  hundred 
years  dead  when  I  received  this  information.  But  now,  un- 
less the  river  rises  sixteen  cubits,  or  fifteen  at  least,  it  does 
not  overflow  the  country.  It  appears  to  me,  therefore,  that 
if  the  soil  continues  to  grow  in  height,  in  the  same  propor- 
tion, and  to  contribute  in  like  manner  toward  its  increase, 
those  Egyptians  below  Lake  Moeris,  who  inhabit  other  dis- 
tricts and  that  which  is  called  Delta,  must,  by  reason  of  the 
Nile  not  overflowing  their  land,  forever  suffer  the  same  calam- 
ity which  they  used  to  say  the  Greeks  would  suffer  from.  For 
having  heard  that  all  the  lands  of  Greece  were  watered  by 
rain,  and  not  by  rivers,  as  their  own  was,  they  said  that  the 
Grecians  at  some  time  or  other  would  be  disappointed  in  their 
great  expectations,  and  suffer  miserably  from  famine;  mean- 
ing, that  if  the  Deity  should  not  vouchsafe  rain  to  them,  but 
visit  them  with  a  long  drought,  the  Greeks  must  perish  by 
famine,  since  they  had  no  other  resource  for  water  except  from 
Jupiter  only.  And  the  Egyptians  are  right  in  saying  this  to 
the  Greeks ;  but  now  let  me  state  how  the  matter  stands  with 
the  Egyptians  themselves :  if,  as  I  said  before,  the  land  below 
Memphis  (for  this  it  is  that  increases)  should  continue  to  in- 
crease in  height  in  the  same  proportion  as  it  has  in  time  past, 
what  else  will  happen  but  that  the  Egyptians  who  inhabit  this 
part  will  starve,  if  their  land  shall  neither  be  watered  by  rain 
nor  the  river  be  able  to  inundate  the  fields?  Now,  indeed, 
they  gather  in  the  fruits  of  the  earth  with  less  labour  than 


90  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,  EUTERPE  [14-17 

any  other  people,  and  than  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  for  they 
have  not  the  toil  of  breaking  up  the  furrows  with  the  plough, 
nor  of  hoeing,  nor  of  any  other  work  which  all  other  men 
must  labour  at  to  obtain  a  crop  of  corn ;  for  when  the  river 
has  come  of  its  own  accord  and  irrigated  their  fields,  and 
having  irrigated  them  has  subsided,  then  each  man  sows  his 
own  land  and  turns  swine  into  it ;  and  when  the  seed  has  been 
trodden  in  by  the  swine,  he  afterward  waits  for  harvest-time: 
then  having  trod  out  the  corn  with  his  swine,  he  gathers  it  in. 
But  if  we  should  adopt  the  opinion  of  the  Ionians  respect- 
ing Egypt,  who  say  that  the  Delta  alone  is  properly  Egypt, 
stating  that  its  sea-coast  extends  from  what  is  called  the  Tower 
of  Perseus  to  the  Tarichaea  of  Pelusium,  forty  schceni  in 
length;  and  who  say  that  from  the  sea  inland  it  stretches  to 
the  city  of  Cercasorus,  where  the  Nile  divides,  and  flows  to- 
ward Pelusium  and  Canopus ;  and  who  attribute  the  rest  of 
Egypt  partly  to  Libya  and  partly  to  Arabia — if  we  adopted 
this  account,  we  should  show  that  the  Egyptians  had  not  for- 
merly any  country  of  their  own ;  for  the  Delta,  as  the  Egyp- 
tians themselves  acknowledge,  and  as  I  think,  is  alluvial,  and 
(if  I  may  so  express  myself)  has  lately  come  to  light.  If,  then, 
they  formerly  had  no  country,  how  foolish  they  were  to  think 
themselves  the  most  ancient  of  all  people !  nor  was  there  any 
use  in  their  having  recourse  to  the  experiment  of  the  chil- 
dren to  ascertain  what  language  they  would  first  speak.  For 
my  own  part,  I  am  not  of  opinion  that  the  Egyptians  began 
their  existence  with  the  country  which  the  Ionians  call  Delta ; 
but  that  they  always  were,  since  men  have  been;  and  that 
as  the  soil  gradually  increased,  many  of  them  remained  in 
their  former  habitations,  and  many  came  lower  down.  For, 
anciently,  Thebes  was  called  Egypt,  and  is  six  thousand  one 
hundred  and  twenty  stades  in  circumference.  If,  therefore, 
I  judge  correctly  of  these  things,  the  Ionians  are  mistaken 
with  respect  to  Egypt;  but  if  their  opinion  is  correct,  then 
I  will  show  that  neither  the  Greeks  nor  the  Ionians  them- 
selves know  how  to  reckon,  when  they  say  that  the  whole 
earth  consists  of  three  divisions,  Europe,  Asia,  and  Libya; 
for  they  ought  to  add  a  fourth,  the  Delta  of  Egypt,  if  it  be 
not  a  part  either  of  Asia  or  of  Libya.  For,  by  this  account, 
the  Nile  does  not  separate  Asia  from  Libya,  but  is  divided  at 
the  point  of  Delta,  so  that  it  must  be  between  Asia  and  Libya. 
But  I  will  dismiss  the  opinion  of  the  Ionians,  and  proceed  to 
give  my  own  account  of  the  matter.  I  consider  that  the  whole 
country  inhabited  by  Egyptians  is  Egypt,  as  that  inhabited  by 
Cilicians  is  Cilicia,  and  that  by  Assyrians,  Assyria.     And, 


17-19]  EGYPT  91 

strictly  speaking,  I  know  of  no  other  boundary  to  Asia  and 
Libya,  except  the  frontier  of  Egypt.  But  if  we  follow  the 
opinion  received  by  the  Greeks,  we  shall  suppose  that  all 
Egypt,  beginning  from  the  cataracts  and  the  city  of  Ele- 
phantine, is  divided  into  two  parts,  and  partakes  of  both 
names;  and  that  one  part  belongs  to  Libya,  and  the  other 
to  Asia.  For  the  Nile,  beginning  from  the  cataracts,  flows 
to  the  sea,  dividing  Egypt  in  the  middle.  Now,  as  far  as 
the  city  of  Cercasorus,  the  Nile  flows  in  one  stream ;  but  from 
that  point  it  is  divided  into  three  channels :  and  that  which 
runs  eastward  is  called  the  Pelusiac  mouth;  another  of  the 
channels  bends  westward,  and  is  called  the  Canopic  mouth ; 
but  the  direct  channel  of  the  Nile  is  the  following :  descending 
from  above,  it  comes  to  the  point  of  the  Delta,  and  after  this 
it  divides  the  Delta  in  the  middle,  and  discharges  itself  into 
the  sea,  supplying  by  this  channel,  not  by  any  means  the  least 
quantity  of  water,  nor  that  the  least  renowned ;  this  is  called 
the  Sebennytic  mouth.  There  are  also  two  other  mouths  that 
diverge  from  the  Sebennytic  and  flow  into  the  sea;  to  these 
the  following  names  are  given :  to  one  the  Saitic,  to  the  other 
the  Mendesian  mouth.  The  Bolbitine  and  Bucolic  mouths 
are  not  natural  but  artificial.  My  opinion  that  Egypt  is  of 
the  extent  I  have  above  declared  it  to  be  is  confirmed  by  an 
oracle  delivered  at  Ammon,  which  I  heard  after  I  had  formed 
my  own  opinion  respecting  Egypt.  For  the  people  who  in- 
habit the  cities  of  Marea  and  Apis,  in  the  part  of  Egypt  bor- 
dering on  Libya,  deeming  themselves  Libyans  and  not  Egyp- 
tians, and  being  discontented  with  the  institutions  regarding 
victims,  were  desirous  not  to  be  restricted  from  the  use  of 
cow's  flesh,  and  therefore  sent  to  Ammon,  saying  that  they 
had  no  relation  to  the  Egyptians,  because  they  lived  out  of 
Delta,  and  did  not  speak  the  same  language  with  them;  and 
desired  to  be  allowed  to  eat  all  manner  of  food.  The  god, 
however,  did  not  permit  them  to  do  so,  saying  that  all  the 
country  which  the  Nile  irrigated  was  Egypt,  and  that  all 
those  were  Egyptians  who  dwell  below  the  city  Elephantine, 
and  drink  of  that  river.  Such  was  the  answer  given  them. 
And  the  Nile,  when  full,  inundates  not  only  Delta,  but  also 
part  of  the  country  said  to  belong  to  Libya  and  Arabia,  to  the 
extent  of  about  two  days'  journey  on  either  side,  more  or  less. 
Respecting  the  nature  of  this  river,  I  was  unable  to  gain 
any  information,  either  from  the  priests  or  any  one  else.  I 
was  very  desirous,  however,  of  learning  from  them  why  the 
Nile,  beginning  at  the  summer  solstice,  fills  and  overflows  for 
a  hundred  days ;  and  when  it  has  nearly  completed  this  num- 


92  HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE  [19-23 

ber  of  days,  falls  short  in  its  stream  and  retires;  so  that  it 
continues  low  all  the  winter,  until  the  return  of  the  summer 
solstice.  Of  these  particulars  I  could  get  no  information  from 
the  Egyptians,  though  I  inquired  whether  this  river  has  any 
peculiar  quality  that  makes  it  differ  in  nature  from  other  rivers. 
Being  anxious,  then,  of  knowing  what  was  said  about  this 
matter,  I  made  inquiries,  and  also  how  it  comes  to  pass  that 
this  is  the  only  one  of  all  rivers  that  does  not  send  forth  breezes 
from  its  surface.  Nevertheless,  some  of  the  Greeks,  wishing 
to  be  distinguished  for  their  wisdom,  have  attempted  to  ac- 
count for  these  inundations  in  three  different  ways :  two  of 
these  ways  are  scarcely  worth  mentioning,  except  that  I  wish 
to  show  what  they  are.  One  of  them  says  that  the  Etesian 
winds  are  the  cause  of  the  swelling  of  the  river,  by  prevent- 
ing the  Nile  from  discharging  itself  into  the  sea.  But  fre- 
quently the  Etesian  winds  have  not  blown,  yet  the  Nile  pro- 
duces the  same  effects ;  besides,  if  the  Etesian  winds  were  the 
cause,  all  other  rivers  that  flow  opposite  to  the  same  winds 
must  of  necessity  be  equally  affected  and  in  the  same  manner 
as  the  Nile;  and  even  so  much  the  more  as  they  are  less  and 
have  weaker  currents ;  yet  there  are  many  rivers  in  Syria,  and 
many  in  Libya,  which  are  not  at  all  affected  as  the  Nile  is.  The 
second  opinion  shows  still  more  ignorance  than  the  former, 
but,  if  I  may  so  say,  is  more  marvellous.  It  says  that  the  Nile, 
flowing  from  the  ocean,  produces  this  effect;  and  that  the 
ocean  flows  all  round  the  earth.  The  third  way  of  resolving 
this  difficulty  is  by  far  the  most  specious,  but  most  untrue. 
For  by  saying  that  the  Nile  flows  from  melted  snow  it  says 
nothing,  for  this  river  flows  from  Libya  through  the  middle 
of  Ethiopia  and  discharges  itself  into  Egypt;  how,  therefore, 
since  it  runs  from  a  very  hot  to  a  colder  region,  can  it  flow 
from  snow?  Many  reasons  will  readily  occur  to  men  of  good 
understanding  to  show  the  improbability  of  its  flowing  from 
snow.  The  first  and  chief  proof  is  derived  from  the  winds, 
which  blow  hot  from  those  regions :  the  second  is,  that  the 
country,  destitute  of  rain,  is  always  free  from  ice ;  but  after 
snow  has  fallen,  it  must  of  necessity  rain  within  five  days; 
so  that  if  snow  fell,  it  would  also  rain  in  these  regions.  In 
the  third  place,  the  inhabitants  become  black  from  the  exces- 
sive heat;  kites  and  swallows  continue  there  all  the  year; 
and  the  cranes,  to  avoid  the  cold  of  Scythia,  migrate  to  these 
parts  as  winter  quarters :  if,  then,  ever  so  little  snow  fell  in 
this  country  through  which  the  Nile  flows,  and  from  which 
it  derives  its  source,  none  of  these  things  would  happen,  as 
necessity  proves.    But  the  person  who  speaks  about  the  ocean, 


23-26]  THE  NILE  93 

since  he  has  referred  his  account  to  some  obscure  fable,  pro- 
duces no  conviction  at  all ;  for  I  do  not  know  any  river  called 
the  Ocean ;  but  suppose  that  Homer,  or  some  other  ancient 
poet,  having  invented  the  name,  introduced  it  into  poetry. 

Yet  if,  after  I  have  found  fault  with  the  opinions  advanced 
by  others,  it  becomes  me  to  declare  my  own  concerning  so 
obscure  a  question,  I  will  describe  what,  in  my  opinion,  causes 
the  Nile  to  overflow  in  summer.  During  the  winter  season, 
the  sun,  being  driven  by  storms  from  his  former  course,  re- 
tires to  the  upper  parts  of  Libya :  this  in  few  words  compre- 
hends the  whole  matter;  for  it  is  natural  that  that  country 
which  this  god  is  nearest  to,  and  over  which  he  is,  should  be 
most  in  want  of  water,  and  that  the  native  river  streams  should 
be  dried  up.  But  to  explain  my  meaning  more  at  length,  the 
case  is  this :  The  sun  passing  over  the  upper  parts  of  Libya, 
produces  the  following  effect:  as  the  air  in  these  regions  is 
always  serene,  and  the  soil  always  hot,  since  there  are  no  cold 
winds  passing  over,  he  produces  just  the  same  effect,  as  he 
usually  does  in  the  summer,  when  passing  through  the  mid- 
dle of  the  firmament;  for  he  attracts  the  water  to  himself, 
and  having  so  attracted  it,  throws  it  back  upon  the  higher 
regions ;  there  the  winds,  taking  it  up  and  dispersing  it,  melt 
it :  and  therefore,  with  good  reason,  the  winds  that  blow  from 
this  country,  from  the  south  and  southwest,  are  by  far  the  most 
rainy  of  all.  I  do  not  think,  however,  that  the  sun  on  each 
occasion  discharges  the  annual  supply  of  water  from  the  Nile, 
but  that  some  remains  about  him.  When,  however,  the  win- 
ter grows  mild,  the  sun  returns  again  to  the  middle  of  the 
heavens,  and  from  that  time  attracts  water  equally  from  all 
rivers.  Up  to  this  time  those  other  rivers,  having  much  rain- 
water mixed  with  them,  flow  with  full  streams :  but  as  the 
country  has  been  watered  by  showers  and  torn  up  by  tor- 
rents, when  the  showers  fail  them,  and  they  are  attracted  in 
summer  by  the  sun,  they  become  weak,  but  the  Nile,  being 
destitute  of  rain,  and  attracted  by  the  sun,  is  the  only  river 
that  with  good  reason  flows  much  weaker  than  usual  at  this 
time  than  in  summer;  for  in  summer  it  is  attracted  equally 
with  all  other  waters,  but  in  winter  it  alone  is  hard  pressed. 
Thus  I  consider  that  the  sun  is  the  cause  of  these  things.  The 
same  cause  in  my  opinion  occasions  also  the  dryness  of  the 
air  in  these  parts,  the  sun  scorching  everything  in  his  passage : 
in  consequence  of  this,  heat  always  prevails  in  the  upper  parts 
of  Libya.  But  if  the  order  of  the  seasons  were  changed,  and 
that  part  of  the  heaven  where  the  north  and  winter  are  now 
placed  could  be  made  the  position  of  the  south  and  midday, 


94 


HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [26-29 


and  the  north  were  transferred  to  the  south,  if  such  a  change 
were  made,  the  sun,  driven  from  the  middle  of  the  firmament 
by  the  winter  and  the  north  wind,  would  go  to  the  upper  parts 
of  Europe,  as  he  now  does  through  those  of  Libya ;  I  sup- 
pose he  would  produce  in  his  passage  the  same  effects  on 
the  Ister  which  he  now  does  on  the  Nile.  Then  with  regard 
to  the  reason  why  no  breezes  blow  from  the  Nile ;  my  opinion 
is,  that  it  is  very  improbable  they  should  blow  from  hot  coun- 
tries, for  they  generally  blow  from  some  cold  one. 

But  I  leave  these  things  as  they  are,  and  as  they  were  at 
the  beginning.  With  respect  to  the  sources  of  the  Nile,  no 
man  of  all  the  Egyptians,  Libyans,  or  Grecians  with  whom  I 
have  conversed  ever  pretended  to  know  anything,  except  the 
registrar  of  Minerva's  treasury  at  Sais  in  Egypt.  He  indeed 
seemed  to  be  trifling  with  me  when  he  said  he  knew  per- 
fectly well;  yet  his  account  was  as  follows:  that  there  are 
two  mountains  rising  into  sharp  peaks,  situated  between  the 
city  of  Syene  in  Thebais  and  Elephantine ;  the  names  of  these 
mountains  are,  the  one  Crophi,  the  other  Mophi;  that  the 
sources  of  the  Nile,  which  are  bottomless,  flow  from  between 
these  mountains ;  and  that  half  of  the  water  flows  over  Egypt, 
and  to  the  north,  the  other  half  over  Ethiopia  and  the  south. 
That  the  fountains  of  the  Nile  are  bottomless,  he  said,  Psam- 
mitichus,  King  of  Egypt,  proved  by  experiment;  for  having 
caused  a  line  to  be  twisted  many  thousand  fathoms  in  length, 
he  let  it  down,  but  could  not  find  a  bottom.  Such,  then,  was 
the  opinion  the  registrar  gave,  if  indeed  he  spoke  the  real 
truth ;  proving,  in  my  opinion,  that  there  are  strong  whirl- 
pools and  an  eddy  here ;  so  that  the  water  beating  against 
the  rocks,  a  sounding  line,  when  let  down,  can  not  reach  the 
bottom.  I  was  unable  to  learn  anything  more  from  any  one 
else.  But  this  much  I  learned  by  carrying  my  researches 
as  far  as  possible,  having  gone  and  made  my  own  observa- 
tions as  far  as  Elephantine,  and  beyond  that  obtaining  infor- 
mation from  hearsay.  As  one  ascends  the  river,  above  the 
city  of  Elephantine,  the  country  is  steep ;  here,  therefore,  it 
is  necessary  to  attach  a  rope  to  both  sides  of  a  boat  as  one 
does  with  an  ox  in  a  plough,  and  so  proceed ;  but  if  the  rope 
should  happen  to  break,  the  boat  is  carried  away  by  the  force 
of  the  stream.  This  kind  of  country  lasts  for  a  four  days' 
passage,  and  the  Nile  here  winds  as  much  as  the  Maeander. 
There  are  twelve  schoeni,  which  it  is  necessary  to  sail  through 
in  this  manner ;  and  after  that  you  will  come  to  a  level  plain, 
where  the  Nile  flows  round  an  island ;  its  name  is  Tachompso. 
Ethiopians  inhabit  the  country  immediately  above  Elephan- 


29-31]  THE   NILE  95 

tine,  and  one  half  of  the  island ;  the  other  half  is  inhabited 
by  Egyptians.  Near  to  this  island  lies  a  vast  lake,  on  the 
borders  of  which  Ethiopian  nomads  dwell ;  after  sailing 
through  this  lake,  you  will  come  to  the  channel  of  the  Nile, 
which  flows  into  it :  then  you  will  have  to  land  and  travel 
forty  days  by  the  side  of  the  river,  for  sharp  rocks  rise  in  the 
Nile,  and  there  are  many  sunken  ones,  through  which  it  is 
not  possible  to  navigate  a  boat:  having  passed  this  country 
in  the  forty  days,  you  must  go  on  board  another  boat,  and 
sail  for  twelve  days ;  and  then  you  will  arrive  at  a  large  city, 
called  Meroe :  this  city  is  said  to  be  the  capital  of  all  Ethiopia. 
The  inhabitants  worship  no  other  gods  than  Jupiter  and  Bac- 
chus ;  but  these  they  honour  with  great  magnificence ;  they 
have  also  an  oracle  of  Jupiter ;  and  they  make  war,  whenever 
that  god  bids  them  by  an  oracular  warning,  and  against  what- 
ever country  he  bids  them.  Sailing  from  this  city,  you  will 
arrive  at  the  country  of  the  Automoli,  in  a  space  of  time  equal 
to  that  which  you  took  in  coming  from  Elephantine  to  the 
capital  of  the  Ethiopians.  These  Automoli  are  called  by  the 
name  of  Asmak,  which  in  the  language  of  Greece  signifies 
"  those  that  stand  at  the  left  hand  of  the  king."  These,  to 
the  number  of  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  of  the  Egyp- 
tian war  tribe,  revolted  to  the  Ethiopians  on  the  following 
occasion :  in  the  reign  of  King  Psammitichus  garrisons  were 
stationed  at  Elephantine  against  the  Ethiopians,  and  another 
at  the  Pelusian  Daphnae  against  the  Arabians  and  Syrians, 
and  another  at  Marea  against  Libya;  and  even  in  my  time 
garrisons  of  the  Persians  are  stationed  in  the  same  places  as 
they  were  in  the  time  of  Psammitichus,  for  they  maintain 
guards  at  Elephantine  and  Daphnae.  Now  these  Egyptians, 
after  they  had  been  on  duty  three  years,  were  not  relieved ; 
therefore,  having  consulted  together,  and  come  to  a  unani- 
mous resolution,  they  all  revolted  from  Psammitichus  and 
went  to  Ethiopia.  Psammitichus,  hearing  of  this,  pursued 
them;  and  when  he  overtook  them,  he  entreated  them,  by 
many  arguments,  and  adjured  them  not  to  forsake  the  gods 
of  their  fathers,  and  their  children  and  wives.  These  men, 
when  they  arrived  in  Ethiopia,  offered  their  services  to  the 
King  of  the  Ethiopians,  who  made  them  the  following  recom- 
pense :  there  were  certain  Ethiopians  disaffected  toward  him ; 
these  he  bade  them  expel  and  take  possession  of  their  land : 
by  the  settlement  of  these  men  among  the  Ethiopians,  the 
Ethiopians  became  more  civilized,  and  learned  the  manners 
of  the  Egyptians. 

Now  for  a  voyage  and  land  journey  of  four  months  the 


96  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,  EUTERPE  [31-32 

Nile  is  known,  in  addition  to  the  part  of  the  stream  that  is  in 
Egypt.  For  upon  computation,  so  many  months  are  known 
to  be  spent  by  a  person  who  travels  from  Elephantine  to  the 
Automoli.  This  river  flows  from  the  west  and  the  setting  of 
the  sun ;  but  beyond  this  no  one  is  able  to  speak  with  cer- 
tainty, for  the  rest  of  the  country  is  desert  by  reason  of  the 
excessive  heat.  But  I  have  heard  the  following  account  from 
certain  Cyrenseans,  who  say  that  they  went  to  the  oracle  of 
Ammon,  and  had  a  conversation  with  Etearchus,  King  of  the 
Ammonians;  and  that,  among  other  subjects,  they  happened 
to  discourse  about  the  Nile — that  nobody  knew  its  sources: 
whereupon  Etearchus  said  that  certain  Nasamonians  once 
came  to  him;  this  nation  is  Libyan  and  inhabits  the  Syrtis, 
and  the  country  for  no  great  distance  eastward  of  the  Syrtis ; 
and  that  when  these  Nasamonians  arrived,  and  were  asked 
if  they  could  give  any  further  information  touching  the  deserts 
of  Libya,  they  answered  that  there  were  some  daring  youths 
among  them,  sons  of  powerful  men;  and  that  they,  having 
reached  man's  estate,  formed  many  other  extravagant  plans, 
and  moreover  chose  five  of  their  number  by  lot  to  explore  the 
deserts  of  Libya  to  see  if  they  could  make  any  further  dis- 
covery than  those  who  had  penetrated  the  farthest.  (For  as 
respects  the  parts  of  Libya  along  the  Northern  Sea,  beginning 
from  Egypt  to  the  promontory  of  Solois,  where  is  the  ex- 
tremity of  Libya,  Libyans  and  various  nations  of  Libyans 
reach  all  along  it,  except  those  parts  which  are  occupied  by 
Grecians  and  Phoenicians :  but  as  respects  the  parts  above  the 
sea,  and  those  nations  which  reach  down  to  the  sea,  in  the 
upper  parts  Libya  is  infested  by  wild  beasts,  and  all  beyond 
that  is  sand,  dreadfully  short  of  water,  and  utterly  desolate.) 
They  further  related  that  when  the  young  men  deputed  by  their 
companions  set  out,  well  furnished  with  water  and  provisions, 
they  passed  first  through  the  inhabited  country;  and  having 
traversed  this,  they  came  to  the  region  infested  by  wild  beasts ; 
and  after  this  they  crossed  the  desert,  making  their  way  to- 
ward the  west;  and  when  they  had  traversed  much  sandy 
ground,  during  a  journey  of  many  days,  they  at  length  saw 
some  trees  growing  in  a  plain ;  and  that  they  approached  and 
began  to  gather  the  fruit  that  grew  on  the  trees ;  and  while 
they  were  gathering,  some  diminutive  men,  less  than  men 
of  middle  stature,  came  up,  and  having  seized  them,  carried 
them  away;  and  that  the  Nasamonians  did  not  at  all  under- 
stand their  language,  nor  those  who  carried  them  off  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Nasamonians.  However,  they  conducted  them 
through  vast  morasses,  and  when  they  had  passed  these  they 


V 


32-35]  THE  NILE  97 

came  to  a  city,  in  which  all  the  inhabitants  were  of  the  same 
size  as  their  conductors,  and  black  in  colour :  and  by  the  city 
flowed  a  great  river,  running  from  the  west  to  the  east,  and 
that  crocodiles  were  seen  in  it.  Thus  far  I  have  set  forth  the 
account  of  Etearchus  the  Ammonian,  to  which  may  be  added, 
as  the  Cyrenaeans  assured  me,  that  he  said  the  Nasamonians 
all  returned  safe  to  their  own  country,  and  that  the  men  whom 
they  came  to  were  all  necromancers.  Etearchus  also  con- 
jectured that  this  river,  which  flows  by  their  city,  is  the  Nile ; 
and  reason  so  evinces ;  for  the  Nile  flows  from  Libya,  and 
intersects  it  in  the  middle;  and  (as  I  conjecture,  inferring 
things  unknown  from  things  known)  it  sets  out  from  a  point 
corresponding  with  the  Ister.  For  the  Ister,  beginning  from 
the  Celts,  and  the  city  of  Pyrene,  divides  Europe  in  its  course : 
but  the  Celts  are  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  border  on 
the  territories  of  the  Cynesians,  who  lie  in  the  extremity  of 
Europe  to  the  westward ;  and  the  Ister  terminates  by  flowing 
through  all  Europe  into  the  Euxine  Sea,  where  a  Milesian 
colony  is  settled  in  Istria.  Now  the  Ister,  as  it  flows  through 
a  well-peopled  country,  is  generally  known ;  but  no  one  is 
able  to  speak  about  the  sources  of  the  Nile,  because  Libya, 
through  which  it  flows,  is  uninhabited  and  desolate.  Re- 
specting this  stream,  therefore,  as  far  as  I  was  able  to  reach 
by  inquiry,  I  have  already  spoken.  It  discharges  itself  into 
Egypt;  and  Egypt  lies,  as  near  as  may  be,  opposite  to  the 
mountains  of  Cilicia;  from  Cilicia  to  Sinope,  on  the  Euxine 
Sea,  is  a  five  days'  journey  in  a  straight  line  to  an  active 
man ;  and  Sinope  is  opposite  to  the  Ister,  where  it  discharges 
itself  into  the  sea.  So  I  think  that  the  Nile,  traversing  the 
whole  of  Libya,  may  be  properly  compared  with  the  Ister. 
Such,  then,  is  the  account  that  I  am  able  to  give  respecting 
the  Nile. 

I  now  proceed  to  give  a  more  particular  account  of  Egypt ; 
it  possesses  more  wonders  than  any  other  country,  and  ex- 
hibits works  greater  than  can  be  described,  in  comparison 
with  all  other  regions ;  therefore  more  must  be  said  about  it. 
The  Egyptians,  besides  having  a  climate  peculiar  to  them- 
selves, and  a  river  differing  in  its  nature  from  all  other  rivers, 
have  adopted  customs  and  usages  in  almost  every  respect  dif- 
ferent from  the  rest  of  mankind.  Among  them  the  women 
attend  markets  and  traffic,  but  the  men  stay  at  home  and 
weave.  Other  nations,  in  weaving,  throw  the  wool  upward ; 
the  Egyptians,  downward.  The  men  carry  burdens  on  their 
heads ;  the  women,  on  their  shoulders.  They  ease  themselves 
in  their  houses,  but  eat  out  of  doors ;  alleging  that,  whatever 
7 


98  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [35-37 

is  indecent,  though  necessary,  ought  to  be  done  in  private; 
but  what  is  not  indecent,  openly.  No  woman  can  serve  the 
office  for  any  god  or  goddess ;  but  men  are  employed  for  both 
offices.  Sons  are  not  compelled  to  support  their  parents  un- 
less they  choose;  but  daughters  are  compelled  to  do  so, 
whether  they  choose  or  not.  In  other  countries  the  priests 
of  the  gods  wear  long  hair;  in  Egypt  they  have  it  shaved. 
With  other  men  it  is  customary  in  mourning  for  the  nearest 
relations  to  have  their  heads  shorn ;  the  Egyptians,  on  occa- 
sions of  death,  let  the  hair  grow  both  on  the  head  and  face, 
although  accustomed  to  shave.  Other  men  live  apart  from 
beasts,  but  the  Egyptians  live  with  them.  Others  feed  on 
wheat  and  barley,  but  it  is  a  very  great  disgrace  for  an  Egyp- 
tian to  make  food  of  them ;  but  they  make  bread  from  spelt, 
which  some  call  zea.  They  knead  the  dough  with  their  feet; 
but  mix  clay  and  take  up  dung  with  their  hands.  The  Egyp- 
tians are  circumcised.  Every  man  wears  two  garments ;  the 
women,  but  one.  Other  men  fasten  the  rings  and  sheets  of 
their  sails  outside ;  but  the  Egyptians,  inside.  The  Grecians 
write  and  cipher,  moving  the  hand  from  left  to  right ;  but  the 
Egyptians,  from  right  to  left :  and  doing  so  they  say  they  do 
it  right-ways,  and  the  Greeks  left-ways.  They  have  two  sorts 
of  letters,  one  of  which  is  called  sacred,  the  other  common. 

They  are  of  all  men  the  most  excessively  attentive  to  the 
worship  of  the  gods,  and  observe  the  following  ceremonies : 
they  drink  from  cups  of  brass,  which  they  scour  every  day; 
nor  is  this  custom  practised  by  some  and  neglected  by  others, 
but  all  do  it.  They  wear  linen  garments,  constantly  fresh 
washed,  and  they  pay  particular  attention  to  this.  They  are 
circumcised  for  the  sake  of  cleanliness,  thinking  it  better  to 
be  clean  than  handsome.  The  priests  shave  their  whole  body 
every  third  day,  that  neither  lice  nor  any  other  impurity  may 
be  found  upon  them  when  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  gods. 
The  priests  wear  linen  only,  and  shoes  of  byblus,  and  are  not 
permitted  to  wear  any  other  garments,  or  other  shoes.  They 
wash  themselves  in  cold  water  twice  every  day,  and  twice 
every  night ;  and,  in  a  word,  they  use  a  number  of  ceremonies. 
On  the  other  hand,  they  enjoy  no  slight  advantages,  for  they 
do  not  consume  or  expend  any  of  their  private  property ;  but 
sacred  food  is  cooked  for  them,  and  a  great  quantity  of  beef 
and  geese  is  allowed  each  of  them  every  day,  and  wine  from 
the  grape  is  given  them ;  but  they  may  not  taste  of  fish.  Beans 
the  Egyptians  do  not  sow  at  all  in  their  country,  neither  do 
they  eat  those  that  happen  to  grow  there,  nor  taste  them  when 
dressed.     The  priests,  indeed,  abhor  the  sight  of  that  pulse, 


37-4°]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  99 

accounting  it  impure.  The  service  of  each  god  is  performed, 
not  by  one,  but  by  many  priests,  of  whom  one  is  chief  priest ; 
and,  when  any  one  of  them  dies,  his  son  is  put  in  his  place. 
The  male  kine  they  deem  sacred  to  Epaphus,  and  to  that  end 
prove  them  in  the  following  manner:  If  the  examiner  finds 
one  black  hair  upon  him,  he  adjudges  him  to  be  unclean ;  and 
one  of  the  priests  appointed  for  this  purpose  makes  this  ex- 
amination, both  when  the  animal  is  standing  up  and  lying 
down ;  and  he  draws  out  the  tongue,  to  see  if  it  is  pure  as 
to  the  prescribed  marks,  which  I  shall  mention  in  another 
part  of  my  history.  He  also  looks  at  the  hairs  of  his  tail, 
whether  they  grow  naturally.  If  the  beast  is  found  pure  in 
all  these  respects,  he  marks  it  by  rolling  a  piece  of  byblus 
round  the  horns,  and  then  having  put  on  it  some  sealing  earth, 
he  impresses  it  with  his  signet;  and  so  they  drive  him  away. 
Any  one  who  sacrifices  one  that  is  unmarked  is  punished  with 
death.  In  this  manner  the  animal  is  proved.  The  established 
mode  of  sacrifice  is  this :  having  led  the  victim,  properly 
marked,  to  the  altar  where  they  intend  to  sacrifice,  they  kindle 
a  fire.  Then  having  poured  wine  upon  the  altar,  near  the 
victim,  and  having  invoked  the  god,  they  kill  it;  and  after 
they  have  killed  it,  they  cut  off  the  head;  but  they  flay  the 
body  of  the  animal :  then  having  pronounced  many  impreca- 
tions on  the  head,  they  who  have  a  market  and  Grecian  mer- 
chants dwelling  among  them,  carry  it  there,  and  having  so 
done,  they  usually  sell  it;  but  they  who  have  no  Grecians 
among  them,  throw  it  into  the  river:  and  they  pronounce 
the  following  imprecations  on  the  head :  "  If  any  evil  is  about 
to  befall  either  those  that  now  sacrifice,  or  Egypt  in  general, 
may  it  be  averted  on  this  head."  With  respect,  then,  to  the 
heads  of  beasts  that  are  sacrificed,  and  to  the  making  libations 
of  wine,  all  the  Egyptians  observe  the  same  customs  in  all 
sacrifices  alike:  and  from  this  custom  no  Egyptian  will  taste 
of  the  head  of  any  animal.  But  a  different  mode  of  disem- 
bowelling and  burning  the  victims  prevails  in  different  sacri- 
fices. I  proceed  therefore  to  speak  of  the  practice  with  regard 
to  the  goddess  whom  they  consider  the  greatest,  and  in  whose 
honour  they  celebrate  the  most  magnificent  festival.  When 
they  have  flayed  the  bullocks,  having  first  offered  up  prayers, 
they  take  out  all  the  intestines,  and  leave  the  vitals  with  the 
fat  in  the  carcass;  and  they  then  cut  off  the  legs  and  the 
extremity  of  the  hip,  with  the  shoulders  and  neck,  and  having 
done  this,  they  fill  the  body  of  the  bullock  with  fine  bread, 
honey,  raisins,  figs,  frankincense,  myrrh,  and  other  perfumes ; 
and  after  they  have  filled  it  with  these,  they  burn  it,  pouring 


IOo  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [40-42 

on  it  a  great  quantity  of  oil.  They  sacrifice  after  they  have 
fasted ;  and  while  the  sacred  things  are  being  burned  they 
all  beat  themselves ;  and  when  they  have  done  beating  them- 
selves, they  spread  a  banquet  of  what  remains  of  the  victims. 
All  the  Egyptians  sacrifice  the  pure  male  kine  and  calves, 
but  they  are  not  allowed  to  sacrifice  the  females,  for  they 
are  sacred  to  Isis ;  for  the  image  of  Isis  is  made  in  the  form 
of  a  woman  with  the  horns  of  a  cow,  as  the  Grecians  repre- 
sent Io;  and  all  Egyptians  alike  pay  a  far  greater  rever- 
ence to  cows  than  to  any  other  cattle.  So  that  no  Egyptian 
man  or  woman  will  kiss  a  Grecian  on  the  mouth,  or  use  the 
knife,  spit,  or  caldron  of  a  Greek,  or  taste  of  the  flesh  of  a 
pure  ox  that  has  been  divided  by  a  Grecian  knife.  They  bury 
the  kine  that  die  in  the  following  manner:  the  females  they 
throw  into  the  river,  and  the  males  they  severally  inter  in  the 
suburbs,  with  one  horn,  or  both,  appearing  above  the  ground 
for  a  mark.  When  it  is  putrefied  and  the  appointed  time  ar- 
rives, a  raft  comes  to  each  city  from  the  island  called  Pro- 
sopitis ;  this  island  is  in  the  Delta,  and  is  nine  schceni  in  cir- 
cumference :  now  in  this  island  Prosopitis  there  are  several 
cities ;  but  that  from  which  the  rafts  come  to  take  away  the 
bones  of  the  oxen  is  called  Atarbechis ;  in  it  a  Temple  of 
Venus  has  been  erected.  From  this  city,  then,  many  persons 
go  about  to  other  towns ;  and  having  dug  up  the  bones,  all 
carry  them  away,  and  bury  them  in  one  place ;  and  they  bury 
all  other  cattle  that  die  in  the  same  way  that  they  do  the  oxen ; 
for  they  do  not  kill  any  of  them.  All  those  who  have  a  temple 
erected  to  Theban  Jupiter,  or  belong  to  the  Theban  district, 
abstain  from  sheep,  and  sacrifice  goats  only.  For  the  Egyp- 
tians do  not  all  worship  the  same  gods  in  the  same  manner, 
except  Isis  and  Osiris,  who,  they  say,  is  Bacchus ;  but  these 
deities  they  all  worship  in  the  same  manner.  On  the  other 
hand,  those  who  frequent  the  Temple  of  Mendes,  and  belong 
to  the  Mendesian  district,  abstain  from  goats,  and  sacrifice 
sheep.  Now  the  Thebans,  and  such  as  abstain  from  sheep 
after  their  example,  say  that  this  custom  was  established 
among  them  in  the  following  way :  that  Hercules  was  very  de- 
sirous of  seeing  Jupiter,  but  Jupiter  was  unwilling  to  be  seen 
by  him;  at  last,  however,  as  Hercules  persisted,  Jupiter  had 
recourse  to  the  following  contrivance :  having  flayed  a  ram, 
he  cut  off  the  head,  and  held  it  before  himself,  and  then,  hav- 
ing put  on  the  fleece,  he  in  that  form  showed  himself  to  Her- 
cules. From  this  circumstance  the  Egyptians  make  the 
image  of  Jupiter  with  a  ram's  face;  and  from  the  Egyptians 
the  Ammonians,  who  are  a  colony  of  Egyptians  and  Ethi- 


42-44]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   EGYPTlA 

opians,  and  who  speak  a  language  between  both,  have 
adopted  the  same  practice ;  and,  as  I  conjecture,  the  Am- 
monians  from  hence  derived  their  name,  for  the  Egyptians 
call  Jupiter,  Ammon.  The  Thebans  then  do  not  sacrifice  rams, 
but  they  are  for  the  above  reason  accounted  sacred  by  them; 
on  one  day  in  the  year,  however,  at  the  festival  of  Jupiter, 
they  kill  and  flay  one  ram,  and  put  it  on  the  image  of  Jupiter, 
and  then  they  bring  another  image  of  Hercules  to  it,;  when 
they  have  done  this,  all  who  are  in  the  temple  beat  themselves 
in  mourning  for  the  ram,  and  then  bury  him  in  a.  sacred  vault. 
Of  this  Hercules  I  have  heard  this  account,  that  ke-'  is  dne 
of  the  twelve  gods ;  but  of  the  other  Hercules  who  is  known 
to  the  Grecians,  I  could  never  hear  in  any  part  of  Egypt.  And 
that  the  Egyptians  did  not  derive  the  name  of  Hercules  from 
the  Grecians,  but  rather  the  Grecians  (and  especially  those 
who  gave  the  name  of  Hercules  to  the  son  of  Amphitryon) 
from  the  Egyptians,  I  have  both  many  other  proofs  to  show, 
and  moreover  the  following,  that  the  parents  of  this  Hercules, 
Amphitryon  and  Alcmene,  were  both  of  Egyptian  descent, 
and  because  the  Egyptians  say  they  do  not  know  the  names 
of  Neptune  and  the  Dioscuri,  and  that  they  have  never  been 
admitted  into  the  number  of  their  gods ;  yet,  if  they  had  de- 
rived the  name  of  any  deity  from  the  Grecians,  they  would 
certainly  have  mentioned  these  above  all  others,  since  even 
at  that  time  they  made  voyages,  and  some  of  the  Grecians 
were  sailors,  so  that  I  believe,  and  am  persuaded,  that  the 
Egyptians  must  have  learned  the  names  of  these  gods,  rather 
than  that  of  Hercules.  But  Hercules  is  one  of  the  ancient 
gods  of  the  Egyptians;  and  as  they  say  themselves,  it  was 
seventeen  thousand  years  before  the  reign  of  Amasis,  when 
the  number  of  their  gods  was  increased  from  eight  to  twelve, 
of  whom  Hercules  was  accounted  one.  And  being  desirous 
of  obtaining  certain  information  from  whatever  source  I  could, 
I  sailed  to  Tyre  in  Phoenicia,  having  heard  that  there  was 
there  a  temple  dedicated  to  Hercules ;  and  I  saw  it  richly 
adorned  with  a  great  variety  of  offerings,  and  in  it  were  two 
pillars,  one  of  fine  gold,  the  other  of  emerald  stone,  both  shin- 
ing exceedingly  at  night.  Conversing  with  the  priests  of  this 
god,  I  inquired  how  long  this  temple  had  been  built,  and  I 
found  that  neither  did  they  agree  with  the  Greeks.  For  they 
said  that  the  temple  was  built  at  the  time  when  Tyre  was 
founded,  and  that  two  thousand  three  hundred  years  had 
elapsed  since  the  foundation  of  Tyre.  In  this  city  I  also  saw 
another  temple  dedicated  to  Hercules  by  the  name  of  Thasian ; 
I  went,  therefore,  to  Thasos,  and  found  there  a  Temple  of 


,DOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [44-47 

~._~^o  uuilt  by  the  Phoenicians,  who,  having  set  sail  in 

search  of  Europa,  founded  Thasos ;  and  this  occurred  five 
generations  before  Hercules,  the  son  of  Amphitryon,  appeared 
in  Greece.  The  researches  then  that  I  have  made  evidently 
prove  that  Hercules  is  a  god  of  great  antiquity,  and,  there- 
fore, those  Grecians  appear  to  me  to  have  acted  most  cor- 
rectly who  have  built  two  kinds  of  temples  sacred  to  Hercules, 
and  who  sacrificed  to  one  as  an  immortal,  under  the  name  of 
Olympian/  and  paid  honour  to  the  other  as  a  hero.  But  the 
Grecians  say  many  other  things  on  this  subject  inconsider- 
ately ;  for  instance,  this  is  a  silly  story  of  theirs  which  they 
tell  of  Hercules :  that  when  he  arrived  in  Egypt,  the  Egyp- 
tians having  crowned  him  with  a  garland,  led  him  in  proces- 
sion, as  designing  to  sacrifice  him  to  Jupiter,  and  that  for  some 
time  he  remained  quiet,  but  when  they  began  the  preparatory 
ceremonies  upon  him  at  the  altar,  he  set  about  defending  him- 
self, and  slew  every  one  of  them.  Now  the  Greeks  who  tell 
this  story  appear  to  me  to  be  utterly  ignorant  of  the  character 
and  customs  of  the  Egyptians.  For  how  can  they  who  are 
forbidden  to  sacrifice  any  kind  of  animal,  except  swine,  and 
such  bulls  and  calves  as  are  without  blemish,  and  geese,  sacri- 
fice human  beings?  Moreover,  since  Hercules  was  but  one, 
and  besides  a  mere  man,  as  they  confess,  how  is  it  probable 
that  he  should  slay  many  thousands?  And  in  thus  speak- 
ing of  them  may  I  meet  with  indulgence  both  from  gods  and 
heroes. 

The  reason  why  the  Egyptians  above  mentioned  do  not 
sacrifice  the  goat,  either  male  or  female,  is  as  follows :  The 
Mendesians  consider  Pan  one  of  the  eight  gods,  and  they 
say  that  these  eight  existed  prior  to  the  twelve  gods.  And 
indeed  their  painters  and  sculptors  represent  Pan  with  the 
face  and  legs  of  a  goat,  as  the  Grecians  do:  not  that  they 
imagine  this  to  be  his  real  form,  for  they  think  him  like  other 
gods ;  but  why  they  represent  him  in  this  way  I  had  rather 
not  mention.  The  Mendesians  pay  reverence  to  all  goats, 
and  more  to  the  males  than  to  the  females  (and  the  goat- 
herds who  tend  them  receive  greater  honour),  and  particu- 
larly one  he-goat,  on  whose  death  public  mourning  is  observed 
throughout  the  whole  Mendesian  district.  In  the  language 
of  Egypt,  both  a  goat  and  Pan  are  called  Mendes.  The  Egyp- 
tians consider  the  pig  to  be  an  impure  beast,  and,  therefore, 
if  a  man  in  passing  by  a  pig  should  touch  him  only  with 
his  garments,  he  forthwith  goes  to  the  river  and  plunges  in : 
and  in  the  next  place,  swineherds,  although  native  Egyptians 
are  the  only  men  who  are  not  allowed  to  enter  any  of  their 


47-49]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  103 

temples ;  neither  will  any  man  give  his  daughter  in  marriage 
to  one  of  them,  nor  take  a  wife  from  among  them ;  but  the 
swineherds  intermarry  among  themselves.  The  Egyptians, 
therefore,  do  not  think  it  right  to  sacrifice  swine  to  any  other 
deities ;  but  to  the  moon  and  Bacchus  they  do  sacrifice  them, 
at  the  same  time — that  is,  at  the  same  full  moon — and  then 
they  eat  of  the  flesh.  A  tradition  is  related  by  the  Egyptians 
in  relation  to  this  matter,  giving  an  account  why  they  abhor 
swine  on  all  other  festivals,  and  sacrifice  them  in  that;  but 
it  is  more  becoming  for  me,  though  I  know  it,  not  to  men- 
tion it.  This  sacrifice  of  pigs  to  the  moon  is  performed  in  the 
following  manner :  When  the  sacrificer  has  slain  the  victim, 
he  puts  together  the  tip  of  the  tail,  with  the  spleen  and  the 
caul,  and  then  covers  them  with  the  fat  found  about  the  belly 
of  the  animal ;  and  next  he  consumes  them  with  fire :  the  rest 
of  the  flesh  they  eat  during  the  full  moon  in  which  they  offer 
the  sacrifices ;  but  in  no  other  day  would  any  one  even  taste 
it.  The  poor  among  them  through  want  of  means  form  pigs 
of  dough,  and  having  baked  them,  offer  them  in  sacrifice.  On 
the  eve  of  the  festival  of  Bacchus,  every  one  slays  a  pig  be- 
fore his  door,  and  then  restores  it  to  the  swineherd  that  sold 
it,  that  he  may  carry  it  away.  The  rest  of  this  festival  to  Bac- 
chus, except  as  regards  the  pigs,  the  Egyptians  celebrate  much 
in  the  same  manner  as  do  the  Greeks,  but  only,  instead  of 
phalli,  they  have  invented  certain  images,  as  much  as  a  cubit 
in  height,  moved  by  strings,  which  women  carry  about  the 
villages,  and  which  have  the  member  nodding,  in  size  not 
much  less  than  the  rest  of  the  body;  a  pipe  leads  the  way, 
and  the  women  follow,  singing  the  praises  of  Bacchus.  But 
why  it  has  the  member  so  large,  and  moves  no  other  part  of 
the  body,  is  accounted  for  by  a  sacred  story.  Now  Melam- 
pus,  son  of  Amytheon,  appears  to  me  not  to  have  been  igno- 
rant of  this  sacrifice,  but  perfectly  well  acquainted  with  it ; 
for  Melampus  is  the  person  who  first  introduced  among  the 
Greeks  the  name  and  sacrifices  of  Bacchus,  and  the  proces- 
sion of  the  phallus ;  he  did  not,  however,  fully  explain  every 
particular,  but  other  learned  persons  who  lived  after  him  re- 
vealed them  more  accurately.  Melampus,  then,  is  the  person 
who  introduced  the  procession  of  the  phallus  in  honour  of 
Bacchus,  and  from  him  the  Greeks,  having  learned  it,  do  as 
they  do.  For  my  part,  I  think  that  Melampus,  being  a  wise 
man,  both  acquired  the  art  of  divination,  and,  having  learned 
many  other  things  in  Egypt,  introduced  them  among  the 
Greeks,  and  particularly  the  worship  of  Bacchus,  changing 
only  some  few  particulars ;  for  I  can  not  admit  that  the  cere- 


104  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [49-52 

monies  adopted  in  Egypt  in  honour  of  this  god,  and  those 
among  the  Greeks,  coincide  by  chance;  in  that  case  they 
would  be  conformable  to  Grecian  customs,  and  not  have  been 
lately  introduced;  neither  can  I  admit  that  the  Egyptians 
borrowed  either  this  or  any  other  usage  from  the  Greeks.  But 
I  am  of  opinion  that  Melampus  obtained  his  information  re- 
specting the  ceremonies  of  Bacchus  chiefly  from  Cadmus  the 
Tyrian,  and  those  who  accompanied  him  from  Phoenicia  to 
the  country  now  called  Boeotia. 

And  indeed  the  names  of  almost  all  the  gods  came  from 
Egypt  into  Greece ;  for  that  they  came  from  barbarians  I  find 
on  inquiry  to  be  the  case ;  and  I  think  they  chiefly  proceeded 
from  Egypt.  For  with  the  exception  of  Neptune  and  the 
Dioscuri,  as  I  before  mentioned,  and  Juno,  Vesta,  Themis, 
the  Graces,  and  the  Nereids,  the  names  of  all  the  others  have 
always  existed  among  the  Egyptians :  in  this  I  repeat  what 
the  Egyptians  themselves  affirm ;  but  the  gods  whose  names 
they  say  they  are  not  acquainted  with,  I  think,  derived  their 
names  from  the  Pelasgians,  with  the  exception  of  Neptune ; 
this  god  they  learned  from  the  Libyans,  for  no  people,  except 
the  Libyans,  originally  possessed  the  name  of  Neptune,  and 
they  have  always  worshipped  him.  Moreover,  the  Egyptians 
pay  no  religious  honour  to  heroes.  These,  and  other  customs 
besides,  which  I  shall  hereafter  mention,  the  Grecians  received 
from  the  Egyptians.  The  practice  of  making  the  images  of 
Mercury  with  the  member  erect,  they  did  not  learn  from  the 
Egyptians,  but  from  the  Pelasgians :  the  Athenians  were  the 
first  of  all  the  Greeks  who  adopted  this  practice,  and  others 
from  them ;  for  the  Pelasgians  dwelt  in  the  same  country  as 
the  Athenians,  who  were  already  ranked  among  Greeks, 
whence  they  also  began  to  be  reckoned  as  Grecians.  Who- 
ever is  initiated  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Cabiri,  which  the  Samo- 
thracians  have  adopted  from  the  Pelasgians,  knows  what  I 
mean.  For  these  Pelasgians  dwelt  in  the  same  country  as  the 
Athenians  formerly  inhabited,  Somathrace,  and  from  them 
the  Samothracians  learned  the  mysteries :  the  Athenians  there- 
fore were  the  first  of  the  Grecians  who,  having  learned  the 
practice  from  the  Pelasgians,  made  the  images  of  Mercury 
with  the  member  erect;  but  the  Pelasgians  assign  a  certain 
sacred  reason  for  this,  which  is  explained  in  the  mysteries  of 
Samothrace.  Formerly  the  Pelasgians  sacrificed  all  sorts  of 
victims  to  the  gods  with  prayer,  as  I  was  informed  at  Dodona, 
but  they  gave  no  surname  or  name  to  any  of  them,  for  they 
had  not  yet  heard  of  them;  but  they  called  them  gods,  be- 
cause they  had  set  in  order  and  ruled  over  all  things.    Then, 


52-55]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE   EGYPTIANS  105 

in  course  of  time,  they  learned  the  names  of  the  other  gods 
that  were  brought  from  Egypt,  and  after  some  time,  that  of 
Bacchus.  Concerning  the  names  they  consulted  the  oracle 
of  Dodona,  for  this  oracle  is  accounted  the  most  ancient  of 
those  that  are  in  Greece,  and  was  then  the  only  one.  When 
therefore  the  Pelasgians  inquired  at  Dodona  whether  they 
should  receive  the  names  that  came  from  barbarians,  the 
oracle  answered  that  they  should.  From  that  time,  there- 
fore, they  adopted  the  names  of  the  gods  in  their  sacrifices, 
and  the  Grecians  afterward  received  them  from  the  Pelas- 
gians. Whence  each  of  the  gods  sprung,  whether  they  ex- 
isted always,  and  of  what  form  they  were,  was,  so  to  speak, 
unknown  till  yesterday.  For  I  am  of  opinion  that  Hesiod 
and  Homer  lived  four  hundred  years  before  my  time,  and 
not  more,  and  these  were  they  who  framed  a  theogony  for  the 
Greeks,  and  gave  names  to  the  gods,  and  assigned  to  them 
honours  and  arts,  and  declared  their  several  forms.  But  the 
poets,  said  to  have  been  before  them,  in  my  opinion,  were 
after  them.  The  first  part  of  the  above  statement  is  derived 
from  the  Dodonaean  priestesses ;  but  the  latter,  that  relates 
to  Hesiod  and  Homer,  I  say  on  my  own  authority. 

Concerning  the  two  oracles,  one  in  Greece,  the  other  in 
Libya,  the  Egyptians  give  the  following  account:  The  priests 
of  the  Theban  Jupiter  say  that  two  women,  employed  in 
the  temple,  were  carried  away  from  Thebes  by  certain  Phoe- 
nicians, and  that  one  of  them  was  discovered  to  have  been 
sold  into  Libya,  the  other  to  the  Greeks ;  and  that  these  two 
women  were  the  first  who  established  oracles  in  the  nations 
above  mentioned.  When  I  inquired  how  they  knew  this  for 
a  certainty,  they  answered  that  they  made  diligent  search  for 
these  women,  and  were  never  able  to  find  them ;  but  had 
afterward  heard  the  account  they  gave  of  them.  This,  then, 
is  the  account  I  heard  from  the  priests  at  Thebes ;  but  the 
prophetesses  at  Dodona  say  that  two  black  pigeons  flew 
away  from  Thebes  in  Egypt ;  that  one  of  them  went  to  Libya, 
and  the  other  to  them ;  that  this  last,  sitting  perched  on  an 
oak  tree,  proclaimed  in  a  human  voice  that  it  was  fitting  an 
oracle  should  be  erected  there  to  Jupiter ;  and  that  the  people 
believed  this  to  be  a  divine  message  to  them,  and  did  accord- 
ingly. They  add  that  the  other  pigeon,  which  flew  into  Libya, 
commanded  the  Libyans  to  found  the  oracle  of  Ammon ; 
this  also  belongs  to  Jupiter.  The  priestesses  of  Dodona,  of 
whom  the  eldest  is  named  Promenia,  the  second  Timarete, 
and  the  youngest  Nicandra,  gave  this  account ;  and  the  rest 
of  the  Dodonseans,  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  temple, 


106  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [55-60 

agreed  with  them.  My  opinion  of  these  things  is  this :  If  the 
Phoenicians  did  really  carry  off  the  women  employed  in  the 
temple,  and  sold  the  one  of  them  into  Libya  and  the  other 
into  Greece,  this  last  woman,  as  I  think,  was  sold  to  some 
Thesprotians,  in  that  part  which  is  now  called  Hellas,  but 
was  formerly  called  Pelasgia:  then,  being  reduced  to  slavery, 
she  erected  a  temple  to  Jupiter,  under  an  oak  that  grew  there ; 
nothing  being  more  natural  than  that  she,  who  had  been  an 
attendant  in  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  at  Thebes,  should  retain 
the  memory  of  it  wherever  she  came.  And  afterward,  when 
she  had  learned  the  Greek  language,  she  instituted  an  oracle ; 
and  she  said  that  her  sister  in  Libya  had  been  sold  by  the 
same  Phoenicians  by  whom  she  herself  was  sold.  The  women, 
I  conjecture,  were  called  doves  by  the  Dodonaeans,  because 
they  were  barbarians,  and  they  seemed  to  them  to  chatter  like 
birds ;  but  after  a  time,  when  the  woman  spoke  intelligibly 
to  them,  they  presently  reported  that  the  dove  had  spoken 
with  a  human  voice ;  for  as  long  as  she  used  a  barbarous  lan- 
guage, she  appeared  to  them  to  chatter  like  a  bird :  for  how 
could  a  dove  speak  with  a  human  voice?  But  in  saying  that 
the  dove  was  black,  they  show  that  the  woman  was  an  Egyp- 
tian. The  manner  in  which  oracles  are  delivered  at  Thebes 
in  Egypt,  and  at  Dodona,  is  very  similar ;  and  the  art  of  divina- 
tion from  victims  came  likewise  from  Egypt. 

The  Egyptians  were  also  the  first  who  introduced  public 
festivals,  processions,  and  solemn  supplications ;  and  the 
Greeks  learned  them  from  them  :  for  these  rites  appear  to  have 
been  established  for  a  very  long  time,  but  those  in  Greece 
have  been  lately  introduced.  The  Egyptians  hold  public  fes- 
tivals not  only  once  in  a  year,  but  several  times :  that  which  is 
best  and  most  rigidly  observed  is  in  the  city  of  Bubastis,  in 
honour  of  Diana ;  the  second,  in  the  city  of  Busiris,  is  in  hon- 
our of  Isis ;  for  in  this  city  is  the  largest  Temple  of  Isis,  and 
it  is  situated  in  the  middle  of  the  Egyptian  Delta.  Isis  is  in 
the  Grecian  language  called  Demeter.  The  third  festival  is 
held  at  Sais,  in  honour  of  Minerva ;  the  fourth,  at  Heliopolis, 
in  honour  of  the  sun ;  the  fifth,  at  the  city  of  Buto,  in  honour 
of  Latona;  the  sixth,  at  the  city  of  Papremis,  in  honour  of 
Mars.  Now,  when  they  are  being  conveyed  to  the  city  Bu- 
bastis, they  act  as  follows :  for  men  and  women  embark  to- 
gether, and  great  numbers  of  both  sexes  in  every  barge :  some 
of  the  women  have  castanets  on  which  they  play,  and  the  men 
play  on  the  flute  during  the  whole  voyage;  the  rest  of  the 
women  and  men  sing  and  clap  their  hands  together  at  the 
same  time.    When  in  the  course  of  their  passage  they  come 


60-64]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  107 

to  any  town,  they  lay  their  barge  near  to  land,  and  do  as  fol- 
lows :  Some  of  the  women  do  as  I  have  described ;  others 
shout  and  scoff  at  the  women  of  the  place ;  some  dance,  and 
others  stand  up  and  pull  up  their  clothes :  this  they  do  at 
every  town  by  the  river-side.  When  they  arrive  at  Bubastis, 
they  celebrate  the  feast,  offering  up  great  sacrifices ;  and  more 
wine  is  consumed  at  this  festival  than  in  all  the  rest  of  the 
year.  With  men  and  women,  besides  children,  they  congre- 
gate, as  the  inhabitants  say,  to  the  number  of  seven  hun- 
dred thousand.  I  have  already  related  how  they  celebrate 
the  festival  of  Isis  in  the  city  of  Busiris ;  and  besides,  all  the 
men  and  women,  to  the  number  of  many  myriads,  beat  them- 
selves after  the  sacrifice ;  but  for  whom  they  beat  themselves 
it  were  impious  for  me  to  divulge.  All  the  Carians  that  are 
settled  in  Egypt  do  still  more  than  this,  in  that  they  cut  their 
foreheads  with  knives,  and  thus  show  themselves  to  be  for- 
eigners and  not  Egyptians.  When  they  are  assembled  at  the 
sacrifice,  in  the  city  of  Sais,  they  all  on  a  certain  night  kindle 
a  great  number  of  lamps  in  the  open  air,  around  their  houses ; 
the  lamps  are  flat  vessels  filled  with  salt  and  oil,  and  the  wick 
floats  on  the  surface,  and  this  burns  all  night ;  and  the  festival 
is  thence  named  "  the  lighting  of  lamps."  The  Egyptians  who 
do  not  come  to  this  public  assembly  observe  the  rite  of  sac- 
rifice, and  all  kindle  lamps,  and  this  not  only  in  Sais,  but 
throughout  all  Egypt.  A  religious  reason  is  given  why  this 
night  is  illuminated  and  so  honoured.  Those  who  assemble 
at  Heliopolis  and  Buto  perform  sacrifices  only.  But  in  Pa- 
premis  they  offer  sacrifices  and  perform  ceremonies,  as  in 
other  places ;  but  when  the  sun  is  on  the  decline,  a  few  priests 
are  occupied  about  the  image,  but  the  greater  number  stand, 
with  wooden  clubs,  at  the  entrance  of  the  temple ;  while  others 
accomplishing  their  vows,  amounting  to  more  than  a  thousand 
men,  each  armed  in  like  manner,  stand  in  a  body  on  the  oppo- 
site side.  But  the  image,  placed  in  a  small  wooden  temple, 
gilded  all  over,  they  carry  out  to  another  sacred  dwelling: 
then  the  few  who  were  left  about  the  image  draw  a  four- 
wheeled  carriage,  containing  the  temple  and  the  image  that 
is  in  it.  But  the  priests,  who  stand  at  the  entrance,  refuse  to 
give  them  admittance ;  and  the  votaries,  bringing  succour  to 
the  god,  oppose,  and  then  strike,  whereupon  an  obstinate  com- 
bat with  clubs  ensues,  and  they  break  one  another's  heads, 
and,  as  I  conjecture,  many  die  of  their  wounds ;  though  the 
Egyptians  deny  that  any  one  dies.  The  inhabitants  say  they 
instituted  this  festival  on  the  following  occasion :  they  say 
that  the  mother  of  Mars  dwelt  in  this  temple,  and  that  Mars, 


108  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [64-66 

who  had  been  educated  abroad,  when  he  reached  to  man's 
estate,  came,  and  wished  to  converse  with  his  mother;  and 
that  his  mother's  attendants,  as  they  had  never  seen  him  be- 
fore, did  not  allow  him  to  pass  them,  but  repelled  him ;  where- 
upon he,  having  collected  men  from  another  city,  handled  the 
servants  roughly,  and  got  access  to  his  mother.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  they  say  that  they  have  instituted  this  combat 
on  this  festival  in  honour  of  Mars. 

The  Egyptians  were  likewise  the  first  who  made  it  a  point 
of  religion  that  men  should  abstain  from  women  in  the  sacred 
precincts ;  and  not  enter  unwashed  after  the  use  of  a  woman. 
For  almost  all  other  nations,  except  the  Egyptians  and  Gre- 
cians, have  intercourse  in  sacred  places,  and  enter  them  un- 
washed ;  thinking  mankind  to  be  like  other  animals :  there- 
fore, since  they  see  other  animals  and  birds  coupling  in  the 
shrines  and  temples  of  the  gods,  they  conclude  that  if  this  were 
displeasing  to  the  god,  even  the  brute  creatures  would  not 
do  it.  They  who  argue  thus  act  in  a  manner  that  I  can  not 
approve.  The  Egyptians,  then,  are  beyond  measure  scrupu- 
lous in  all  things  concerning  religion,  and  especially  in  the 
above-mentioned  particulars. 

Egypt,  though  bordering  on  Libya,  does  not  abound  in 
wild  beasts ;  but  all  that  they  have  are  accounted  sacred,  as 
well  those  that  are  domesticated  as  those  that  are  not.  But 
if  I  should  give  the  reasons  why  they  are  consecrated,  I  must 
descend  in  my  history  to  religious  matters,  which  I  avoid 
relating  as  much  as  I  can ;  and  such  as  I  have  touched  upon 
in  the  course  of  my  narrative,  I  have  mentioned  from  neces- 
sity. They  have  a  custom  of  the  following  kind  relating  to  ani- 
mals :  Superintendents,  consisting  both  of  men  and  of  women, 
are  appointed  to  feed  every  kind  separately ;  and  the  son  suc- 
ceeds the  father  in  this  office.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities 
perform  their  vows  to  the  superintendents  in  the  following 
manner :  having  made  a  vow  to  the  god  to  whom  the  animal 
belongs,  they  shave  either  the  whole  heads  of  their  children, 
or  a  half,  or  a  third  part  of  the  head,  and  then  weigh  the  hair 
in  a  scale  against  silver,  and  whatever  the  weight  may  be,  they 
give  to  the  superintendent  of  the  animals ;  and  she  in  return 
cuts  up  some  fish,  and  gives  it  as  food  to  the  animals :  such 
is  the  usual  mode  of  feeding  them.  Should  any  one  kill  one 
of  these  beasts,  if  wilfully,  death  is  the  punishment ;  if  by  ac- 
cident, he  pays  such  fine  as  the  priests  choose  to  impose. 
But  whoever  kills  an  ibis  or  a  hawk,  whether  wilfully  or  by 
accident,  must  necessarily  be  put  to  death.  Although  the 
domesticated  animals  are  many,  they  would  be  much  more 


66-68]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  109 

numerous  were  it  not  for  the  following  accidents  which  befall 
the  cats :  When  the  females  have  littered,  they  no  longer  seek 
the  company  of  the  males,  and  they,  being  desirous  of  having 
intercourse  with  them,  are  not  able  to  do  so ;  wherefore  they 
have  recourse  to  the  following  artifice:  having  taken  the 
young  from  the  females,  and  carried  them  away  secretly,  they 
kill  them;  though  when  they  have  killed  them  they  do  not 
eat  them.  The  females  being  deprived  of  their  young,  and 
desirous  of  others,  again  seek  the  company  of  the  males ;  for 
this  animal  is  very  fond  of  its  young.  When  a  conflagration  > 
takes  place,  a  supernatural  impulse  seizes  on  the  cats.  For 
the  Egyptians,  standing  at  a  distance,  take  care  of  the  cats, 
and  neglect  to  put  out  the  fire;  but  the  cats,  making  their 
escape,  and  leaping  over  the  men,  throw  themselves  into  the 
fire;  and  when  this  happens  great  lamentations  are  made 
among  the  Egyptians.  In  whatever  house  a  cat  dies  of  a  natu- 
ral death,  all  the  family  shave  their  eyebrows  only;  but  if  a 
dog  die,  they  shave  the  whole  body  and  the  .head.  All  cats 
that  die  are  carried  to  certain  sacred  houses,  where,  being 
first  embalmed,  they  are  buried  in  the  city  of  Bubastis.  All 
persons  bury  their  dogs  in  sacred  vaults  within  their  own  city ; 
and  ichneumons  are  buried  in  the  same  manner  as  the  dogs : 
but  field-mice  and  hawks  they  carry  to  the  city  of  Buto;  the 
ibis  to  Hermopolis ;  the  bears,  which  are  few  in  number,  and 
the  wolves,  which  are  not  much  larger  than  foxes,  they  bury 
wherever  they  are  found  lying.  -^ 

The  following  is  the  nature  of  the  crocodile :  During  the 
four  coldest  months  it  eats  nothing,  and  though  it  has  four 
feet,  it  is  amphibious.  It  lays  its  eggs  on  land,  and  there 
hatches  them.  It  spends  the  greater  part  of  the  day  on  the 
dry  ground,  but  the  whole  night  in  the  river ;  for  the  water 
is  then  warmer  than  the  air  and  dew.  Of  all  living  things 
with  which  we  are  acquainted,  this,  from  the  least  beginning, 
grows  to  be  the  largest.  For  it  lays  eggs  little  larger  than 
those  of  a  goose,  and  the  young  is  at  first  in  proportion  to 
the  egg ;  but  when  grown  up  it  reaches  to  the  length  of  seven- 
teen cubits,  and  even  more.  It  has  the  eyes  of  a  pig,  large 
teeth,  and  projecting  tusks,  in  proportion  to  the  body:  it  is 
the  only  animal  that  has  no  tongue :  it  does  not  move  the 
lower  jaw,  but  is  the  only  animal  that  brings  down  its  upper 
jaw  to  the  under  one.  It  has  strong  claws,  and  a  skin  covered 
with  scales,  that  can  not  be  broken  on  the  back.  It  is  blind 
in  the  water,  but  very  quick-sighted  on  land ;  and  because  it 
lives  for  the  most  part  in  the  water,  its  mouth  is  filled  with 
leeches.    All  other  birds  and  beasts  avoid  him,  but  he  is  at 


HO  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [68-73 

peace  with  the  trochilus,  because  he  receives  benefit  from 
that  bird.  For  when  the  crocodile  gets  out  of  the  water  on 
land,  and  then  opens  its  jaws,  which  it  does  most  commonly 
toward  the  west,  the  trochilus  enters  its  mouth  and  swallows 
the  leeches :  the  crocodile  is  so  well  pleased  with  this  service 
that  it  never  hurts  the  trochilus.  With  some  of  the  Egyptians 
crocodiles  are  sacred;  with  others  not,  but  they  treat  them 
as  enemies.  Those  who  dwell  about  Thebes  and  Lake  Mceris 
consider  them  to  be  very  sacred ;  and  they  each  of  them  train 
up  a  crocodile,  which  is  taught  to  be  quite  tame;  and  they 
put  crystals  and  gold  ear-rings  into  their  ears,  and  bracelets 
on  their  fore  paws ;  and  they  give  them  appointed  and  sacred 
food,  and  treat  them  as  well  as  possible  while  alive,  and  when 
dead  they  embalm  them,  and  bury  them  in  sacred  vaults.  But 
the  people  who  dwell  about  the  city  of  Elephantine  eat  them, 
not  considering  them  sacred.  They  are  not  called  crocodiles 
by  the  Egyptians,  but  "  champsae  ;  the  Ionians  gave  them 
the  name  of  crocodiles,  because  they  thought  they  resembled 
lizards,  which  are  also  so  called,  and  which  are  found  in  the 
hedges  in  their  country.  The  modes  of  taking  the  crocodile 
are  many  and  various,  but  I  shall  only  describe  that  which 
seems  to  me  most  worthy  of  relation.  When  the  fisherman 
has  baited  a  hook  with  the  chine  of  a  pig,  he  lets  it  down  into 
the  middle  of  the  river,  and,  holding  a  young  live  pig  on  the 
brink  of  the  river,  beats  it ;  the  crocodile,  hearing  the  noise, 
goes  in  its  direction,  and  meeting  with  the  chine,  swallows 
it ;  but  the  men  draw  it  to  land :  when  it  is  drawn  out  on 
shore,  the  sportsman  first  of  all  plasters  its  eyes  with  mud ; 
and  having  done  this,  afterward  manages  it  very  easily ;  but 
until  he  has  done  this,  he  has  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  The 
hippopotamus  is  esteemed  sacred  in  the  district  of  Papremis, 
but  not  so  by  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians.  This  is  the  nature 
of  its  shape :  It  is  a  quadruped,  cloven-footed,  with  the  hoofs 
of  an  ox,  snub-nosed,  has  the  mane  of  a  horse,  projecting 
tusks,  and  the  tail  and  neigh  of  a  horse.  In  size  he  is  equal 
to  a  very  large  ox :  his  hide  is  so  thick  that  spear-handles  are 
made  of  it  when  dry.  Otters  are  also  met  with  in  the  river, 
which  are  deemed  sacred :  and  among  fish,  they  consider  that 
which  is  called  the  lepidotus,  and  the  eel,  sacred ;  these  they 
say  are  sacred  to  the  Nile;  and  among  birds,  the  vulpanser. 
There  is  also  another  sacred  bird,  called  the  phoenix,  which 
I  have  never  seen  except  in  a  picture ;  for  it  seldom  makes 
its  appearance  among  them,  only  once  in  five  hundred  years, 
as  the  Heliopolitans  affirm :  they  say  that  it  comes  on  the 
death  of  its  sire.    If  he  is  like  the  picture,  he  is  of  the  follow- 


73-76]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  IU 

ing  size  and  description :  The  plumage  of  his  wings  is  partly 
golden-coloured,  and  partly  red ;  in  outline  and  size  he  is  very 
like  an  eagle.  They  say  that  he  has  the  following  contrivance, 
which  in  my  opinion  is  not  credible.  They  say  that  he  comes 
from  Arabia,  and  brings  the  body  of  his  father  to  the  temple 
of  the  sun,  having  inclosed  him  in  myrrh,  and  there  buries 
him  in  the  temple.  He  brings  him  in  this  manner :  first  he 
moulds  an  egg  of  myrrh  as  large  as  he  is  able  to  carry ;  then 
he  tries  to  carry  it,  and  when  he  has  made  the  experiment, 
he  hollows  out  the  egg,  and  puts  his  parent  into  it,  and  stops 
up  with  some  more  myrrh  the  hole  through  which  he  had 
introduced  the  body,  so  when  his  father  is  put  inside,  the  weight 
is  the  same  as  before :  then,  having  covered  it  over,  he  car- 
ries him  to  the  temple  of  the  sun  in  Egypt.  This  they  say  is 
done  by  this  bird. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Thebes  there  are  sacred  serpents 
not  at  all  hurtful  to  men :  they  are  diminutive  in  size,  and 
carry  two  horns  that  grow  on  the  top  of  the  head.  When  these 
serpents  die  they  bury  them  in  the  Temple  of  Jupiter,  for 
they  say  they  are  sacred  to  that  god.  There  is  a  place  in 
Arabia,  situated  very  near  the  city  of  Buto,  to  which  I  went, 
on  hearing  of  some  winged  serpents ;  and  when  I  arrived 
there,  I  saw  bones  and  spines  of  serpents,  in  such  quantities 
as  it  would  be  impossible  to  describe :  there  were  heaps  of 
these  spinal  bones,  some  large,  some  smaller,  and  others  still 
less ;  and  there  were  great  numbers  of  them.  The  place  in 
which  these  spinal  bones  lay  scattered  is  of  the  following  de- 
scription :  It  is  a  narrow  pass  between  two  mountains  into 
a  spacious  plain;  this  plain  is  contiguous  to  the  plain  of 
Egypt :  it  is  reported,  that  at  the  beginning  of  spring,  winged 
serpents  fly  from  Arabia  toward  Egypt ;  but  that  ibises,  a  sort 
of  bird,  meet  them  at  the  pass,  and  do  not  allow  the  serpents 
to  go  by,  but  kill  them:  for  this  service  the  Arabians  say 
that  the  ibis  is  highly  reverenced  by  the  Egyptians ;  and  the 
Egyptians  acknowledge  that  they  reverence  these  birds  for 
this  reason.  The  ibis  is  of  the  following  description :  It  is  all 
over  a  deep  black,  it  has  the  legs  of  a  crane,  its  beak  is  much 
curved,  and  it  is  about  the  size  of  the  crex.  Such  is  the  form 
of  the  black  ones,  that  fight  with  the  serpents.  But  those 
that  are  commonly  conversant  among  men  (for  there  are  two 
species)  are  bare  on  the  head  and  the  whole  neck ;  have  white 
plumage,  except  on  the  head,  the  throat,  and  the  tips  of  the 
wings  and  extremity  of  the  tail ;  in  all  these  parts  that  I  have 
mentioned  they  are  of  a  deep  black ;  in  their  legs  and  beak 
they  are  like  the  other  kind.    The  form  of  the  serpent  is  like 


112  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [76-80 

that  of  the  water-snake;  but  he  has  wings  without  feathers, 
and  as  like  as  possible  to  the  wings  of  a  bat.  This  must  suf- 
fice for  the  description  of  sacred  animals. 

Of  the  Egyptians,  those  who  inhabit  that  part  of  Egypt 
which  is  sown  with  corn,  in  that  they  cultivate  the  memory  of 
past  events  more  than  any  other  men,  are  the  best  informed 
of  all  with  whom  I  have  had  intercourse.  Their  manner  of  life 
is  this :  They  purge  themselves  every  month,  three  days  suc- 
cessively, seeking  to  preserve  health  by  emetics  and  clysters, 
for  they  suppose  that  all  diseases  to  which  men  are  subject 
proceed  from  the  food  they  use.  And  indeed  in  other  respects 
the  Egyptians,  next  to  the  Libyans,  are  the  most  healthy  peo- 
ple in  the  world,  as  I  think,  on  account  of  the  seasons,  because 
they  are  not  liable  to  change;  for  men  are  most  subject  to 
disease  at  periods  of  change,  and  above  all  others  at  the 
change  of  the  seasons.  They  feed  on  bread  of  spelt,  made  into 
loaves,  which  they  call  cyllestis ;  and  they  use  wine  made  of 
barley,  for  they  have  no  vines  in  that  country.  Some  fish  they 
dry  in  the  sun,  and  eat  raw,  others  salted  with  brine ;  and  of 
birds  they  eat  quails,  ducks,  and  smaller  birds  raw,  having 
first  salted  them :  all  other  things,  whether  birds  or  fishes, 
that  they  have,  except  such  as  are  accounted  sacred,  they  eat 
either  roasted  or  boiled.  At  their  convivial  banquets,  among 
the  wealthy  classes,  when  they  have  finished  supper,  a  man 
carries  round  in  a  coffin  the  image  of  a  dead  body  carved  in 
wood,  made  as  like  as  possible  in  colour  and  workmanship, 
and  in  size  generally  about  one  or  two  cubits  in  length ;  and 
showing  this  to  each  of  the  company,  he  says :  "  Look  upon 
this,  then  drink  and  enjoy  yourself;  for  when  dead  you  will 
be  like  this."    This  practice  they  have  at  their  drinking  parties. 

They  observe  their  ancient  customs,  but  acquire  no  new 
ones.  Among  other  memorable  customs,  they  have  one  song, 
Linus,  which  is  sung  in  Phoenicia,  Cyprus,  and  elsewhere ;  in 
different  nations  it  bears  a  different  name,  but  it  agrees  so 
exactly  as  to  be  the  same  which  the  Greeks  sing,  under  the 
name  of  Linus.  So  that  among  the  many  wonderful  things 
seen  in  Egypt,  this  is  especially  wonderful,  whence  they  got 
this  Linus ;  for  they  seem  to  have  sung  it  from  time  imme- 
morial. The  Linus  in  the  Egyptian  language  is  called 
Maneros ;  and  the  Egyptians  say  that  he  was  the  only  son 
of  the  first  King  of  Egypt,  and  that  happening  to  die  prema- 
turely, he  was  honoured  by  the  Egyptians  in  this  mourning 
dirge :  and  this  is  the  first  and  only  song  they  have.  In  this 
other  particular  the  Egyptians  resemble  the  Lacedaemonians 
only  among  all  the  Grecians :  the  young  men  when  they  meet 


80-86]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   EGYPTIANS  113 

their  elders  give  way  and  turn  aside;  and  when  they  ap- 
proach, rise  from  their  seats.  In  the  following  custom  they 
do  not  resemble  any  nation  of  the  Greeks :  instead  of  ad- 
dressing one  another  in  the  streets,  they  salute  by  letting  the 
hand  fall  down  as  far  as  the  knee.  They  wear  linen  tunics 
fringed  round  the  legs,  which  they  call  calasiris,  and  over 
these  they  throw  white  woollen  mantles ;  woollen  clothes, 
however,  are  not  carried  into  the  temples,  nor  are  they  buried 
with  them,  for  that  is  accounted  profane.  In  this  respect  they 
agree  with  the  worshippers  of  Orpheus  and  Bacchus,  who 
are  Egyptians  and  Pythagoreans.  For  it  is  considered  pro- 
fane for  one  who  is  initiated  in  these  mysteries  to  be  buried 
in  woollen  garments,  and  a  religious  reason  is  given  for  this 
custom. 

These  other  things  were  also  invented  by  the  Egyptians : 
each  month  and  day  is  assigned  to  some  particular  god ;  and 
according  to  the  day  on  which  each  person  is  born,  they  de- 
termine what  will  befall  him,  how  he  will  die,  and  what  kind 
of  person  he  will  be.  And  these  things  the  Grecian  poets  have 
made  use  of.  They  have  also  discovered  more  prodigies  than 
all  the  rest  of  the  world ;  for  when  any  prodigy  occurs,  they 
carefully  observe  and  write  down  the  result ;  and  if  a  similar 
occurrence  should  happen  afterward  they  think  the  result  will 
be  the  same.  The  art  of  divination  is  in  this  condition :  it  is 
attributed  to  no  human  being,  but  only  to  some  of  the  gods. 
For  they  have  among  them  an  oracle  of  Hercules,  Apollo, 
Minerva,  Diana,  Mars,  and  Jupiter ;  and  that  which  they  hon- 
our above  all  others  is  the  oracle  of  Latona  in  the  city  of  Buto. 
Their  modes  of  delivering  oracles,  however,  are  not  all  alike, 
but  differ  from  each  other.  The  art  of  medicine  is  thus  di- 
vided among  them :  each  physician  applies  himself  to  one  dis- 
ease only,  and  not  more.  All  places  abound  in  physicians; 
some  physicians  are  for  the  eyes,  others  for  the  head,  others 
for  the  teeth,  others  for  the  parts  about  the  belly,  and  others 
for  internal  disorders. 

Their  manner  of  mourning  and  burying  is  as  follows: 
When  in  a  family  a  man  of  any  consideration  dies,  all  the 
women  of  that  family  besmear  their  heads  and  faces  with  mud, 
and  then  leaving  the  body  in  the  house,  they  wander  about 
the  city,  and  beat  themselves,  having  their  clothes  girt  up, 
and  exposing  their  breasts,  and  all  their  relations  accompany 
them.  On  the  other  hand,  the  men  beat  themselves,  being 
girt  up,  in  like  manner.  When  they  have  done  this,  they 
carry  out  the  body  to  be  embalmed.  There  are  persons  who 
are  appointed  for  this  very  purpose;  they,  when  the  dead 
8 


114  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,  EUTERPE  [86-88 

body  is  brought  to  them,  show  to  the  bearers  wooden  models 
of  corpses,  made  exactly  like  by  painting.  And  they  show 
that  which  they  say  is  the  most  expensive  manner  of  em- 
balming, the  name  of  which  I  do  not  think  it  right  to  men- 
tion on  such  an  occasion ;  they  then  show  the  second,  which 
is  inferior  and  less  expensive;  and  then  the  third,  which  is 
the  cheapest.  Having  explained  them  all,  they  learn  from 
them  in  what  way  they  wish  the  body  to  be  prepared;  then 
the  relatives,  when  they  have  agreed  on  the  price,  depart ;  but 
the  embalmers  remaining  in  the  workshops  thus  proceed  to 
embalm  in  the  most  expensive  manner.  First  they  draw  out 
the  brains  through  the  nostrils  with  an  iron  hook,  taking  part 
of  it  out  in  this  manner,  the  rest  by  the  infusion  of  drugs. 
Then  with  a  sharp  Ethiopian  stone  they  make  an  incision  in 
the  side,  and  take  out  all  the  bowels ;  and  having  cleansed 
the  abdomen  and  rinsed  it  with  palm-wine,  they  next  sprinkle 
it  with  pounded  perfumes.  Then  having  filled  the  belly  with 
pure  myrrh  pounded,  and  cassia,  and  other  perfumes,  frank- 
incense excepted,  they  sew  it  up  again;  and  when  they  have 
done  this,  they  steep  it  in  natrum,  leaving  it  under  for  seventy 
days;  for  a  longer  time  than  this  it  is  not  lawful  to  steep  it. 
At  the  expiration  of  the  seventy  days  they  wash  the  corpse, 
and  wrap  the  whole  body  in  bandages  of  flaxen  cloth,  smear- 
ing it  with  gum,  which  the  Egyptians  commonly  use  instead 
of  glue.  After  this  the  relatives,  having  taken  the  body  back 
again,  make  a  wooden  case  in  the  shape  of  a  man,  and  hav- 
ing made  it,  they  inclose  the  body ;  and  thus,  having  fastened 
it  up,  they  store  it  in  a  sepulchral  chamber,  setting  it  upright 
against  the  wall.  In  this  manner  they  prepare  the  bodies  that 
are  embalmed  in  the  most  expensive  way.  Those  who,  avoid- 
ing great  expense,  desire  the  middle  way,  they  prepare  in  the 
following  manner:  When  they  have  charged  their  syringes 
with  oil  made  from  cedar,  they  fill  the  abdomen  of  the  corpse 
without  making  any  incision  or  taking  out  the  bowels,  but 
inject  it  at  the  fundament;  and  having  prevented  the  injec- 
tion from  escaping,  they  steep  the  body  in  natrum  for  the 
prescribed  number  of  days,  and  on  the  last  day  they  let  out 
from  the  abdomen  the  oil  of  cedar  which  they  had  before  in- 
jected, and  it  has  such  power  that  it  brings  away  the  intestines 
and  vitals  in  a  state  of  dissolution;  the  natrum  dissolves  the 
flesh,  and  nothing  of  the  body  remains  but  the  skin  and  the 
bones.  When  they  have  done  this  they  return  the  body  with- 
out any  further  operation.  The  third  method  of  embalming 
is  this,  which  is  used  only  for  the  poorer  sort:  Having  thor- 
oughly rinsed  the  abdomen  in  syrmaea,  they  steep  it  with 


88-91]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  115 

natrum  for  the  seventy  days,  and  then  deliver  it  to  be  carried 
away.  But  the  wives  of  considerable  persons,  when  they  die, 
they  do  not  immediately  deliver  to  be  embalmed,  nor  such 
women  as  are  very  beautiful  and  of  celebrity,  but  when  they 
have  been  dead  three  or  four  days  they  then  deliver  them  to 
the  embalmers ;  and  they  do  this  for  the  following  reason,  that 
the  embalmers  may  not  abuse  the  bodies  of  such  women ; 
for  they  say  that  one  man  was  detected  in  abusing  a  body 
that  was  fresh,  and  that  a  fellow-workman  informed  against 
him.  Should  any  person,  whether  Egyptian  or  stranger,  no 
matter  which,  be  found  to  have  been  seized  by  a  crocodile, 
or  drowned  in  the  river,  to  whatever  city  the  body  may  be 
carried  the  inhabitants  are  by  law  compelled  to  have  the  body 
embalmed,  and,  having  adorned  it  in  the  handsomest  manner, 
to  bury  it  in  the  sacred  vaults.  Nor  is  it  lawful  for  any  one 
else,  whether  relatives  or  friends,  to  touch  him ;  but  the  priests 
of  the  Nile  bury  the  corpse  with  their  own  hands,  as  being 
something  more  than  human. 

They  avoid  using  Grecian  customs;  and,  in  a  word,  the 
customs  of  all  other  people  whatsoever.  All  the  other  Egyp- 
tians are  particular  in  this.  But  there  is  a  large  city  called 
Chemmis,  situated  in  the  Thebaic  district,  near  Neapolis,  in 
which  is  a  quadrangular  temple  dedicated  to  Perseus,  the  son 
of  Danae;  palm  trees  grow  round  it,  and  the  portico  is  of 
stone,  very  spacious,  and  over  it  are  placed  two  large  stone 
statues.  In  this  inclosure  is  a  temple,  and  in  it  is  placed  a 
statue  of  Perseus.  The  Chemmitse  affirm  that  Perseus  has 
frequently  appeared  to  them  on  earth,  and  frequently  within 
the  temple,  and  that  a  sandal  worn  by  him  is  sometimes  found, 
which  is  two  cubits  in  length;  and  that  after  its  appearance 
all  Egypt  flourishes.  This  they  affirm.  They  adopt  the  fol- 
lowing Grecian  customs  in  honour  of  Perseus :  they  cele- 
brate gymnastic  games,  embracing  every  kind  of  contest ;  and 
they  give  as  prizes,  cattle,  cloaks,  and  skins.  When  I  in- 
quired why  Perseus  appeared  only  to  them,  and  why  they 
differed  from  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  in  holding  gymnastic 
games,  they  answered  that  Perseus  derived  his  origin  from 
their  city ;  for  that  Danaus  and  Lynceus,  who  were  both  na- 
tives of  Chemmis,  sailed  from  them  into  Greece ;  and  tracing 
the  descent  down  from  them,  they  came  to  Perseus;  and 
that  he  coming  to  Egypt,  for  the  same  reason  as  the  Greeks 
allege,  in  order  to  bring  away  the  Gorgon's  head  from  Libya, 
they  affirm  that  he  came  to  them  also  and  acknowledged  all 
his  kindred;  and  that  when  he  came  to  Egypt  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  name  of  Chemmis,  having  heard  it  from 


Il6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,  EUTERPE  [91-93 

his  mother:  they  add  that  by  his  order  they  instituted  gym- 
nastic games  in  honour  of  him. 

The  Egyptians  who  dwell  above  the  morasses  observe  all 
these  customs;  but  those  who  live  in  the  morasses  have  the 
same  customs  as  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  and  as  in  other 
things,  so  in  this,  that  each  man  has  but  one  wife,  like  the 
Greeks.  But  to  obtain  food  more  easily,  they  have  the  follow- 
ing inventions :  When  the  river  is  full,  and  has  made  the 
plains  like  a  sea,  great  numbers  of  lilies,  which  the  Egyp- 
tians call  lotus,  spring  up  in  the  water :  these  they  gather  and 
dry  in  the  sun ;  then  having  pounded  the  middle  of  the  lotus, 
which  resembles  a  poppy,  they  make  bread  of  it  and  bake  it. 
The  root  also  of  this  lotus  is  fit  for  food,  and  is  tolerably  sweet ; 
and  is  round,  and  of  the  size  of  an  apple.  There  are  also  other 
lilies,  like  roses,  that  grow  in  the  river,  the  fruit  of  which  is 
contained  in  a  separate  pod,  that  springs  up  from  the  root 
in  form  very  like  a  wasp's  nest ;  in  this  there  are  many  berries 
fit  to  be  eaten,  of  the  size  of  an  olive  stone,  and  they  are  eaten 
both  fresh  and  dried.  The  byblus,  which  is  an  annual  plant, 
when  they  have  pulled  it  up  in  the  fens,  they  cut  off  the  top 
of  it  and  put  to  some  other  uses,  but  the  lower  part  that  is 
left,  to  the  length  of  a  cubit,  they  eat  and  sell.  Those  who 
are  anxious  to  eat  the  byblus  dressed  in  the  most  delicate 
manner,  stew  it  in  a  hot  pan  and  then  eat  it.  Some  of  them 
live  entirely  on  fish,  which  they  catch,  and  gut,  and  dry  in  the 
sun,  and  then  eat  them  dried. 

Fishes  that  are  gregarious  are  seldom  found  in  the  rivers, 
but  being  bred  in  the  lakes,  they  proceed  as  follows :  When 
the  desire  of  engendering  comes  upon  them,  they  swim  out 
in  shoals  to  the  sea;  the  males  lead  the  way,  scattering  the 
sperm ;  and  the  females  following  swallow  it,  and  are  thus 
impregnated.  When  they  find  themselves  full  in  the  sea, 
they  swim  back,  each  to  their  accustomed  haunts ;  however, 
the  males  no  longer  take  the  lead,  but  this  is  done  by  females : 
they,  leading  the  way  in  shoals,  do  as  the  males  did  before; 
for  they  scatter  their  spawn  by  degrees,  and  the  males  fol- 
lowing devour  them ;  but  from  the  spawn  that  escapes  and 
are  not  devoured,  the  fish  that  grow  up  are  engendered.  Any 
of  these  fish  that  happen  to  be  taken  in  their  passage  toward 
the  sea  are  found  bruised  on  the  left  side  of  the  head;  but 
those  that  are  taken  on  their  return  are  bruised  on  the  right ; 
and  this  proceeds  from  the  following  cause :  they  swim  out 
to  the  sea,  keeping  close  to  the  land  on  the  left  side,  and  when 
they  swim  back  again  they  keep  to  the  same  shore,  hugging 
it  and  touching  it  as  much  as  possible,  for  fear  of  losing  their 


93-96]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  EGYPTIANS  117 

way  by  the  stream.  When  the  Nile  begins  to  overflow,  the 
hollow  parts  of  the  land  and  the  marshes  near  the  river  first 
begin  to  be  filled  by  the  water  oozing  through  from  the  river ; 
and  as  soon  as  they  are  full,  they  are  immediately  filled  with 
little  fishes;  the  reason  of  which,  as  I  conjecture,  is  this:  in 
the  preceding  year,  when  the  Nile  retreated,  the  fish  that  had 
deposited  their  eggs  in  the  marshy  ground  went  away  with 
the  last  of  the  waters ;  but  when,  as  the  time  came  round,  the 
water  has  risen  again,  fishes  are  immediately  produced  from 
these  eggs.    Thus  it  happens  with  respect  to  the  fishes. 

The  Egyptians  who  live  about  the  fens  use  an  oil  drawn 
from  the  fruit  of  the  sillicypria,  which  they  call  cici ;  and  they 
make  it  in  the  following  manner :  They  plant  these  sillicypria, 
which  in  Greece  grow  spontaneous  and  wild,  on  the  banks  of 
the  rivers  and  lakes :  these,  when  planted  in  Egypt,  bear 
abundance  of  fruit,  though  of  an  offensive  smell.  When  they 
have  gathered  it,  some  bruise  it  and  press  out  the  oil ;  others 
boil  and  stew  it,  and  collect  the  liquid  that  flows  from  it ;  this 
is  fat,  and  no  less  suited  for  lamps  than  olive-oil ;  but  it  emits 
an  offensive  smell.  They  have  the  following  contrivance  to 
protect  themselves  from  the  mosquitoes,  which  abound  very 
much :  the  towers  are  of  great  service  to  those  who  inhabit 
the  upper  parts  of  the  marshes ;  for  the  mosquitoes  are  pre- 
vented by  the  winds  from  flying  high ;  but  those  who  live 
round  the  marshes  have  contrived  another  expedient  instead 
of  the  towers.  Every  man  has  a  net,  with  which  in  the  day  he 
takes  fish,  and  at  night  uses  it  in  the  following  manner:  In 
whatever  bed  he  sleeps,  he  throws  the  net  around  it,  and  then 
getting  in,  sleeps  under  it:  if  he  should  wrap  himself  up  in 
his  clothes  or  in  linen,  the  mosquitoes  would  bite  through 
them,  but  they  never  attempt  to  bite  through  the  net. 

Their  ships  in  which  they  convey  merchandise  are  made 
of  the  acacia,  which  in  shape  is  very  like  the  Cyrensean  lotus, 
and  its  exudation  is  gum.  From  this  acacia  they  cut  planks 
about  two  cubits  in  length,  and  join  them  together  like  bricks, 
building  their  ships  in  the  following  manner:  they  fasten 
the  planks  of  two  cubits  length  round  stout  and  long  ties : 
when  they  have  thus  built  the  hulls,  they  lay  benches  across 
them.  They  make  no  use  of  ribs,  but  calk  the  seams  inside 
with  byblus.  They  make  only  one  rudder,  and  that  is  driven 
through  the  keel.  They  use  a  mast  of  acacia,  and  sails  of 
byblus.  These  vessels  are  unable  to  sail  up  the  stream  unless 
a  fair  wind  prevails,  but  are  towed  from  the  shore.  They  are 
thus  carried  down  the  stream :  there  is  a  hurdle  made  of 
tamarisk,  wattled  with  a  band  of  reeds,  and  a  stone  bored 


118  HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE  [96-99 

through  the  middle,  of  about  two  talents  in  weight ;  of  these 
two,  the  hurdle  is  fastened  to  a  cable,  and  let  down  at  the  prow 
of  the  vessel  to  be  carried  on  by  the  stream ;  and  the  stone 
by  another  cable  at  the  stern ;  and  by  this  means  the  hurdle, 
by  the  stream  bearing  hard  upon  it,  moves  quickly  and  draws 
along  "  the  baris  "  (for  this  is  the  name  given  to  these  vessels), 
but  the  stone  being  dragged  at  the  stern,  and  sunk  to  the 
bottom,  keeps  the  vessel  in  its  course.  They  have  very  many 
of  these  vessels,  and  some  of  them  carry  many  thousand  tal- 
ents. When  the  Nile  inundates  the  country,  the  cities  alone 
are  seen  above  its  surface,  very  like  the  islands  in  the  JEgean 
Sea;  for  all  the  rest  of  Egypt  becomes  a  sea,  and  the  cities 
alone  are  above  the  surface.  When  this  happens,  they  navi- 
gate no  longer  by  the  channel  of  the  river,  but  across  the 
plain.  To  a  person  sailing  from  Naucratis  to  Memphis,  the 
passage  is  by  the  pyramids;  this,  however,  is  not  the  usual 
course,  but  by  the  point  of  the  Delta  and  the  city  of  Cerca- 
sorus ;  and  in  sailing  from  the  sea  and  Canopus  to  Naucratis 
across  the  plain,  you  will  pass  by  the  city  of  Anthylla  and 
that  called  Archandropolis.  Of  these,  Anthylla,  which  is  a 
city  of  importance,  is  assigned  to  purchase  shoes  for  the  wife 
of  the  reigning  King  of  Egypt ;  and  this  has  been  so  as  long 
as  Egypt  has  been  subject  to  the  Persians.  The  other  city 
appears  to  me  to  derive  its  name  from  the  son-in-law  of  Da- 
naus,  Archander,  son  of  Phthius,  and  grandson  of  Achseus; 
for  it  is  called  Archandropolis.  There  may,  indeed,  have  been 
another  Archander,  but  the  name  is  certainly  not  Egyptian. 

Hitherto  I  have  related  what  I  have  seen,  what  I  have 
thought,  and  what  I  have  learned  by  inquiry:  but  from  this 
point  I  proceed  to  give  the  Egyptian  account  according  to 
what  I  heard ;  and  there  is  added  to  it  something  also  of  my 
own  observation.  The  priests  informed  me  that  Menes,  who 
first  ruled  over  Egypt,  in  the  first  place  protected  Memphis 
by  a  mound ;  for  the  whole  river  formerly  ran  close  to  the 
sandy  mountain  on  the  side  of  Libya ;  but  Menes,  beginning 
about  a  hundred  stades  above  Memphis,  filled  in  the  elbow 
toward  the  south,  dried  up  the  old  channel,  and  conducted 
the  river  into  a  canal,  so  as  to  make  it  flow  between  the  moun- 
tains : 1  this  bend  of  the  Nile,  which  flows  excluded  from  its 
ancient  course,  is  still  carefully  upheld  by  the  Persians,  being 
made  secure  every  year ;  for  if  the  river  should  break  through 
and  overflow  in  this  part  there  would  be  danger  lest  all  Mem- 
phis should  be  flooded.  When  the  part  cut  off  had  been  made 
firm  land  by  this  Menes,  who  was  first  king,  he  in  the  first 
1  That  is,  those  of  Arabia  and  Libya. 


99-102]  SESOSTRIS  II9 

place  built  on  it  the  city  that  is  now  called  Memphis;  for 
Memphis  is  situated  in  the  narrow  part  of  Egypt;  and  out- 
side of  it  he  excavated  a  lake  from  the  river  toward  the  north 
and  the  west;  for  the  Nile  itself  bounds  it  toward  the  east. 
In  the  next  place,  they  relate  that  he  built  in  it  the  Temple  of 
Vulcan,  which  is  vast  and  well  worthy  of  mention.  After  this 
the  priests  enumerated  from  a  book  the  names  of  three  hun- 
dred and  thirty  other  kings.  In  so  many  generations  of  men 
there  were  eighteen  Ethiopians  and  one  native  queen ;  the  rest 
were  Egyptians.  The  name  of  this  woman  who  reigned  was 
the  same  as  that  of  the  Babylonian  queen,  Nitocris :  they  said 
that  she  avenged  her  brother,  whom  the  Egyptians  had  slain, 
while  reigning  over  them ;  and  after  they  had  slain  him,  they 
then  delivered  the  kingdom  to  her;  and  she,  to  avenge  him, 
destroyed  many  of  the  Egyptians  by  stratagem:  for  having 
caused  an  extensive  apartment  to  be  made  under  ground,  she 
pretended  that  she  was  going  to  consecrate  it,  but  in  reality 
had  another  design  in  view:  and  having  invited  those  of  the 
Egyptians  whom  she  knew  to  have  been  principally  concerned 
in  the  murder,  she  gave  a  great  banquet,  and  when  they  were 
feasting  she  let  in  the  river  upon  them,  through  a  large  con- 
cealed channel.  This  is  all  they  related  of  her,  except  that, 
when  she  had  done  this,  she  threw  herself  into  a  room  full 
of  ashes  in  order  that  she  might  escape  punishment.  Of  the 
other  kings  they  did  not  mention  any  memorable  deeds,  nor 
that  they  were  in  any  respect  renowned,  except  one,  the  last 
of  them,  Mceris  ;  but  he  accomplished  some  memorable  works, 
as  the  portal  of  Vulcan's  temple,  facing  the  north  wind ;  and 
dug  a  lake  (the  dimensions  of  which  I  shall  describe  here- 
after), and  built  pyramids  in  it,  the  size  of  which  I  shall  also 
mention  when  I  come  to  speak  of  the  lake  itself.  He,  then, 
achieved  these  several  works,  but  none  of  the  others  achieved 
anything. 

Having  therefore  passed  them  by,  I  shall  proceed  to  make 
mention  of  the  king  that  came  after  them,  whose  name  was 
Sesostris.  The  priests  said  that  he  was  the  first  who,  setting 
out  in  ships  of  war  from  the  Arabian  Gulf,  subdued  those  na- 
tions that  dwell  by  the  Red  Sea ;  until  sailing  onward,  he  ar- 
rived at  a  sea  which  was  not  navigable  on  account  of  the 
shoals ;  and  afterward,  when  he  came  back  to  Egypt,  accord- 
ing to  the  report  of  the  priest,  he  assembled  a  large  army,  and 
marched  through  the  continent,  subduing  every  nation  that 
he  fell  in  with ;  and  wherever  he  met  with  any  who  were 
valiant,  and  who  were  very  ardent  in  defence  of  their  liberty, 
he  erected  columns  in  their  territory,  with  inscriptions  de- 


120  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [102-105 

daring  his  own  name  and  country,  and  how  he  had  conquered 
them  by  his  power:  but  when  he  subdued  any  cities  without 
fighting  and  easily,  he  made  inscriptions  on  columns  in  the 
same  way  as  among  the  nations  that  had  proved  themselves 
valiant ;  and  he  had  besides  engraved  on  them  the  secret  parts 
of  a  woman,  wishing  to  mke  it  known  that  they  were  cow- 
ardly. Thus  doing,  he  traversed  the  continent,  until,  having 
crossed  from  Asia,  into  Europe,  he  subdued  the  Scythians 
and  Thracians :  to  these  the  Egyptian  army  appears  to  me 
to  have  reached,  and  no  farther;  for  in  their  country  the  col- 
umns appear  to  have  been  erected,  but  nowhere  beyond  them. 
From  thence,  wheeling  round,  he  went  back  again ;  and  when 
he  arrived  at  the  river  Phasis,  I  am  unable  after  this  to  say 
with  certainty  whether  King  Sesostris  himself,  having  de- 
tached a  portion  of  his  army,  left  them  there  to  settle  in  that 
country,  or  whether  some  of  the  soldiers,  being  wearied  with 
his  wandering  expedition,  of  their  own  accord  remained  by 
the  river  Phasis.  For  the  Colchians  were  evidently  Egyptians, 
and  I  say  this,  having  myself  observed  it  before  I  heard  it 
from  others ;  and  as  it  was  a  matter  of  interest  to  me,  I  in- 
quired of  both  people,  and  the  Colchians  had  more  recollec- 
tion of  the  Egyptians  than  the  Egyptians  had  of  the  Colchians  ; 
yet  the  Egyptians  said  that  they  thought  the  Colchians  were 
descended  from  the  army  of  Sesostris ;  and  I  formed  my  con- 
jecture, not  only  because  they  are  swarthy  and  curly-headed, 
for  this  amounts  to  nothing,  because  others  are  so  likewise, 
but  chiefly  from  the  following  circumstances,  because  the  Col- 
chians, Egyptians,  and  Ethiopians  are  the  only  nations  of  the 
world  who,  from  the  first,  have  practised  circumcision.  For 
the  Phoenicians,  and  the  Syrians  in  Palestine,  acknowledge 
that  they  learned  the  custom  from  the  Egyptians;  and  the 
Syrians  about  Thermodon  and  the  river  Parthenius,  with  their 
neighbours  the  Macrones,  confess  that  they  very  lately  learned 
the  same  custom  from  the  Colchians.  And  these  are  the 
only  nations  that  are  circumcised,  and  thus  appear  evidently 
to  act  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Egyptians.  But  of  the  Egyp- 
tians and  Ethiopians  I  am  unable  to  say  which  learned  it  from 
the  other,  for  it  is  evidently  a  very  ancient  custom.  And  this 
appears  to  me  a  strong  proof  that  the  Phoenicians  learned  this 
practice  through  their  intercourse  with  the  Egyptians,  for  all 
the  Phoenicians  who  have  any  commerce  with  Greece  no 
longer  imitate  the  Egyptians  in  this  usage,  but  abstain  from 
circumcising  their  children.  I  will  now  mention  another  fact 
respecting  the  Colchians,  how  they  resemble  the  Egyptians. 
They  alone  and  the  Egyptians  manufacture  linen  in  the  same 


105-108]  EXPEDITION  OF   SESOSTRIS  121 

manner;  and  the  whole  way  of  living,  and  the  language,  is 
similar  in  both  nations ;  but  the  Colchian  linen  is  called  by 
the  Greeks  Sardonic,  though  that  which  comes  from  Egypt 
is  called  Egyptian.  As  to  the  pillars  which  Sesostris,  King  of 
Egypt,  erected  in  the  different  countries,  most  of  them  are 
evidently  no  longer  in  existence,  but  in  Syrian  Palestine  I 
myself  saw  some  still  remaining,  and  the  inscriptions  before 
mentioned  still  on  them.  There  are  also  in  Ionia  two  im- 
ages of  this  king,  carved  on  rocks,  one  on  the  way  from 
Ephesia  to  Phocsea,  the  other  from  Sardis  to  Smyrna.  In 
both  places  a  man  is  carved,  four  cubits  and  a  half  high, 
holding  a  spear  in  his  right  hand,  and  in  his  left  a  bow,  and 
the  rest  of  his  equipment  in  unison,  for  it  is  partly  Egyp- 
tian and  partly  Ethiopian ;  from  one  shoulder  to  the  other 
across  the  breast  extend  sacred  Egyptian  characters  en- 
graved, which  have  the  following  meaning :  "  I  acquired 
this  region  by  my  own  shoulders."  Who  or  whence  he 
is,  he  does  not  here  show,  but  has  elsewhere  made  known. 
Some  who  have  seen  these  monuments  have  conjectured  them 
to  be  images  of  Memnon,  herein  being  very  far  from  the 
truth. 

The  priests  said  moreover  of  this  Egyptian  Sesostris,  that 
returning  and  bringing  with  him  many  men  from  the  nations 
whose  territories  he  had  subdued,  when  he  arrived  at  the  Pelu- 
sian  Daphnse,  his  brother,  to  whom  he  had  committed  the 
government  of  Egypt,  invited  him  to  an  entertainment,  and 
his  sons  with  him,  and  caused  wood  to  be  piled  up  round  the 
house,  and  having  caused  it  to  be  piled  up,  set  it  on  fire :  but 
that  Sesostris,  being  informed  of  this,  immediately  consulted 
with  his  wife,  for  he  took  his  wife  with  him ;  and  she  advised 
him  to  extend  two  of  his  six  sons  across  the  fire,  and  form 
a  bridge  over  the  burning  mass,  and  that  the  rest  should 
step  on  them  and  make  their  escape.  Sesostris  did  so,  and 
two  of  his  sons  were  in  this  manner  burned  to  death,  but  the 
rest,  together  with  their  father,  were  saved.  Sesostris  hav- 
ing returned  to  Egypt,  and  taken  revenge  on  his  brother, 
employed  the  multitude  of  prisoners  whom  he  brought  from 
the  countries  he  had  subdued,  in  the  following  works :  these 
were  the  persons  who  drew  the  huge  stones  which,  in  the 
time  of  this  king,  were  conveyed  to  the  Temple  of  Vulcan; 
they,  too,  were  compelled  to  dig  all  the  canals  now  seen  in 
Egypt;  by  their  involuntary  labour  they  made  Egypt,  which 
before  was  throughout  practicable  for  horses  and  carriages, 
unfit  for  these  purposes;  for  from  that  time  Egypt,  though 
it  was  one  level  plain,  became  impassable  for  horses  or  car- 


122  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [108-111 

riages ;  and  this  is  caused  by  the  canals,  which  are  numerous 
and  in  every  direction.  But  the  king  intersected  the  country 
for  this  reason :  such  of  the  Egyptians  as  occupied  the  cities 
not  on  the  river,  but  inland,  when  the  river  receded,  being 
in  want  of  water,  were  forced  to  use  a  brackish  beverage  which 
they  drew  from  wells;  and  for  this  reason  Egypt  was  inter- 
sected. They  said  also  that  this  king  divided  the  country 
among  all  the  Egyptians,  giving  an  equal  square  allotment 
to  each ;  and  from  thence  he  drew  his  revenues,  having  re- 
quired them  to  pay  a  fixed  tax  every  year;  but  if  the  river 
happened  to  take  away  a  part  of  any  one's  allotment,  he  was 
to  come  to  him  and  make  known  what  had  happened ;  where- 
upon the  king  sent  persons  to  inspect  and  measure  how  much 
the  land  was  diminished,  that  in  future  he  might  pay  a  pro- 
portionate part  of  the  appointed  tax.  Hence  land-measuring 
appears  to  me  to  have  had  its  beginning,  and  to  have  passed 
over  into  Greece ;  for  the  pole  and  the  sun-dial,  and  the  divi- 
sion of  the  day  into  twelve  parts,  the  Greeks  learned  from 
the  Babylonians.  This  king  was  the  only  Egyptian  that 
ruled  over  Ethiopia ;  and  he  left  as  memorials  before  Vulcan's 
Temple  statues  of  stone;  two  of  thirty  cubits,  himself  and 
his  wife ;  and  his  four  sons,  each  of  twenty  cubits.  A  long 
time  afterward,  the  priest  of  Vulcan  would  not  suffer  Darius 
the  Persian  to  place  his  statue  before  them,  saying  that  deeds 
had  not  been  achieved  by  him  equal  to  those  of  Sesos- 
tris  the  Egyptian:  for  that  Sesostris  had  subdued  other  na- 
tions, not  fewer  than  Darius  had  done,  and  the  Scythians 
besides ;  but  that  Darius  was  not  able  to  conquer  the  Scythi- 
ans; wherefore  it  was  not  right  for  one  who  had  not  sur- 
passed him  in  achievements  to  place  his  statue  before  his  offer- 
ings. They  relate,  however,  that  Darius  pardoned  these  ob- 
servations. 

After  the  death  of  Sesostris,  they  said  that  his  son  Pheron 
succeeded  to  the  kingdom ;  that  he  undertook  no  military  ex- 
pedition, and  happened  to  become  blind  through  the  follow- 
ing occurrence:  The  river  having  risen  a  very  great  height 
for  that  time,  to  eighteen  cubits,  when  it  overflowed  the  fields, 
a  storm  of  wind  arose,  and  the  river  was  tossed  about  in 
waves ;  whereupon  they  say  that  the  king  with  great  arro- 
gance laid  hold  of  a  javelin,  and  threw  it  into  the  midst  of 
the  eddies  of  the  river;  and  that  immediately  afterward  he 
was  seized  with  a  pain  in  his  eyes,  and  became  blind.  He 
continued  blind  for  ten  years;  but  in  the  eleventh  year  an 
oracle  reached  him  from  the  city  of  Buto,  importing  that 
the  time  of  his  punishment  was  expired,  and  he  should  re- 


m-113]  PHERON  AND   PROTEUS  123 

cover  his  sight  by  washing  his  eyes  with  the  urine  of  a  woman 
who  had  had  intercourse  with  her  own  husband  only,  and 
had  known  no  other  man.  He  therefore  made  trial  of  his  own 
wife  first,  and  afterward,  when  he  did  not  recover  his  sight, 
he  made  trial  of  others  indifferently;  and  at  length  having 
recovered  his  sight,  he  collected  the  women  of  whom  he  had 
made  trial,  except  the  one  by  washing  with  whose  urine  he 
had  recovered  his  sight,  into  one  city,  which  is  now  called 
Erythrebolus,  and  when  he  had  assembled  them  together  he 
had  them  all  burned,  together  with  the  city ;  but  the  woman, 
by  washing  in  whose  urine  he  recovered  his  sight,  he  took  to 
himself  to  wife.  Having  escaped  from  this  calamity  in  his 
eyes,  he  dedicated  other  offerings  throughout  all  the  cele- 
brated temples,  and,  what  is  most  worthy  of  mention,  he  dedi- 
cated to  the  temple  of  the  sun  works  worthy  of  admiration, 
two  stone  obelisks,  each  consisting  of  one  stone,  and  each  a 
hundred  cubits  in  length  and  eight  cubits  in  breadth. 

They  said  that  a  native  of  Memphis  succeeded  him  in  the 
kingdom,  whose  name  in  the  Grecian  language  is  Proteus : 
there  is  to  this  day  an  inclosure  sacred  to  him  at  Memphis, 
which  is  very  beautiful  and  richly  adorned,  situated  to  the 
south  side  of  the  Temple  of  Vulcan.  Tyrian  Phoenicians  dwell 
round  this  inclosure,  and  the  whole  tract  is  called  the  Tyrian 
camp.  In  this  inclosure  of  Proteus  is  a  temple  which  is  called 
after  the  foreign  Venus:  and  I  conjecture  that  this  is  the 
Temple  of  Helen,  the  daughter  of  Tyndarus,  both  because  I 
have  heard  that  Helen  lived  with  Proteus,  and  also  because 
it  is  named  from  the  foreign  Venus :  for  of  all  the  other  tem- 
ples of  Venus,  none  is  anywhere  called  by  the  name  of  foreign. 
When  I  inquired  about  Helen,  the  priests  told  me  that  the 
case  was  thus :  That  when  Paris  had  carried  Helen  off  from 
Sparta,  he  sailed  away  to  his  own  country,  and  when  he  was 
in  the  yEgean,  violent  winds  drove  him  out  of  his  course  into 
the  Egyptian  Sea,  and  from  thence,  for  the  gale  did  not  abate, 
he  came  to  Egypt,  and  in  Egypt  to  that  which  is  now  called 
the  Canopic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  and  to  Taricheae.  On  that 
shore  stood  a  Temple  of  Hercules,  which  remains  to  this  day ; 
in  which,  if  the  slave  of  any  person  whatsoever  takes  refuge 
and  has  sacred  marks  impressed  on  him,  so  devoting  himself 
to  the  god,  it  is  not  lawful  to  lay  hands  on  him.  This  custom 
continues  the  same  to  my  time,  as  it  was  from  the  first.  The 
attendants  of  Paris,  therefore,  when  informed  of  the  custom 
that  prevailed  respecting  the  temple,  revolted  from  him,  and 
sitting  as  suppliants  of  the  god,  accused  Paris  with  a  view 
to  injure  him,  relating  the  whole  account  how  things  stood 


124  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [113-116 

with  regard  to  Helen,  and  his  injustice  toward  Menelaus. 
These  accusations  were  made  to  the  priests,  and  the  governor 
of  that  mouth,  whose  name  was  Thonis.  Thonis  having  heard 
this,  immediately  sent  a  message  to  Proteus  at  Memphis,  to 
the  following  effect :  "  A  stranger  of  Trojan  race  has  arrived, 
after  having  committed  a  nefarious  deed  in  Greece ;  for,  hav- 
ing beguiled  the  wife  of  his  own  host,  he  has  brought  her  with 
him,  and  very  great  treasures,  having  been  driven  by  winds 
to  this  land.  Whether,  then,  shall  we  allow  him  to  depart 
unmolested,  or  shall  we  seize  what  he  has  brought  with  him  ?  " 
Proteus  sent  back  a  messenger  with  the  following  answer: 
"  Seize  this  man,  whoever  he  may  be,  that  has  acted  so  wick- 
edly toward  his  host,  and  bring  him  to  me,  that  I  may  know 
what  he  will  say  for  himself."  Thonis  having  received  this 
message,  seized  Paris,  and  detained  his  ships;  and  then  sent 
him  up  to  Memphis  with  Helen  and  his  treasures,  and  besides 
the  suppliants  also.  When  all  were  carried  up,  Proteus  asked 
Paris  who  he  was,  and  whence  he  had  sailed ;  and  he  gave 
him  an  account  of  his  family,  and  told  him  the  name  of  his 
country,  and  moreover  described  his  voyage,  and  from  whence 
he  had  set  sail.  Then  Proteus  asked  him  whence  he  got 
Helen ;  and  when  Paris  prevaricated  in  his  account,  and  did 
not  speak  the  truth,  they  who  had  become  suppliants  accused 
him,  relating  the  whole  account  of  his  crime.  At  last  Pro- 
teus pronounced  this  judgment,  saying :  "  If  I  did  not  think 
it  of  great  moment  not  to  put  any  stranger  to  death  who, 
being  prevented  by  the  winds  from  pursuing  his  course,  has 
come  to  my  territory,  I  would  take  vengeance  on  you  on 
behalf  of  the  Grecian,  you  basest  of  men,  who,  after  you  had 
met  with  hospitable  treatment,  have  committed  the  most  ne- 
farious deed :  you  seduced  the  wife  of  your  host,  and  this  did 
not  content  you,  but  having  excited  her  passions,  you  have 
taken  her  away  by  stealth.  Nor  even  did  this  content  you, 
but  you  have  also  robbed  the  house  of  your  host,  and  come 
hither  with  the  spoils :  now,  therefore,  since  I  deem  it  of 
great  moment  not  to  put  a  stranger  to  death,  I  will  not  suffer 
you  to  carry  away  this  woman  or  this  treasure,  but  I  will  keep 
them  for  your  Grecian  host  until  he  please  to  come  himself 
and  take  them  away;  as  for  you  and  your  shipmates,  I  bid 
you  depart  out  of  my  territory  to  some  other  within  three 
days ;  if  not,  you  shall  be  treated  as  enemies." 

The  priests  gave  this  account  of  the  arrival  of  Helen  at 
the  court  of  Proteus.  And  Homer  appears  to  me  to  have 
heard  this  relation  ;  but  it  was  not  equally  suited  to  epic  poetry 
as  the  other  which  he  has  made  use  of,  wherefore  he  has  re- 


Ii6-n8]  HELEN    IN   EGYPT  125 

jected  it,  though  he  has  plainly  shown  that  he  was  acquainted 
with  this  account  also.  And  this  is  evident,  since  he  has 
described  in  the  "  Iliad  "  (and  has  nowhere  else  retraced  his 
steps)  the  wanderings  of  Paris,  how,  while  he  was  carrying 
off  Helen,  he  was  driven  out  of  his  course,  and  wandered  to 
other  places,  and  how  he  arrived  at  Sidon  of  Phoenicia :  and 
he  has  mentioned  it  in  the  exploits  of  Diomede,  his  verses 
are  as  follows :  "  Where  were  the  variegated  robes,  works  of 
Sidonian  women,  which  godlike  Paris  himself  brought  from 
Sidon,  sailing  over  the  wide  sea,  along  the  course  by  which 
he  conveyed  high-born  Helen."  x  He  mentions  it  also  in  the 
"  Odyssey,"  in  the  following  lines :  "  Such  well-chosen  drugs 
had  the  daughter  of  Jove,  of  excellent  quality,  which  Poly- 
damna  gave  her,  the  Egyptian  wife  of  Thonis,  where  the 
fruitful  earth  produces  many  drugs,  many  excellent  when 
mixed,  and  many  noxious."  2  Menelaus  also  says  the  follow- 
ing to  Telemachus  :  "  The  gods  detained  me  in  Egypt,  though 
anxious  to  return  hither  because  I  did  not  offer  perfect  heca- 
tombs to  them."  3  He  shows  in  these  verses  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  the  wandering  of  Paris  in  Egypt ;  for  Syria 
borders  on  Egypt ;  and  the  Phoenicians,  to  whom  Sidon  be- 
longs, inhabit  Syria.  From  these  verses,  and  this  first  passage 
especially,  it  is  clear  that  Homer  was  not  the  author  of  the 
Cyprian  verses,  but  some  other  person.  For  in  the  Cyprian 
verses  it  is  said  that  Paris  reached  Ilium  from  Sparta  on  the 
third  day,  when  he  carried  off  Helen,  having  met  with  a 
favourable  wind  and  a  smooth  sea ;  whereas  Homer  in  the 
"  Iliad  "  says  that  he  wandered  far  while  taking  her  with  him. 
And  now  I  take  my  leave  of  Homer  and  the  Cyprian  verses. 

When  I  asked  the  priests  whether  the  Greeks  tell  an  idle 
story  about  the  Trojan  war,  or  not,  they  gave  me  the  follow- 
ing answer,  saying  that  they  knew  it  by  inquiry  from  Mene- 
laus himself:  That  after  the  rape  of  Helen,  a  vast  army  of 
Grecians  came  to  the  land  of  Teucria  to  assist  Menelaus; 
and  that  when  the  army  had  landed  and  pitched  their  camp, 
they  sent  ambassadors  to  Ilium,  and  that  Menelaus  himself 
went  with  them  :  when  they  reached  the  walls,  they  demanded 
the  restitution  of  Helen,  and  the  treasures  that  Paris  had  stolen 
from  him,  and  satisfaction  for  the  injuries  done :  that  the 
Trojans  told  the  same  story  then  and  ever  after,  both  when 
put  to  the  oath  and  when  not  swearing,  that  they  had  neither 
Helen  nor  the  treasures  about  which  they  were  accused,  but 
that  they  were  all  in  Egypt;  and  that  they  could  not  with 
justice  be  answerable  for  what  Proteus,  the  Egyptian  king, 
1  Iliad,  vi:  289.  '  Odyssey,  iv:  227.  3  Odyssey,  iv:  351. 


126  HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE  [118-120 

had  in  his  possession :  but  the  Greeks,  thinking  they  were 
derided  by  them,  therefore  besieged  them  until  they  took  their 
city.  When,  after  they  had  taken  the  fortifications,  Helen 
was  nowhere  found,  but  they  heard  the  same  story  as  be- 
fore, then  they  gave  credit  to  the  first  account,  and  sent  Mene- 
laus  himself  to  Proteus.  When  Menelaus  reached  Egypt, 
he  sailed  up  to  Memphis,  and  related  the  real  truth :  he  both 
met  with  very  hospitable  entertainment,  and  received  back 
Helen  unharmed,  and  in  addition  all  his  treasures.  Menelaus, 
however,  though  he  met  with  this  treatment,  behaved  very 
iniquitously  to  the  Egyptians :  for  when  he  was  desirous  of 
sailing  away,  contrary  winds  detained  him ;  and  when  this 
continued  the  same  for  a  long  time,  he  had  recourse  to  a 
nefarious  expedient;  for  having  taken  two  children  of  the 
people  of  the  country,  he  sacrificed  them  ;  but  afterward,  when 
it  was  discovered  that  he  had  done  this  deed,  he  was  detested 
and  persecuted  by  the  Egyptians,  and  fled  with  his  ships  to 
Libya:  whither  he  bent  his  course  from  thence,  the  Egyp- 
tians were  unable  to  say;  but  of  the  above  particulars  they 
said  they  knew  some  by  inquiry,  and  others,  having  taken 
place  among  themselves,  they  were  able  from  their  own  knowl- 
edge to  speak  of  with  certainty.  These  things  the  priests 
of  the  Egyptians  related ;  and  I  myself  agree  with  the  ac- 
count that  is  given  respecting  Helen,  from  the  following  con- 
siderations :  If  Helen  had  been  in  Ilium,  she  would  have  been 
restored  to  the  Grecians,  whether  Paris  were  willing  or  not. 
For  surely  Priam  could  not  have  been  so  infatuated,  nor  the 
others  his  relatives,  as  to  be  willing  to  expose  their  own  per- 
sons, their  children,  and  the  city  to  danger,  in  order  that 
Paris  might  cohabit  with  Helen.  But  even  if  at  first  they 
had  taken  this  resolution,  yet  seeing  that  many  of  the  other 
Trojans  perished,  whenever  they  engaged  with  the  Greeks, 
and  that  on  every  occasion  when  a  battle  took  place,  two  or 
three  or  even  more  of  Priam's  own  sons  fell,  if  we  may  speak 
on  the  authority  of  the  epic  poets — when  such  things  hap- 
pened, I  think,  that  if  Priam  himself  were  cohabiting  with 
Helen,  he  would  have  restored  her  to  the  Greeks,  in  order  to 
be  delivered  from  such  present  evils.  Neither  would  the  king- 
dom devolve  upon  Paris,  so  that  when  Priam  was  now  old, 
the  administration  of  affairs  should  fall  upon  him ;  but  Hector, 
who  was  both  older  and  more  a  man  than  he  was,  would 
succeed  to  the  throne  on  the  death  of  Priam ;  nor  did  it  be- 
come him  to  give  way  to  his  brother  when  acting  unjustly, 
and  this  too  when  through  his  means  so  many  evils  were  fall- 
ing on  himself,  and  on  all  the  rest  of  the  Trojans.    But  indeed 


I20-I2I]  THE   TROJAN   WAR  1 27 

they  had  it  not  in  their  power  to  restore  Helen,  nor  when  they 
spoke  the  truth,  did  the  Greeks  give  credit  to  them :  provi- 
dence ordaining,  as  I  am  of  opinion,  that  they,  by  utterly 
perishing,  should  make  it  clear  to  all  men  that  for  great  crimes 
great  punishments  at  the  hands  of  the  gods  are  in  store.  Thus 
these  things  have  been  related  as  they  appear  to  me. 

The  priests  also  informed  me  that  Rhampsinitus  succeeded 
Proteus  in  the  kingdom:  he  left  as  a  monument  the  portico 
of  the  Temple  of  Vulcan,  fronting  to  the  west ;  and  he  erected 
two  statues  before  the  portico,  twenty-five  cubits  high.  Of 
these,  the  one  standing  to  the  north  the  Egyptians  call  Sum- 
mer; and  that  to  the  south,  Winter:  and  the  one  that  they 
call  Summer,  they  worship  and  do  honour  to;  but  the  one 
called  Winter,  they  treat  in  a  quite  contrary  way. 

This  king,  they  said,  possessed  a  great  quantity  of  money, 
such  as  no  one  of  the  succeeding  kings  was  able  to  surpass, 
or  even  nearly  come  up  to;  and  he,  wishing  to  treasure  up 
his  wealth  in  safety,  built  a  chamber  of  stone,  of  which  one 
of  the  walls  adjoined  the  outside  of  the  palace.  But  the 
builder,  forming  a  plan  against  it,  devised  the  following  con- 
trivance :  He  fitted  one  of  the  stones  so  that  it  might  be  easily 
taken  out  by  two  men,  or  even  one.  When  the  chamber  was 
finished,  the  king  laid  up  his  treasures  in  it ;  but  in  course  of 
time  the  builder,  finding  his  end  approaching,  called  his  sons 
to  him,  for  he  had  two,  and  described  to  them  how  (pro- 
viding for  them  that  they  might  have  abundant  sustenance) 
he  had  contrived  when  building  the  king's  treasury ;  and  hav- 
ing clearly  explained  to  them  everything  relating  to  the  re- 
moval of  the  stone,  he  gave  them  its  dimensions,  and  told 
them,  if  they  would  observe  his  instructions,  they  would  be 
stewards  of  the  king's  riches.  He  accordingly  died,  and  the 
sons  were  not  long  in  applying  themselves  to  the  work ;  and 
having  come  by  night  to  the  palace,  and  having  found  the 
stone  in  the  building,  they  easily  removed  it,  and  carried  off 
a  great  quantity  of  treasure.  When  the  king  happened  to 
open  the  chamber,  he  was  astonished  at  seeing  the  vessels 
deficient  in  treasure ;  but  he  was  not  able  to  accuse  any  one, 
as  the  seals  were  unbroken,  and  the  chamber  well  secured. 
When,  therefore,  on  his  opening  it  two  or  three  times,  the 
treasures  were  always  evidently  diminished  (for  the  thieves 
did  not  cease  plundering),  he  adopted  the  following  plan :  He 
ordered  traps  to  be  made,  and  placed  them  round  the  vessels 
in  which  the  treasures  were.  And  when  the  thieves  came  as 
before,  and  one  of  them  had  entered,  as  soon  as  he  went  near 
a  vessel  he  was  straightway  caught  in  the  trap;  perceiving, 


128  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [121 

therefore,  in  what  a  predicament  he  was,  he  immediately  called 
to  his  brother,  and  told  him  what  had  happened,  and  bade 
him  enter  as  quick  as  possible,  and  cut  off  his  head,  lest,  if 
he  was  seen  and  recognised,  he  should  ruin  him  also:  the 
other  thought  that  he  spoke  well,  and  did  as  he  was  advised ; 
then,  having  fitted  in  the  stone,  he  returned  home,  taking 
with  him  his  brother's  head.  When  day  came,  the  king,  hav- 
ing entered  the  chamber,  was  astonished  at  seeing  the  body 
of  the  thief  in  the  trap  without  the  head,  but  the  chamber 
secure,  and  without  any  means  of  entrance  or  exit.  In  this 
perplexity  he  contrived  the  following  plan :  he  hung  up  the 
body  of  the  thief  from  the  wall,  and  having  placed  sentinels 
there,  he  ordered  them  to  seize  and  bring  before  him  whom- 
soever they  should  see  weeping  or  expressing  commiseration 
at  the  spectacle.  The  mother  was  greatly  grieved  at  the  body 
being  suspended,  and  coming  to  words  with  her  surviving 
son,  commanded  him,  by  any  means  he  could,  to  contrive 
how  he  might  take  down  and  bring  away  the  corpse  of  his 
brother;  but,  should  he  neglect  to  do  so,  she  threatened  to 
go  to  the  king,  and  inform  him  that  he  had  the  treasures. 
When  the  mother  treated  her  surviving  son  harshly,  and  when 
with  many  entreaties  he  was  unable  to  persuade  her,  he  con- 
trived the  following  plan :  Having  got  some  asses,  and  having 
filled  some  skins  with  wine,  he  put  them  on  the  asses,  and 
then  drove  them  along;  but  when  he  came  near  the  sentinels 
that  guarded  the  suspended  corpse,  having  drawn  out  two 
or  three  of  the  necks  of  the  skins  that  hung  down,  he  loosened 
them ;  and  when  the  wine  ran  out,  he  beat  his  head,  and  cried 
out  aloud,  as  if  he  knew  not  to  which  of  the  asses  he  should 
turn  first :  and  the  sentinels,  when  they  saw  wine  flowing  in 
abundance,  ran  into  the  road,  with  vessels  in  their  hands, 
caught  the  wine  that  was  being  spilt,  thinking  it  all  their  own 
gain ;  but  the  man,  feigning  anger,  railed  bitterly  against  them 
all ;  however,  as  the  sentinels  soothed  him,  he  at  length  pre- 
tended to  be  pacified,  and  to  forego  his  anger;  at  last  he 
drove  his  asses  out  of  the  road,  and  set  them  to  rights  again. 
When  more  conversation  passed,  and  one  of  the  sentinels 
joked  with  him  and  moved  him  to  laughter,  he  gave  them 
another  of  the  skins ;  and  they,  just  as  they  were,  lay  down 
and  set  to  to  drink  and  joined  him  to  their  party,  and  invited 
him  to  stay  and  drink  with  them ;  he  was  persuaded,  forsooth, 
and  remained  with  them ;  and  as  they  treated  him  kindly  dur- 
ing the  drinking,  he  gave  them  another  of  the  skins ;  and 
the  sentinels,  having  taken  very  copious  draughts,  became 
exceedingly  drunk,  and  being  overpowered  by  the  wine,  fell 


121-122]        THE   TREASURE   OF   RHAMPSINITUS  129 

asleep  on  the  spot  where  they  had  been  drinking.  But  he, 
as  the  night  was  far  advanced,  took  down  the  body  of  his 
brother,  and  by  way  of  insult  shaved  the  right  cheeks  of  all 
the  sentinels ;  then  having  laid  the  corpse  on  the  asses,  he 
drove  home,  having  performed  his  mother's  injunctions.  The 
king,  when  he  was  informed  that  the  body  of  the  thief  had 
been  stolen,  was  exceedingly  indignant,  and  resolving  by  any 
means  to  find  out  the  contriver  of  this  artifice,  had  recourse, 
as  it  is  said,  to  the  following  plan,  a  design  which  to  me  seems 
incredible :  He  placed  his  own  daughter  in  a  brothel,  and  or- 
dered her  to  admit  all  alike  to  her  embraces,  but  before  they 
had  intercourse  with  her,  to  compel  each  one  to  tell  her  what 
he  had  done  during  his  life  most  clever  and  most  wicked, 
and  whosoever  should  tell  her  the  facts  relating  to  the  thief, 
she  was  to  seize,  and  not  suffer  him  to  escape.  When,  there- 
fore, the  daughter  did  what  her  father  commanded,  the  thief, 
having  ascertained  for  what  purpose  this  contrivance  was  had 
recourse  to,  and  being  desirous  to  outdo  the  king  in  crafti- 
ness, did  as  follows :  Having  cut  off  the  arm  of  a  fresh  corpse 
at  the  shoulder,  he  took  it  with  him  under  his  cloak,  and  hav- 
ing gone  in  to  the  king's  daughter,  and  being  asked  the  same 
questions  as  all  the  rest  were,  he  related  that  he  had  done 
the  most  wicked  thing  when  he  cut  off  his  brother's  head 
who  was  caught  in  a  trap  in  the  king's  treasury;  and  the 
most  clever  thing  when,  having  made  the  sentinels  drunk,  he 
took  away  the  corpse  of  his  brother  that  was  hung  up :  she, 
when  she  heard  this,  endeavoured  to  seize  him,  but  the  thief 
in  the  dark  held  out  to  her  the  dead  man's  arm,  and  she  seized 
it  and  held  it  fast,  imagining  that  she  had  got  hold  of  the 
man's  own  arm ;  then  the  thief,  having  let  it  go,  made  his 
escape  through  the  door.  When  this  also  was  reported  to 
the  king,  he  was  astonished  at  the  shrewdness  and  daring  of 
the  man ;  and  at  last,  sending  throughout  all  the  cities,  he 
caused  a  proclamation  to  be  made,  offering  a  free  pardon, 
and  promising  great  reward  to  the  man,  if  he  would  discover 
himself.  The  thief,  relying  on  this  promise,  went  to  the  king's 
palace ;  and  Rhampsinitus  greatly  admired  him  and  gave  him 
his  daughter  in  marriage,  accounting  him  the  most  knowing 
of  all  men ;  for  that  the  Egyptians  are  superior  to  all  others, 
but  he  was  superior  to  the  Egyptians. 

After  this,  they  said  that  this  king  descended  alive  into 
the  place  which  the  Greeks  call  Hades,  and  there  played  at 
dice  with  Ceres,  and  sometimes  won,  and  other  times  lost; 
and  that  he  came  up  again  and  brought  with  him  as  a  pres- 
ent from  her  a  napkin  of  gold.  On  account  of  the  descent  of 
9 


130  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [122-124 

Rhampsinitus,  since  he  came  back  again  they  said  that  the 
Egyptians  celebrated  a  festival :  this  I  know  they  observed 
even  in  my  time;  but  whether  they  held  this  feast  for  some 
other  reason,  or  for  that  above  mentioned,  I  am  unable  to 
say.  However,  on  that  same  day,  the  priests,  having  woven 
a  cloak,  bind  the  eyes  of  one  of  their  number  with  a  scarf,  and 
having  conducted  him  with  the  cloak  on  him  to  the  way  that 
leads  to  the  Temple  of  Ceres,  they  then  return:  upon  which 
they  say,  this  priest  with  his  eyes  bound  is  led  by  two  wolves 
to  the  Temple  of  Ceres,  twenty  stades  distant  from  the  city, 
and  afterward  the  wolves  lead  him  back  to  the  same  place. 
Any  person  to  whom  such  things  appear  credible  may  adopt 
the  accounts  given  by  the  Egyptians;  it  is  my  object,  how- 
ever, throughout  the  whole  history,  to  write  what  I  hear  from 
each  people.  The  Egyptians  say  that  Ceres  and  Bacchus 
hold  the  chief  sway  in  the  infernal  regions ;  and  the  Egyp- 
tians also  were  the  first  who  asserted  the  doctrine  that  the 
soul  of  man  is  immortal,  and  that  when  the  body  perishes  it 
enters  into  some  other  animal,  constantly  springing  into  ex- 
istence; and  when  it  has  passed  through  the  different  kinds 
of  terrestrial,  marine,  and  aerial  beings,  it  again  enters  into 
the  body  of  a  man  that  is  born ;  and  that  this  revolution  is 
made  in  three  thousand  years.  Some  of  the  Greeks  have 
adopted  this  opinion,  some  earlier,  others  later,  as  if  it  were 
their  own ;  but  although  I  knew  their  names  I  do  not  men- 
tion them. 

Now,  they  told  me  that  in  the  reign  of  Rhampsinitus  there 
was  a  perfect  distribution  of  justice,  and  that  all  Egypt  was  in 
a  high  state  of  prosperity;  but  that  after  him  Cheops,  com- 
ing to  reign  over  them,  plunged  into  every  kind  of  wicked- 
ness. For  that,  having  shut  up  all  the  temples,  he  first  of  all 
forbade  them  to  offer  sacrifice,  and  afterward  he  ordered  all 
the  Egyptians  to  work  for  himself;  some,  accordingly,  were 
appointed  to  draw  stones  from  the  quarries  in  the  Arabian 
mountain  down  to  the  Nile,  others  he  ordered  to  receive  the 
stones  when  transported  in  vessels  across  the  river,  and  to 
drag  them  to  the  mountain  called  the  Libyan.  And  they 
worked  to  the  number  of  a  hundred  thousand  men  at  a  time, 
each  party  during  three  months.  The  time  during  which 
the  people  were  thus  harassed  by  toil  lasted  ten  years  on  the 
road  which  they  constructed,  along  which  they  drew  the 
stones,  a  work,  in  my  opinion,  not  much  less  than  the  pyra- 
mid :  for  its  length  is  five  stades,  and  its  width  ten  orgyse,  and 
its  height,  where  it  is  the  highest,  eight  orgyse;  and  it  is  of 
polished  stone,  with  figures  carved  on  it:  on  this  road  then 


■ 

BUILDING    THE  PYRAMIDS. 

Photogravure  from  a  painting  bv  Gustavc  Richter. 


130 


"US- 


npsinitus,  since  he  came 

uted  a  ?• 
even  in  my  time ;  bu 
other  reason,  or  for 

wever,  01  t   ■ . 


east  for 


n  enters 
revoluti< 
the  Greeks  I 

ater,  as  if  it 
do  not  n 


anfi 


^re  ti 
stones,  s 

stone,  w: 


-;.  an 
on  this  1 


124-127]  BUILDING   THE   PYRAMIDS  131 

ten  years  were  expended,  and  in  forming  the  subterranean 
apartments  on  the  hill,  on  which  the  pyramids  stand,  which 
he  had  made  as  a  burial  vault  for  himself,  in  an  island,  formed 
by  draining  a  canal  from  the  Nile.  Twenty  years  were  spent 
in  erecting  the  pyramid  itself:  of  this,  which  is  square,  each 
face  is  eight  plethra,  and  the  height  is  the  same;  it  is  com- 
posed of  polished  stones,  and  jointed  with  the  greatest  exact- 
ness ;  none  of  the  stones  are  less  than  thirty  feet.  This  pyra- 
mid was  built  thus :  in  the  form  of  steps,  which  some  call 
crossse,  others  bomides.  When  they  had  first  built  it  in  this 
manner,  they  raised  the  remaining  stones  by  machines  made 
of  short  pieces  of  wood :  having  lifted  them  from  the  ground 
to  the  first  range  of  steps,  when  the  stone  arrived  there,  it 
was  put  on  another  machine  that  stood  ready  on  the  first 
range ;  and  from  this  it  was  drawn  to  the  second  range  on  an- 
other machine ;  for  the  machines  were  equal  in  number  to  the 
ranges  of  steps ;  or  they  removed  the  machine,  which  was 
only  one,  and  portable,  to  each  range  in  succession,  when- 
ever they  wished  to  raise  the  stone  higher ;  for  I  should  relate 
it  in  both  ways,  as  it  is  related.  The  highest  parts  of  it,  there- 
fore, were  first  finished,  and  afterward  they  completed  the 
parts  next  following;  but  last  of  all  they  finished  the  parts 
on  the  ground,  and  that  were  lowest.  On  the  pyramid  is 
shown  an  inscription,  in  Egyptian  characters,  how  much  was 
expended  in  radishes,  onions,  and  garlics  for  the  workmen; 
which  the  interpreter,  as  I  well  remember,  reading  the  in- 
scription, told  me  amounted  to  one  thousand  six  hundred  tal- 
ents of  silver.  And  if  this  be  really  the  case,  how  much  more 
was  probably  expended  in  iron  tools,  in  bread,  and  in  clothes 
for  the  labourers,  since  they  occupied  in  building  the  works 
the  time  which  I  mentioned,  and  no  short  time  besides,  as  I 
think,  in  cutting  and  drawing  the  stones,  and  in  forming  the 
subterranean  excavations !  It  is  related  that  Cheops  reached 
such  a  degree  of  infamy  that,  being  in  want  of  money,  he 
prostituted  his  own  daughter  in  a  brothel,  and  ordered  her 
to  extort,  they  did  not  say  how  much ;  but  she  exacted  a  cer- 
tain sum  of  money,  privately,  as  much  as  her  father  ordered 
her;  and  she  contrived  to  leave  a  monument  of  herself,  and 
asked  every  one  that  came  in  to  her  to  give  her  a  stone  to- 
ward the  edifice  she  designed :  of  these  stones  they  said  the 
pyramid  was  built  that  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  three,  be- 
fore the  great  pyramid,  each  side  of  which  is  a  plethron  and 
a  half  in  length.  The  Egyptians  say  that  this  Cheops  reigned 
fifty  years ;  and  when  he  died,  his  brother  Chephren  suc- 
ceeded to  the  kingdom ;  and  he  followed  the  same  practices  as 


132  HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,  EUTERPE  [127-131 

the  other,  both  in  other  respects,  and  in  building  a  pyramid ; 
which  does  not  come  up  to  the  dimensions  of  his  brother's, 
for  I  myself  measured  them;  nor  has  it  subterranean  cham- 
bers; nor  does  a  channel  from  the  Nile  flow  to  it,  as  to  the 
other;  but  this  flows  through  an  artificial  aqueduct  round  an 
island  within,  in  which  they  say  the  body  of  Cheops  is  laid. 
Having  laid  the  first  course  of  variegated  Ethiopian  stones, 
less  in  height  than  the  other  by  forty  feet,  he  built  it  near  the 
large  pyramid.  They  both  stand  on  the  same  hill,  which  is 
about  a  hundred  feet  high.  Chephren,  they  said,  reigned  fifty- 
six  years.  Thus  one  hundred  and  six  years  are  reckoned, 
during  which  the  Egyptians  suffered  all  kinds  of  calamities, 
and  for  this  length  of  time  the  temples  were  closed  and  never 
opened.  From  the  hatred  they  bear  them,  the  Egyptians  are 
not  very  willing  to  mention  their  names;  but  call  the  pyra- 
mids after  Philition,  a  shepherd,  who  at  that  time  kept  his 
cattle  in  those  parts. 

They  said  that  after  him,  Mycerinus,  son  of  Cheops, 
reigned  over  Egypt;  that  the  conduct  of  his  father  was  dis- 
pleasing to  him;  and  that  he  opened  the  temples,  and  per- 
mitted the  people,  who  were  worn  down  to  the  last  extremity, 
to  return  to  their  employments,  and  to  sacrifices ;  and  that  he 
made  the  most  just  decisions  of  all  their  kings.  On  this  account, 
of  all  the  kings  that  ever  reigned  in  Egypt,  they  praise  him 
most,  for  he  both  judged  well  in  other  respects,  and  more- 
over, when  any  man  complained  of  his  decision,  he  used  to 
make  him  some  present  out  of  his  own  treasury  and  pacify 
his  anger.  To  this  Mycerinus,  who  was  thus  beneficent  to- 
ward his  subjects,  and  who  followed  these  practices,  the  first 
beginning  of  misfortunes  was  the  death  of  his  daughter,  who 
was  his  only  child:  whereupon  he,  being  extremely  afflicted 
with  the  calamity  that  had  befallen  him,  and  wishing  to  bury 
her  in  a  more  costly  manner  than  usual,  caused  a  hollow 
wooden  image  of  a  cow  to  be  made,  and  then,  having  covered 
it  with  gold,  he  put  the  body  of  his  deceased  daughter  into  it. 
This  cow  was  not  interred  in  the  ground,  but  even  in  my  time 
was  exposed  to  view,  being  in  the  city  of  Sais,  placed  in  the 
royal  palace,  in  a  richly  furnished  chamber;  and  they  burn 
near  it  all  kinds  of  aromatics  every  day,  and  a  lamp  is  kept 
burning  by  it  throughout  each  night.  In  another  chamber 
near  to  this  cow  are  placed  the  images  of  Mycerinus's  concu- 
bines, as  the  priests  of  Sais  affirmed ;  and  indeed  wooden  stat- 
ues, about  twenty  in  number,  all  formed  naked,  are  placed 
there ;  however,  as  to  who  they  are,  I  am  unable  to  say,  ex- 
cept what  was  told  me.    Some  people  give  the  following  ac- 


131-134]  MYCERINUS  133 

count  of  this  cow  and  these  statues:  That  Mycerinus  fell  in 
love  with  his  own  daughter,  and  had  intercourse  with  her 
against  her  will ;  but  afterward,  they  say,  the  girl  strangled 
herself  through  grief,  and  he  entombed  her  in  this  cow;  but 
her  mother  cut  off  the  hands  of  the  servants  who  had  be- 
trayed her  daughter  to  the  father ;  and  now  their  images  have 
suffered  the  same  that  they  did  when  alive.  But  these  things, 
as  I  conjecture,  are  trifling  fables,  both  in  other  respects  and 
in  what  relates  to  the  hands  of  the  statues,  for  I  myself  saw 
that  they  had  lost  their  hands  from  age,  which  were  seen 
lying  at  their  feet  even  in  my  time.  The  cow  is  in  other  parts 
covered  with  a  purple  cloth,  but  shows  the  head  and  the  neck, 
covered  over  with  very  thick  gold;  and  the  orb  of  the  sun 
imitated  in  gold  is  placed  between  the  horns.  The  cow  is  not 
standing  up,  but  kneeling ;  in  size  it  is  equal  to  a  large  living 
cow.  It  is  carried  every  year  out  of  the  chamber.  When 
the  Egyptians  beat  themselves  for  the  god  that  is  not  to  be 
named  by  me  on  this  occasion,  they  then  carry  out  the  cow 
to  the  light ;  for  they  say  that  she,  when  she  was  dying,  en- 
treated her  father  Mycerinus  to  permit  her  to  see  the  sun  once 
every  year.  After  the  loss  of  his  daughter,  this  second  calam- 
ity befell  this  king:  An  oracle  reached  him  from  the  city  of 
Buto,  importing  that  he  had  no  more  than  six  years  to  live, 
and  should  die  in  the  seventh:  but  he,  thinking  this  very 
hard,  sent  a  reproachful  message  to  the  god,  complaining 
that  his  father  and  uncle,  who  had  shut  up  the  temples,  and 
paid  no  regard  to  the  gods,  and  moreover  had  oppressed 
men,  had  lived  long;  whereas  he  who  was  religious  must  die 
so  soon.  But  a  second  message  came  to  him  from  the  oracle, 
stating  that  for  this  very  reason  his  life  was  shortened,  be- 
cause he  had  not  done  what  he  ought  to  have  done;  for  it 
was  needful  that  Egypt  should  be  afflicted  during  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years ;  and  the  two  who  were  kings  before  him 
understood  this,  but  he  did  not.  When  Mycerinus  heard 
this,  seeing  that  this  sentence  was  now  pronounced  against 
him,  he  ordered  a  great  number  of  lamps  to  be  made,  and 
having  lighted  them,  whenever  night  came  on,  he  drank  and 
enjoyed  himself,  never  ceasing  night  or  day,  roving  about  the 
marshes  and  groves,  wherever  he  could  hear  of  places  most 
suited  for  pleasure :  and  he  had  recourse  to  this  artifice  for  the 
purpose  of  convicting  the  oracle  of  falsehood,  that  by  turning 
the  nights  into  days,  he  might  have  twelve  years  instead 
of  six. 

This  king  also  left  a  pyramid  much  less  than  that  of  his 
father,  being  on  each  side  twenty  feet  short  of  three  plethra; 


134  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [134-136 

it  is  quadrangular,  and  built  half-way  up  of  Ethiopian  stone. 
Some  of  the  Grecians  erroneously  say  that  this  pyramid  is  the 
work  of  the  courtesan  Rhodopis ;  but  they  evidently  appear 
to  me  ignorant  who  Rhodopis  was ;  for  they  would  not  else 
have  attributed  to  her  the  building  such  a  pyramid,  on  which, 
so  to  speak,  numberless  thousands  of  talents  were  expended; 
besides,  Rhodopis  flourished  in  the  reign  of  Amasis,  and  not  at 
this  time ;  for  she  was  very  many  years  later  than  those  kings 
who  left  these  pyramids.  By  birth  she  was  a  Thracian,  serv- 
ant to  Iadmon,  son  of  Hephaestopolis,  a  Samian,  and  fellow- 
servant  with  ^Esop,  the  writer  of  fables,  for  he  too  belonged 
to  Iadmon,  as  is  clearly  proved  by  this  circumstance:  When 
the  Delphians  frequently  made  proclamation,  in  obedience  to 
the  oracle,  for  any  one  who  would  require  satisfaction  for 
the  death  of  .<Esop,  no  one  else  appeared,  but  another  Iad- 
mon, the  grandson  of  this  Iadmon,  required  it;  thus  ^Esop 
must  have  belonged  to  Iadmon.  Rhodopis  came  to  Egypt, 
under  the  conduct  of  Xanthus  the  Samian ;  and  having  come 
to  gain  money  by  her  person,  she  was  ransomed  for  a  large 
sum  by  Charaxus  of  Mitylene,  son  to  Scamandronymus,  and 
brother  of  Sappho  the  poetess.  Thus  Rhodopis  was  made 
free,  and  continued  in  Egypt,  and  being  very  lovely,  acquired 
great  riches  for  a  person  of  her  condition,  though  no  way 
sufficient  to  erect  such  a  pyramid.  For  as  any  one  who  wishes 
may  to  this  day  see  the  tenth  of  her  wealth,  there  is  no  need 
to  attribute  any  great  wealth  to  her.  For  Rhodopis  was  de- 
sirous of  leaving  a  monument  to  herself  in  Greece,  and,  hav- 
ing had  such  a  work  made  as  no  one  ever  yet  devised  and 
dedicated  in  a  temple,  to  offer  it  at  Delphi  as  a  memorial  of 
herself:  having  therefore  made  from  the  tenth  of  her  wealth 
a  great  number  of  iron  spits  for  roasting  oxen,  as  far  as  the 
tenth  allowed,  she  sent  them  to  Delphi ;  which  are  still  piled 
up  behind  the  altar,  which  the  Chians  dedicated  opposite  the 
temple  itself.  The  courtesans  of  Naucratis  are  generally  very 
lovely ;  for  in  the  first  place  this  one,  of  whom  this  account  is 
given,  became  so  famous  that  all  the  Greeks  became  familiar 
with  the  name  of  Rhodopis;  and  in  the  next  place,  after 
her,  another,  whose  name  was  Archidice,  became  celebrated 
throughout  Greece,  though  less  talked  about  than  the  former. 
As  for  Charaxus,  when,  having  ransomed  Rhodopis,  he  re- 
turned to  Mitylene,  Sappho  gibed  him  very  much  in  an  ode. 
Now  I  have  done  speaking  of  Rhodopis. 

After  Mycerinus,  the  priests  said  that  Asychis  became 
King  of  Egypt,  and  that  he  built  the  eastern  portico  to  the 
Temple  of  Vulcan,  which  is  by  far  the  most  beautiful  and  the 


136-138]  THE   TEMPLE   OF   BUBASTIS  135 

largest:  for  all  the  porticoes  have  sculptured  figures,  and  an 
infinite  variety  of  architecture,  but  this  most  of  all.  They 
related  that  during  his  reign,  there  being  a  great  want  of  cir- 
culation of  money,  a  law  was  made  by  the  Egyptians  that  a 
man,  by  giving  the  dead  body  of  his  father  in  pledge,  might 
borrow  money;  and  it  was  also  added  to  this  law  that  the 
lender  should  have  power  over  the  whole  sepulchre  of  the  bor- 
rower ;  and  that  on  any  one  who  gave  this  pledge  the  follow- 
ing punishment  should  be  inflicted :  if  he  afterward  refused  to 
repay  the  debt,  that  neither  he  himself,  when  he  died,  should 
be  buried  in  his  family  sepulchre,  or  in  any  other,  nor  have 
the  liberty  of  burying  any  other  of  his  own  dead.  This  king 
being  desirous  of  surpassing  his  predecessors  who  were  Kings 
of  Egypt,  left  a  pyramid,  as  a  memorial,  made  of  bricks ;  on 
which  is  an  inscription  carved  on  stone,  in  the  following 
words :  "  Do  not  despise  me  in  comparison  with  the  pyramids 
of  stone,  for  I  excel  them  as  much  as  Jupiter  the  other  gods. 
For  by  plunging  a  pole  into  a  lake,  and  collecting  the  mire 
that  stuck  to  the  pole,  men  made  bricks,  and  in  this  manner 
built  me."    Such  were  the  works  that  this  king  performed. 

After  him,  there  reigned  a  blind  man  of  the  city  of  Anysis, 
whose  name  was  Anysis.  During  his  reign  the  Ethiopians, 
and  Sabacon,  King  of  the  Ethiopians,  invaded  Egypt  with  a 
large  force ;  whereupon  this  blind  king  fled  to  the  fens ;  and 
the  Ethiopian  reigned  over  Egypt  for  fifty  years,  during  which 
time  he  performed  the  following  actions :  When  any  Egyptian 
committed  any  crime,  he  would  not  have  any  of  them  put  to 
death,  but  passed  sentence  upon  each  according  to  the  magni- 
tude of  his  offence,  enjoining  them  to  heap  up  mounds  against 
their  own  city  to  which  each  of  the  offenders  belonged :  and 
by  this  means  the  cities  were  made  much  higher;  for  first 
of  all  they  had  been  raised  by  those  who  dug  the  canals  in 
the  time  of  King  Sesostris,  and,  secondly,  under  the  Ethiopian 
they  were  made  very  high.  Although  other  cities  in  Egypt 
were  carried  to  a  great  height,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest 
mounds  were  thrown  up  about  the  city  of  Bubastis,  in  which 
is  a  Temple  of  Bubastis  well  worthy  of  mention;  for  though 
other  temples  may  be  larger  and  more  costly,  yet  none  is  more 
pleasing  to  look  at  than  this.  Bubastis,  in  the  Grecian  lan- 
guage, answers  to  Diana.  Her  sacred  precinct  is  thus  situ- 
ated :  All  except  the  entrance  is  an  island ;  for  two  canals 
from  the  Nile  extend  to  it,  not  mingling  with  each  other,  but 
each  reaches  as  far  as  the  entrance  of  the  precinct,  one  flow- 
ing round  it  on  one  side,  the  other  on  the  other.  Each  is  a 
hundred  feet  broad,  and  shaded  with  trees.     The  portico  is 


136  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,  EUTERPE  [138-141 

ten  orgyae  in  height,  and  is  adorned  with  figures  six  cubits 
high,  that  are  deserving  of  notice.  This  precinct,  being  in 
the  middle  of  the  city,  is  visible  on  every  side  to  a  person 
going  round  it :  for  as  the  city  has  been  mounded  up  to  a  con- 
siderable height,  but  the  temple  has  not  been  moved,  it  is 
conspicuous  as  it  was  originally  built.  A  wall  sculptured  with 
figures  runs  round  it ;  and  within  is  a  grove  of  lofty  trees, 
planted  around  a  large  temple  in  which  the  image  is  placed. 
The  width  and  length  of  the  precinct  is  each  way  a  stade. 
Along  the  entrance  is  a  road  paved  with  stone,  about  three 
stades  in  length,  leading  through  the  square  eastward;  and 
in  width  it  is  about  four  plethra:  on  each  side  of  the  road 
grow  trees  of  enormous  height:  it  leads  to  the  Temple  of 
Mercury.  Such,  then,  is  the  situation  of  this  precinct.  They 
related  that  the  final  departure  of  the  Ethiopian  occurred  in 
the  following  manner:  That  he,  having  seen  a  vision  of  the 
following  kind  in  his  sleep,  fled  away :  it  appeared  to  him  that 
a  man,  standing  by  him,  advised  him  to  assemble  all  the  priests 
in  Egypt,  and  to  cut  them  in  two  down  the  middle;  but  he, 
having  seen  this  vision,  said  that  he  thought  the  gods  held 
out  this  as  a  pretext  to  him,  in  order  that  he,  having  been 
guilty  of  impiety  in  reference  to  sacred  things,  might  draw 
down  some  evil  on  himself  from  gods  or  from  men ;  he  would 
not  therefore  do  so ;  but  as  the  time  was  expired  during  which 
it  was  foretold  that  he  should  reign  over  Egypt,  he  would 
depart  from  the  country;  for  while  he  was  yet  in  Ethiopia, 
the  oracles  which  the  Ethiopians  have  recourse  to  answered 
that  he  was  fated  to  reign  over  Egypt  fifty  years.  Since,  then, 
this  period  had  elapsed,  and  the  vision  of  the  dream  troubled 
him,  Sabacon,  of  his  own  accord,  withdrew  from  Egypt. 
When,  therefore,  the  Ethiopian  departed  from  Egypt,  the 
blind  king  resumed  the  government,  having  returned  from 
the  fens,  where  he  had  lived  fifty  years,  having  formed  an 
island  of  ashes  and  earth.  For  when  any  of  the  Egyptians 
came  to  him  bringing  provisions,  as  they  were  severally  or- 
dered unknown  to  the  Ethiopian,  he  bade  them  bring  some 
ashes  also  as  a  present.  No  one  before  Amyrtaeus  was  able 
to  discover  this  island;  but  for  more  than  seven  hundred 
years  the  kings  who  preceded  Amyrtaeus  were  unable  to  find 
it  out :  the  name  of  this  island  was  Elbo ;  its  size  is  about  ten 
stades  in  each  direction. 

After  him  reigned  the  priest  of  Vulcan,  whose  name  was 
Sethon :  he  held  in  no  account  and  despised  the  military  caste 
of  the  Egyptians,  as  not  having  need  of  their  services ;  and 
accordingly,   among   other   indignities,   he   took   away   their 


141-143]  THE   KINGS   OF   EGYPT  1 37 

lands ;  to  each  of  whom,  under  former  kings,  twelve  chosen 
acres  had  been  assigned.  After  this,  Sennacherib,  King  of  the 
Arabians  and  Assyrians,  marched  a  large  army  against  Egypt, 
whereupon  the  Egyptian  warriors  refused  to  assist  him;  and 
the  priest,  being  reduced  to  a  strait,  entered  the  temple,  and 
bewailed  before  the  image  the  calamities  he  was  in  danger 
of  suffering.  While  he  was  lamenting,  sleep  fell  upon  him, 
and  it  appeared  to  him  in  a  vision  that  the  god  stood  by  and 
encouraged  him,  assuring  him  that  he  should  suffer  nothing 
disagreeable  in  meeting  the  Arabian  army,  for  he  would  him- 
self send  assistants  to  him.  Confiding  in  this  vision,  he  took 
with  him  such  of  the  Egyptians  as  were  willing  to  follow  him, 
and  encamped  in  Pelusium,  for  here  the  entrance  into  Egypt 
is;  but  none  of  the  military  caste  followed  him,  but  trades- 
men, mechanics,  and  sutlers.  When  they  arrived  there,  a 
number  of  field-mice,  pouring  in  upon  their  enemies,  devoured 
their  quivers  and  their  bows,  and  moreover,  the  handles  of 
their  shields ;  so  that  on  the  next  day,  when  they  fled  bereft 
of  their  arms,  many  of  them  fell.  And  to  this  day  a  stone 
statue  of  this  king  stands  in  the  Temple  of  Vulcan,  with  a 
mouse  in  his  hand,  and  an  inscription  to  the  following  effect : 
"  Whoever  looks  on  me,  let  him  revere  the  gods." 

Thus  much  of  the  account  the  Egyptians  and  the  priests 
related,  showing  that  from  the  first  king  to  this  priest  of  Vul- 
can who  last  reigned,  were  three  hundred  forty  and  one  gen- 
erations of  men ;  and  during  these  generations,  there  were 
the  same  number  of  chief  priests  and  kings.  Now,  three  hun- 
dred generations  are  equal  to  ten  thousand  years,  for  three 
generations  of  men  are  one  hundred  years :  and  the  forty-one 
remaining  generations  that  were  over  the  three  hundred  make 
one  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty  years.  Thus,  they  said, 
in  eleven  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty  years  no  god  had 
assumed  the  form  of  a  man ;  neither,  they  said,  had  any  such 
thing  happened  before,  or  afterward,  in  the  time  of  the  re- 
maining Kings  of  Egypt.  During  this  time  they  related  that 
the  sun  had  four  times  risen  out  of  his  usual  quarter,  and  that 
he  had  twice  risen  where  he  now  sets,  and  twice  set  where 
he  now  rises ;  yet,  that  no  change  in  the  things  in  Egypt  was 
occasioned  by  this,  either  with  regard  to  the  productions  of 
the  earth  or  the  river,  or  with  regard  to  diseases,  or  with  re- 
spect to  deaths.  In  former  time  the  priests  of  Jupiter  did  to 
Hecataeus  the  historian,  when  he  was  tracing  his  own  gene- 
alogy, and  connecting  his  family  with  a  god  in  the  sixteenth 
degree,  the  same  as  they  did  to  me,  though  I  did  not  trace 
my  genealogy.    Conducting  me  into  the  interior  of  an  edifice 


1 38  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [143-146 

that  was  spacious,  and  showing  me  wooden  colossuses  to  the 
number  I  have  mentioned,  they  reckoned  them  up ;  for  every 
'  high  priest  places  an  image  of  himself  there  during  his  life- 
time; the  priests,  therefore,  reckoning  them  and  showing 
them  to  me,  pointed  out  that  each  was  the  son  of  his  own 
father;  going  through  them  all,  from  the  image  of  him  that 
died  last,  until  they  had  pointed  them  all  out.  But  when 
Hecatseus  traced  his  own  genealogy,  and  connected  himself 
with  a  god  in  the  sixteenth  degree,  they  controverted  his  gene- 
alogy by  computation,  not  admitting  that  a  man  could  be 
born  from  a  god ;  and  they  thus  controverted  his  genealogy, 
saying  that  each  of  the  colossuses  was  a  Piromis,  sprung  from 
a  Piromis  ;  until  they  pointed  out  the  three  hundred  and  forty- 
five  colossuses,  each  a  Piromis  sprung  from  a  Piromis,  and 
they  did  not  connect  them  with  any  god  or  hero.  Piromis 
means,  in  the  Grecian  language,  "  a  noble  and  good  man." 
Y  They  pointed  out  to  me,  therefore,  that  all  those  of  whom 
there  were  images  were  of  that  character,  but  were  very  far 
from  being  gods ;  that,  indeed,  before  the  time  of  these  men 
gods  had  been  the  rulers  of  Egypt,  and  had  dwelt  among 
men;  and  that  one  of  them  always  had  the  supreme  power, 
and  that  Orus,  the  son  of  Osiris,  whom  the  Greeks  call  Apollo, 
was  the  last  who  reigned  over  it ;  he,  having  deposed  Typhon, 
was  the  last  who  reigned  over  Egypt.  Now,  Osiris  in  the 
Grecian  language  means  Bacchus. 

Among  the  Greeks,  the  most  recent  of  the  gods  are 
thought  to  be  Hercules,  Bacchus,  and  Pan ;  but  by  the  Egyp- 
tians Pan  is  esteemed  the  most  ancient,  and  one  of  the  eight 
gods  called  original ;  but  Hercules  is  among  the  second, 
among  those  called  the  twelve;  and  Bacchus  is  of  the  third, 
who  were  sprung  from  the  twelve  gods.  I  have  already  de- 
clared how  many  years  the  Egyptians  say  there  were  from 
Hercules  to  the  reign  of  Amasis ;  but  from  Pan  a  still  greater 
number  of  years  are  said  to  have  intervened,  and  from  Bacchus 
fewest  of  all ;  and  from  him  there  are  computed  to  have  been 
fifteen  thousand  years  to  the  reign  of  Amasis.  The  Egyptians 
say  they  know  these  things  with  accuracy,  because  they  always 
compute  and  register  the  years.  Now  from  Bacchus,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  born  of  Semele,  the  daughter  of  Cadmus, 
to  my  time,  is  about  sixteen  hundred  years,  and  from  Her- 
cules, the  son  of  Alcmena,  about  nine  hundred  years ;  but 
from  Pan,  born  of  Penelope  (for  Pan  is  said  by  the  Greeks 
to  have  sprung  from  her  and  Mercury),  is  a  less  number  of 
years  than  from  the  siege  of  Troy,  about  eight  hundred,  to 
my  time.     Of  these  two  accounts,  each  person  may  adopt 


146-148]  THE   TWELVE   KINGS  1 39 

that  which  he  thinks  most  credible ;  I  have  therefore  declared 
my  own  opinion  respecting  them.  For  if  these  deities  had 
been  well  known,  and  had  grown  old  in  Greece,  as  Hercules, 
who  was  sprung  from  Amphitryon,  and  especially  Bacchus, 
the  son  of  Semele,  and  Pan,  who  was  borne  by  Penelope,  some 
one  might  say  that  these  later  ones,  though  mere  men,  bore 
the  names  of  the  gods  who  were  long  before  them.  Now, 
the  Greeks  say  of  Bacchus  that  Jupiter  sewed  him  into  his 
thigh  as  soon  as  he  was  born,  and  carried  him  to  Nyssa, 
which  is  above  Egypt  in  Ethiopia ;  and  concerning  Pan,  they 
are  unable  to  say  whither  he  was  taken  at  his  birth.  It  is 
evident  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  Grecians  learned  their  names 
later  than  those  of  the  other  gods ;  and  from  the  time  when 
they  learned  them  they  trace  their  origin,  therefore  they  as- 
cribe their  generation  to  that  time,  and  not  higher.  These 
things  then  the  Egyptians  themselves  relate. 

What  things  both  other  men  and  the  Egyptians  agree  in 
saying  occurred  in  this  country,  I  shall  now  proceed  to  relate 
and  shall  add  to  them  some  things  of  my  own  observation. 
The  Egyptians  having  become  free,  after  the  reign  of  the 
priest  of  Vulcan,  for  they  were  at  no  time  able  to  live  without 
a  king,  established  twelve  kings,  having  divided  all  Egypt 
into  twelve  parts.  These  having  contracted  intermarriages, 
reigned,  adopting  the  following  regulations :  That  they  would 
not  attempt  the  subversion  of  one  another,  nor  one  seek  to 
acquire  more  than  another,  and  that  they  should  maintain  the 
strictest  friendship.  They  made  these  regulations  and  strictly 
upheld  them,  for  the  following  reasons :  It  had  been  foretold 
them  by  an  oracle  when  they  first  assumed  the  government, 
that  whoever  among  them  should  offer  a  libation  in  the 
Temple  of  Vulcan  from  a  brazen  bowl  should  be  King  of  all 
Egypt;  for  they  used  to  assemble  in  all  the  temples.  Now, 
they  determined  to  leave  in  common  a  memorial  of  them- 
selves ;  and  having  so  determined,  they  built  a  labyrinth  a 
little  above  the  lake  of  Mceris,  situated  near  that  called  the 
city  of  Crocodiles;  this  I  have  myself  seen,  and  found  it 
greater  than  can  be  described.  For  if  any  one  should  reckon 
up  the  buildings  and  public  works  of  the  Grecians,  they  would 
be  found  to  have  cost  less  labour  and  expense  than  this  laby- 
rinth ;  though  the  temple  in  Ephesus  is  deserving  of  mention, 
and  also  that  in  Samos.  The  pyramids  likewise  were  beyond 
description,  and  each  of  them  comparable  to  many  of  the 
great  Grecian  structures.  Yet  the  labyrinth  surpasses  even 
the  pyramids.  For  it  has  twelve  courts  inclosed  with  walls, 
with  doors  opposite  each  other,  six  facing  the  north,  and  six 


I40  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [148-150 

the  south,  contiguous  to  one  another;  and  the  same  exte- 
rior wall  incloses  them.  It  contains  two  kinds  of  rooms, 
some  under  ground  and  some  above  ground  over  them,  to 
the  number  of  three  thousand,  fifteen  hundred  of  each.  The 
rooms  above  ground  I  myself  went  through  and  saw,  and 
relate  from  personal  inspection.  But  the  underground  rooms 
I  only  know  from  report ;  for  the  Egyptians  who  have  charge 
of  the  building  would,  on  no  account,  show  me  them,  saying 
that  there  were  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  who  originally 
built  this  labyrinth,  and  of  the  sacred  crocodiles.  I  can  there- 
fore only  relate  what  I  have  learned  by  hearsay  concerning 
the  lower  rooms  ;  but  the  upper  ones,  which  surpass  all  human 
works,  I  myself  saw;  for  the  passages  through  the  corridors, 
and  the  windings  through  the  courts,  from  their  great  variety, 
presented  a  thousand  occasions  of  wonder  as  I  passed  from 
a  court  to  the  rooms,  and  from  the  rooms  to  halls,  and  to 
other  corridors  from  the  halls,  and  to  other  courts  from  the 
rooms.  The  roofs  of  all  these  are  of  stone,  as  also  are  the 
walls ;  but  the  walls  are  full  of  sculptured  figures.  Each 
court  is  surrounded  by  a  colonnade  of  white  stone,  closely 
fitted.  And  adjoining  the  extremity  of  the  labyrinth  is  a  pyra- 
mid, forty  orgyae  in  height,  on  which  large  figures  are  carved, 
and  a  way  to  it  has  been  made  under  ground. 

Although  this  labyrinth  is  such  as  I  have  described,  yet 
the  lake  named  from  Mceris,  near  which  this  labyrinth  is  built, 
occasions  greater  wonder:  its  circumference  measures  three 
thousand  six  hundred  stades,  or  sixty  schceni,  equal  to  the 
sea-coast  of  Egypt.  The  lake  stretches  lengthways,  north  and 
south,  being  in  depth  in  the  deepest  part  fifty  orgyae.  That 
it  is  made  by  hand  and  dry,  this  circumstance  proves,  for 
about  the  middle  of  the  lake  stand  two  pyramids,  each  ris- 
ing fifty  orgyae  above  the  surface  of  the  water,  and  the  part 
built  under  water  extends  to  an  equal  depth :  on  each  of  these 
is  placed  a  stone  statue,  seated  on  a  throne.  Thus  these 
pyramids  are  one  hundred  orgyae  in  height:  and  a  hundred 
orgyae  are  equal  to  a  stade  of  six  plethra ;  the  orgya  measur- 
ing six  feet,  or  four  cubits;  the  foot  being  four  palms,  and 
the  cubit  six  palms.  The  water  in  this  lake  does  not  spring 
from  the  soil,  for  these  parts  are  excessively  dry,  but  it  is 
conveyed  through  a  channel  from  the  Nile,  and  for  six  months 
it  flows  into  the  lake,  and  six  months  out  again  into  the  Nile. 
And  during  the  six  months  that  it  flows  out  it  yields  a  talent 
of  silver  every  day  to  the  king's  treasury  from  the  fish ;  but 
when  the  water  is  flowing  into  it,  twenty  minae.  The  people 
of  the  country  told  me  that  this  lake  discharges  itself  under 


150-152]  PSAMMITICHUS  141 

ground  into  the  Syrtis  of  Libya,  running  westward  toward 
the  interior  by  the  mountain  above  Memphis.  But  when  I 
did  not  see  anywhere  a  heap  of  soil  from  this  excavation,  for 
this  was  an  object  of  curiosity  to  me,  I  inquired  of  the  peo- 
ple who  lived  nearest  the  lake  where  the  soil  that  had  been 
dug  out  was  to  be  found;  they  told  me  where  it  had  been 
carried,  and  easily  persuaded  me,  because  I  had  heard  that 
a  similar  thing  had  been  done  at  Nineveh,  in  Assyria.  For 
certain  thieves  formed  a  design  to  carry  away  the  treasures 
of  Sardanapalus,  King  of  Nineveh,  which  were  very  large,  and 
preserved  in  subterranean  treasuries ;  the  thieves,  therefore, 
beginning  from  their  own  dwellings,  dug  under  ground  by 
estimated  measurement  to  the  royal  palace,  and  the  soil  that 
was  taken  out  of  the  excavations,  when  night  came  on,  they 
threw  into  the  river  Tigris,  that  flows  by  Nineveh :  and  so 
they  proceeded  until  they  had  effected  their  purpose.  The 
same  method  I  heard  was  adopted  in  digging  the  lake  in 
Egypt,  except  that  it  was  not  done  by  night,  but  during  the 
day ;  for  the  Egyptians  who  dug  out  the  soil  carried  it  to  the 
Nile,  and  the  river  receiving  it  soon  dispersed  it.  Now,  this 
lake  is  said  to  have  been  excavated  in  this  way. 

While  the  twelve  kings  continued  to  observe  justice,  in 
course  of  time,  as  they  were  sacrificing  in  the  Temple  of 
Vulcan,  and  were  about  to  offer  a  libation  on  the  last  day  of 
the  festival,  the  high  priest,  mistaking  the  number,  brought 
out  eleven  of  the  twelve  golden  bowls  with  which  he  used 
to  make  the  libation.  Whereupon  he  who  stood  last  of  them, 
Psammitichus,  since  he  had  not  a  bowl,  having  taken  off  his 
helmet,  which  was  of  brass,  held  it  out  and  made  the  liba- 
tion. All  the  other  kings  were  in  the  habit  of  wearing  hel- 
mets, and  at  that  time  had  them  on.  Psammitichus,  there- 
fore, without  any  sinister  intention,  held  out  his  helmet:  but 
they  having  taken  into  consideration  what  was  done  by  Psam- 
mitichus, and  the  oracle  that  had  foretold  to  them  that  who- 
ever among  them  should  offer  a  libation  from  a  brazen  bowl, 
should  be  sole  King  of  Egypt ;  calling  to  mind  the  oracle,  they 
did  not  think  it  right  to  put  him  to  death,  since  upon  examina- 
tion they  found  that  he  had  done  it  by  no  premeditated  de- 
sign. But  they  determined  to  banish  him  to  the  marshes, 
having  divested  him  of  the  greatest  part  of  his  power;  and 
they  forbade  him  to  leave  the  marshes,  or  have  any  inter- 
course with  the  rest  of  Egypt.  This  Psammitichus,  who  had 
before  fled  from  Sabacon  the  Ethiopian,  who  had  killed  his 
father  Neco — having  at  that  time  fled  into  Syria,  the  Egyp- 
tians, who  belong  to  the  Saitic  district,  brought  back  when 


I42  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [152-154 

the  Ethiopian  withdrew  in  consequence  of  the  vision  in  a 
dream.  And  afterward,  having  been  made  king,  he  was  a 
second  time  constrained  by  the  eleven  kings  to  go  into  exile 
among  the  marshes  on  account  of  the  helmet.  Knowing, 
then,  that  he  had  been  exceedingly  injured  by  them,  he  en- 
tertained the  design  of  avenging  himself  on  his  persecutors ; 
and  when  he  sent  to  the  city  of  Buto  to  consult  the  oracle  of 
Latona,  where  is  the  truest  oracle  that  the  Egyptians  have, 
an  answer  came :  That  vengeance  would  come  from  the  sea, 
when  men  of  brass  should  appear.  He,  however,  was  very 
incredulous  that  men  of  brass  would  come  to  assist  him.  But 
when  no  long  time  had  elapsed,  stress  of  weather  compelled 
some  Ionians  and  Carians,  who  had  sailed  out  for  the  pur- 
pose of  piracy,  to  bear  away  to  Egypt;  and  when  they  had 
disembarked  and  were  clad  in  brazen  armour,  an  Egyptian, 
who  had  never  before  seen  men  clad  in  brass,  went  to  the 
marshes  to  Psammitichus,  and  told  him  that  men  of  brass, 
having  arrived  from  the  sea,  were  ravaging  the  plains.  He 
perceiving  that  the  oracle  was  accomplished,  treated  these 
Ionians  and  Carians  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  having  prom- 
ised them  great  things,  persuaded  them  to  join  with  him : 
and  when  he  had  succeeded  in  persuading  them,  he  thus,  with 
the  help  of  such  Egyptians  as  were  well  affected  to  him,  and 
with  these  allies,  overcame  the  other  kings. 

Psammitichus,  having  made  himself  master  of  all  Egypt, 
constructed  the  portico  to  Vulcan's  Temple  at  Memphis,  that 
faces  the  south  wind ;  and  he  built  a  court  for  Apis,  in  which 
he  is  fed  whenever  he  appears,  opposite  the  portico,  sur- 
rounded by  a  colonnade,  and  full  of  sculptured  figures ;  and 
instead  of  pillars,  statues  twelve  cubits  high  are  placed  under 
the  piazza.  Apis,  in  the  language  of  the  Greeks,  means  Epa- 
phus.  To  the  Ionians,  and  those  who  with  them  had  assisted 
him,  Psammitichus  gave  lands  opposite  each  other,  with  the 
Nile  flowing  between ;  to  these  lands  was  given  the  name  of 
Camps.  And  besides  these  lands  he  gave  them  all  that  he 
had  promised ;  and  he  moreover  put  Egyptian  children  under 
their  care,  to  be  instructed  in  the  Greek  language ;  and  from 
those  who  learned  the  language  the  present  interpreters  in 
Egypt  are  descended.  The  Ionians  and  the  Carians  continued 
for  a  long  time  to  inhabit  these  lands,  and  they  are  situated 
near  the  sea,  a  little  below  the  city  of  Bubastis,  on  that  which 
is  called  the  Pelusiac  mouth  of  the  Nile ;  these,  in  after  time, 
King  Amasis  removed  and  settled  at  Memphis,  making  them 
his  body-guard  against  the  Egyptians.  From  the  time  of 
the  settlement  of  these  people  in  Egypt,  we  Greeks  have  had 


154-156]  THE   ORACLE   AT   BUTO  I43 

such  constant  communication  with  them  that  we  are  accu- 
rately informed  of  all  that  has  happened  in  Egypt  beginning 
from  the  reign  of  Psammitichus  to  the  present  time.  These 
were  the  first  people  of  a  different  language  who  settled  in 
Egypt.  The  docks  for  their  ships,  and  the  ruins  of  their 
buildings,  were  to  be  seen  in  my  time  in  the  places  from 
which  they  were  removed.  Thus  then  Psammitichus  became 
master  of  Egypt. 

Of  the  oracle  that  is  in  Egypt,  I  have  already  made  fre- 
quent mention ;  and  I  shall  now  give  an  account  of  it,  as  well 
deserving  notice.  This  oracle  in  Egypt  is  a  temple  sacred 
to  Latona,  situated  in  a  large  city,  near  that  which  is  called 
the  Sebennytic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  as  one  sails  upward  from 
the  sea.  The  name  of  this  city,  where  the  oracle  is,  is  Buto, 
as  I  have  already  mentioned.  There  is  also  in  this  Buto  a 
precinct  sacred  to  Apollo  and  Diana :  and  the  Temple  of 
Latona,  in  which  the  oracle  is,  is  spacious,  and  has  a  portico 
ten  orgyae  in  height.  But  of  all  the  things  I  saw  there,  I 
will  describe  that  which  occasioned  most  astonishment.  There 
is  in  this  inclosure  a  Temple  of  Latona  made  from  one  stone, 
both  in  height  and  length ;  and  each  wall  is  equal  to  them ; 
each  of  these  measures  forty  cubits :  for  the  roof,  another 
stone  is  laid  over  it,  having  a  cornice  four  cubits  deep.  This 
temple,  then,  is  the  most  wonderful  thing  that  I  saw  about 
this  precinct:  next  to  it  is  the  island  called  Chemmis,  situ- 
ated in  a  deep  and  broad  lake  near  the  precinct  in  Buto.  This 
is  said  by  the  Egyptians  to  be  a  floating  island,  but  I  myself 
saw  it  neither  floating  nor  moving,  and  I  was  astonished 
when  I  heard  that  there  really  was  a  floating  island.  In  this, 
then,  is  a  spacious  Temple  of  Apollo,  and  in  it  three  altars 
are  placed ;  and  there  grow  in  it  great  numbers  of  palms,  and 
many  other  trees,  both  such  as  produce  fruit  and  such  as  do 
not.  The  Egyptians,  when  they  affirm  that  it  floats,  add  the 
following  story:  They  say  that  in  this  island,  which  before 
did  not  float,  Latona,  who  was  one  of  the  eight  primary 
deities  dwelling  in  Buto,  where  this  oracle  of  hers  now  is, 
received  Apollo  as  a  deposit  from  the  hands  of  Isis,  and  saved 
him  by  concealing  him  in  this,  which  is  now  called  the  float- 
ing island,  when  Typhon  arrived,  searching  everywhere,  and 
hoping  to  find  the  son  of  Osiris.  For  they  say  that  Apollo 
and  Diana  are  the  offspring  of  Bacchus  and  Isis,  and  that 
Latona  was  their  nurse  and  preserver:  in  the  language  of 
Egypt,  Apollo  is  caled  Orus ;  Ceres,  Isis ;  and  Diana,  Bubas- 
tis.  Now,  from  this  account,  and  no  other,  yEschylus,  the  son 
of  Euphorion,  alone  among  the  earlier  poets,  derived  the  tra- 


144  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II.   EUTERPE  [156-160 

dition  that  I  will  mention ;  for  he  made  Diana  to  be  the  daugh- 
ter of  Ceres.  On  this  account  they  say  that  the  island  was 
made  to  float.    Such  is  the  account  they  give. 

Psammitichus  reigned  in  Egypt  fifty-four  years ;  during 
twenty-nine  of  which  he  sat  down  before  and  besieged  Azotus, 
a  large  city  of  Syria,  until  he  took  it.  This  Azotus,  of  all  the 
cities  we  know  of,  held  out  against  a  siege  the  longest  period. 
Neco  was  son  of  Psammitichus,  and  became  King  of  Egypt : 
he  first  began  the  canal  that  leads  to  the  Red  Sea,  which 
Darius'  the  Persian  afterward  completed.  Its  length  is  a  voy- 
age of  four  days,  and  in  width  it  was  dug  so  that  two  triremes 
might  sail  rowed  abreast.  The  water  is  drawn  into  it  from 
the  Nile,  and  it  enters  it  a  little  above  the  city  Bubastis,  passes 
near  the  Arabian  city  Patumos,  and  reaches  to  the  Red  Sea. 
The  parts  of  the  Egyptian  plain  that  lie  toward  Arabia  were 
dug  first;  above  this  plain  is  situated  the  mountain  that 
stretches  toward  Memphis,  in  which  are  the  quarries.  Along 
the  base  of  this  mountain,  therefore,  the  canal  is  carried  length- 
ways from  the  west  to  the  east,  and  then  it  stretches  to  the 
defiles,  passing  from  the  mountain  toward  the  meridian  and 
the  south  inward,  as  far  as  the  Arabian  Gulf.  But  in  the  part 
where  is  the  shortest  and  most  direct  passage  from  the  north- 
ern sea  to  the  southern,  which  is  the  same  as  that  called  the 
Red  Sea,  namely,  from  Mount  Casius,  that  separates  Egypt 
from  Syria,  from  this  point  the  distance  is  a  thousand  stades 
to  the  Arabian  Gulf:  this,  then,  is  the  most  direct  way;  but 
the  canal  is  very  much  longer,  in  that  it  is  more  winding, 
in  the  digging  of  which  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
Egyptians  perished  in  the  reign  of  Neco.  Now,  Neco  stopped 
digging  it  in  the  middle  of  the  work,  the  following  oracle  hav- 
ing caused  an  impediment :  that  he  was  working  for  a  bar- 
barian ;  for  the  Egyptians  call  all  men  barbarians  who  do 
not  speak  the  same  language  as  themselves.  But  Neco,  hav- 
ing put  a  stop  to  his  excavation,  turned  his  attention  to  mili- 
tary affairs ;  and  triremes  were  constructed,  some  on  the 
northern  sea,  and  others  in  the  Arabian  Gulf,  or  the  Red  Sea, 
of  which  the  docks  are  still  to  be  seen.  These  he  used  as  he 
had  occasion ;  and  Neco,  having  come  to  an  engagement  with 
the  Syrians  on  land  at  Magdolus,  conquered  them,  and  after 
the  battle  took  Cadytis,  which  is  a  large  city  in  Syria.  The 
garments  he  wore  during  these  actions  he  consecrated  to 
Apollo,  having  sent  them  to  Branchidse  of  the  Milesians. 
Afterward,  having  reigned  sixteen  years  in  all,  he  died  and 
left  the  kingdom  to  his  son,  Psammis. 

While  this  Psammis  was  reigning  over  Egypt,  ambassa- 


160-162]  APRIES  AND  AMASIS  145 

dors  arrived  from  the  Eleans,  boasting  that  they  had  estab- 
lished the  Olympian  games  under  the  most  just  and  excellent 
regulations  in  the  world,  and  believing  that  not  even  the 
Egyptians,  the  wisest  of  mankind,  could  invent  anything  sur- 
passing them.  When  the  Eleans,  having  arrived  in  Egypt, 
mentioned  for  what  purpose  they  had  come,  this  king  there- 
upon summoned  those  who  were  reputed  to  be  the  wisest 
among  the  Egyptians ;  and  the  Egyptians,  having  met  to- 
gether, heard  the  Eleans  relate  what  was  settled  for  them 
to  do  with  regard  to  the  games ;  and  they,  having  mentioned 
everything,  said  they  had  come  to  inquire  whether  the  Egyp- 
tians could  invent  anything  more  equitable.  And  they,  hav- 
ing consulted  together,  asked  the  Eleans  whether  their  own 
citizens  were  permitted  to  enter  the  lists ;  they  said  that  they 
and  all  other  Grecians,  who  wished,  were  allowed  to  contend ; 
but  the  Egyptians  replied,  That  in  making  such  enactments 
they  had  totally  deviated  from  the  rules  of  justice,  for  that 
they  could  not  contrive  so  as  not  to  favour  a  citizen  of  their 
own  to  the  prejudice  of  a  stranger.  But  if  they  really  wished 
to  make  just  enactments,  and  had  come  into  Egypt  for  this 
purpose,  they  advised  them  to  establish  games  for  foreign 
candidates,  and  to  allow  no  Elean  to  enter  the  lists.  Such 
was  the  suggestion  that  the  Egyptians  made  to  the  Eleans. 

When  Psammis  had  reigned  only  six  years  over  Egypt, 
and  made  an  expedition  into  Ethiopia,  and  shortly  afterward 
died,  Apries,  his  son,  succeeded  to  the  kingdom.  He,  next 
to  his  grandfather  Psammitichus,  enjoyed  greater  prosperity 
than  any  of  the  former  kings,  during  a  reign  of  five-and-twenty 
years,  in  which  period  he  marched  an  army  against  Sidon, 
and  engaged  the  Tyrians  by  sea.  But  when  it  was  destined  for 
him  to  meet  with  adversity,  it  happened  on  an  occasion  which 
I  shall  narrate  more  fully  in  my  Libyan  history,  and  briefly  in 
this  place.  For  Apries,  having  sent  an  army  against  the 
Cyrenseans,  met  with  a  signal  defeat ;  and  the  Egyptians,  com- 
plaining of  this,  revolted  from  him,  suspecting  that  Apries 
had  designedly  sent  them  to  certain  ruin,  in  order  that  they 
might  be  destroyed,  and  he  might  govern  the  rest  of  the 
Egyptians  with  greater  security ;  both  those  that  returned  and 
the  friends  of  those  who  perished,  being  very  indignant  at 
this,  openly  revolted  against  him.  Apries,  having  heard  of 
this,  sent  Amasis  to  appease  them  by  persuasion.  But  when 
he,  having  come  to  them,  was  endeavouring  to  restrain  them, 
as  he  was  urging  them  to  desist  from  their  enterprise,  one  of 
the  Egyptians  standing  behind  him  placed  a  helmet  on  his 
head,  and  as  he  put  it  on  said  that  he  put  it  on  him  to  make 
zo 


I46  HERODOTUS— BOOK   If,   EUTERPE  [162-166 

him  king.  And  this  action  was  not  at  all  disagreeable  to 
Amasis,  as  he  presently  showed.  For  when  the  revolters  had 
appointed  him  King  of  the  Egyptians,  he  prepared  to  lead  an 
army  against  Apries ;  but  Apries,  being  informed  of  this,  sent 
to  Amasis  a  considerable  person  among  the  Egyptians  that 
adhered  to  him,  whose  name  was  Patarbemis,  with  orders  to 
bring  Amasis  alive  into  his  presence.  When  Patarbemis  ar- 
rived and  summoned  Amasis,  Amasis,  raising  his  leg  (for  he 
happened  to  be  on  horseback),  broke  wind  and  bade  him  carry 
that  to  Apries.  Nevertheless,  Patarbemis  begged  of  him,  since 
the  king  had  sent  for  him,  to  go  to  him;  but  he  answered, 
That  he  had  been  some  time  preparing  to  do  so,  and  that 
Apries  should  have  no  cause  of  complaint,  for  that  he  would 
not  only  appear  himself,  but  would  bring  others  with  him. 
Patarbemis,  perceiving  his  design  from  what  was  said,  and 
seeing  preparations  being  made,  returned  in  haste,  as  he 
wished  to  inform  the  king  as  soon  as  possible  of  what  was 
going  on :  when,  however,  he  came  to  Apries  without  bring- 
ing Amasis,  Apries,  taking  no  time  for  deliberation,  in  a  trans- 
port of  passion  commanded  his  ears  and  nose  to  be  cut  off. 
The  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  who  still  adhered  to  him,  seeing 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  among  them  treated  in  so  un- 
worthy a  manner,  did  not  delay  a  moment,  but  went  imme- 
diately over  to  the  others  and  gave  themselves  to  Amasis. 
When  Apries  heard  of  this,  he  armed  his  auxiliaries  and 
marched  against  the  Egyptians ;  but  he  had  with  him  Carian 
and  Ionian  auxiliaries  to  the  number  of  thirty  thousand ;  and 
he  had  a  palace  in  the  city  of  Sais,  that  was  spacious  and  mag- 
nificent. Now  Apries's  party  advanced  against  the  Egyptians, 
and  the  party  of  Amasis  against  the  foreigners.  They  met 
near  the  city  Momemphis,  and  prepared  to  engage  with  each 
other. 

There  are  seven  classes  of  Egyptians,  and  of  these  some 
are  called  priests,  others  warriors,  others  herdsmen,  others 
swineherds,  others  tradesmen,  others  interpreters,  and,  lastly, 
pilots ;  such  are  the  classes  of  Egyptians ;  they  take  their 
names  from  the  employments  they  exercise.  Their  warriors 
are  called  Calasiries  or  Hermotybies,  and  they  are  of  the  fol- 
lowing districts,  for  all  Egypt  is  divided  into  districts.  The 
following  are  the  districts  of  the  Hermotybies :  Busiris,  Sais, 
Chemmis,  Papremis,  the  island  called  Prosopitis,  and  the  half 
of  Natho.  From  these  districts  are  the  Hermotybies,  being 
in  number,  when  they  are  most  numerous,  a  hundred  and 
sixty  thousand.  None  of  these  learn  any  mechanical  art,  but 
apply  themselves  wholly  to  military  affairs.    These  next  are 


166-169]  AMASIS  MADE   KING  147 

the  districts  of  the  Calasiries :  Thebes,  Bubastis,  Aphthis, 
Tanis,  Mendes,  Sebennys,  Athribis,  Pharbaethis,  Thmuis, 
Onuphis,  Anysis,  Mycephoris ;  this  district  is  situated  in  an 
island  opposite  the  city  Bubastis.  These  are  the  districts  of 
the  Calasiries,  being  in  number,  when  they  are  most  numer- 
ous, two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men;  neither  are  these 
allowed  to  practise  any  art,  but  they  devote  themselves  to 
military  pursuits  alone,  the  son  succeeding  to  his  father. 
Whether  the  Greeks  learned  this  custom  from  the  Egyptians 
I  am  unable  to  determine  with  certainty,  seeing  that  the 
Thracians,  Scythians,  Persians,  Lydians,  and  almost  all  bar- 
barous nations  hold  in  less  honour  than  their  other  citizens 
those  who  learn  any  art  and  their  descendants,  but  deem  such 
to  be  noble  as  abstain  from  handicrafts,  and  particularly  those 
who  devote  themselves  to  war.  All  the  Greeks,  moreover, 
have  adopted  the  same  notion,  and  especially  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  but  the  Corinthians  hold  handicraftsmen  in  least 
disesteem.  To  these  alone  of  all  the  Egyptians,  besides  the 
priests,  the  following  special  privileges  are  attached :  To  each 
twelve  chosen  acres  free  from  tribute :  the  acre  contains  a 
square  of  one  hundred  Egyptian  cubits,  and  the  Egyptian 
cubit  is  equal  to  that  of  Samos :  these  privileges  were  attached 
to  them  all,  but  others  enjoyed  them  by  turns,  and  the  same 
persons  never  more  than  once.  A  thousand  of  the  Calasiries, 
and  as  many  of  the  Hermotybies,  each  served  for  a  year  as 
the  king's  body-guard :  to  these  accordingly  was  given  the  fol- 
lowing allowance  daily,  in  addition  to  the  acres,  to  each  five 
minae  in  weight  of  baked  bread,  two  minae  of  beef,  and  four 
arysters  of  wine.  This  was  the  constant  allowance  of  the  body- 
guard. 

When  therefore  Apries,  leading  his  auxiliaries,  and  Ama- 
sis,  all  the  Egyptians,  met  together  at  Momemphis,  they  came 
to  an  engagement,  and  the  foreigners  fought  well,  but  being 
far  inferior  in  numbers,  were,  on  that  account,  defeated. 
Apries  is  said  to  have  been  of  opinion  that  not  even  a  god 
could  deprive  him  of  his  kingdom,  so  securely  did  he  think 
himself  established :  now,  however,  when  he  came  to  an  en- 
gagement he  was  beaten,  and  being  taken  prisoner,  he  was 
carried  back  to  Sais,  to  that  which  was  formerly  his  own 
palace,  but  which  now  belonged  to  Amasis :  here  he  was 
maintained  for  some  time  in  the  royal  palace,  and  Amasis 
treated  him  well.  But  at  length  the  Egyptians  complain- 
ing that  he  did  not  act  rightly  in  preserving  a  man  who  was 
the  greatest  enemy  both  to  them  and  to  him,  he  thereupon 
delivered  Apries  to  the  Egyptians;  and  they  strangled  him, 


I48  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [169-172 

and  afterward  buried  him  in  his  ancestral  sepulchre;  this  is 
in  the  sacred  precinct  of  Minerva,  very  near  the  temple,  on 
the  left  hand  as  you  enter.  The  Saitae  used  to  bring  all  the 
kings  sprung  from  this  district  within  the  sacred  precinct; 
however,  the  tomb  of  Amasis  is  further  from  the  temple  than 
that  of  Apries  and  his  progenitors,  but  even  this  is  in  the 
court  of  the  sacred  precinct,  consisting  of  a  large  stone  cham- 
ber, adorned  with  columns,  made  in  imitation  of  palm  trees, 
and  with  other  ornaments ;  inside  this  chamber  are  placed 
folding  doors,  and  within  the  doors  is  the  sepulchre.  At  Sais 
also,  in  the  sacred  precinct  of  Minerva,  behind  the  chapel  and 
joining  the  whole  of  the  wall,  is  the  tomb  of  one  whose  name 
I  consider  it  impious  to  divulge  on  such  an  occasion.  And 
in  the  inclosure  stand  large  stone  obelisks,  and  there  is  a  lake 
near,  ornamented  with  a  stone  margin,  formed  in  a  circle, 
and  in  size,  as  appeared  to  me,  much  the  same  as  that  in  Delos, 
which  is  called  the  Circular.  In  this  lake  they  perform  by 
night  the  representation  of  that  person's  adventures,  which 
they  call  mysteries.  On  these  matters,  however,  though  ac- 
curately acquainted  with  the  particulars  of  them,  I  must  ob- 
serve a  discreet  silence.  And  respecting  the  sacred  rites  of 
Ceres,  which  the  Greeks  call  Thesmophoria,  although  I  am 
acquainted  with  them,  I  must  observe  silence  except  so  far 
as  it  is  lawful  for  me  to  speak  of  them.  The  daughters  of 
Danaus  were  they  who  introduced  these  ceremonies  from 
Egypt,  and  taught  them  to  the  Pelasgian  women:  but  after- 
ward, when  almost  the  whole  Peloponnese  was  depopulated 
by  the  Dorians,  these  rites  were  lost ;  but  the  Arcadians,  who 
were  the  only  Peloponnesians  left,  and  not  expelled,  alone  pre- 
served them. 

Apries  being  thus  dethroned,  Amasis,  who  was  of  the 
Saitic  district,  reigned  in  his  stead ;  the  name  of  the  city  from 
which  he  came  was  Siuph.  At  first  the  Egyptians  despised, 
and  held  him  in  no  great  estimation,  as  having  been  formerly 
a  private  person,  and  of  no  illustrious  family;  but  afterward 
he  conciliated  them  by  his  address,  without  any  arrogance. 
He  had  an  infinite  number  of  other  treasures,  and  besides  a 
golden  foot-pan,  in  which  Amasis  himself,  and  all  his  guests, 
were  accustomed  to  wash  their  feet.  Having  then  broken  this 
in  pieces,  he  had  made  from  it  the  statue  of  a  god,  and  placed 
it  in  the  most  suitable  part  of  the  city;  and  the  Egyptians, 
flocking  to  the  image,  paid  it  the  greatest  reverence.  But 
Amasis,  informed  of  their  behaviour,  called  the  Egyptians  to- 
gether, and  explained  the  matter  to  them,  saying  that  the  statue 
was  made  out  of  the  foot-pan  in  which  the  Egyptians  formerly 


172-175]  THE  REIGN  OF  AMASIS  149 

vomited,  made  water,  and  washed  their  feet,  and  which  they 
then  so  greatly  reverenced ;  now  then,  he  proceeded  to  say,  the 
same  had  happened  to  him  as  to  the  foot-pan ;  for  though  he 
was  before  but  a  private  person,  yet  he  was  now  their  king; 
he  therefore  required  them  to  honour  and  respect  him :  by 
this  means  he  won  over  the  Egyptians,  so  that  they  thought 
fit  to  obey  him.  He  adopted  the  following  method  of  man- 
aging his  affairs :  Early  in  the  morning,  until  the  time  of  full- 
market,  he  assiduously  despatched  the  business  brought  be- 
fore him ;  after  that  he  drank  and  jested  with  his  companions, 
and  he  talked  loosely  and  sportively.  But  his  friends,  offended 
at  this,  admonished  him,  saying,  "  You  do  not,  O  king,  con- 
trol yourself  properly,  in  making  yourself  too  common.  For 
it  becomes  you,  who  sit  on  a  venerable  throne,  to  pass  the  day 
in  transacting  public  business ;  thus  the  Egyptians  would 
know  that  they  are  governed  by  a  great  man,  and  you  would 
be  better  spoken  of.  But  now  you  act  in  a  manner  not  at  all 
becoming  a  king."  But  he  answered  them  as  follows  :  "  They 
who  have  bows,  when  they  want  to  use  them,  bend  them ;  but 
when  they  have  done  using  them,  they  unbend  them;  for  if 
it  were  kept  always  bent,  it  would  break,  so  that  he  could 
not  use  it  when  he  had  need.  Such  is  the  condition  of  man ; 
if  he  should  incessantly  attend  to  serious  business,  and  not 
give  himself  up  sometimes  to  sport,  he  would  unawares  be- 
come mad  or  stupefied.  I,  being  well  aware  of  this,  give  up 
a  portion  of  my  time  to  each."  Thus  he  answered  his  friends. 
Amasis  is  said  to  have  been,  even  when  a  private  person,  fond 
of  drinking  and  jesting,  and  by  no  means  inclined  to  serious 
business ;  and  when  the  means  failed  him  for  drinking  and 
indulging  himself,  he  used  to  go  about  pilfering.  Such  per- 
sons as  accused  him  of  having  their  property,  on  his  denying 
it,  used  to  take  him  to  the  oracle  of  the  place,  and  he  was 
oftentimes  convicted  by  the  oracles,  and  oftentimes  acquitted. 
When,  therefore,  he  came  to  the  throne,  he  acted  as  follows : 
Whatever  gods  had  absolved  him  from  the  charge  of  theft, 
of  their  temples  he  neither  took  any  heed,  nor  contributed 
anything  toward  their  repair;  neither  did  he  frequent  them, 
and  offer  sacrifices,  considering  them  of  no  consequence  at 
all,  and  as  having  only  lying  responses  to  give.  But  as  many 
as  had  convicted  him  of  the  charge  of  theft,  to  them  he  paid 
the  highest  respect,  considering  them  as  truly  gods,  and  de- 
livering authentic  responses. 

Moreover,  he  built  an  admirable  portico  to  the  Temple  of 
Minerva  at  Sais,  far  surpassing  all  others  both  in  height  and 
size,  as  well  as  in  the  dimensions  and  quality  of  the  stones; 


150  HERODOTUS— BOOK   II,   EUTERPE  [175-178 

he  likewise  dedicated  large  statues,  and  huge  andro-sphinxes, 
and  brought  other  stones  of  a  prodigious  size  for  repairs:  of 
these  he  brought  some  from  the  quarries  near  Memphis ;  but 
those  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  from  the  city  of  Elephantine, 
distant  from  Sais  a  passage  of  twenty  days.  But  of  these, 
that  which  I  not  the  least,  rather  the  most  admire,  is  this: 
he  brought  a  building  of  one  stone  from  the  city  of  Elephan- 
tine, and  two  thousand  men,  who  were  appointed  to  convey 
it,  were  occupied  three  whole  years  in  its  transport,  and  these 
men  were  all  pilots.  The  length  of  this  chamber,  outside,  is 
twenty-one  cubits,  the  breadth  fourteen,  and  the  height  eight. 
This  is  the  measure  of  the  outside  of  the  one-stoned  chamber. 
But  inside,  the  length  is  eighteen  cubits  and  twenty  digits, 
and  the  width  twelve  cubits,  and  the  height  five  cubits.  This 
chamber  is  placed  near  the  entrance  of  the  sacred  precinct; 
for  they  say  that  he  did  not  draw  it  within  the  precinct  for 
the  following  reason :  the  architect,  as  the  chamber  was  being 
drawn  along,  heaved  a  deep  sigh,  being  wearied  with  the 
work,  over  which  so  long  a  time  had  been  spent;  whereupon 
Amasis,  making  a  religious  scruple  of  this,  would  not  suffer  it 
to  be  drawn  any  farther.  Some  persons,  however,  say  that 
one  of  the  men  employed  at  the  levers  was  crushed  to  death 
by  it,  and  that  on  that  account  it  was  not  drawn  into  the  pre- 
cinct. Amasis  dedicated  in  all  the  most  famous  temples  works 
admirable  for  their  magnitude ;  and  among  them  at  Memphis, 
the  reclining  colossus  before  the  Temple  of  Vulcan,  of  which 
the  length  is  seventy-five  feet ;  and  on  the  same  base  stand 
two  statues  of  Ethiopian  stone,  each  twenty  feet  in  height, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  temple.  There  is  also  at  Sais  another 
similar  statue,  lying  in  the  same  manner  as  that  at  Memphis. 
It  was  Amasis  also  who  built  the  temple  to  Isis  at  Memphis, 
which  is  spacious  and  well  worthy  of  notice. 

Under  the  reign  of  Amasis  Egypt  is  said  to  have  enjoyed 
the  greatest  prosperity,  both  in  respect  to  the  benefits  de- 
rived from  the  river  to  the  land,  and  from  the  land  to  the 
people ;  and  it  is  said  to  have  contained  at  that  time  twenty 
thousand  inhabited  cities.  Amasis  it  was  who  established  the 
law  among  the  Egyptians,  that  every  Egyptian  should  an- 
nually declare  to  the  governor  of  his  district  by  what  means 
he  maintained  himself;  and  if  he  failed  to  do  this,  or  did  not 
show  that  he  lived  by  honest  means,  he  should  be  punished 
with  death.  Solon  the  Athenian,  having  brought  this  law 
from  Egypt,  established  it  at  Athens ;  and  that  people  still 
continue  to  observe  it,  as  being  an  unobjectionable  regula- 
tion.    Amasis,  being  partial  to  the  Greeks,  both  bestowed 


178-181]  THE   REIGN  OF  AMASIS  151 

other  favours  on  various  of  the  Greeks,  and  moreover  gave 
the  city  of  Naucratis  for  such  as  arrived  in  Egypt  to  dwell  in ; 
and  to  such  as  did  not  wish  to  settle  there,  but  only  to  trade 
by  sea,  he  granted  places  where  they  might  erect  altars  and 
temples  to  the  gods.  Now,  the  most  spacious  of  these  sacred 
buildings,  which  is  also  the  most  renowned  and  frequented, 
called  the  Hellenium,  was  erected  at  the  common  charge  of 
the  following  cities :  Of  the  Ionians,  Chios,  Teos,  Phocaea,  and 
Clazomenae;  of  the  Dorians,  Rhodes,  Cnidus,  Halicarnassus, 
Phaselis ;  and  of  the  ^olians,  Mitylene  alone.  So  that  this 
temple  belongs  to  them,  and  these  cities  appoint  officers  to 
preside  over  the  mart :  and  whatever  other  cities  claim  a  share 
in  it,  claim  what  does  not  belong  to  them.  Besides  this,  the 
people  of  ^gina  built  a  temple  to  Jupiter  for  themselves ;  and 
the  Samians  another  to  Juno,  and  the  Milesians  one  to  Apollo. 
Naucratis  was  anciently  the  only  place  of  resort  for  merchants, 
and  there  was  no  other  in  Egypt:  and  if  a  man  arrived  at 
any  other  mouth  of  the  Nile,  he  was  obliged  to  swear  that 
he  had  come  there  against  his  will ;  and  having  taken  such 
an  oath,  he  must  sail  in  the  same  ship  to  the  Canopic  mouth ; 
but  if  he  should  be  prevented  by  contrary  winds  from  doing 
so,  he  was  forced  to  unload  his  goods,  and  carry  them  in 
barges  round  the  Delta  until  he  reached  Naucratis.  So  great 
were  the  privileges  of  Naucratis.  When  the  Amphyctions 
contracted  to  build  the  temple  that  now  stands  at  Delphi  for 
three  hundred  talents  (for  the  temple  that  was  formerly  there 
had  been  burned  by  accident,  and  it  fell  upon  the  Delphians  to 
supply  a  fourth  part  of  the  sum),  the  Delphians  went  about 
from  city  to  city  and  solicited  contributions ;  and  doing  this 
they  brought  home  no  small  amount  from  Egypt.  For  Amasis 
gave  them  a  thousand  talents  of  alum,  and  the  Grecians  who 
were  settled  in  Egypt  twenty  minae. 

Amasis  also  contracted  a  friendship  and  an  alliance  with 
the  Cyrenaeans ;  and  resolved  to  take  a  wife  from  that  coun- 
try, either  out  of  a  desire  of  having  a  Grecian  woman,  or  from 
some  peculiar  affection  to  the  Cyrenaeans.  He  therefore  mar- 
ried, as  some  say,  the  daughter  of  Battus;  others,  of  Arces- 
ilaus;  though  others,  of  Critobulus,  a  person  of  distinction 
among  the  citizens  ;  her  name  was  Ladice.  Whenever  Amasis 
lay  with  her  he  was  unable  to  have  connection  with  her, 
which  was  not  the  case  with  respect  to  other  women :  upon 
the  continuance  of  this  for  a  long  time,  Amasis  said  to  this 
woman,  who  was  called  Ladice :  O  woman,  you  have  used 
charms  against  me,  and  no  contrivance  can  prevent  your  per- 
ishing by  the  most  cruel  death  of  all  women."    But  Ladice, 


152  HERODOTUS— BOOK  II,   EUTERPE  [181-182 

finding  that  Amasis  was  not  at  all  appeased  by  her  denial  of 
the  fact,  made  a  mental  vow  to  Venus  that  if  Amasis  should 
have  intercourse  with  her  that  night  (for  this  was  the  only- 
remedy  left)  she  would  send  a  statue  of  the  goddess  to  Cyrene. 
Immediately  after  the  vow  Amasis  had  intercourse  with  her; 
and  from  that  time  forward,  whenever  he  came  to  her,  he  was 
able  to  have  connection ;  and  after  this  he  was  exceedingly 
fond  of  her.  But  Ladice  performed  her  vow  to  the  goddess, 
for,  having  caused  a  statue  to  be  made,  she  sent  it  to  Cyrene, 
and  it  was  still  safe  in  my  time,  facing  out  of  the  city  of  Cyrene. 
When  Cambyses  had  conquered  Egypt,  and  learned  who  this 
Ladice  was,  he  sent  her  back  unharmed  to  Cyrene.  Amasis 
also  dedicated  offerings  in  Greece.  In  the  first  place,  a  gilded 
statue  of  Minerva  at  Cyrene,  and  his  own  portrait  painted; 
secondly,  to  Minerva  in  Lindus  two  stone  statues  and  a  linen 
corselet  well  worthy  of  notice;  thirdly,  to  Juno  at  Samos 
two  images  of  himself  carved  in  wood,  which  stood  in  the 
large  temple  even  in  my  time,  behind  the  doors.  Now  he 
made  this  offering  at  Samos,  on  account  of  the  friendship 
that  subsisted  between  himself  and  Polycrates,  the  son  of 
^Eaces ;  but  those  at  Lindus,  not  on  account  of  any  friend- 
ship, but  because  it  is  reported  that  the  daughters  of  Danaus 
founded  the  Temple  of  Minerva  at  Lindus,  when  they  touched 
there  in  their  flight  from  the  sons  of  Egyptus :  and  these  were 
the  offerings  that  Amasis  made.  He  was  the  first  who  con- 
quered Cyprus,  and  subjected  it  to  the  payment  of  tribute. 


BOOK  III 

THALIA 

AGAINST  this  Amasis,  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  made 
/\  war,  leading  with  him  both  others,  his  own  subjects, 
/  Y.  and  of  the  Grecians,  Ionians,  and  ^Eolians.  The  cause 
of  the  war  was  this :  Cambyses,  having  sent  a  herald  into 
Egypt,  demanded  the  daughter  of  Amasis ;  and  he  made  this 
demand  at  the  suggestion  of  an  Egyptian  physician,  who  out 
of  spite  served  Amasis  in  this  manner,  because,  having  se- 
lected him  out  of  all  the  physicians  in  Egypt,  and  torn  him 
from  his  wife  and  children,  he  had  sent  him  as  a  present  to 
the  Persians,  when  Cyrus,  having  sent  to  Amasis,  required 
of  him  the  best  oculist  in  Egypt.  The  Egyptian  therefore, 
having  this  spite  against  him,  urged  on  Cambyses  by  his  sug- 
gestions, bidding  him  demand  the  daughter  of  Amasis,  in 
order  that  if  he  should  comply  he  might  be  grieved,  or  if  he 
refused  he  might  incur  the  hatred  of  Cambyses.  But  Amasis, 
dreading  the  power  of  the  Persians,  and  being  alarmed,  knew 
not  whether  to  give  or  to  deny;  for  he  was  well  aware  that 
Cambyses  purposed  to  take  her,  not  as  his  wife,  but  his  mis- 
tress. Having  considered  these  things,  he  did  as  follows: 
There  was  a  daughter  of  Apries,  the  former  king,  very  tall 
and  beautiful,  the  only  survivor  of  the  family ;  her  name  was 
Nitetis.  This  damsel,  Amasis,  having  adorned  with  cloth  of 
gold,  sent  to  Persia  as  his  own  daughter.  After  a  time,  when 
Cambyses  saluted  her,  addressing  her  by  her  father's  name, 
the  damsel  said  to  him :  "  O  king,  you  do  not  perceive  that 
you  have  been  imposed  upon  by  Amasis,  who,  having  dressed 
me  in  rich  attire,  sent  me  to  you,  presenting  me  as  his  own 
daughter;  whereas,  in  truth,  I  am  the  daughter  of  Apries, 
whom  he,  though  he  was  his  own  master,  put  to  death,  after  he 
had  incited  the  Egyptians  to  revolt."  These  words,  and  this 
accusation,  induced  Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  being  greatly 
enraged,  to  invade  Egypt.  Such  is  the  account  the  Persians 
give.    But  the  Egyptians  claim  Cambyses  as  their  own,  say- 

i53 


I54  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [2-5 

ing  that  he  was  born  from  this  daughter  of  Apries ;  for  that 
it  was  Cyrus,  and  not  Cambyses,  who  sent  to  Amasis  for  his 
daughter;  but  in  saying  this  they  err.  Nor  indeed  could  it 
escape  their  notice  (for  if  any  people  are  well  acquainted  with 
the  Persian  customs,  the  Egyptians  are  so)  that,  first  of  all, 
it  is  not  customary  with  them  for  a  natural  son  to  reign  when 
there  is  a  legitimate  son  living;  and  secondly,  that  Cambyses 
was  the  son  of  Cassandane,  daughter  of  Pharnaspes,  one  of 
the  Achaemenidae,  and  not  of  the  Egyptian  woman.  But  they 
pervert  the  truth,  claiming  to  be  related  to  the  family  of  Cyrus. 
And  this  is  the  real  state  of  the  case.  This  other  story  is  also 
told,  which  to  me  seems  incredible.  A  certain  Persian  lady 
visited  Cyrus's  women,  and  when  she  saw  the  children  of 
Cassandane,  beautiful  and  tall,  standing  by  her,  praised  them 
highly,  being  exceedingly  struck  with  them ;  but  Cassandane, 
wife  of  Cyrus,  said,  "  Though  I  am  the  mother  of  such  chil- 
dren, Cyrus  holds  me  in  disdain,  and  honours  her  whom  he 
has  obtained  from  Egypt."  This  she  said  through  envy  of 
Nitetis ;  but  the  eldest  of  her  sons,  Cambyses,  said,  "  There- 
fore, mother,  when  I  am  a  man,  I  will  turn  all  Egypt  upside 
down."  He  said  this  when  he  was  about  ten  years  of  age,  and 
the  women  were  much  astonished ;  but  he,  bearing  it  in  mind 
when  he  grew  up  and  was  possessed  of  the  kingdom,  accord- 
ingly invaded  Egypt. 

The  following  other  incident  also  occurred  to  promote  this 
invasion :  There  was  among  the  auxiliaries  of  Amasis  a  man 
by  birth  an  Halicarnassian,  whose  name  was  Phanes,  one 
able  in  counsel  and  valiant  in  war.  This  Phanes,  owing  some 
spite  to  Amasis,  escaped  in  a  ship  from  Egypt,  with  a  design 
to  confer  with  Cambyses.  But  as  he  was  a  man  of  no  small 
consequence  among  the  auxiliaries,  and  was  very  accurately 
acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  Egypt,  Amasis  sent  in  pursuit 
of  him,  making  every  effort  to  take  him ;  and  he  sent  the  most 
trusty  of  his  eunuchs  in  pursuit  of  him,  with  a  trireme,  who 
caught  him  in  Lycia,  but  having  taken  him,  did  not  bring 
him  back  to  Egypt,  for  Phanes  overreached  him  by  artifice; 
for  having  intoxicated  his  guards,  he  got  away  to  the  Per- 
sians ;  and  coming  over  to  Cambyses  as  he  was  preparing  to 
march  against  Egypt,  and  was  in  doubt  about  his  route,  how 
he  should  pass  the  arid  desert,  he  informed  him  both  of 
other  affairs  of  Amasis,  and  explained  to  him  the  route,  ad- 
vising him  to  send  to  the  King  of  the  Arabians,  and  ask 
him  to  grant  him  a  safe  passage  through  his  territories.  By 
this  way  only  is  there  an  open  passage  into  Egypt.  For  from 
Phoenicia  to  the  confines  of  the  city  of  Cadytis,  which  belongs 


5-8]  ARABIA  1 55 

to  those  who  are  called  the  Syrians  of  Palestine,  and  from 
Cadytis,  which  is  a  city  in  my  opinion  not  much  less  than 
Sardis,  the  seaports  as  far  as  the  city  of  Jenysus  belong  to 
the  Arabian  king ;  and  again,  from  Jenysus,  as  far  as  the  Lake 
Serbonis,  near  which  Mount  Casius  stretches  to  the  sea,  be- 
longs to  the  Syrians :  and  from  the  Lake  Serbonis,  in  which 
Typhon  is  reported  to  have  been  concealed,  Egypt  begins. 
Now,  the  country  between  the  city  of  Jenysus,  Mount  Casius, 
and  the  Lake  Serbonis,  which  is  no  small  tract,  but  about  a 
three  days'  journey,  is  utterly  destitute  of  water.  A  circum- 
stance that  few  of  those  who  have  made  voyages  to  Egypt 
have  noticed,  I  shall  now  proceed  to  mention.  From  every 
part  of  Greece,  and  also  from  Phoenicia,  earthen  vessels  rilled 
with  wine  are  imported  into  Egypt  twice  every  year,  and 
yet,  so  to  speak,  not  a  single  one  of  these  wine  jars  is  after- 
ward to  be  seen.  In  what  way,  then,  some  one  may  ask,  are 
they  disposed  of?  This  I  will  also  relate.  Every  magistrate 
is  obliged  to  collect  all  the  vessels  from  his  own  city,  and  send 
them  to  Memphis;  but  the  people  of  that  city,  having  filled 
them  with  water,  convey  them  to  those  arid  parts  of  Syria; 
so  the  earthen  vessels  continually  imported  and  landed  in 
Egypt  are  added  to  those  already  in  Syria.  Thus  the  Per- 
sians, as  soon  as  they  became  masters  of  Egypt,  facilitated 
the  passage  into  that  country  by  supplying  it  with  water  in 
the  manner  above  mentioned.  But  as,  at  that  time,  water 
was  not  provided,  Cambyses,  by  the  advice  of  the  Halicarnas- 
sian  stranger,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Arabian,  and  requested 
a  safe  passage,  which  he  obtained,  giving  to  and  receiving 
from  him  pledges  of  faith. 

The  Arabians  observe  pledges  as  religiously  as  any  people ; 
and  they  make  them  in  the  following  manner:  When  any 
wish  to  pledge  their  faith,  a  third  person,  standing  between 
the  two  parties,  makes  an  incision  with  a  sharp  stone  in  the 
palm  of  the  hand,  near  the  longest  fingers,  of  both  the  con- 
tractors ;  then  taking  some  of  the  nap  from  the  garment  of 
each,  he  smears  seven  stones,  placed  between  them,  with  the 
blood ;  and  as  he  does  this  he  invokes  Bacchus  and  Urania. 
When  this  ceremony  is  completed,  the  person  who  pledges 
his  faith  binds  his  friends  as  sureties  to  the  stranger,  or  the 
citizen  if  the  contract  be  made  with  a  citizen,  and  the  friends 
also  hold  themselves  obliged  to  observe  the  engagement. 
They  acknowledge  no  other  gods  than  Bacchus  and  Urania, 
and  they  say  that  their  hair  is  cut  in  the  same  way  as  Bac- 
chus's  is  cut ;  but  they  cut  it  in  a  circular  form,  shearing  it 
round  the  temples.    They  call  Bacchus,  Orotal ;  and  Urania, 


156  HERODOTUS— BOOK  III,  THALIA  [9-12 

Alilat.  When,  therefore,  the  Arabian  had  exchanged  pledges 
with  the  ambassadors  who  came  from  Cambyses,  he  adopted 
the  following  contrivance :  Having  filled  camels'  skins  with 
water,  he  loaded  them  on  all  his  living  camels,  and  having 
done  this  he  drove  them  to  the  arid  region,  and  there  awaited 
the  army  of  Cambyses.  This  is  the  most  credible  of  the  ac- 
counts that  are  given;  yet  it  is  right  that  one  less  credible 
should  be  mentioned,  since  it  is  likewise  affirmed.  There  is 
a  large  river  in  Arabia  called  Corys,  which  discharges  itself 
into  that  called  the  Red  Sea.  From  this  river,  then,  it  is  said 
that  the  King  of  the  Arabians  having  sewn  together  a  pipe  of 
ox-hides  and  other  skins,  reaching  in  length  to  the  arid  region, 
conveyed  the  water  through  it ;  and  that  in  the  arid  region 
he  dug  large  reservoirs  to  receive  and  preserve  the  water. 
It  is  a  twelve  days'  journey  from  the  river  to  the  arid  region ; 
he  therefore  conveyed  water  through  three  several  pipes  into 
three  different  places. 

Psammenitus,  the  son  of  Amasis,  lay  encamped  at  that 
called  the  Pelusiac  mouth  of  the  Nile  awaiting  Cambyses ;  for 
Cambyses  did  not  find  Amasis  alive  when  he  marched  against 
Egypt;  but  Amasis  died  after  a  reign  of  forty-four  years, 
during  which  no  great  calamity  had  befallen  him.  But  hav- 
ing died,  and  being  embalmed,  he  was  buried  in  the  sepulchre 
that  is  in  the  sacred  precinct,  which  he  himself  had  built. 
During  the  reign  of  Psammenitus,  son  of  Amasis,  a  most  re- 
markable prodigy  befell  the  Egyptians ;  for  rain  fell  at  Egyp- 
tian Thebes,  which  had  never  happened  before,  nor  since,  to 
my  time,  as  the  Thebans  themselves  affirm.  For  no  rain 
ever  falls  in  the  upper  regions  of  Egypt ;  but  at  that  time  rain 
fell  in  drops  at  Thebes.  The  Persians  having  marched  through 
the  arid  region,  halted  near  the  Egyptians,  as  if  with  a  design 
of  engaging;  there  the  auxiliaries  of  the  Egyptians,  consist- 
ing of  Greeks  and  Carians,  condemning  Phanes  because  he 
had  led  a  foreign  army  against  Egypt,  adopted  the  following 
expedient  against  him:  Phanes  had  left  his  sons  in  Egypt; 
these  they  brought  to  the  camp,  within  sight  of  their  father, 
and  placed  a  bowl  midway  between  the  two  armies,  then  drag- 
ging the  children  one  by  one,  they  slew  them  over  the  bowl. 
When  they  slaughtered  all  the  children,  they  poured  wine 
and  water  into  the  bowl ;  and  after  all  the  auxiliaries  had 
drunk  of  the  blood,  they  immediately  joined  battle.  A  hard 
battle  having  been  fought,  and  when  great  numbers  had  fallen 
on  both  sides,  the  Egyptians  were  put  to  flight.  Here  I  saw 
a  very  surprising  fact,  which  the  people  of  the  country  in- 
formed me  of.     For  as  the  bones  of  those  who  were  killed 


12-14]  CAMBYSES   CONQUERS   EGYPT  157 

in  that  battle  lie  scattered  about  separately  (for  the  bones  of 
the  Persians  lay  apart  in  one  place  as  they  did  at  first,  and 
those  of  the  Egyptians  in  another),  the  skulls  of  the  Per- 
sians were  so  weak  that  if  you  should  hit  them  only  with  a 
single  pebble  you  would  break  a  hole  in  them ;  whereas  those 
of  the  Egyptians  are  so  hard  that  you  could  scarcely  fracture 
them  by  striking  them  with  a  stone.  The  cause  of  this,  they 
told  me,  is  as  follows,  and  I  readily  assented :  That  the  Egyp- 
tians begin  from  childhood  and  shave  their  heads,  and  the 
bone  is  thickened  by  exposure  to  the  sun:  from  the  same 
cause,  also,  they  are  less  subject  to  baldness,  for  one  sees  fewer 
persons  bald  in  Egypt  than  in  any  other  country.  This,  then, 
is  the  cause  of  their  having  such  strong  skulls :  and  the  reason 
why  the  Persians  have  weak  skulls  is  this :  they  shade  them 
from  the  first,  wearing  tiaras  for  hats.  Now  I,  myself,  saw 
that  such  was  the  case;  and  I  also  observed  the  same  thing 
at  Papremis,  with  respect  to  those  who  were  slain  with  Achae- 
menes,  son  of  Darius,  by  Inarus  the  Libyan. 

The  Egyptians,  when  they  were  defeated,  fled  in  complete 
disorder  from  the  battle.  When  they  had  shut  themselves  up 
in  Memphis,  Cambyses  sent  a  Mitylenaean  bark  up  the  river, 
with  a  Persian  herald  on  board,  to  invite  the  Egyptians  to 
terms.  But  they,  when  they  saw  the  bark  entering  Mem- 
phis, rushed  in  a  mass  from  the  wall,  destroyed  the  ship,  and 
having  torn  the  crew  to  pieces  limb  by  limb,  they  carried 
them  into  the  citadel.  After  this  the  Egyptians  were  besieged, 
and  at  length  surrendered.  The  neighbouring  Libyans,  fear- 
ing what  had  befallen  Egypt,  gave  themselves  up,  without 
resistance;  and  submitted  to  pay  a  tribute,  and  sent  presents. 
In  like  manner  the  Cyrenaeans  and  Barcseans,  being  equally 
alarmed  with  the  Libyans,  did  as  they  had  done.  But  Cam- 
byses received  very  graciously  the  presents  that  came  from 
the  Libyans ;  but  was  displeased  with  those  of  the  Cyrenaeans, 
because,  as  I  suppose,  they  were  inconsiderable.  For  the  Cyre- 
naeans sent  only  five  hundred  minae  of  silver,  which  he  grasped 
and  dispersed  with  his  own  hand  among  the  soldiers.  On 
the  tenth  day  after  Cambyses  had  taken  the  citadel  of  Mem- 
phis, having  seated  Psammenitus,  the  King  of  the  Egyptians, 
who  had  reigned  only  six  months,  at  the  entrance  of  the  city, 
by  way  of  insult — having  seated  him  with  other  Egyptians, 
he  made  trial  of  his  courage  by  the  following  means :  Having 
dressed  his  daughter  in  the  habit  of  a  slave,  he  sent  her  with 
a  pitcher  to  fetch  water;  and  he  sent  with  her  other  virgins 
selected  from  the  principal  families,  dressed  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  the  king's  daughter.    As  the  virgins,  with  loud  lamenta- 


158  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [14-15 

tion  and  weeping,  came  into  the  presence  of  their  fathers,  all 
the  other  fathers  answered  them  with  wailing  and  weeping 
when  they  beheld  their  children  thus  humiliated.  But  Psam- 
menitus  alone,  when  he  saw  and  knew  what  was  going  on, 
only  bent  his  eyes  to  the  ground.  When  these  water-carriers 
had  passed  by,  he  next  sent  his  son,  with  two  thousand  Egyp- 
tians of  the  same  age,  with  halters  about  their  necks  and  a 
bridle  in  their  mouths ;  and  they  were  led  out  to  suffer  retri- 
bution for  those  Mitylenseans  who  had  perished  at  Memphis 
with  the  ship.  For  the  royal  judges  had  given  sentence  that 
for  each  man  ten  of  the  principal  Egyptians  should  be  put  to 
death.  Yet  he,  when  he  saw  them  passing  by,  and  knew  that 
his  son  was  being  led  out  to  death,  though  all  the  rest  of  the 
Egyptians  who  sat  round  him  wept  and  made  loud  lamenta- 
tions, did  the  same  as  he  had  done  in  his  daughter's  case. 
When  these  had  passed  by,  it  happened  that  one  of  his  boon 
companions,  a  man  somewhat  advanced  in  years,  who  had 
lost  his  all,  and  possessed  nothing  but  such  things  as  a  beggar 
has,  asking  alms  of  the  soldiery,  passed  by  Psammenitus,  the 
son  of  Amasis,  and  the  Egyptians  seated  in  the  suburbs ;  but 
Psammenitus,  when  he  saw  him  weeping  bitterly,  and  calling 
his  companion  by  name,  smote  his  head.  There  were,  however, 
spies  there  who  communicated  to  Cambyses  everything  that 
was  done  by  him  at  each  procession :  but  Cambyses,  surprised 
at  this  behaviour,  sent  a  messenger,  and  inquired  of  him  as 
follows :  "  Psammjenitus,  your  master  Cambyses  inquires  why, 
when  you  saw  your  daughter  humiliated,  and  your  son  led 
to  execution,  you  did  not  bewail  or  lament ;  and  have  been  so 
highly  concerned  for  a  beggar,  who  is  in  no  way  related  to 
you,  as  he  is  informed."  He  then  asked  this  question,  but 
Psammenitus  answered  as  follows :  "  Son  of  Cyrus,  the  calami- 
ties of  my  family  are  too  great  to  be  expressed  by  lamenta- 
tion ;  but  the  griefs  of  my  friend  were  worthy  of  tears,  who, 
having  fallen  from  abundance  and  prosperity,  has  come  to 
beggary  on  the  threshold  of  old  age."  When  this  answer  was 
brought  back  by  the  messenger,  it  appeared  to  Cambyses  to 
be  well  said ;  and,  as  the  Egyptians  relate,  Croesus  wept,  for 
he  had  attended  Cambyses  into  Egypt,  and  the  Persians  that 
were  present  wept  also,  and  Cambyses  himself  was  touched 
with  pity,  and  gave  immediate  orders  to  preserve  his  son  out 
of  those  who  were  to  perish,  and  to  remove  him  and  bring 
him  from  the  suburbs  into  his  presence.  Those  who  were 
sent  found  the  son  no  longer  alive,  having  been  the  first  that 
suffered ;  but  having  removed  Psammenitus  himself,  they  con- 
ducted him  to  Cambyses,  with  whom  he  afterward  lived,  with- 


I5-I6]  TOMB  OF  AMASIS  VIOLATED  1 59 

out  experiencing  any  violence.  And  had  it  not  been  suspected 
that  he  was  planning  innovations,  he  would  probably  have 
recovered  Egypt,  so  as  to  have  the  government  intrusted  to 
him.  For  the  Persians  are  accustomed  to  honour  the  sons  of 
kings,  and  even  if  they  have  revolted  from  them,  nevertheless 
bestow  the  government  upon  their  children ;  that  such  is  their 
custom  may  be  proved  from  many  other  examples,  and  among 
them  by  that  of  Thannyras,  the  son  of  Inarus  the  Libyan, 
who  recovered  the  government  which  his  father  had ;  and  by 
that  of  Pausiris,  son  of  Amyrtseus,  for  he  also  recovered  his 
father's  government :  yet  none  ever  did  more  mischief  to  the 
Persians  than  Inarus  and  Amyrtaeus.  But  now  Psammenitus, 
devising  mischief,  received  his  reward,  for  he  was  discovered 
inciting  the  Egyptians  to  revolt ;  and  when  he  was  detected 
by  Cambyses  he  was  compelled  to  drink  the  blood  of  a  bull, 
and  died  immediately.    Such,  then,  was  his  end. 

Cambyses  proceeded  from  Memphis  to  the  city  of  Sais, 
purposing  to  do  what  he  did  effect;  for  when  he  entered  the 
palace  of  Amasis,  he  presently  commanded  the  dead  body  of 
Amasis  to  be  brought  out  of  the  sepulchre ;  and  when  this  was 
done  he  gave  orders  to  scourge  it,  to  pull  off  the  hair,  to  prick 
it,  and  to  abuse  it  in  every  possible  manner.  But  when  they 
were  wearied  with  this  employment  (for  the  dead  body,  since 
it  was  embalmed,  resisted,  and  did  not  at  all  fall  in  pieces), 
Cambyses  gave  orders  to  burn  it,  commanding  what  is  im- 
pious. For  the  Persians  consider  fire  to  be  a  god ;  therefore 
to  burn  the  dead  is  on  no  account  allowed  by  either  nation; 
not  by  the  Persians,  for  the  reason  above  mentioned,  for  they 
say  it  is  not  right  to  offer  to  a  god  the  dead  body  of  a  man ; 
and  by  the  Egyptians  fire  is  held  to  be  a  living  beast,  and 
that  it  devours  everything  it  can  lay  hold  of,  and  when  it  is 
glutted  with  food  it  expires  with  what  it  has  consumed ;  there- 
fore it  is  their  law,  on  no  account  to  give  a  dead  body  to  wild 
beasts,  and  for  that  reason  they  embalm  them,  that  they  may 
not  lie  and  be  eaten  by  worms.  Cambyses,  therefore,  com- 
manded a  thing  repugnant  to  the  customs  of  both  nations. 
However,  as  the  Egyptians  say,  it  was  not  Amasis  that  was 
thus  treated,  but  some  other  Egyptian  of  the  same  stature 
as  Amasis  whom  the  Persians  insulted,  thinking  they  insulted 
Amasis.  For  they  say  that  Amasis,  having  been  informed 
by  an  oracle  of  what  should  happen  to  him  after  death,  in 
order  to  remedy  the  impending  evil,  buried  the  body  of  this 
very  man  who  was  scourged  near  the  door  of  his  own  sepul- 
chre, and  charged  his  son  to  deposit  his  own  in  the  remotest 
part  of  the  vault.    Now,  these  commands  of  Amasis,  touch- 


l6o  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [16-20 

ing  his  own  burial,  and  this  man,  appear  to  me  never  to  have 
been  given,  but  the  Egyptians  falsely  boast  of  them. 

Afterward,  Cambyses  planned  three  several  expeditions: 
one  against  the  Carthaginians,  another  against  the  Ammoni- 
ans,  and  a  third  against  the  Macrobian  Ethiopians,  who  in- 
habit that  part  of  Libya  which  lies  upon  the  South  Sea.  And 
in  forming  his  plans  he  determined  to  send  a  naval  force 
against  the  Carthaginians,  and  against  the  Ammonians  a  de- 
tachment of  his  land  forces ;  and  against  the  Ethiopians,  spies 
in  the  first  instance,  who  were  to  see  the  table  of  the  sun,  which 
was  said  to  exist  among  the  Ethiopians,  and  besides  to  ex- 
plore other  things,  and  to  cover  their  design  they  were  to 
carry  presents  to  the  king.  The  table  of  the  sun  is  said  to 
be  of  the  following  description:  There  is  a  meadow  in  the 
suburbs  filled  with  the  cooked  flesh  of  all  sorts  of  quadru- 
peds; in  this  the  several  magistrates  of  the  city,  for  some 
purpose,  place  the  flesh  at  night,  and  in  the  daytime  whoever 
chooses  comes  and  feasts  on  it.  The  inhabitants  say  that  the 
earth  itself,  from  time  to  time,  produces  these  things.  Such 
is  the  description  given  of  what  is  called  the  table  of  the  sun. 
When  Cambyses  had  determined  to  send  the  spies,  he  imme- 
diately sent  to  Elephantine  for  some  of  the  Ichthyophagi,  who 
understood  the  Ethiopian  language ;  and  while  they  were 
fetching  these,  he  commanded  the  naval  force  to  sail  against 
Carthage.  But  the  Phoenicians  refused  to  obey,  for  that  they 
were  bound  by  solemn  oaths,  and  that  they  should  act  im- 
piously if  they  made  war  against  their  own  descendants.  As 
the  Phoenicians  would  not  go,  the  rest  were  not  fit  for  such 
an  enterprise :  thus,  therefore,  the  Carthaginians  escaped  slav- 
ery at  the  hands  of  the  Persians.  For  Cambyses  did  not  think 
it  right  to  employ  force  toward  the  Phoenicians,  because  they 
had  voluntarily  submitted  to  the  Persians,  and  the  whole  naval 
force  depended  on  them.  The  Cyprians,  too,  having  given 
themselves  up  to  the  Persians,  joined  the  expedition  against 
Egypt.  When  the  Ichthyophagi  came  to  Cambyses  from  Ele- 
phantine, he  despatched  them  to  the  Ethiopians,  having  in- 
structed them  what  to  say,  carrying  presents  consisting  of 
a  purple  cloak,  a  golden  necklace,  bracelets,  an  alabaster  box 
of  ointment,  and  a  cask  of  palm  wine.  These  Ethiopians,  to 
whom  Cambyses  sent,  are  said  to  be  the  tallest  and  hand- 
somest of  all  men ;  and  they  say  that  they  have  customs  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  other  nations,  and  especially  the  follow- 
ing, with  regard  to  the  regal  power;  for  they  confer  the  sov- 
ereignty upon  the  man  whom  they  consider  to  be  of  the  largest 
stature,  and  to  possess  strength  proportionable  to  his  size. 


21-23]  THE   ETHIOPIANS  l6l 

When,  therefore,  the  Ichthyophagi  arrived  among  this 
people,  they  gave  the  presents  to  the  king,  and  addressed  him 
as  follows :  "  Cambyses,  King  of  the  Persians,  desirous  of  be- 
coming your  friend  and  ally,  has  sent  us,  bidding  us  confer 
with  you,  and  he  presents  you  with  these  gifts,  which  are  such 
as  he  himself  most  delights  in."  But  the  Ethiopian,  knowing 
that  they  came  as  spies,  spoke  thus  to  them :  "  Neither  has 
the  King  of  the  Persians  sent  you  with  presents  to  me,  because 
he  valued  my  alliance;  nor  do  you  speak  the  truth;  for  ye 
are  come  as  spies  of  my  kingdom.  Nor  is  he  a  just  man ;  for 
if  he  were  just,  he  would  not  desire  any  other  territory  than 
his  own ;  nor  would  he  reduce  people  into  servitude  who  have 
done  him  no  injury.  However,  give  him  this  bow,  and  say 
these  words  to  him :  '  The  King  of  the  Ethiopians  advises  the 
King  of  the  Persians,  when  the  Persians  can  thus  easily  draw 
a  bow  of  this  size,  then  to  make  war  on  the  Macrobian  Ethi- 
opians with  more  numerous  forces;  but  until  that  time  let 
him  thank  the  gods,  who  have  not  inspired  the  sons  of  the 
Ethiopians  with  a  desire  of  adding  another  land  to  their  own.'" 
Having  spoken  thus  and  unstrung  the  bow,  he  delivered  it 
to  the  comers.  Then  taking  up  the  purple  cloak,  he  asked 
what  it  was,  and  how  made ;  and  when  the  Ichthyophagi  told 
him  the  truth  respecting  the  purple,  and  the  manner  of  dyeing, 
he  said  that  the  men  are  deceptive,  and  their  garments  are 
deceptive  also.  Next  he  inquired  about  the  necklace  and 
bracelets,  and  when  the  Ichthyophagi  explained  to  him  their 
use  as  ornaments,  the  king,  laughing,  and  supposing  them  to 
be  fetters,  said  that  they  have  stronger  fetters  than  these. 
Thirdly,  he  inquired  about  the  ointment ;  and  when  they  told 
him  about  its  composition  and  use,  he  made  the  same  remark 
as  he  had  on  the  cloak.  But  when  he  came  to  the  wine,  and 
inquired  how  it  was  made,  being  very  much  delighted  with 
the  draught,  he  further  asked  what  food  the  king  made  use 
of,  and  what  was  the  longest  age  to  which  a  Persian  lived. 
They  answered,  that  he  fed  on  bread,  describing  the  nature 
of  wheat ;  and  that  the  longest  period  of  the  life  of  a  Persian 
was  eighty  years.  Upon  this  the  Ethiopian  said  that  he  was 
not  at  all  surprised  if  men  who  fed  on  dung  lived  so  few  years ; 
and  they  would  not  be  able  to  live  so  many  years  if  they 
did  not  refresh  themselves  with  this  beverage,  showing  the 
wine  to  the  Ichthyophagi :  for  in  this  he  admitted  they  were 
surpassed  by  the  Persians.  The  Ichthyophagi  inquiring  in 
turn  of  the  king  concerning  the  life  and  diet  of  the  Ethiopians, 
he  said,  that  most  of  them  attained  to  a  hundred  and  twenty 
years,  and  some  even  exceeded  that  term,  and  that  their  food 
ii 


162  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [23-25 

was  boiled  flesh,  and  their  drink  milk.  And  when  the  spies 
expressed  their  astonishment  at  the  number  of  years,  he  led 
them  to  a  fountain,  by  washing  in  which  they  became  more 
sleek,  as  if  it  had  been  of  oil,  and  an  odour  proceeded  from  it 
as  of  violets.  The  water  of  this  fountain,  the  spies  said,  is  so 
weak  that  nothing  is  able  to  float  upon  it,  neither  wood,  nor 
such  things  as  are  lighter  than  wood;  but  everything  sinks 
to  the  bottom.  If  this  water  is  truly  such  as  it  is  said  to  be, 
it  may  be  they  are  long-lived  by  reason  of  the  abundant  use 
of  it.  Leaving  this  fountain,  he  conducted  them  to  the  com- 
mon prison,  where  all  were  fettered  with  golden  chains;  for 
among  these  Ethiopians  brass  is  the  most  rare  and  precious 
of  all  metals.  After  having  viewed  the  prison,  they  next  visited 
that  which  is  called  the  table  of  the  sun.  After  this,  they  vis- 
ited last  of  all  their  sepulchres,  which  are  said  to  be  prepared 
from  crystal  in  the  following  manner :  When  they  have  dried 
the  body,  either  as  the  Egyptians  do,  or  in  some  other  way, 
they  plaster  it  all  over  with  gypsum,  and  paint  it,  making 
it  as  much  as  possible  resemble  real  life ;  they  then  put  round 
it  a  hollow  column  made  of  crystal,  which  they  dig  up  in 
abundance,  and  is  easily  wrought.  The  body,  being  in  the 
middle  of  the  column,  is  plainly  seen,  nor  does  it  emit  an  un- 
pleasant smell,  nor  is  it  in  any  way  offensive:  and  it  is  all 
visible  *  as  the  body  itself.  The  nearest  relations  keep  the 
column  in  their  houses  for  a  year,  offering  to  it  the  first  fruits 
of  all,  and  performing  sacrifices ;  after  that  time  they  carry 
it  out  and  place  it  somewhere  near  the  city. 

The  spies,  having  seen  everything,  returned  home;  and 
when  they  had  reported  all  that  had  passed,  Cambyses,  being 
greatly  enraged,  immediately  marched  against  the  Ethiopians, 
without  making  any  provision  for  the  subsistence  of  his  army, 
or  once  considering  that  he  was  going  to  carry  his  arms  to 
the  remotest  parts  of  the  world ;  but  as  a  madman,  and  not  in 
possession  of  his  senses,  as  soon  as  he  heard  the  report  of  the 
Ichthyophagi,  he  set  out  on  his  march,  ordering  the  Greeks 
who  were  present  to  stay  behind,  and  taking  with  him  all  his 
land  forces.  When  the  army  reached  Thebes,  he  detached 
about  fifty  thousand  men,  and  ordered  them  to  reduce  the 
Ammonians  to  slavery,  and  to  burn  the  oracular  Temple  of 
Jupiter,  while  he  with  the  rest  of  his  army  marched  against 
the  Ethiopians.  But  before  the  army  had  passed  over  a  fifth 
part  of  the  way,  all  the  provisions  that  they  had  were  ex- 

1  The  Egyptian  mummies  could  only  be  seen  in  front,  the  back  being 
covered  by  a  box  or  coffin  ;  the  Ethiopian  bodies  could  be  seen  all  round, 
as  the  column  of  glass  was  transparent. 


2S-27]  RETREAT   FROM   ETHIOPIA  163 

hausted,  and  after  the  provisions,  the  beasts  of  burden  were 
eaten,  and  likewise  failed.  Now  if  Cambyses,  when  he  learned 
this,  had  altered  his  purpose,  and  had  led  back  his  army,  even 
after  his  first  error,  he  would  have  proved  himself  to  be  a  wise 
man.  But  now,  without  any  reflection,  he  still  continued  ad- 
vancing. The  soldiers,  as  long  as  they  could  gather  any  from 
the  earth,  supported  life  by  eating  herbs ;  but  when  they 
reached  the  sands,  some  of  them  had  recourse  to  a  horrid 
expedient,  for  taking  one  man  in  ten  by  lot,  they  devoured 
him :  when  Cambyses  heard  this,  shocked  at  their  eating  one 
another,  he  abandoned  his  expedition  against  the  Ethiopians, 
marched  back  and  reached  Thebes,  after  losing  a  great  part 
from  his  army.  From  Thebes  he  went  down  to  Memphis,  and 
suffered  the  Greeks  to  sail  away.  Thus  ended  the  expedition 
against  the  Ethiopians.  Those  who  had  been  sent  on  the  ex- 
pedition against  the  Ammonians,  after  having  set  out  from 
Thebes,  marched  under  the  conduct  of  guides,  and  are  known 
to  have  reached  the  city  Oasis,  which  is  inhabited  by  Samians, 
said  to  be  of  the  ^Eschrionian  tribe;  and  they  are  distant 
seven  days'  march  from  Thebes,  across  the  sands.  This  coun- 
try in  the  Greek  language  is  called  the  Island  of  the  Blessed. 
It  is  said  then  that  the  army  reached  this  country;  but  after- 
ward none,  except  the  Ammonians  and  those  who  have  heard 
their  report,  are  able  to  give  any  account  of  them ;  for  they 
neither  reached  the  Ammonians,  nor  returned.  But  the  Am- 
monians make  the  following  report:  When  they  had  ad- 
vanced from  this  Oasis  toward  them  across  the  sands,  and 
were  about  half-way  between  them  and  Oasis,  as  they  were 
taking  dinner,  a  strong  and  vehement  south  wind  blew,  and 
carrying  with  it  heaps  of  sand,  covered  them  over,  and  in  this 
manner  they  disappeared.  The  Ammonians  say  that  such  was 
the  fate  of  this  army. 

When  Cambyses  arrived  at  Memphis,  Apis,  whom  the 
Greeks  call  Epaphus,  appeared  to  the  Egyptians ;  and  when 
this  manifestation  took  place,  the  Egyptians  immediately  put 
on  their  richest  apparel  and  kept  festive  holiday.  Cambyses, 
seeing  them  thus  occupied,  and  concluding  that  they  made 
these  rejoicings  on  account  of  his  ill  success,  summoned  the 
magistrates  of  Memphis ;  and  when  they  came  into  his  pres- 
ence, he  asked  "  why  the  Egyptians  had  done  nothing  of  the 
kind  when  he  was  at  Memphis  before,  but  did  so  now,  when 
he  had  returned  with  the  loss  of  a  great  part  of  his  army." 
They  answered,  that  their  god  appeared  to  them,  who  was  ac- 
customed to  manifest  himself  at  distant  intervals,  and  that 
when  he  did  appear  then  all  the  Egyptians  were  used  to  re- 


164  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [27-30 

joice  and  keep  a  feast.  Cambyses,  having  heard  this,  said 
they  lied,  and  as  liars  he  put  them  to  death.  Having  slain 
them,  he  next  summoned  the  priests  into  his  presence;  and 
when  the  priests  gave  the  same  account,  he  said  that  he  would 
find  out  whether  a  god  so  tractable  had  come  among  the 
Egyptians;  and  having  said  this,  he  commanded  the  priests 
to  bring  Apis  to  him ;  they  therefore  went  away  to  fetch  him. 
This  Apis,  or  Epaphus,  is  the  calf  of  a  cow  incapable  of  con- 
ceiving another  offspring;  and  the  Egyptians  say  that  light- 
ning descends  upon  the  cow  from  heaven,  and  that  from  thence 
it  brings  forth  Apis.  This  calf,  which  is  called  Apis,  has  the 
following  marks :  It  is  black,  and  has  a  square  spot  of  white 
on  the  forehead ;  and  on  the  back  the  figure  of  an  eagle ;  and 
in  the  tail  double  hairs ;  and  on  the  tongue  a  beetle.  When 
the  priests  brought  Apis,  Cambyses,  like  one  almost  out  of 
his  senses,  drew  his  dagger,  meaning  to  strike  the  belly  of 
Apis,  but  hit  the  thigh ;  then  falling  into  a  fit  of  laughter,  he 
said  to  the  priests :  Ye  blockheads,  are  there  such  gods  as 
these,  consisting  of  blood  and  flesh,  and  sensible  of  steel? 
This  truly  is  a  god  worthy  of  the  Egyptians.  But  you  shall 
not  mock  me  with  impunity."  Having  spoken  thus,  he  com- 
manded those  whose  business  it  was  to  scourge  the  priests, 
and  to  kill  all  the  Egyptians  whom  they  should  find  feasting. 
Thus  the  festival  of  the  Egyptians  was  put  an  end  to,  and 
the  priests  were  punished.  But  Apis,  being  wounded  in  the 
thigh,  lay  and  languished  in  the  temple ;  and  at  length,  when 
he  had  died  of  the  wound,  the  priests  buried  him  without  the 
knowledge  of  Cambyses. 

But  Cambyses,  as  the  Egyptians  say,  immediately  became 
mad  in  consequence  of  this  atrocity,  though  indeed  he  was  not 
of  sound  mind  before.  His  first  crime  he  committed  against 
his  brother  Smerdis,  who  was  born  of  the  same  father  and 
mother;  him  he  sent  back  from  Egypt  to  Persia  through 
envy,  because  he  alone  of  all  the  Persians  had  drawn  the  bow, 
which  the  Ichthyophagi  brought  from  the  Ethiopian,  within 
two  fingers'  breadth :  of  the  other  Persians  no  one  was  able 
to  do  this.  After  the  departure  of  Smerdis  for  Persia,  Cam- 
byses saw  the  following  vision  in  his  sleep :  he  imagined  that 
a  messenger  arrived  from  Persia  and  informed  him  that  Smer- 
dis was  seated  on  the  royal  throne,  and  touched  the  heavens 
with  his  head.  Upon  this,  fearing  for  himself,  lest  his  brother 
should  kill  him,  and  reign,  he  sent  Prexaspes,  who  was  a 
man  the  most  faithful  to  him  of  the  Persians,  to  Persia,  with 
orders  to  kill  Smerdis.  And  he,  having  gone  up  to  Susa, 
killed  Smerdis ;  some  say,  when  he  had  taken  him  out  to 


PROCESSION  OF   THE   HULL   APIS-OSIRIS. 

Photogravure  from  a  painting  by  Frederick  Arthur  Bridgman  in  the 
Corcoran  Art  Gallery  at  Washington. 


■ 
rr 


.'" 


ourge  the  pr 

horn  they  should  find  feas 

;rians  was  put  an  end  to, 


an,  w 

a  me 

dip  \.  th 

- 
should  kill  h  who  w 

to  Persia, 
gone  u; 
taken  hii 


30-32]  MADNESS   OF   CAMBYSES  1 65 

hunt ;  but  others,  that  he  led  him  to  the  Red  Sea  and  drowned 
him.  This,  they  say,  was  the  first  of  the  crimes  of  Cambyses : 
the  second  he  committed  against  his  sister,  who  had  accom- 
panied him  into  Egypt,  and  whom  he  married,  and  who  was 
his  sister  by  both  parents.  He  married  her  in  the  following 
way :  for  before,  the  Persians  were  on  no  account  accustomed 
to  intermarry  with  their  sisters.  Cambyses  became  enamoured 
of  one  of  his  sisters,  and  then  being  desirous  of  making  her 
his  wife,  because  he  purposed  doing  what  was  not  customary, 
he  summoned  the  royal  judges,  and  asked  them  if  there  was 
any  law  permitting  one  who  wished  to  marry  his  sister.  The 
royal  judges  are  men  chosen  from  among  Persians,  who  con- 
tinue in  office  until  they  die,  or  are  convicted  of  some  injus- 
tice. They  determine  causes  between  the  Persians,  and  are 
the  interpreters  of  the  ancient  constitutions,  and  all  questions 
are  referred  to  them.  When,  therefore,  Cambyses  put  the 
question,  they  gave  an  answer  that  was  both  just  and  safe; 
saying  that  they  could  find  no  law  permitting  a  brother  to 
marry  his  sister,  but  had  discovered  another  law  which  per- 
mitted the  King  of  Persia  to  do  whatever  he  pleased.  Thus 
they  did  not  abrogate  the  law  through  fear  of  Cambyses ;  but 
that  they  might  not  lose  their  lives  by  upholding  the  law,  they 
found  out  another  that  favoured  his  desire  of  marrying  his 
sister.  Thereupon,  Cambyses  married  her  of  whom  he  was 
enamoured,  and  shortly  afterward  he  had  another  sister.  The 
youngest  of  these,  then,  who  followed  him  into  Egypt,  he 
put  to  death.  With  respect  to  her  death,  as  well  as  that  of 
Smerdis,  a  twofold  account  is  given.  The  Greeks  say  that 
Cambyses  made  the  whelp  of  a  lion  fight  with  a  young  dog; 
and  that  this  wife  was  also  looking  on ;  and  that  the  dog 
being  overmatched,  another  puppy  of  the  same  litter  broke 
his  chain,  and  came  to  his  assistance,  and  thus  the  two  dogs 
united  got  the  better  of  the  whelp.  Cambyses  was  delighted 
at  the  sight,  but  she,  sitting  by  him,  shed  tears.  Cambyses, 
observing  this,  asked  her  why  she  wept.  She  answered,  that 
she  wept  seeing  the  puppy  come  to  the  assistance  of  his 
brother,  remembering  Smerdis,  and  knowing  that  there  was  no 
one  to  avenge  him.  The  Greeks  say  that  for  this  speech  she 
was  put  to  death  by  Cambyses.  But  the  Egyptians  say  that, 
as  they  were  sitting  at  table,  his  wife  took  a  lettuce,  and 
stripped  off  its  leaves,  and  then  asked  her  husband,  "  Whether 
the  lettuce  stripped  of  its  leaves,  or  thick  with  foliage,  was  the 
handsomer  ?  "  he  said,  "  When  thick  with  foliage  " :  where- 
upon she  remarked,  "  Then  you  have  imitated  this  lettuce,  in 
dismembering  the  house  of  Cyrus."     Whereupon  he,  being 


166  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [32-35 

enraged,  kicked  her  when  she  was  with  child ;  and  she  miscar- 
ried and  died. 

Thus  madly  did  Cambyses  behave  toward  his  own  family ; 
whether  on  account  of  Apis,  or  from  some  other  cause,  from 
which,  in  many  ways,  misfortunes  are  wont  to  befall  man- 
kind. For  Cambyses  is  said,  even  from  infancy,  to  have  been 
afflicted  with  a  certain  severe  malady,  which  some  called  the 
sacred  disease.1  In  that  case,  it  was  not  at  all  surprising  that 
when  his  body  was  so  diseased  his  mind  should  not  be  sound. 
And  toward  the  other  Persians  he  behaved  madly  in  the  fol- 
lowing instances :  for  it  is  reported  that  he  said  to  Prexaspes, 
whom  he  highly  honoured,  and  whose  office  it  was  to  bring 
messages  to  him,  and  whose  son  was  cup-bearer  to  Cam- 
byses, and  this  is  no  trifling  honour,  he  is  reported  to  have 
spoken  as  follows :  "  Prexaspes,  what  sort  of  man  do  the 
Persians  think  me?  and  what  remarks  do  they  make  about 
me?"  He  answered,  "Sir,  you  are  highly  extolled  in  every 
other  respect,  but  they  say  you  are  too  much  addicted  to 
wine."  Prexaspes  said  this  of  the  Persians,  but  the  king, 
enraged,  answered  as  follows :  "  Do  the  Persians  indeed  say 
that,  by  being  addicted  to  wine,  I  am  beside  myself,  and  am 
not  in  my  senses?  Then  their  former  words  were  not  true." 
For,  on  a  former  occasion,  when  the  Persians  and  Crcesus 
were  sitting  with  him,  Cambyses  asked  what  sort  of  man 
he  appeared  to  be  in  comparison  with  his  father  Cyrus ;  they 
answered  that  he  was  superior  to  his  father,  for  that  he  held 
all  that  Cyrus  possessed,  and  had  acquired  besides  Egypt  and 
the  empire  of  the  sea.  Crcesus,  being  present,  not  being 
pleased  with  this  decision,  spoke  thus  to  Cambyses :  "  To  me 
now,  O  son  of  Cyrus,  you  do  not  appear  comparable  to  your 
father,  for  you  have  not  yet  such  a  son  as  he  left  behind  him." 
Cambyses  was  delighted  at  hearing  this,  and  commended  the 
judgment  of  Crcesus.  Therefore,  remembering  this,  he  said 
in  anger  to  Prexaspes :  "  Observe  now  yourself,  whether  the 
Persians  have  spoken  the  truth,  or  whether  they  who  say  such 
things  are  not  out  of  their  senses ;  for  if  I  shoot  that  son  of 
yours  who  stands  under  the  portico,  and  hit  him  in  the  heart, 
the  Persians  will  appear  to  have  said  nothing  to  the  purpose ; 
but  if  I  miss,  then  say  that  the  Persians  have  spoken  truth, 
and  that  I  am  not  of  sound  mind."  Having  said  this,  and 
bent  his  bow,  he  hit  the  boy;  and  when  the  boy  had  fallen, 
he  ordered  them  to  open  him  and  examine  the  wound ;  and 
when  the  arrow  was  found  in  the  heart,  he  said  to  the  boy's 
father,  laughing :  "  Prexaspes,  it  has  been  clearly  shown  to 

1  Epilepsy. 


35-37]  MADNESS  OF  CAMBYSES  1 67 

you  that  I  am  not  mad,  but  that  the  Persians  are  out  of  their 
senses.  Now  tell  me,  did  you  ever  see  a  man  take  so  true  an 
aim  ?  "  But  Prexaspes,  perceiving  him  to  be  out  of  his  mind, 
and  being  in  fear  for  his  own  life,  said,  "  Sir,  I  believe  that  a 
god  himself  could  not  have  shot  so  well."  At  that  time  he 
committed  such  an  atrocity;  and  at  another  time,  having, 
without  any  just  cause,  seized  twelve  Persians  of  the  first  rank, 
he  had  them  buried  alive  up  to  the  head. 

While  he  was  acting  in  this  manner,  Croesus  the  Lydian 
thought  fit  to  admonish  him  in  the  following  terms :  "  O  king, 
do  not  yield  entirely  to  your  youthful  impulses  and  anger, 
but  possess  and  restrain  yourself.  It  is  a  good  thing  to  be 
provident,  and  wise  to  have  forethought.  You  put  men  to 
death  who  are  your  own  subjects,  having  seized  them  with- 
out any  just  cause ;  and  you  slay  their  children.  If  you  per- 
sist in  such  a  course,  beware  lest  the  Persians  revolt  from  you. 
Your  father  Cyrus  strictly  charged  me  to  admonish  you,  and 
suggest  whatever  I  might  discover  for  your  good."  He  then 
manifested  his  good- will  in  giving  this  advice ;  but  Cambyses 
answered :  "  Do  you  presume  to  give  me  advice,  you,  who 
so  wisely  managed  your  own  country;  and  so  well  advised 
my  father,  when  you  persuaded  him  to  pass  the  river  Araxes, 
and  advance  against  the  Massagetae,  when  they  were  willing 
to  cross  over  into  our  territory  ?  You  have  first  ruined  yourself 
by  badly  governing  your  own  country,  and  then  ruined  Cyrus, 
who  was  persuaded  by  your  advice.  But  you  shall  have  no 
reason  to  rejoice ;  for  I  have  long  wanted  to  find  a  pretext 
against  you."  So  saying,  he  took  up  his  bow  for  the  pur- 
pose of  shooting  him ;  but  Croesus  jumped  up  and  ran  out. 
Cambyses,  when  he  was  unable  to  shoot  him,  commanded  his 
attendants  to  seize  him,  and  put  him  to  death.  But  the  at- 
tendants, knowing  his  temper,  concealed  Croesus  for  the  fol- 
lowing reason,  that  if  Cambyses  should  repent,  and  inquire 
for  Croesus,  they,  by  producing  him,  might  receive  rewards 
for  preserving  him  alive ;  or  if  he  should  not  repent,  or  regret 
him,  then  they  would  put  him  to  death.  Not  long  afterward 
Cambyses  did  regret  Croesus,  and  the  attendants,  knowing 
this,  acquainted  him  that  he  was  still  living;  on  which  Cam- 
byses said :  "  I  am  rejoiced  that  Croesus  is  still  alive ;  they, 
however,  who  saved  him  shall  not  escape  with  impunity,  but 
I  will  have  them  put  to  death."    And  he  made  good  his  word. 

He,  then,  committed  many  such  mad  actions,  both  against 
the  Persians  and  his  allies,  while  he  stayed  at  Memphis,  both 
opening  ancient  sepulchres,  and  examining  the  dead  bodies ; 
he  also  entered  the  Temple  of  Vulcan,  and  derided  the  image, 


1 68  HERODOTUS— BOOK  III,  THALIA  [37-39 

for  the  image  of  Vulcan  is  very  like  the  Phoenician  Pataici, 
which  the  Phoenicians  place  at  the  prows  of  their  triremes. 
For  the  benefit  of  any  one  who  has  not  seen  them,  I  will  de- 
scribe them ;  it  is  a  representation  of  a  pigmy.  He  likewise 
entered  the  temple  of  the  Cabeiri  (into  which  it  is  unlawful 
for  any  one  except  the  priest  to  enter),  and  these  images  he 
burned,  after  he  had  ridiculed  them  in  various  ways :  these 
also  are  like  that  of  Vulcan;  and  they  say  that  they  are  the 
sons  of  this  latter.  It  is  then  in  every  way  clear  to  me  that 
Cambyses  was  outrageously  mad;  otherwise  he  would  not 
have  attempted  to  deride  sacred  things  and  established  cus- 
toms. For  if  any  one  should  propose  to  all  men  to  select  the 
best  institutions  of  all  that  exist,  each,  after  considering  them 
all,  would  choose  their  own ;  so  certain  is  it  that  each  thinks 
his  own  institutions  by  far  the  best.  It  is  not  therefore  prob- 
able that  any  but  a  madman  would  make  such  things  the  sub- 
ject of  ridicule.  That  all  men  are  of  this  mind  respecting 
their  own  institutions  may  be  inferred  from  many  and  various 
proofs,  and  among  them  by  the  following:  Darius  having 
summoned  some  Greeks  under  his  sway,  who  were  present, 
asked  them  for  what  sum  they  would  feed  upon  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  parents.  They  answered  that  they  would  not 
do  it  for  any  sum.  Darius  afterward  having  summoned  some 
of  the  Indians  called  Callatians,  who  are  accustomed  to  eat 
their  parents,  asked  them  in  the  presence  of  the  Greeks,  and 
who  were  informed  of  what  was  said  by  an  interpreter,  for  what 
sum  they  would  consent  to  burn  their  fathers  when  they  die. 
But  they,  making  loud  exclamations,  begged  he  would  speak 
words  of  good  omen.  Such,  then,  is  the  effect  of  custom : 
and  Pindar  appears  to  me  to  have  said  rightly,  that  "  custom 
is  the  king  of  all  men." 

While  Cambyses  was  invading  Egypt,  the  Lacedaemonians 
made  an  expedition  against  Samos  and  Polycrates,  the  son 
of  ^Eaces,  who  had  made  an  insurrection  and  seized  on  Samos. 
At  first,  having  divided  the  state  into  three  parts,  he  shared  it 
with  his  brothers  Pantagnatos  and  Syloson ;  but  afterward, 
having  put  one  of  them  to  death,  and  expelled  Syloson,  the 
younger,  he  held  the  whole  of  Samos ;  and  holding  it,  made 
a  treaty  of  friendship  with  Amasis,  King  of  Egypt,  sending 
presents  and  receiving  others  from  him  in  return.  In  a  very 
short  time  the  power  of  Polycrates  increased,  and  was  noised 
abroad  throughout  Ionia  and  the  rest  of  Greece ;  for  wherever 
he  turned  his  arms  everything  turned  out  prosperously.  He 
had  a  hundred  fifty-oared  galleys,  and  a  thousand  archers. 
And  he  plundered  all  without  distinction ;  for  he  said  that  he 


39-42]  POLYCRATES  1 69 

gratified  a  friend  more  by  restoring  what  he  had  seized  than 
by  taking  nothing  at  all.  He  accordingly  took  many  of  the 
islands,  and  many  cities  on  the  continent;  he  moreover  over- 
came in  a  sea-fight,  and  took  prisoners,  the  Lesbians,  who 
came  to  assist  the  Milesians  with  all  their  forces :  these,  being 
put  in  chains,  dug  the  whole  trench  that  surrounds  the  walls 
of  Samos.  Somehow  the  exceeding  good  fortune  of  Polyc- 
rates  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  Amasis,  but  was  the  cause 
of  uneasiness  to  him ;  and  when  his  successes  continued  to  in- 
crease, having  written  a  letter  in  the  following  terms,  he  de- 
spatched it  to  Samos :  "  Amasis  to  Polycrates  says  thus :  It 
is  pleasant  to  hear  of  the  successes  of  a  friend  and  ally.  But 
your  too  great  good  fortune  does  not  please  me,  knowing, 
as  I  do,  that  the  divinity  is  jealous.  As  for  me,  I  would  rather 
choose  that  both  I  and  those  for  whom  I  am  solicitous  should 
be  partly  successful  in  our  undertakings,  and  partly  suffer  re- 
verses ;  and  so  pass  life,  meeting  with  vicissitudes  of  fortune, 
than  being  prosperous  in  all  things.  For  I  can  not  remember 
that  I  ever  heard  of  any  man  who,  having  been  constantly 
successful,  did  not  at  last  utterly  perish.  Be  advised  there- 
fore by  me,  and  act  thus  with  regard  to  your  good  fortune. 
Having  considered  what  you  can  find  that  you  value  most, 
and  the  loss  of  which  would  most  pain  your  soul,  this  cast 
away,  that  it  may  never  more  be  seen  of  man:  and  if  after 
this  successes  are  not  mingled  interchangeably  with  reverses, 
again  have  recourse  to  the  remedy  I  have  suggested."  Polyc- 
rates, having  read  this  letter,  and  conceived  that  Amasis  had 
given  him  good  advice,  inquired  of  himself  by  the  loss  of  which 
of  his  valuables  he  should  most  afflict  his  soul ;  and  on  in- 
quiry, he  discovered  the  following:  He  had  a  seal  which  he 
wore,  set  in  gold,  made  of  an  emerald,  and  it  was  the  work- 
manship of  Theodorus,  the  son  of  Telecles,  a  Samian;  when 
therefore  he  had  determined  to  cast  this  away,  he  did  as  fol- 
lows :  Having  manned  a  fifty-oared  galley,  he  went  on  board 
it,  and  then  ordered  to  put  out  to"  sea ;  and  when  he  was  a 
considerable  distance  from  the  island,  he  took  off  the  seal,  and 
in  the  sight  of  all  on  board,  threw  it  into  the  sea.  This  done, 
he  sailed  back  again ;  and  having  reached  his  palace,  he 
mourned  it  as  a  great  misfortune.  But  on  the  fifth  or  sixth 
day  after  this  the  following  circumstance  occurred :  A  fisher- 
man, having  caught  a  large  and  beautiful  fish,  thought  it  a 
present  worthy  to  be  given  to  Polycrates ;  he  accordingly  car- 
ried it  to  the  gates,  and  said  that  he  wished  to  be  admitted  to 
the  presence  of  Polycrates ;  and  when  this  was  granted,  he 
presented  the  fish,  and  said :  "  O  king,  having  caught  this, 


170  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA       .        [42-45 

I  did  not  think  it  right  to  take  it  to  market,  although  I  get 
my  living  by  hard  labour ;  but  it  seemed  to  me  worthy  of  you 
and  your  empire ;  I  bring  it,  therefore,  and  present  it  to  you." 
He,  pleased  with  these  words,  replied,  "  You  have  done  well, 
and  I  give  you  double  thanks  for  your  speech  and  your  pres- 
ent, and  I  invite  you  to  supper."  The  fisherman,  thinking  a 
great  deal  of  this,  went  away  to  his  own  home ;  but  the  serv- 
ants, opening  the  fish,  found  the  seal  of  Polycrates  in  its  belly ; 
and  as  soon  as  they  had  seen  it,  and  taken  it  out,  they  car- 
ried it  with  great  joy  to  Polycrates,  and  as  they  gave  him  the 
seal  they  acquainted  him  in  what  manner  it  had  been  found. 
But  when  it  occurred  to  him  that  the  event  was  superhuman, 
he  wrote  an  account  of  what  he  had  done,  and  of  what  had 
happened,  and  having  written,  he  despatched  the  account  t0""" 
Egypt.  But  Amasis,  having  read  the  letter  that  came  from 
Polycrates,  felt  persuaded  that  it  was  impossible  for  man  to 
rescue  man  from  the  fate  that  awaited  him,  and  that  Polyc- 
rates would  not  come  to  a  good  end,  since  he  was  fortunate 
in  everything,  and  even  found  what  he  had  thrown  away ;  hav- 
ing therefore  sent  a  herald  to  Samos,  he  said  that  he  must 
renounce  his  friendship.  He  did  this  for  the  following  reason, 
lest  if  some  dreadful  and  great  calamity  befell  Polycrates,  he 
might  himself  be  grieved  for  him,  as  for  a  friend.         —T"— " 

Against  this  Polycrates,  then,  who  was  so  universally  pros- 
perous, the  Lacedaemonians  made  war,  at  the  solicitation  of 
those  Samians  who  afterward  founded  Cydonia  in  Crete. 
Polycrates,  having  sent  to  Cambyses,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  as  he 
was  collecting  an  army  for  the  invasion  of  Egypt,  begged 
that  he  would  send  to  him  at  Samos  and  demand  some  troops. 
When  Cambyses  heard  this,  he  readily  sent  to  Samos,  re- 
questing Polycrates  to  furnish  a  naval  force  to  attend  him 
in  his  invasion  of  Egypt.  Whereupon  he,  having  selected 
those  citizens  whom  he  most  suspected  of  seditious  designs, 
sent  them  away  in  forty  galleys,  enjoining  Cambyses  not 
to  send  them  home  again.  Now,  some  say  that  these  Sami- 
ans who  were  sent  out  by  Polycrates  never  reached  Egypt, 
but  when  they  were  off  Carpathius,  they  conferred  together 
and  resolved  to  sail  no  farther.  Others  say  that,  having  ar- 
rived in  Egypt,  and  finding  themselves  watched,  they  made 
their  escape  from  thence;  and  as  they  were  sailing  back  to 
Samos,  Polycrates  met  them  with  a  fleet,  and  came  to  an  en- 
gagement ;  and  they  who  were  returning  gained  the  victory 
and  landed  on  the  island,  and  there  having  fought  on  land, 
they  were  worsted,  and  so  set  sail  for  Lacedsemon.  There 
are  some  who  say  that  the  party  from  Egypt  conquered  Polyc- 


45-48]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  SAMOS  171 

rates ;  in  my  opinion,  giving  an  erroneous  account :  for  there 
would  have  been  no  need  for  their  calling  in  the  Lacedaemoni- 
ans if  they  were  themselves  able  to  get  the  better  of  Polyc- 
rates.  Besides,  it  is  not  at  all  probable  that  one  who  had  a 
numerous  body  of  foreign  mercenaries,  and  of  native  archers, 
should  be  beaten  by  the  Samians  who  returned,  who  were 
few  in  number.  Moreover,  Polycrates,  having  shut  up  to- 
gether in  the  arsenals  the  children  and  wives  of  the  citizens 
who  were  subject  to  him,  had  them  ready  to  burn,  together 
with  the  arsenals  themselves,  in  case  they  should  go  over  to 
those  who  were  returning.  When  the  Samians,  expelled  by 
Polycrates,  arrived  at  Sparta,  having  presented  themselves 
before  the  magistrates,  they  made  a  long  harangue,  as  people 
very  much  in  earnest.  But  they,  at  this  first  audience,  an- 
swered them,  that  they  had  forgotten  the  first  part  of  their 
speech,  and  did  not  understand  the  last.  After  this,  having 
presented  themselves  a  second  time,  they  brought  a  sack, 
and  said  nothing  else  than  "  the  sack  wants  meal " ;  but  the 
Lacedaemonians  replied  that  the  word  "  sack  "  was  super- 
fluous :  it  was,  however,  decreed  that  they  should  assist  them. 
Then  the  Lacedaemonians,  having  made  preparations,  set  out 
with  an  army  against  Samos ;  as  the  Samians  say,  requiting 
a  former  kindness,  because  they  had  formerly  assisted  them 
with  some  ships  against  the  Messenians ;  but  as  the  Lacedae- 
monians say,  they  undertook  this  expedition  not  so  much  for 
the  purpose  of  assisting  the  Samians  who  entreated  them  as 
from  a  desire  to  revenge  the  seizure  of  the  bowl  which  they 
sent  to  Croesus,  and  the  corselet  which  Amasis,  King  of  Egypt, 
had  sent  to  them  as  a  present ;  for  the  Samians  had  robbed 
them  of  the  corselet  the  year  before  they  took  the  bowl.  This 
corselet  was  made  of  linen,  with  many  figures  of  animals  in- 
wrought, and  adorned  with  gold  and  cotton  wool :  and  on  this 
account  each  thread  of  the  corselet  makes  it  worthy  of  ad- 
miration ;  for  though  it  is  fine,  it  contains  three  hundred  and 
sixty  threads,  all  distinct.  Such  another  is  that  which  Amasis 
dedicated  to  Minerva  at  Lindus. 

The  Corinthians  readily  assisted  in  abetting  the  expedi- 
tion against  Samos ;  because  an  injury  had  been  also  done 
to  them  by  the  Samians  in  the  age  preceding  this  expedition, 
done  about  the  same  time  as  the  seizure  of  the  bowl.  For 
Periander,  son  of  Cypselus,  had  sent  three  hundred  youths, 
of  the  noblest  families  of  the  Corcyraeans,  to  Alyattes  at  Sar- 
dis,  for  the  purpose  of  emasculation ;  but  when  the  Corin- 
thians who  were  conducting  the  youths  touched  at  Samos, 
the  Samians,  having  ascertained  for  what  purpose  they  were 


YJ2  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [48-51 

being  conducted  to  Sardis,  first  of  all  instructed  the  youths 
to  touch  the  Temple  of  Diana,  and  afterward  would  not  suffer 
the  Corinthians  to  remove  the  suppliants  from  the  sanctuary; 
and  when  the  Corinthians  denied  the  youths  any  sustenance, 
the  Samians  instituted  a  festival,  which  they  still  observe  in 
the  same  way.  For  when  night  came  on,  as  long  as  the  youths 
continued  suppliants,  they  instituted  choruses  of  virgins  and 
young  men,  and  made  a  law  that  they  should  carry  cakes  of 
sesame  and  honey,  in  order  that  the  Corcyraean  youths  might 
seize  them  and  have  food.  This  was  continued  until  the 
Corinthians,  who  had  charge  of  the  youths,  went  away  and 
left  them ;  then  the  Samians  sent  home  the  youths  to  Corey ra. 
Now  if,  after  the  death  of  Periander,  the  Corinthians  had  been 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  Corcyrseans,  they  would  not  have 
assisted  in  the  expedition  against  Samos  for  the  above-men- 
tioned cause :  but  in  fact,  from  the  first  colonization  of  the 
island,  they  have  always  been  at  variance  with  one  another: 
for  this  reason,  therefore,  the  Corinthians  remembered  their 
grudge  against  the  Samians.  But  Periander  had  selected  the 
sons  of  the  Corcyraean  nobles,  and  sent  them  to  Sardis  to 
be  emasculated,  in  revenge  of  an  insult  offered  him;  for  the 
Corcyrseans  had  first  committed  an  outrageous  deed  against 
him.  When  Periander  had  killed  his  own  wife  Melissa,  it 
happened  that  another  calamity  succeeded  the  former.  He 
had  two  sons  by  Melissa,  one  seventeen,  the  other  eighteen 
years  of  age.  These  their  maternal  grandfather,  Procles,  who 
was  tyrant  of  Epidaurus,  sent  for,  and  treated  affectionately, 
as  was  natural,  they  being  the  sons  of  his  own  daughter.  But 
when  he  sent  them  home,  as  he  escorted  them  on  their  way, 
he  said,  "  Do  you  know,  my  sons,  who  killed  your  mother?  " 
The  elder  of  them  took  no  notice  of  these  words ;  but  the 
younger,  whose  name  was  Lycophron,  when  he  heard  it,  was 
so  grieved  at  hearing  this  that  on  his  return  at  Corinth  he  nei- 
ther addressed  his  father,  regarding  him  as  the  murderer  of 
his  mother,  nor  entered  into  conversation  with  him,  nor  an- 
swered a  word  to  his  questions.  At  last  Periander,  being  ex- 
ceedingly angry,  drove  him  from  the  palace.  Having  driven 
him  out,  he  inquired  of  the  elder  one  what  their  grandfather 
had  said  to  them.  He  related  to  him  how  kindly  he  had  re- 
ceived them ;  but  he  did  not  mention  the  words  Procles  said 
as  he  was  escorting  them,  for  he  had  paid  no  attention  to 
them.  But  Periander  affirmed  that  it  was  impossible  but  that 
he  had  suggested  something  to  them ;  and  he  persevered  in 
his  inquiries,  till  the  young  man  recovered  his  memory,  and 
mentioned  this  also.    Periander,  reflecting  on  this,  and  resolv- 


51-53]  PERIANDER  173 

ing  not  to  show  any  indulgence,  sent  a  messenger  to  the  per- 
sons by  whom  the  son  who  was  driven  out  was  entertained, 
and  forbade  them  to  receive  him  in  their  houses.  But  he, 
when  being  driven  out  from  one  house  he  came  to  another, 
was  driven  from  this  also,  since  Periander  threatened  all  that 
received  him,  and  required  them  to  expel  him.  Being  thus 
driven  about,  he  went  to  some  other  of  his  friends ;  and  they, 
though  in  dread,  yet  received  him  as  the  son  of  Periander. 
At  last  Periander  made  a  proclamation  that  whoever  should 
either  receive  him  in  his  house,  or  converse  with  him,  should 
pay  a  sacred  fine  to  Apollo,  mentioning  the  amount.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  proclamation,  therefore,  no  one  would  either 
converse  with  him  or  receive  him  into  their  houses ;  besides, 
he  himself  did  not  think  it  right  to  attempt  what  was  for- 
bidden, but,  persisting  in  his  purpose,  strayed  among  the 
porticoes.  On  the  fourth  day  Periander,  seeing  him  reduced 
to  a  state  of  filth  and  starvation,  felt  compassion,  and  relax- 
ing his  anger,  approached  him,  and  said :  "  My  son,  which  of 
these  is  preferable,  your  present  mode  of  life  or,  by  accommo- 
dating yourself  to  your  father's  wishes,  to  succeed  to  the 
power  and  riches  which  I  now  possess?  You,  who  are  my 
son,  and  a  prince  of  wealthy  Corinth,  have  chosen  a  vaga- 
bond life,  by  opposing  and  snowing  anger  toward  him  whom, 
least  of  all,  you  ought  so  to  treat.  For  if  any  calamity  has 
occurred  in  our  family  on  account  of  which  you  have  con- 
ceived any  suspicion  of  me,  it  has  fallen  upon  me,  and  I  bear 
the  chief  burden  of  it,  inasmuch  as  I  murdered  her.  Do  you, 
therefore,  having  learned  how  much  better  it  is  to  be  envied 
than  pitied,  and  at  the  same  time  what  it  is  to  be  angry  with 
parents  and  superiors,  return  to  your  home."  With  these 
words  Periander  endeavoured  to  restrain  him.  He,  however, 
gave  his  father  no  other  answer,  but  said  that  he  had  made 
himself  liable  to  pay  the  sacred  fine  to  the  god  by  having 
spoken  to  him.  Periander  therefore  perceiving  that  the  dis- 
temper of  his  son  was  impracticable  and  invincible,  put  him 
on  board  a  ship,  and  sent  him  out  of  his  sight  to  Corcyra, 
for  he  was  also  master  of  that  island.  Periander  having  sent 
him  away,  made  war  on  his  father-in-law  Procles,  as  being  the 
principal  author  of  the  present  troubles ;  and  he  took  Epi- 
daurus,  and  took  Procles  himself  and  kept  him  prisoner.  But 
when,  in  lapse  of  time,  Periander  grew  old,  and  became  con- 
scious that  he  was  no  longer  able  to  superintend  and  manage 
public  affairs,  having  sent  to  Corcyra,  he  recalled  Lycophron 
to  assume  the  government,  for  he  did  not  perceive  in  his  eldest 
son  any  capacity  for  government,  but  he  appeared  to  him 


174  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [53-55 

dull  of  intellect.  But  Lycophron  did  not  deign  to  give  an 
answer  to  the  bearer  of  the  message.  Nevertheless  Periander, 
having  a  strong  affection  for  the  youth,  next  sent  to  him  his 
sister,  who  was  his  own  daughter,  thinking  she  would  be  most 
likely  to  persuade  him.  On  her  arrival  she  thus  addressed 
him :  "  Brother,  would  you  that  the  government  should  pass 
to  others,  and  that  your  father's  family  should  be  utterly  de- 
stroyed, rather  than  yourself  return  and  possess  it?  Come 
home,  then,  and  cease  to  punish  yourself.  Obstinacy  is  a 
sorry  possession :  think  not  to  cure  one  evil  by  another.  Many 
have  preferred  equity  to  strict  justice;  and  many,  ere  this, 
in  seeking  their  mother's  rights  have  lost  their  father's  in- 
heritance. A  kingdom  is  an  uncertain  possession,  and  many 
are  suitors  for  it.  He  is  now  old,  and  past  the  vigour  of  life. 
Do  not  give  your  own  to  others."  Thus  she,  having  been 
instructed  by  her  father,  said  what  was  most  likely  to  per- 
suade him.  But  he  in  answer  said  that  he  would  never  return 
to  Corinth  so  long  as  he  should  hear  his  father  was  living. 
When  she  brought  back  this  answer,  Periander  sent  a  third 
time  by  a  herald  to  say  that  he  himself  intended  to  go  to 
Corcyra;  and  urged  him  to  return  to  Corinth  and  become 
his  successor  in  the  kingdom.  The  son  consenting  to  this 
proposal,  Periander  prepared  to  set  out  for  Corcyra,  and  his 
son  for  Corinth;  but  the  Corcyraeans  being  informed  of  each 
particular,  in  order  that  Periander  might  not  come  to  their 
country,  killed  the  young  man :  and  in  return  for  this  Peri- 
ander took  vengeance  on  the  Corcyraeans. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  arriving  with  a  great  armament,  be- 
sieged Samos,  and  having  attacked  the  fortifications,  they 
had  passed  beyond  the  tower  that  faced  the  sea  near  the 
suburbs ;  but  afterward,  when  Polycrates  himself  advanced 
with  a  large  force,  they  were  driven  back.  Immediately  after, 
the  auxiliaries  and  many  of  the  Samians  poured  down  from 
the  upper  tower,  which  stands  on  the  ridge  of  the  mountain ; 
and  having  withstood  the  Lacedaemonians  for  a  short  time, 
they  fled  back  again,  and  the  enemy  pursued  them  with  great 
slaughter.  Now,  if  all  the  Lacedaemonians  who  were  present 
on  that  day  had  behaved  as  well  as  Archias  and  Lycopas, 
Samos  would  have  been  taken.  For  Archias  and  Lycopas 
alone  rushing  on  with  the  Samians  as  they  fled  to  the  wall, 
and  being  shut  out  from  retreat,  died  in  the  city  of  the  Sami- 
ans. Another  Archias,  the  son  of  Samius,  son  of  Archias, 
the  third  in  descent  from  this  Archias,  I  myself  met  with,  in 
Pitane,  for  he  was  of  that  tribe.  He  esteemed  the  Samians 
above  all  other  strangers,  and  said  that  the  surname  of  Samian 


55-59]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  SAMOS  175 

was  given  to  his  father,  because  he  was  son  to  that  Archias 
who  fell  so  gloriously  at  Samos ;  and  he  said  that  he  honoured 
the  Samians,  because  his  grandfather  had  been  buried  by  them 
at  the  public  charge.  The  Lacedaemonians,  after  forty  days 
had  been  spent  in  besieging  Samos,  finding  their  affairs  were 
not  at  all  advanced,  returned  to  Peloponnesus ;  though  a 
groundless  report  has  gone  abroad,  for  it  is  said  that  Polyc- 
rates,  having  coined  a  large  quantity  of  the  country  money 
in  lead,  had  it  gilded  and  gave  it  to  them ;  and  that  they,  hav- 
ing received  it,  thereupon  took  their  departure.  This  was 
the  first  expedition  that  the  Lacedaemonian  Dorians  under- 
took against  Asia. 

Those  of  the  Samians  who  had  fomented  the  war  against 
Polycrates,  when  the  Lacedaemonians  were  about  to  abandon 
them,  set  sail  for  Siphnus,  for  they  were  in  want  of  money. 
The  affairs  of  the  Siphnians  were  at  that  time  in  a  flourishing 
condition,  and  they  were  the  richest  of  all  the  islanders,  hav- 
ing in  the  island  gold  and  silver  mines,  so  that  from  the  tenth 
of  the  money  accruing  from  thence  a  treasure  is  laid  up  at 
Delphi  equal  to  the  richest,  and  they  used  every  year  to  di- 
vide the  riches  that  accrued  from  the  mines.  When,  there- 
fore, they  established  this  treasure,  they  consulted  the  oracle, 
whether  their  present  prosperity  should  continue  with  them 
for  a  long  time ;  but  the  Pythian  answered  as  follows  :  "  When 
the  Prytaneum  in  Siphnus  shall  be  white,  and  the  market 
white-fronted,  then  there  is  need  of  a  prudent  man  to  guard 
against  a  wooden  ambush  and  a  crimson  herald."  The  market 
and  Prytaneum  of  the  Siphnians  were  then  adorned  with 
Parian  marble.  This  response  they  were  unable  to  compre- 
hend, either  then  on  the  moment  or  when  the  Samians  arrived. 
For  as  soon  as  the  Samians  reached  Siphnus  they  sent  one  of 
their  ships  conveying  ambassadors  to  the  city.  Formerly  all 
ships  were  painted  red.  And  this  it  was  that  the  Pythian 
forewarned  the  Siphnians,  bidding  them  beware  of  a  wooden 
ambush  and  a  crimson  herald.  These  ambassadors,  then,  hav- 
ing arrived,  requested  the  Siphnians  to  lend  them  ten  talents ; 
but  when  the  Siphnians  refused  the  loan,  the  Samians  ravaged 
their  territory.  But  the  Siphnians  having  heard  of  it,  came 
out  to  protect  their  property,  and,  having  engaged,  were 
beaten,  and  many  of  them  were  cut  off  from  the  city  by  the 
Samians;  and  they  afterward  exacted  from  them  a  hundred 
talents.  From  the  Hermionians  they  received  an  island  in- 
stead of  money,  Thyrea,  near  Peloponnesus,  and  gave  it  in 
charge  to  the  Trcezenians ;  and  they  themselves  founded 
Cydonia  in  Crete;  though  they  did  not  sail  thither  for  that 


i;6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [59-61 

purpose,  but  to  expel  the  Zacynthians  from  the  island.  They 
continued  in  this  settlement,  and  were  prosperous  for  five 
years ;  so  much  so  that  these  are  the  people  who  erected  the 
sacred  precincts  that  are  now  in  Cydonia,  and  the  Temple  of 
Dictynna.  But  in  the  sixth  year  the  ^Eginetae,  having  van- 
quished them  in  a  sea-fight,  reduced  them  to  slavery,  together 
with  the  Cretans;  and  they  cut  off  the  prows  of  their  ships, 
which  represented  the  figure  of  a  boar,  and  dedicated  them 
in  the  Temple  of  Minerva  in  TEg'ma..  The  ^Eginetae  did  this 
on  account  of  a  grudge  they  bore  the  Samians;  for  former 
Samians,  when  Amphicrates  reigned  in  Samos,  having  made 
war  against  iEgina,  did  the  yEginetae  much  mischief,  and 
suffered  in  return.    This,  then,  was  the  cause. 

I  have  dwelt  longer  on  the  affairs  of  the  Samians,  because 
they  have  three  works  the  greatest  that  have  been  accom- 
plished by  all  the  Greeks.  The  first  is  of  a  mountain,  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  orgyae  in  height;  in  this  is  dug  a  tunnel,  be- 
ginning from  the  base,  with  an  opening  at  each  side.  The 
length  of  the  excavation  is  seven  stades,  and  the  height  and 
breadth  eight  feet  each ;  through  the  whole  length  of  it  is  dug 
another  excavation  twenty  cubits  deep,  and  three  feet  broad, 
through  which  the  water  conveyed  by  pipes  reaches  the  city, 
drawn  from  a  copious  fountain.  The  architect  of  this  excava- 
tion was  a  Megarian,  Eupalinus,  son  of  Naustrophus.  This, 
then,  is  one  of  the  three.  The  second  is  a  mound  in  the  sea 
round  the  harbour,  in  depth  about  one  hundred  orgyse;  and 
the  length  of  the  mound  is  more  than  two  stades.  The  third 
work  of  theirs  is  a  temple,  the  largest  of  all  we  have  ever  seen ; 
of  this,  the  first  architect  was  Rhoecus,  son  of  Phileus,  a  na- 
tive. On  account  of  these  things  I  have  dwelt  longer  on  the 
affairs  of  the  Samians. 

While  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  tarried  in  Egypt,  and  was 
acting  madly,  two  magi,  who  were  brothers,  revolted.  One 
of  these  Cambyses  had  left  steward  of  his  palace.  He  ac- 
cordingly revolted,  having'  been  informed  of  the  death  of 
Smerdis,  and  that  it  was  kept  secret,  and  that  there  were  few 
of  the  Persians  who  were  acquainted  with  it,  for  the  gener- 
ality thought  him  still  alive.  Therefore,  having  formed  the 
following  design,  he  determined  to  make  an  attempt  on  the 
throne.  He  had  a  brother,  who,  I  have  said,  joined  him  in 
the  revolt,  in  person  very  like  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  whom 
Cambyses,  although  he  was  his  own  brother,  had  put  to  death. 
The  magus  Patizithes,  having  persuaded  this  man  that  he 
would  manage  everything  for  him,  set  him  on  the  throne; 
and  having  done  this,  he  sent  heralds  in  various  directions, 


61-64]  REVOLT  OF  THE  MAGI  177 

and  particularly  to  Egypt,  to  proclaim  to  the  army  that  they 
must  in  future  obey  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  and  not  Cambyses. 
The  other  heralds,  therefore,  made  this  proclamation ;  and  he, 
moreover,  who  was  appointed  to  Egypt,  finding  Cambyses 
and  his  army  at  Ecbatana  in  Syria,  standing  in  the  midst, 
proclaimed  what  had  been  ordered  by  the  magus.  Cambyses 
having  heard  this  from  the  herald,  and  believing  that  he  spoke 
the  truth,  and  that  he  had  himself  been  betrayed  by  Prexaspes 
(for  that  he,  when  sent  to  kill  Smerdis,  had  not  done  so), 
looked  toward  Prexaspes,  and  said,  "  Prexaspes,  hast  thou 
thus  performed  the  business  I  enjoined  thee  ?  "  But  he  an- 
swered :  "  Sir,  it  is  not  true  that  your  brother  Smerdis  has  re- 
volted against  you,  nor  that  you  can  have  any  quarrel,  great 
or  small,  with  him.  For  I  myself  put  your  order  in  execution, 
and  buried  him  with  my  own  hands.  If,  however,  the  dead 
rise  again,  expect  that  Astyages  the  Mede  will  rise  up  against 
you.  But  if  it  is  now  as  formerly,  nothing  new  can  spring 
up  to  you  from  him.  It  appears  to  me,  however,  that  we 
should  pursue  the  herald,  and  find  out  by  inquiry  from  whom 
he  comes  to  proclaim  to  us  that  we  are  to  obey  King  Smerdis." 
When  Prexaspes  had  spoken  thus,  as  the  advice  was  ap- 
proved by  Cambyses,  the  herald  was  immediately  pursued, 
and  brought  back.  When  he  arrived  Prexaspes  questioned 
him  as  follows :  "  Friend,  since  you  say  that  you  come  as  the 
messenger  of  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  now  speak  the  truth, 
and  depart  in  peace.  Whether  did  Smerdis  himself  appear  in 
person  before  you,  and  give  these  orders,  or  some  one  of  his 
ministers  ? "  He  answered :  "  I  have  not  so  much  as  seen 
Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  since  King  Cambyses  marched  for 
Egypt;  but  the  magus  whom  Cambyses  appointed  steward 
of  his  palace  gave  me  these  orders,  saying  that  Smerdis,  son 
of  Cyrus,  was  the  person  who  charged  me  to  deliver  this  mes- 
sage to  you."  Thus  the  man  spoke  without  adding  any  un- 
truth. But  Cambyses  said :  "  Prexaspes,  you,  like  a  faithful 
man,  having  executed  your  instructions,  have  escaped  all 
blame :  but  what  Persian  can  this  be  who  has  revolted  against 
me,  usurping  the  name  of  Smerdis  ?  "  He  replied :  "  I  think 
I  understand  the  whole  matter,  O  king:  the  magi  are  the 
persons  who  have  revolted  against  you,  Patizithes,  whom  you 
left  steward  of  the  palace,  and  his  brother  Smerdis."  When 
Cambyses  heard  the  name  of  Smerdis,  the  truth  of  this  account 
and  of  the  dream  struck  him :  for  he  fancied  in  his  sleep  that 
some  one  announced  to  him  that  Smerdis,  seated  on  the  royal 
throne,  touched  the  heavens  with  his  head.  Perceiving,  there- 
fore, that  he  had  destroyed  his  brother  without  a  cause,  he 


178  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [64-65 

wept  for  Smerdis;  and  after  he  had  lamented  him,  and  bit- 
terly deplored  the  whole  calamity,  he  leaped  upon  his  horse, 
resolving  with  all  speed  to  march  to  Susa  against  the  magus. 
But  as  he  was  leaping  on  his  horse,  the  chape  of  his  sword's 
scabbard  fell  off,  and  the  blade,  being  laid  bare,  struck  the 
thigh ;  being  wounded  in  that  part  where  he  himself  had  for- 
merly smitten  the  Egyptian  god  Apis.  Cambyses,  when  he 
thought  that  he  was  mortally  wounded,  asked  what  was  the 
name  of  the  city.  They  said  it  was  Ecbatana.  And  it  had 
been  before  prophesied  to  him  from  the  city  of  Buto  that  he 
should  end  his  life  in  Ecbatana.  He  therefore  imagined  he 
should  die  an  old  man  in  Ecbatana  of  Media,  where  all  his 
treasures  were ;  but  the  oracle  in  truth  meant  in  Ecbatana  of 
Syria.  When  he  had  thus  been  informed,  on  inquiry,  of  the 
name  of  the  city,  though  smitten  by  his  misfortune,  as  well 
that  proceeding  from  the  magus  as  from  the  wound,  he  re- 
turned to  his  right  mind ;  and  comprehending  the  oracle  said, 
"  Here  it  is  fated  that  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  should  die." 

So  much  he  said  at  that  time ;  but  about  twenty  days  after, 
having  summoned  the  principal  men  of  the  Persians  who 
were  with  him,  he  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  I  am  con- 
strained to  disclose  to  you  a  matter  which  above  all  others 
I  desired  to  conceal.  When  I  was  in  Egypt  I  saw  a  vision 
in  my  sleep,  which  I  wish  I  had  never  seen.  I  thought  that 
a  messenger  arrived  from  my  palace  and  announced  to  me 
that  Smerdis,  seated  on  the  royal  throne,  touched  the  heavens 
with  his  head.  Fearing  lest  I  should  be  deprived  of  my  king- 
dom by  my  brother,  I  acted  with  more  precipitation  than 
wisdom ;  for  in  truth  it  belongs  not  to  human  nature  to  avert 
what  is  destined  to  happen.  But  I  foolishly  sent  Prexaspes 
to  Susa  to  put  Smerdis  to  death ;  since  that  crime  was  perpe- 
trated I  have  lived  in  security,  never  considering  whether, 
now  that  Smerdis  was  removed,  some  other  mortal  might  not 
rise  up  against  me.  But  utterly  mistaking  what  was  about  to 
happen,  I  became  a  fratricide  to  no  purpose,  and  am  neverthe- 
less deprived  of  my  kingdom.  For  Smerdis  the  magus  was  the 
person  whom  the  deity  forewarned  me  in  the  vision  would  rise 
up  against  me.  The  deed,  then,  has  been  perpetrated  by  me ; 
consider,  therefore,  that  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  is  no  more ; 
but  the  magi  have  possessed  themselves  of  the  throne,  he 
whom  I  left  steward  of  my  palace  and  his  brother  Smerdis. 
Now,  he,  who  of  right  should  have  revenged  the  indignity 
I  suffer  from  the  magi,  has  perished  impiously  by  the  hand 
of  his  nearest  relation.  Since,  therefore,  he  is  no  more,  in 
the  next  place,  of  the  other  injunctions  that  I  have  to  lay  upon 


65-68]  DEATH  OF  CAMBYSES  1 79 

you,  O  Persians,  the  most  necessary  is,  to  let  you  know  what 
I  would  have  you  do  after  my  death.  I  therefore,  in  the  name 
of  the  gods  who  protect  the  throne,  charge  you,  and  all  of 
you,  especially  those  of  the  Achsemenidae  who  are  present, 
never  to  permit  the  government  to  return  into  the  hands  of 
the  Medes:  and  if  they  have  possessed  themselves  of  it  by 
craft,  by  craft  be  it  recovered  by  you ;  or  if  they  accomplish 
it  by  force,  by  force  to  the  utmost  win  it  back  again.  And  if 
you  do  thus,  may  the  earth  bring  forth  her  increase ;  may  your 
wives  and  your  flocks  be  fruitful,  and  you  remain  forever  free. 
But  if  you  do  not  win  back,  nor  attempt  to  win  back  the  sov- 
ereign power,  I  imprecate  upon  you  the  contrary  of  all  these 
things :  and,  moreover,  may  such  an  end  befall  every  Per- 
sian as  has  befallen  me."  When  Cambyses  had  spoken  thus, 
he  deplored  his  whole  fortunes.  The  Persians,  when  they  saw 
their  king  weep,  all  rent  the  garments  they  had  on,  and  gave 
themselves  to  abundant  lamentation.  But  afterward,  when 
the  bone  became  infected  and  the  thigh  mortified,  it  carried 
off  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  after  he  had  reigned  in  all  seven 
years  and  five  months,  having  never  had  any  children,  either 
male  or  female.  Great  incredulity  stole  over  the  Persians 
who  were  present,  as  to  the  story  that  the  magi  had  posses- 
sion of  the  government ;  but  they  thought  that  Cambyses  said 
what  he  did  calumniously,  respecting  the  death  of  Smerdis, 
in  order  that  the  whole  Persian  nation  might  be  made  hos- 
tile to  him.  They  therefore  believed  that  Smerdis,  son  of 
Cyrus,  had  risen  up  and  seized  the  kingdom :  Prexaspes, 
moreover,  vehemently  denied  that  he  had  killed  Smerdis ; 
for  it  was  not  safe  for  him,  now  that  Cambyses  was  dead, 
to  own  that  he  had  killed  the  son  of  Cyrus  with  his  own 
hand. 

Accordingly,  the  magus,  after  the  death  of  Cambyses,  re- 
lying on  his  having  the  same  name  as  Smerdis,  the  son  of 
Cyrus,  reigned  securely  during  the  seven  months  that  re- 
mained to  complete  the  eighth  year  of  Cambyses ;  in  which 
time  he  treated  all  his  subjects  with  such  beneficence  that  at 
his  death  all  the  people  of  Asia,  except  the  Persians,  re- 
gretted his  loss.  For  the  magus,  having  despatched  messen- 
gers to  every  nation  he  ruled  over,  proclaimed  a  general  ex- 
emption from  military  service  and  tribute  for  the  space  of 
three  years :  and  he  made  this  proclamation  immediately  on 
assuming  the  sovereignty.  But  in  the  eighth  month  he  was 
discovered  in  the  following  manner:  Otanes,  son  of  Phar- 
naspes,  was  by  birth  and  fortune  equal  to  the  first  of  the  Per- 
sians.   This  Otanes  first  suspected  the  magus  not  to  be  Smer- 


l8o  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [68-69 

dis,  the  son  of  Cyrus,  but  the  person  he  really  was;  forming 
his  conjecture  from  this  circumstance,  that  he  never  went  out 
of  the  citadel,  and  that  he  never  summoned  any  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  Persia  to  his  presence.  Having  conceived  sus- 
picion of  him,  he  contrived  the  following  artifice:  Cambyses 
had  married  his  daughter,  whose  name  was  Phsedyma;  the 
magus  therefore  had  her  as  his  wife,  as  well  as  with  all  the  rest 
of  the  wives  of  Cambyses.  Otanes,  therefore,  sending  to  this 
daughter,  inquired  with  what  man  she  lay,  whether  with  Smer- 
dis,  son  of  Cyrus,  or  some  other  person :  she  sent  back  word 
to  him,  saying  that  she  did  not  know,  for  that  she  had  never 
seen  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  nor  knew  who  it  was  that  co- 
habited with  her.  Otanes  sent  a  second  time,  saying,  "  If  you 
do  not  yourself  know  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  then  inquire 
of  Atossa  who  this  man  is  with  whom  she  as  well  as  you  co- 
habits, for  she  must  of  necessity  know  her  own  brother."  To 
this  his  daughter  replied :  "  I  can  neither  have  any  conversa- 
tion with  Atossa,  nor  see  any  of  the  women  who  used  to  live 
with  me ;  for  as  soon  as  this  man,  whoever  he  is,  succeeded 
to  the  throne,  he  dispersed  us  all,  assigning  us  separate  apart-  \/ 
ments."  When  Otanes  heard  this,  the  matter  appeared  much/> 
more  plain ;  and  he  sent  a  third  message  to  her  in  these  words : 
"  Daughter,  it  becomes  you,  being  of  noble  birth,  to  under- 
take any  peril  that  your  father  may  require  you  to  incur. 
For  if  this  Smerdis  is  not  the  son  of  Cyrus,  but  the  person 
whom  I  suspect,  it  is  not  fit  that  he,  lying  with  you  and  pos- 
sessing the  empire  of  the  Persians,  should  escape  with  im- 
punity, but  suffer  the  punishment  due  to  his  offences.  Now, 
therefore,  follow  my  directions :  When  he  sleeps  with  you,  and 
you  know  him  to  be  sound  asleep,  touch  his  ears ;  and  if  you 
find  he  has  ears,  be  assured  that  you  cohabit  with  Smerdis, 
son  of  Cyrus;  but  if  he  has  none,  with  Smerdis  the  magus." 
To  this  message  Phaedyma  answered,  saying  that  she  should 
incur  very  great  danger  by  doing  so;  for  if  he  had  no 
ears,  and  she  should  be  discovered  touching  him,  she  well 
knew  that  he  would  put  her  to  death ;  nevertheless  she  would 
make  the  attempt.  She  accordingly  promised  to  accomplish 
this  for  her  father.  Now  Cyrus,  son  of  Cambyses,  during  his 
reign,  had  cut  off  the  ears  of  this  Smerdis,  the  magus,  for  some 
grave  offence.  This  Phaedyma,  daughter  of  Otanes,  there- 
fore, determining  to  execute  all  that  she  had  promised  her 
father,  when  her  turn  came  to  approach  the  magus  (for  in 
Persia  the  wives  visit  their  husbands  in  regular  succession), 
went  and  slept  with  him :  and  when  the  magus  was  sound 
asleep,  she  felt  for  his  ears,  and  perceiving  without  any  diffi- 


69-72]  DISCOVERY   OF   SMERDIS  l8l 

culty  that  the  man  had  no  ears,  as  soon  as  it  was  day  she  sent 
and  made  known  to  her  father  what  the  case  was. 

Thereupon  Otanes,  having  taken  with  him  Aspathines  and 
Gobryas,  who  were  the  noblest  of  the  Persians,  and  persons 
on  whom  he  could  best  rely,  related  to  them  the  whole  affair : 
they,  too,  had  themselves  suspected  that  the  case  was  so; 
and  when  Otanes  had  adduced  his  reasons,  they  admitted  their 
force ;  and  they  agreed  that  each  should  associate  with  himself 
a  Persian  in  whom  he  could  place  most  reliance.  Otanes 
accordingly  introduced  Intaphernes ;  Gobryas,  Megabyzus ; 
and  Aspathines,  Hydarnes.  These  six  being  associated, 
Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  arrived  at  Susa  from  Persia,  where 
his  father  was  governor.  When,  therefore,  he  arrived,  the  six 
Persians  determined  to  admit  Darius  to  the  confederacy. 
These  seven  having  met,  exchanged  pledges  with  each  other 
and  conferred  together.  When  it  came  to  the  turn  of  Darius 
to  declare  his  opinion,  he  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  I 
thought  that  I  was  the  only  person  who  knew  that  it  was  the 
magus  who  reigns,  and  that  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  is  dead ; 
and  for  this  very  reason  I  hastened  hither  in  order  to  con- 
trive the  death  of  the  magus.  But  since  it  proves  that  you 
also  are  acquainted  with  the  fact,  and  not  I  only,  it  appears 
to  me  that  we  should  act  immediately,  and  not  put  it  off; 
for  that  would  be  of  no  advantage."  Otanes  said  to  this : 
"  Son  of  Hystaspes,  you  are  born  of  a  noble  father,  and  show 
yourself  not  at  all  inferior  to  him ;  do  not,  however,  so  incon- 
siderately hasten  this  enterprise,  but  set  about  it  with  more 
caution :  for  we  must  increase  our  numbers,  and  then  attempt 
it."  Darius  replied  to  this :  "  Be  assured,  ye  men  who  are 
here  present,  if  you  adopt  the  plan  proposed  by  Otanes,  you 
will  all  miserably  perish :  for  some  one  will  discover  it  to  the 
magus,  consulting  his  own  private  advantage:  and  indeed 
you  ought  to  have  carried  out  your  project  immediately,  with- 
out communicating  it  to  any  one  else ;  but  since  you  have 
thought  fit  to  refer  it  to  others,  and  ye  have  disclosed  it  to  me, 
let  us  carry  it  out  this  very  day,  or  be  assured  that  if  this  day 
passes  over  no  one  shall  be  beforehand  with  me  and  become 
my  accuser,  but  I  myself  will  denounce  you  to  the  magus." 
Otanes,  seeing  Darius  so  eager,  replied :  "  Since  you  compel 
us  to  precipitate  our  enterprise,  and  will  not  permit  us  to 
defer,  come,  do  you  tell  us  in  what  way  we  are  to  enter  the 
palace  and  attack  them ;  for  you  yourself  know,  if  not  hav- 
ing seen  them,  yet  surely  by  report,  that  guards  are  stationed 
at  intervals  ;  and  how  shall  we  pass  them  ?  Darius  answered 
Otanes :  "  There  are  many  things  that  can  not  be  made  clear 


1 82  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [72-74 

by  words,  but  may  by  action :  and  there  are  other  things  that 
seem  practicable  in  description,  but  no  signal  effect  proceeds 
from  them.  Be  assured  that  the  guards  stationed  there  will 
not  be  at  all  difficult  to  pass  by :  for  in  the  first  place,  seeing 
our  rank,  there  is  no  one  who  will  not  allow  us  to  pass,  partly 
from  respect,  and  partly  from  fear;  and  in  the  next  place,  I 
have  a  most  specious  pretext  by  which  we  shall  gain  admis- 
sion, for  I  will  say  that  I  am  just  arrived  from  Persia,  and 
wish  to  report  a  message  to  the  king  from  my  father.  For 
when  a  lie  must  be  told,  let  it  be  told :  for  we  all  aim  at  the 
same  ends,  both  they  who  tell  lies  and  they  who  keep  to  the 
truth.  Some  tell  lies  when,  by  persuading  with  falsehoods, 
they  are  likely  to  gain  some  advantage;  while  others  speak 
the  truth,  in  order  that  by  the  truth  they  may  acquire  some 
advantage,  and  something  further  may  be  intrusted  to  them: 
thus  by  different  processes  we  aim  at  the  same  end.  But  if 
nothing  were  likely  to  be  gained,  as  well  he  who  speaks  truth 
would  lie,  and  he  who  lies  would  speak  truth.  Whoever  of 
the  doorkeepers,  therefore,  shall  willingly  let  us  pass,  shall  be 
rewarded  in  due  time;  but  whoever  offers  to  oppose  us  must 
instantly  be  treated  as  an  enemy;  and  when  we  have  forced 
our  passage,  we  must  accomplish  our  work."  After  this  Go- 
bryas  said :  "  Friends,  shall  we  ever  have  a  better  opportunity 
to  recover  the  sovereign  power,  or  if  we  shall  be  unable  to 
do  so,  to  die?  seeing  we  who  are  Persians,  are  governed  by 
a  Medic  magus,  and  one  without  ears.  Those  among  you 
who  were  present  with  Cambyses  when  he  lay  sick  well  remem- 
ber the  imprecations  he  uttered  at  the  point  of  death  against 
the  Persians  if  they  should  not  attempt  to  repossess  them- 
selves of  the  sovereign  power :  we  did  not  then  believe  his 
story,  but  thought  that  Cambyses  spoke  from  ill-will.  I  there- 
fore give  my  voice  that  we  yield  to  Darius,  and  that  on  break- 
ing up  this  conference  we  go  nowhere  else  than  direct  to  the 
magus."  Thus  spoke  Gobryas,  and  all  assented  to  his  pro- 
posal. 

While  they  were  deliberating  on  these  things,  the  follow- 
ing events  happened  to  take  place :  The  magi,  on  consulta- 
tion, determined  to  make  Prexaspes  their  friend ;  both  be- 
cause he  had  suffered  grievous  wrongs  from  Cambyses,  who 
shot  his  son  dead  with  an  arrow;  and  because  he  alone  of 
all  the  Persians  knew  of  the  death  of  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus, 
having  despatched  him  with  his  own  hand;  and,  moreover, 
because  Prexaspes  was  in  high  repute  with  the  Persians.  For 
these  reasons,  therefore,  having  sent  for  Prexaspes,  they  en- 
deavoured to  win  his  friendship,  binding  him  by  pledges  and 


74-77]  DEATH   OF   PREXASPES  1 83 

oaths  that  he  would  keep  to  himself,  and  never  divulge  to 
any  man,  the  cheat  they  had  put  upon  the  Persians,  assuring 
him  that  they  would  give  him  everything  in  abundance.  When 
Prexaspes  had  promised  that  he  would  do  as  the  magi  per- 
suaded him,  they  made  a  second  proposal,  saying  that  they 
would  assemble  all  the  Persians  under  the  walls  of  the  palace, 
and  desired  that  he  would  ascend  a  tower,  and  harangue  them, 
assuring  them  that  they  were  governed  by  Smerdis,  son  of 
Cyrus,  and  by  no  one  else.  This  they  enjoined  him,  as  being 
a  man  most  trusted  by  the  Persians,  and  as  having  frequently 
affirmed  his  belief  that  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  was  still  living, 
and  having  utterly  denied  his  murder.  When  Prexaspes  said 
that  he  was  ready  to  do  that  also,  the  magi,  having  convoked 
the  Persians,  placed  him  on  the  top  of  a  turret,  and  com- 
manded him  to  harangue  the  people.  But  he  purposely  forgot 
what  they  desired  him  to  say,  and,  beginning  from  Achae- 
menes,  described  the  genealogy  of  Cyrus's  family;  and  after- 
ward, when  he  came  down  to  him,  he  ended  by  telling  them 
what  great  benefits  Cyrus  had  done  the  Persians :  and  hav- 
ing gone  through  these,  he  declared  the  whole  truth,  saying 
that  he  had  before  concealed  it,  as  it  was  not  safe  for  him  to 
tell  what  had  happened;  but  that  in  the  present  emergency 
necessity  constrained  him  to  make  it  known.  He  accordingly 
told  them  that  he,  being  compelled  by  Cambyses,  had  put 
Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  to  death,  and  that  the  magi  then 
reigned.  After  he  had  uttered  many  imprecations  against  the 
Persians  if  they  should  not  recover  the  sovereign  power, 
and  punish  the  magi,  he  threw  himself  headlong  from  the 
tower.  Thus  died  Prexaspes,  a  man  highly  esteemed  during 
the  course  of  his  whole  life. 

The  seven  Persians,  having  resolved  to  attack  the  magi 
without  delay,  set  out  after  they  had  offered  prayers  to  the 
gods ;  and  while  they  were  in  the  midst  of  their  way  they 
were  informed  of  all  that  had  occurred  with  respect  to  Prex- 
aspes ;  whereupon,  standing  aside  out  of  the  way,  they  again 
conferred  together ;  and  some  with  Otanes  strongly  advised 
to  defer  the  enterprise,  and  not  to  attempt  it  while  affairs 
were  in  such  a  ferment ;  but  others,  with  Darius,  urged  to 
proceed  at  once,  and  to  do  what  had  been  determined  on,  and 
on  no  account  to  defer  it.  While  they  were  hotly  disputing 
there  appeared  seven  pairs  of  hawks  pursuing  two  pairs  of 
vultures,  and  plucking  and  tearing  them.  The  seven,  on  see- 
ing this,  all  approved  the  opinion  of  Darius,  and  forthwith 
proceeded  to  the  palace,  emboldened  by  the  omen.  When 
they  approached  the  gates,  it  happened  as  Darius  had  sup- 


184  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [77~79 

posed :  for  the  guards,  out  of  respect  for  men  of  highest  rank 
among  the  Persians,  and  not  suspecting  any  such  design  on 
their  part,  let  them  pass  by,  moved  as  they  were  by  divine 
impulse;  nor  did  any  one  question  them.  But  when  they 
reached  the  hall,  they  fell  in  with  the  eunuchs  appointed  to 
carry  in  messages,  who  inquired  of  them  for  what  purpose 
they  had  come;  and  at  the  same  time  that  they  questioned 
them  they  threatened  the  doorkeepers  for  permitting  them  to 
pass,  and  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  seven  from  proceeding 
any  farther.  But  they,  having  exhorted  each  other,  and  drawn 
their  daggers,  stabbed  all  that  opposed  their  passage  on  the 
spot,  and  then  rushed  to  the  men's  apartment.  The  magi 
happened  to  be  both  within  at  the  time,  and  were  consulting 
about  the  conduct  of  Prexaspes.  When,  therefore,  they  saw 
the  eunuchs  in  confusion,  and  heard  their  outcry,  they  both 
hurried  out,  and  when  they  perceived  what  was  going  on, 
put  themselves  on  the  defensive.  One  of  them  accordingly 
snatched  up  a  bow  and  the  other  had  recourse  to  a  javelin, 
and  thereupon  the  parties  engaged  with  each  other.  The  one 
who  had  taken  up  the  bow,  seeing  his  enemies  were  near  and 
pressing  upon  them,  found  it  of  no  use;  but  the  other  made 
resistance  with  his  spear,  and  first  wounded  Aspathines  in  the 
thigh,  and  next  Intaphernes  in  the  eye ;  and  Intaphernes  lost 
his  eye  from  the  wound,  but  did  not  die.  Thus  one  of  the 
magi  wounded  those  two;  but  the  other,  when  he  found  his 
bow  of  no  service,  fled  to  a  chamber  adjoining  the  men's 
apartment,  purposing  to  shut  to  the  door,  and  two  of  the 
seven,  Darius  and  Gobryas,  rushed  in  with  him;  and  as  Go- 
bryas  was  grappling  with  the  magus,  Darius,  standing  by, 
was  in  perplexity,  fearing  lest  he  should  strike  Gobryas  in 
the  dark ;  but  Gobryas,  seeing  that  he  stood  by  inactive,  asked 
him  why  he  did  not  use  his  hand ;  he  answered,  "  Fearing 
for  you,  lest  I  should  strike  you."  But  Gobryas  replied, 
"  Drive  your  sword  even  through  both  of  us."  Darius,  obey- 
ing, made  a  thrust  with  his  dagger,  and  by  good  fortune  hit 
the  magus. 

Having  slain  the  magi,  and  cut  off  their  heads,  they  left 
the  wounded  of  their  own  party  there,  as  well  on  account  of 
their  exhaustion  as  to  guard  the  acropolis ;  but  the  other  five 
of  them,  carrying  the  heads  of  the  magi,  ran  out  with  shout- 
ing and  clamour,  and  then  called  upon  the  rest  of  the  Per- 
sians, relating  what  they  had  done,  and  showing  them  the 
heads ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  slew  every  one  of  the  magi 
that  came  in  their  way.  The  Persians,  informed  of  what  had 
been  done  by  the  seven,  and  of  the  fraud  of  the  magi,  deter- 


79-8i]  FALL  OF  THE  MAGI  185 

mined  themselves  also  to  do  the  like ;  and  having  drawn  their 
daggers,  they  slew  every  magus  they  could  find ;  and  if  night 
coming  on  had  not  prevented,  they  would  not  have  left  a  single 
magus  alive.  This  day  the  Persians  observe  in  common  more 
than  any  other,  and  in  it  they  celebrate  a  great  festival,  which 
they  call  "  The  slaughter  of  the  magi."  On  that  day  no  magus 
is  allowed  to  be  seen  in  public,  but  they  shut  themselves  up 
in  their  own  houses  during  the  whole  of  that  day. 

When  the  tumult  had  subsided,  and  five  days  had  elapsed, 
those  who  had  risen  up  against  the  magi  deliberated  on  the 
state  of  affairs ;  and  speeches  were  made  that  are  disbelieved 
by  some  of  the  Greeks,  however  they  were  made.  Otanes 
advised  that  they  should  commit  the  government  to  the  Per- 
sians at  large,  speaking  as  follows :  "  It  appears  that  no  one 
of  us  should  henceforward  be  a  monarch,  for  it  is  neither 
agreeable  nor  good.  For  you  know  to  what  a  pitch  the  inso- 
^lence  of  Cambyses  reached,  and  you  have  experienced  the 
insolence  of  the  magus.  And  indeed  how  can  a  monarchy 
be  a  well-constituted  government  where  one  man  is  allowed 
to  do  whatever  he  pleases  without  control?  for  if  even  the 
best  of  men  were  placed  in  such  power,  he  would  depart  from 
his  wonted  thoughts.  For  insolence  is  engendered  in  him 
by  the  advantages  that  surround  him,  and  envy  is  implanted 
in  man  from  his  birth,  and  having  these  two,  he  has  every 
vice;  for  puffed  up  by  insolence  he  commits  many  nefarious 
actions,  and  others  through  envy.  One  would  think  that  a 
man  who  holds  sovereign  power  should  be  free  from  envy, 
since  he  possesses  every  advantage;  but  the  contrary  to  this 
takes  place  in  his  conduct  toward  the  citizens,  for  he  envies 
the  best  who  continue  to  live,  and  delights  in  the  worst  men 
of  the  nation ;  he  very  readily  listens  to  calumny,  and  is  the 
most  inconsistent  of  all  men ;  for  if  you  show  him  respect  in 
moderation  he  is  offended  because  he  is  not  sufficiently  hon- 
oured ;  and  if  any  one  honours  him  very  much  he  is  offended 
as  with  a  flatterer.  But  I  proceed  to  relate  what  is  most  im- 
portant. He  changes  the  institutions  of  our  ancestors,  vio- 
lates women,  and  puts  men  to  death  without  trial.  But  a 
popular  government  bears  the  fairest  name  of  all,  equality 
of  rights ;  and  secondly,  is  guilty  of  none  of  those  excesses 
that  a  monarch  is.  The  magistrate  obtains  his  office  by  lot, 
and  exercises  it  under  responsibility,  and  refers  all  plans  to 
the  public.  I  therefore  give  my  opinion  that  we  should  do 
away  with  monarchy,  and  exalt  the  people,  for  in  the  many 
all  things  are  found."  Otanes  accordingly  advanced  this 
opinion.    Megabyzus  advised  them  to  intrust  the  government 


1 86  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [81-82 

to  an  oligarchy,  and  spoke  as  follows :  "  I  concur  with  what 
Otanes  has  said  about  abolishing  tyranny ;  but  in  bidding  us 
transfer  the  power  to  the  people,  he  has  erred  from  the  best 
opinion ;  for  nothing  is  more  foolish  and  insolent  than  a  use- 
less crowd,  therefore  it  is  on  no  account  to  be  endured,  that 
men,  who  are  endeavouring  to  avoid  the  insolence  of  a  tyrant, 
should  fall  under  the  insolence  of  an  unrestrained  multitude. 
The  former,  when  he  does  anything,  does  it  knowingly,  but 
the  latter  have  not  the  means  of  knowing,  for  how  should  they 
know  who  have  neither  been  taught  nor  are  acquainted  with 
anything  good  or  fitting;  they  who,  rushing  on  without  re- 
flection, precipitate  affairs  like  a  winter  torrent?  Let  those, 
then,  who  desire  the  ruin  of  the  Persians  adopt  a  democracy ; 
but  let  us,  having  chosen  an  association  of  the  best  men, 
commit  the  sovereign  power  to  them,  for  among  them  we  our- 
selves shall  be  included,  and  it  is  reasonable  to  expect  that 
the  best  counsels  will  proceed  from  the  best  men."  Mega- 
byzus  accordingly  advanced  this  opinion.  Darius  expressed 
his  opinion  the  third,  saying :  "  In  what  Megabyzus  has  said 
concerning  the  people,  he  appears  to  me  to  have  spoken 
rightly;  but  concerning  an  oligarchy,  not  so.  For  if  three 
forms  are  proposed,  and  each  of  these  which  I  allude  to  the 
best  in  its  kind,  the  best  democracy,  and  oligarchy,  and  mon- 
archy, I  affirm  that  the  last  is  far  superior.  For  nothing  can 
be  found  better  than  one  man,  who  is  the  best;  since  acting 
upon  equally  wise  plans,  he  would  govern  the  people  without 
blame,  and  would  keep  his  designs  most  secret  from  the  ill- 
affected.  But  in  an  oligarchy,  while  many  are  exerting  their 
energies  for  the  public  good,  strong  private  enmities  com- 
monly spring  up;  for  each  wishing  to  be  chief,  and  to  carry 
his  own  opinions,  they  come  to  deep  animosities  one  against 
another,  from  whence  seditions  arise ;  and  from  seditions, 
murder;  and  from  murder  it  results  in  monarchy:  and  thus 
it  is  proved  how  much  this  form  of  government  is  the  best. 
But  when  the  people  rule,  it  is  impossible  but  that  evil  should 
spring  up;  when,  therefore,  evil  springs  up,  mutual  enmities 
do  not  arise  among  the  bad,  but  powerful  combinations,  for 
they  who  injure  the  commonwealth  act  in  concert;  and  this 
lasts  until  some  one  of  the  people  stands  forward  and  puts 
them  down ;  and  on  this  account  he  is  admired  by  the  people, 
and  being  admired,  he  becomes  a  monarch;  and  in  this  he 
too  shows  that  a  monarchy  is  best.  But  to  comprehend  all 
in  one  word,  whence  came  our  freedom?  and  who  gave  it? 
was  it  from  the  people,  or  an  oligarchy,  or  a  monarch?  My 
opinion,  therefore,  is  that  as  we  were  made  free  by  one  man, 


82-85]  KINGDOM   RE-ESTABLISHED  1 87 

we  should  maintain  the  same  kind  of  government ;  and,  more- 
over, that  we  should  not  subvert  the  institutions  of  our  an- 
cestors, seeing  they  are  good ;  for  that  were  not  well." 

These  three  opinions  were  proposed,  and  four  of  the  seven 
adhered  to  the  last.  When  the  opinion  of  Otanes,  who  was 
anxious  to  introduce  equality  among  the  Persians,  was  over- 
ruled, he  thus  spoke  in  the  midst  of  them :  "  Associates,  since 
it  is  evident  that  some  one  of  us  must  be  made  king,  either 
appointed  by  lot,  or  by  the  body  of  the  Persians  intrusting 
the  government  to  whom  they  may  choose,  or  by  some  other 
way;  now  I  will  not  enter  into  competition  with  you;  for  I 
wish  neither  to  govern  nor  be  governed.  But  on  this  con- 
dition I  give  up  all  claim  to  the  government,  that  neither  I 
nor  any  of  my  posterity  may  be  subject  to  any  one  of  you." 
When  he  had  said  this,  and  the  six  had  agreed  to  these  terms, 
he  did  not  join  in  the  contest,  but  withdrew  from  the  assem- 
bly ;  and  this  family  alone,  of  all  the  Persians,  retains  its  lib- 
erty to  this  day,  and  yields  obedience  only  so  far  as  it  pleases, 
but  without  transgressing  the  laws  of  the  Persians.  The  rest 
of  the  seven  consulted  how  they  might  appoint  a  king  on  the 
most  equitable  terms ;  and  they  determined  that  to  Otanes 
and  his  posterity  forever,  if  the  kingdom  should  devolve  on 
any  other  of  the  seven,  should  be  given  a  Median  vest  yearly, 
by  way  of  distinction,  together  with  all  such  presents  as  are 
accounted  most  honourable  among  the  Persians.  They  de- 
creed that  these  things  should  be  given  him  for  this  reason, 
because  he  first  advised  the  enterprise,  and  associated  them 
together.  These  honours  were  conferred  on  Otanes  by  way 
of  distinction.  And  they  made  the  following  resolutions  with 
regard  to  the  whole  body:  That  every  one  of  the  seven  should 
have  liberty  to  enter  into  the  palace  without  being  introduced, 
unless  the  king  should  happen  to  be  in  bed  with  one  of  his 
wives;  and  that  the  king  should  not  be  allowed  to  marry  a 
wife  out  of  any  other  family  than  of  the  conspirators.  With 
regard  to  the  kingdom,  they  came  to  the  following  determina- 
tion :  that  he  whose  horse  should  first  neigh  in  the  suburbs  at 
sunrise,  while  they  were  mounted,  should  have  the  kingdom. 

Darius  had  a  groom,  a  shrewd  man,  whose  name  was 
CEbares;  to  this  person,  when  the  assembly  had  broken  up, 
Darius  spoke  as  follows :  "  CEbares,  we  have  determined  with 
respect  to  the  kingdom  to  do  in  this  manner :  he  whose  horse 
shall  neigh  first  at  sunrise,  when  we  ourselves  are  mounted, 
is  to  have  the  kingdom.  Now  therefore,  if  you  have  any  in- 
genuity, contrive  that  I  may  obtain  this  honour,  and  not  an- 
other."    CEbares  answered :  "  If,  sir,  it  indeed  depends  on 


1 88  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [85-88 

this,  whether  you  shall  be  king  or  not,  be  confident  on  this 
point,  and  keep  up  your  spirits ;  for  no  one  else  shall  be  king 
before  you ;  I  have  a  charm  for  the  occasion."  Darius  said : 
"  If  you  have  any  such  contrivance,  it  is  time  to  put  it  in  prac- 
tice, and  not  to  delay;  for  to-morrow  our  trial  is  to  be." 
CEbares  having  heard  this,  did  as  follows :  As  soon  as  it  was 
night,  he  led  the  mare  which  Darius's  horse  was  most  fond  of 
to  the  suburbs,  tied  her  up,  and  led  Darius's  horse  to  her; 
and  he  led  him  several  times  round  near  the  mare,  gradually 
bringing  him  nearer,  and  at  last  let  the  horse  cover  her.  At 
dawn  of  day,  the  six,  as  they  had  agreed,  met  together  on 
horseback ;  and  as  they  were  riding  round  the  suburbs,  when 
they  came  to  the  spot  where  the  mare  had  been  tied  the  pre- 
ceding night,  Darius's  horse  ran  forward  and  neighed;  and 
as  the  horse  did  this,  lightning  and  thunder  came  from  a  clear 
sky.  These  things  happening  to  Darius,  consummated  the 
auspices,  as  if  done  by  appointment.  The  others,  dismount- 
ing from  their  horses,  did  obeisance  to  Darius  as  king.  Some 
say  that  CEbares  had  recourse  to  the  foregoing  artifice ;  others, 
to  the  following  (for  the  story  is  told  both  ways  by  the  Per- 
sians) :  That  having  rubbed  his  hand  upon  the  genital  part 
of  the  mare,  he  kept  it  concealed  under  his  trousers,  and  at 
sunrise,  when  the  horses  were  about  to  start,  CEbares  drew 
out  his  hand  and  put  it  to  the  nostrils  of  Darius's  horse,  and 
that  he,  taking  the  scent,  began  to  snort  and  neigh. 

Accordingly  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  was  declared  king, 
and  all  the  people  of  Asia,  except  the  Arabians,  were  subject 
to  him,  Cyrus  having  first  subdued  them,  and  afterward  Cam- 
byses.  The  Arabians  never  submitted  to  the  Persian  yoke, 
but  were  on  friendly  terms,  and  gave  Cambyses  a  free  passage 
into  Egypt ;  for  without  the  consent  of  the  Arabians  the  Per- 
sians could  not  have  penetrated  into  Egypt.  Darius  con- 
tracted his  first  marriages  with  Persians ;  he  married  two 
daughters  of  Cyrus,  Atossa  and  Artystona:  Atossa  had  been 
before  married  to  her  brother  Cambyses,  and  afterward  to 
the  magus,  but  Artystona  was  a  virgin.  He  married  another 
also,  daughter  of  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,  whose  name  was 
Parmys ;  and  he  had  besides  the  daughter  of  Otanes  who  de- 
tected the  magus.  His  power  was  fully  established  on  all 
sides.  Having  then  first  of  all  made  a  stone  statue,  he  had 
it  erected ;  and  a  figure  was  upon  it  representing  a  man  on 
horseback ;  and  he  had  engraved  on  it  the  following  inscrip- 
tion :  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  by  the  sagacity  of 
his  horse  (here  mentioning  the  name),  and  by  the  address 
of  CEbares,  his  groom,  obtained  the  empire  of  the  Per- 


89-91]  DARIUS   MADE   KING  189 

sians.  Having  done  this  in  Persia,  he  constituted  twenty 
governments,  which  they  call  satrapies ;  and  having  consti- 
tuted the  governments  and  set  governors  over  them,  he  ap- 
pointed tributes  to  be  paid  to  him  from  each  nation,  both 
connecting  the  adjoining  people  with  the  several  nations,  and 
omitting  some  neighbouring  people,  he  annexed  to  some 
others  that  were  more  remote.  He  distributed  the  govern- 
ments, and  the  annual  payment  of  tribute,  in  the  following 
manner :  Such  of  them  as  contributed  silver,  were  required 
to  pay  it  according  to  the  standard  of  the  Babylonian  talent ; 
and  such  as  contributed  gold,  according  to  the  Euboic  talent. 
The  Babylonian  talent  is  equal  to  seventy  Euboic  minae.  Dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Cyrus,  and  afterward  of  Cambyses,  there  was 
no  fixed  regulation  with  regard  to  tribute,  but  they  brought 
in  presents.  In  consequence  of  this  imposition  of  tribute, 
and  other  things  of  a  similar  kind,  the  Persians  say  Darius 
was  a  trader,  Cambyses  a  master,  and  Cyrus  a  father.  The 
first,  because  he  made  profit  of  everything;  the  second,  be- 
cause he  was  severe  and  arrogant ;  the  latter,  because  he  was 
mild,  and  always  aimed  at  the  good  of  his  people.  From  the 
Ionians,  the  Magnesians  in  Asia,  the  Cohans,  Carians,  Lyci- 
ans,  Milyens,  and  Pamphylians,  for  one  and  the  same  tribute 
was  imposed  on  them  all,  there  came  in  a  revenue  of  four 
hundred  talents  in  silver;  this  then  composed  the  first  di- 
vision. From  the  Mysians,  Lydians,  Lasonians,  Cabalians, 
and  Hygennians,  five  hundred  talents ;  this  was  the  second 
division.  From  the  Hellespontians,  who  dwell  on  the  right 
as  one  sails  in,  the  Phrygians,  the  Thracians  in  Asia,  Paphla- 
gonians,  Mariandynians,  and  Syrians,  there  was  a  tribute  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty  talents;  this  was  the  third  division. 
From  the  Cilicians,  three  hundred  and  sixty  white  horses,  one 
for  every  day,  and  five  hundred  talents  of  silver;  of  these  a 
hundred  and  forty  were  expended  on  the  cavalry  that  guarded 
the  Cilician  territory,  and  the  remaining  three  hundred  and 
sixty  went  to  Darius ;  this  was  the  fourth  division.  From  the 
city  of  Poseideium,  which  Amphilochus,  son  of  Amphiaraus, 
founded  on  the  confines  of  the  Cilicians  and  Syrians,  begin- 
ning from  this  down  to  Egypt,  except  a  district  belonging 
to  Arabians,  which  was  exempt  from  taxation,  was  paid  a 
tribute  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  talents ;  and  in  this  division 
is  included  all  Phoenicia,  Syria  which  is  called  Palestine,  and 
Cyprus ;  this  was  the  fifth  division.  From  Egypt,  and  the 
Libyans  bordering  on  Egypt,  and  from  Cyrene  and  Barce 
(for  these  were  annexed  to  the  Egyptian  division),  accrued 
seven  hundred  talents,  besides  the  revenue  arising  from  Lake 


Iqo  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [91-95 

Mceris,  which  was  derived  from  the  fish:  in  addition,  then, 
to  this  money,  and  the  fixed  supply  of  corn,  there  accrued 
seven  hundred  talents ;  for  they  furnish  in  addition  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  thousand  measures  of  corn  for  the  Persians 
who  occupy  the  white  fortress  at  Memphis,  and  their  allies : 
this  was  the  sixth  division.  The  Sattagydae,  Gandarians, 
Dadicae,  and  Aparytae,  joined  together,  contributed  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy  talents  ;  this  was  the  seventh  division.  From 
Susa,  and  the  rest  of  the  country  of  the  Cissians,  three  hun- 
dred talents;  this  was  the  eighth  division.  From  Babylon 
and  the  rest  of  Assyria,  there  accrued  to  him  a  thousand  tal- 
ents of  silver,  and  five  hundred  young  eunuchs;  this  was  the 
ninth  division.  From  Ecbatana  and  the  rest  of  Media,  and 
the  Paricanians,  and  Orthocorybantes,  four  hundred  and  fifty 
talents;  this  was  the  tenth  division.  The  Caspians,  Pausicae, 
Pantimathians,  and  Daritae,  contributing  together,  paid  two 
hundred  talents ;  this  was  the  eleventh  division.  From  the 
Bactrians  as  far  as  the  iEglae,  was  a  tribute  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty  talents ;  this  was  the  twelfth  division.  From  Pac- 
tyica,  and  the  Armenians,  and  the  neighbouring  people  as  far 
as  the  Euxine  Sea,  four  hundred  talents ;  this  was  the  thir- 
teenth division.  From  the  Sagartians,  Sarangeans,  Thama- 
naeans,  Utians,  Mycians,  and  those  who  inhabit  the  islands 
on  the  Red  Sea,  in  which  the  king  settles  transported  con- 
victs ;  from  all  these  came  a  tribute  of  six  hundred  talents ; 
this  was  the  fourteenth  division.  The  Sacae  and  Caspians 
paid  two  hundred  and  fifty  talents ;  this  was  the  fifteenth  di- 
vision. The  Parthians,  Chorasmians,  Sogdians,  and  Arians, 
three  hundred  talents ;  this  was  the  sixteenth  division.  The 
Paricanians  and  Asiatic  Ethiopians  paid  four  hundred  talents ; 
this  was  the  seventeenth  division.  The  Matienians,  Saspires, 
and  Alarodians  were  taxed  at  two  hundred  talents ;  this  was 
the  eighteenth  division.  From  the  Moschians,  Tibarenians, 
Macronians,  Mosyncecians,  and  Marsians,  three  hundred  tal- 
ents were  demanded ;  this  was  the  nineteenth  division.  Of 
the  Indians  the  population  is  by  far  the  greatest  of  all  nations 
whom  we  know  of,  and  they  paid  a  tribute  proportionably 
larger  than  all  the  rest,  three  hundred  and  sixty  talents  of 
gold  dust ;  this  was  the  twentieth  division.  Now  the  Baby- 
lonian standard,  compared  with  the  Euboic  talent,  makes  the 
total  nine  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty  talents;  and  the 
gold  estimated  at  thirteen  times  the  value  of  silver,  the  gold 
dust  will  be  found  to  amount  to  four  thousand  six  hundred 
and  eighty  Euboic  talents.  Therefore,  if  the  total  of  all  these 
are  computed  together,  fourteen  thousand  five  hundred  and 


95-98]  TRIBUTARY  NATIONS  I9I 

sixty  Euboic  talents  were  collected  by  Darius  as  an  annual 
tribute ;  and  passing  over  less  sums  than  these,  I  do  not 
mention  them.  This  tribute  accrued  to  Darius  from  Asia, 
and  a  small  part  of  Libya ;  but  in  the  course  of  time  another 
tribute  accrued  from  the  islands,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Eu- 
rope as  far  as  Thessaly.  This  tribute  the  king  treasures  up 
in  the  following  manner:  Having  melted  it,  he  pours  it  into 
earthen  jars,  and  having  filled  it  he  takes  away  the  earthen 
mould ;  and  when  he  wants  money  he  cuts  off  so  much  as  he 
has  occasion  for  from  time  to  time. 

These,  then,  were  the  governments  and  the  imposts  on 
each.  The  Persian  territory  alone  has  not  been  mentioned 
as  subject  to  tribute;  for  the  Persians  occupy  their  land  free 
from  taxes.  They  indeed  were  not  ordered  to  pay  any  tribute, 
but  brought  gifts.  The  Ethiopians  bordering  on  Egypt,  whom 
Cambyses  subdued  when  he  marched  against  the  Macrobian 
Ethiopians,  and  who  dwell  about  the  sacred  city  of  Nysa,  and 
celebrate  festivals  of  Bacchus — these  Ethiopians,  and  their 
neighbours,  use  the  same  grain  as  the  Calantian  Indians,  and 
live  in  subterranean  dwellings — both  these  bring  every  third 
year,  and  they  continued  to  do  so  to  my  time,  two  chcenices 
of  unmolten  gold,  two  hundred  blocks  of  ebony,  five  Ethi- 
opian boys,  and  twenty  large  elephants'  tusks.  The  Colchians 
numbered  themselves  among  those  who  gave  presents,  as  well 
as  the  neighbouring  nations,  as  far  as  Mount  Caucasus ;  for 
to  this  mountain  the  dominions  of  Persia  extend.  But  the 
people  to  the  north  side  of  the  Caucasus  pay  no  regard  to 
the  Persians.  These,  then,  for  the  gifts  they  imposed  on  them- 
selves, furnished,  even  to  my  time,  every  five  years  one  hun- 
dred boys  and  one  hundred  virgins.  The  Arabians  also  fur- 
nished every  year  a  thousand  talents  of  frankincense.  These, 
then,  brought  to  the  king  the  above  gifts  besides  the  tribute.       . 

The  Indians  obtain  the  great  quantity  of  gold,  from  which  y(^ 
they  supply  the  before-mentioned  dust  to  the  king,  in  the 
manner  presently  described.  That  part  of  India  toward  the 
rising  sun  is  all  sand ;  for  of  the  people  with  whom  we  are 
acquainted,  and  of  whom  anything  certain  is  told,  the  In- 
dians live  the  farthest  toward  the  east  and  the  sunrise  of  all 
the  inhabitants  of  Asia;  for  the  Indians'  country  toward  the 
east  is  a  desert,  by  reason  of  the  sands.  There  are  many  na- 
tions of  Indians,  and  they  do  not  speak  the  same  language 
as  each  other;  some  of  them  are  nomads,  and  others  not. 
Some  inhabit  the  marshes  of  the  river,  and  feed  on  raw  fish, 
which  they  take  going  out  in  boats  made  of  reeds ;  one  joint 
of  the  reed  makes  a  boat.     These  Indians  wear  a  garment 


1 92  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [98-103 

made  of  rushes,  which,  when  they  have  cut  the  reed  from  the 
river  and  beaten  it,  they  afterward  plait  like  a  mat  and  wear 
it  as  a  corselet.  Other  Indians,  living  to  the  east  of  these, 
are  nomads,  and  eat  raw  flesh ;  they  are  called  Padaeans.  They 
are  said  to  use  the  following  customs :  When  any  one  of  the 
community  is  sick,  whether  it  be  a  woman  or  a  man,  if  it  be 
a  man  the  men  who  are  his  nearest  connections  put  him  to 
death,  alleging  that  if  he  wasted  by  disease  his  flesh  would  be 
spoiled;  but  if  he  denies  that  he  is  sick,  they,  not  agreeing 
with  him,  kill  and  feast  upon  him.  And  if  a  woman  be  sick, 
in  like  manner  the  women  who  are  most  intimate  with  her  do 
the  same  as  the  men.  And  whoever  reaches  to  old  age,  they 
sacrifice  and  feast  upon;  but  few  among  them  attain  to  this 
state,  for  before  that  they  put  to  death  every  one  that  falls 
into  any  distemper.  Other  Indians  have  the  following  differ- 
ent custom :  They  neither  kill  anything  that  has  life,  nor  sow 
anything,  nor  are  they  wont  to  have  houses,  but  they  live  upon 
herbs,  and  they  have  a  grain  of  the  size  of  millet  in  a  pod, 
which  springs  spontaneously  from  the  earth,  this  they  gather, 
and  boil  it  and  eat  it  with  the  pod.  When  any  one  of  them 
falls  into  any  disorder,  he  goes  and  lies  down  in  the  desert, 
and  no  one  takes  any  thought  about  him,  whether  dead  or 
sick.  All  have  a  complexion  closely  resembling  the  Ethiopians. 
These  Indians  are  situated  very  far  from  the  Persians,  toward 
the  south,  and  were  never  subject  to  Darius. 

There  are  other  Indians  bordering  on  the  city  of  Caspa- 
tyrus  and  the  country  of  Pactyica,  settled  northward  of  the 
other  Indians,  whose  mode  of  life  resembles  that  of  the  Bac- 
trians.  They  are  the  most  warlike  of  the  Indians,  and  these 
are  they  who  are  sent  to  procure  the  gold ;  for  near  this  part 
is  a  desert  by  reason  of  the  sand.  In  this  desert,  then,  and  in 
the  sand,  there  are  ants  in  size  somewhat  less  indeed  than  dogs, 
but  larger  than  foxes.  Some  of  them  are  in  the  possession  of 
the  King  of  the  Persians,  which  were  taken  there.  These  ants, 
forming  their  habitations  under  ground,  heap  up  the  sand, 
as  the  ants  in  Greece  do,  and  in  the  same  manner;  and  they 
are  very  like  them  in  shape.  The  sand  that  is  heaped  up  is 
mixed  with  gold.  The  Indians  therefore  go  to  the  desert 
to  get  this  sand,  each  man  having  three  camels,  on  either  side 
a  male  one  harnessed  to  draw  by  the  side,  and  a  female  in 
the  middle ;  this  last  the  man  mounts  himself,  having  taken 
care  to  yoke  one  that  has  been  separated  from  her  young  as 
recently  born  as  possible ;  for  camels  are  not  inferior  to  horses 
in  swiftness,  and  are  much  better  able  to  carry  burdens.  What 
kind  of  figure  the  camel  has  I  shall  not  describe  to  the  Greeks, 


103-107]  INDIA  I93 

as  they  are  acquainted  with  it;  but  what  is  not  known  re- 
specting it  I  will  mention.  A  camel  has  four  thighs  and  four 
knees  in  his  hinder  legs,  and  his  private  parts  are  turned  be- 
tween the  hinder  legs  to  the  tail.  The  Indians,  then,  adopting 
such  a  plan  and  such  a  method  of  harnessing,  set  out  for  the 
gold,  having  before  calculated  the  time,  so  as  to  be  engaged 
in  their  plunder  during  the  hottest  part  of  the  day,  for  dur- 
ing the  heat  the  ants  hide  themselves  under  ground.  Among 
these  people  the  sun  is  hottest  in  the  morning,  and  not,  as 
among  others,  at  midday  from  the  time  that  it  has  risen  some 
way,  to  the  breaking  up  of  the  market;  during  this  time  it 
scorches  much  more  than  at  midday  in  Greece;  so  that,  it  is 
said,  they  then  refresh  themselves  in  water.  Midday  scorches 
other  men  much  the  same  as  the  Indians;  but  as  the  day 
declines,  the  sun  becomes  to  them  as  it  is  in  the  morning  to 
others ;  and  after  this,  as  it  proceeds  it  becomes  still  colder, 
until  sunset:  then  it  is  very  cold.  When  the  Indians  arrive 
at  the  spot,  having  sacks  with  them,  they  fill  these  with  the 
sand,  and  return  with  all  possible  expedition.  For  the  ants, 
as  the  Persians  say,  immediately  discovering  them  by  the 
smell,  pursue  them,  and  they  are  equalled  in  swiftness  by  no 
other  animal,  so  that  if  the  Indians  did  not  get  the  start  of 
them  while  the  ants  were  assembling,  not  a  man  of  them  could 
be  saved.  Now  the  male  camels  (for  they  are  inferior  in  speed 
to  the  females)  slacken  their  pace,  dragging  on,  not  both 
equally ;  but  the  females,  mindful  of  the  young  they  have  left, 
do  not  slacken  their  pace.  Thus  the  Indians,  as  the  Persians 
say,  obtain  the  greatest  part  of  their  gold ;  and  they  have  some 
small  quantity  more  that  is  dug  in  the  country. 

The  extreme  parts  of  the  inhabited  world  somehow  possess 
the  most  excellent  products ;  as  Greece  enjoys  by  far  the  best 
tempered  climate.  For  in  the  first  place,  India  is  the  farthest 
part  of  the  inhabited  world  toward  the  east,  as  I  have  just 
observed :  in  this  part,  then,  all  animals,  both  quadrupeds  and 
birds,  are  much  larger  than  they  are  in  other  countries,  with 
the  exception  of  horses ;  in  this  respect  they  are  surpassed 
by  the  Medic  breed  called  the  Nyssean  horses.  In  the  next 
place,  there  is  abundance  of  gold  there,  partly  dug,  partly 
brought  down  by  the  rivers,  and  partly  seized  in  the  manner 
I  have  described.  And  certain  wild  trees  there  bear  wool  in- 
stead of  fruit,  that  in  beauty  and  quality  excels  that  of  sheep ; 
and  the  Indians  make  their  clothing  from  these  trees.  Again, 
Arabia  is  the  farthest  of  inhabited  countries  toward  the  south ; 
and  this  is  the  only  region  in  which  grow  frankincense,  myrrh, 
cassia,  cinnamon,  and  ledanum.  All  these,  except  myrrh,  the 
X3 


I94  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,  THALIA  [107-110 

Arabians  gather  with  difficulty.  The  frankincense  they  gather 
by  burning  styrax,  which  the  Phoenicians  import  into  Greece ; 
they  take  it  by  burning  this;  for  winged  serpents,  small  in 
size,  and  various  in  form,  guard  the  trees  that  bear  frankin- 
cense, a  great  number  round  each  tree.  These  are  the  same 
serpents  that  invade  Egypt.  They  are  driven  from  the  trees 
by  nothing  else  but  the  smoke  of  the  styrax.  The  Arabians 
say  this  also,  that  the  whole  land  would  be  filled  by  these  ser- 
pents if  some  such  thing  did  not  take  place  with  regard  to 
them,  as  I  know  happens  to  vipers.  And  the  providence  of 
God,  as  was  likely,  proves  itself  wise :  whatever  creatures  are 
timid,  and  fit  for  food,  have  been  made  very  prolific,  lest  the 
species  should  be  destroyed  by  constant  consumption;  but 
such  as  are  savage  and  noxious,  unprolific.  For  instance,  the 
hare,  which  is  hunted  by  all,  beasts,  birds,  and  men,  is  so  pro- 
lific that  it  alone  of  all  beasts  conceives  to  superfetation,  hav- 
ing in  its  womb  some  of  its  young  covered  with  down,  others 
bare,  others  just  formed,  and  at  the  same  time  conceives  again. 
Such,  then,  is  the  case.  Whereas  a  lioness,  which  is  the 
strongest  and  fiercest  of  beasts,  bears  only  one  once  in  her 
life ;  for  in  bringing  forth  she  ejects  her  matrix  with  the  whelp ; 
and  this  is  the  cause :  when  the  whelp  begins  to  move  in  the 
womb,  he,  having  claws,  much  sharper  than  those  of  any 
other  beast,  lacerates  the  womb;  and  as  he  increases  in 
strength,  he  continues  tearing  it  much  more ;  and  when  the 
birth  approaches,  not  a  single  part  of  it  remains  sound.  So 
also  if  vipers  and  the  winged  serpents  of  Arabia  multiplied 
as  fast  as  their  nature  admits,  men  could  not  possibly  live. 
But  now  when  they  couple  together,  and  the  male  is  in  the 
very  act  of  impregnating,  the  female  seizes  him  by  the  neck, 
and  clinging  to  him,  never  lets  him  go  until  she  has  gnawed 
through  him.  In  this  manner  the  male  dies,  and  the  female 
pays  the  following  retribution  to  the  male:  the  offspring, 
while  yet  in  the  womb,  avenging  their  father,  eat  through  the 
matrix;  and  having  gnawed  through  her  bowels,  thus  make 
their  entrance  into  the  world.  But  other  serpents,  which  are 
not  hurtful  to  men,  lay  eggs,  and  hatch  a  vast  number  of 
young.  Now  vipers  are  found  in  all  parts  of  the  world;  but 
flying  serpents  are  abundant  in  Arabia,  and  nowhere  else: 
there  they  appear  to  be  very  numerous. 

The  Arabians  obtain  the  frankincense  in  the  manner  I 
have  described;  and  the  cassia  as  follows:  When  they  have 
covered  their  whole  body  and  face,  except  the  eyes,  with  hides 
and  other  skins,  they  go  to  the  cassia ;  it  grows  in  a  shallow 
lake;  and  around  the  lake  and  in  it  lodge  winged  animals 


no-US]  ARABIA  195 

very  like  bats,  and  they  screech  fearfully,  and  are  exceed- 
ingly fierce.  These  they  keep  off  from  their  eyes,  and  so 
gather  the  cassia.  The  cinnamon  they  collect  in  a  still  more 
wonderful  manner.  Where  it  grows  and  what  land  produces 
it,  they  are  unable  to  tell ;  except  that  some,  giving  a  prob- 
able account,  say  that  it  grows  in  those  countries  in  which 
Bacchus  was  nursed.  And  they  say  that  large  birds  bring 
those  rolls  of  bark,  which  we,  from  the  Phoenicians,  call  cin- 
namon, the  birds  bring  them  for  their  nests,  which  are  built 
with  clay,  against  precipitous  mountains,  where  there  is  no 
access  for  man.  The  Arabians,  to  surmount  this  difficulty, 
have  invented  the  following  artifice :  Having  cut  up  into  large 
pieces  the  limbs  of  dead  oxen,  and  asses,  and  other  beasts 
of  burden,  they  carry  them  to  these  spots,  and  having  laid 
them  near  the  nests,  they  retire  to  a  distance.  But  the  birds 
flying  down  carry  up  the  limbs  of  the  beasts  to  their  nests, 
which  not  being  strong  enough  to  support  the  weight,  break 
and  fall  to  the  ground.  Then  the  men,  coming  up,  in  this 
manner  gather  the  cinnamon,  and  being  gathered  by  them 
it  reaches  other  countries.  But  the  ledanum,  which  the  Ara- 
bians call  ladanum,  is  still  more  wonderful  than  this;  for 
though  it  comes  from  a  most  stinking  place,  it  is  itself  most 
fragrant.  For  it  is  found  sticking  like  gum  to  the  beards  of 
he-goats,  which  collect  it  from  the  wood.  It  is  useful  for  many 
ointments,  and  the  Arabians  burn  it  very  generally  as  a  per- 
fume. It  may  suffice  to  have  said  thus  much  of  these  per- 
fumes ;  and  there  breathes  from  Arabia,  as  it  were,  a  divine 
odour.  They  have  two  kinds  of  sheep  worthy  of  admiration, 
which  are  seen  nowhere  else.  One  kind  has  large  tails,  not 
less  than  three  cubits  in  length,  which,  if  suffered  to  trail,  would 
ulcerate,  by  the  tails  rubbing  on  the  ground.  But  every  shep- 
herd knows  enough  of  the  carpenter's  art  to  prevent  this,  for 
they  make  little  carts  and  fasten  them  under  the  tails,  binding 
the  tail  of  each  separate  sheep  to  a  separate  cart.  The  other 
kind  of  sheep  have  broad  tails,  even  to  a  cubit  in  breadth. 
Where  the  meridian  declines  toward  the  setting  sun,1  the  Ethi- 
opian territory  reaches,  being  the  extreme  part  of  the  habitable 
world.  It  produces  much  gold,  huge  elephants,  wild  trees  of 
all  kinds,  ebony,  and  men  of  large  stature,  very  handsome,  and 
long-lived. 

These,  then,  are  the  extremities  of  Asia  and  Libya.    Con- 
cerning the  western  extremities  of  Europe  I  am  unable  to 
speak  with  certainty,  for  I  do  not  admit  that  there  is  a  river, 
called  by  barbarians  Eridanus,  which  discharges  itself  into 
1  That  is,  "southwest." 


196  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  ["5-"7 

the  sea  toward  the  north,  from  which  amber  is  said  to  come ; 
nor  am  I  acquainted  with  the  Cassiterides  Islands,  from  whence 
our  tin  comes.  For  in  the  first  place,  the  name  Eridanus 
shows  that  it  is  Grecian,  and  not  barbarian,  and  feigned  by 
some  poet;  in  the  next  place,  though  I  have  diligently  in- 
quired, I  have  never  been  able  to  hear  from  any  man  who 
has  himself  seen  it  that  there  is  a  sea  on  that  side  of  Europe. 
However,  both  tin  and  amber  come  to  us  from  the  remotest 
parts.  Toward  the  north  of  Europe  there  is  evidently  a  very 
great  quantity  of  gold,  but  how  procured  I  am  unable  to  say 
with  certainty ;  though  it  is  said  that  the  Arimaspians,  a  one- 
eyed  people,  steal  it  from  the  griffins.  Neither  do  I  believe 
this,  that  men  are  born  with  one  eye,  and  yet  in  other  respects 
resemble  the  rest  of  mankind.  However,  the  extremities  of 
the  world  seem  to  surround  and  inclose  the  rest  of  the  earth, 
and  to  possess  those  productions  which  we  account  most  ex- 
cellent and  rare. 

There  is  a  plain  in  Asia  shut  in  on  every  side  by  a  range 
of  mountains,  and  there  are  five  defiles  in  the  mountain.  This 
plain  formerly  belonged  to  the  Chorasmians,  situated  on  the 
confines  of  these  Chorasmians,  of  the  Hyrcanians,  Parthians, 
Sarangaeans,  and  Thamanaeans;  but  since  the  Persians  have 
had  the  empire  it  belongs  to  the  king.  From  this  range  of 
mountains,  then,  that  shuts  in  this  plain,  there  flows  a  great 
river,  the  name  of  which  is  Aces ;  it  formerly,  being  divided 
into  five  several  channels,  used  to  irrigate  the  lands  of  the 
nations  before  mentioned,  being  conducted  to  each  nation 
through  each  separate  defile.  But  since  they  have  become 
subject  to  the  Persian,  they  have  suffered  the  following  calam- 
ity :  The  king,  having  caused  the  clefts  of  the  mountains  to 
be  blocked  up,  placed  gates  at  each  cleft,  and  the  passage  of 
the  water  being  stopped,  the  plain  within  the  mountains  has 
become  a  sea,  as  the  river  continued  to  pour  in,  and  had  no- 
where any  exit.  The  people,  therefore,  who  before  were  in 
the  habit  of  using  the  water,  not  being  able  to  use  it  any  longer, 
were  reduced  to  great  extremities;  for  though  in  winter 
heaven  supplies  them  with  rain,  as  it  does  other  men,  yet  in 
summer,  when  they  sow  millet  and  sesame,  they  stood  in  need 
of  water.  When,  therefore,  no  water  was  allowed  them,  they 
and  their  wives  going  to  the  Persians,  and  standing  before 
the  king's  palace,  raise  a  great  outcry.  But  the  king  gave 
order  that  the  gates  should  be  open  toward  those  lands  that 
were  most  in  need ;  and  when  their  land  was  satiated  by  im- 
bibing water,  these  gates  were  shut,  and  he  ordered  others 
to  be  opened  to  those  who  were  next  in  greatest  need.    And 


117-119]  FATE   OF   INTAPHERNES  197 

as  I  have  been  informed,  he  opens  them  after  he  has  exacted 
large  sums  of  money,  in  addition  to  the  tribute.  Now  these 
things  are  so. 

Of  the  seven  men  that  conspired  against  the  magus,  it 
happened  that  one  of  them,  Intaphernes,  having  committed 
the  following  act  of  insolence,  lost  his  life  shortly  after  the 
revolution.  He  wished  to  enter  the  palace  in  order  to  confer 
with  Darius ;  for  the  law  was  so  settled  among  those  who  had 
conspired  against  the  magus  that  they  should  have  access  to 
the  king  without  a  messenger,  unless  the  king  should  happen 
to  be  in  bed  with  one  of  his  wives.  Intaphernes,  therefore, 
determined  that  no  one  should  announce  him;  but,  because 
he  was  one  of  the  seven,  chose  to  enter ;  the  doorkeeper,  how- 
ever, and  the  messenger,  would  not  let  him  pass,  saying  that 
the  king  was  then  in  bed  with  one  of  his  wives ;  but  Inta- 
phernes, suspecting  they  told  a  falsehood,  did  as  follows :  hav- 
ing drawn  his  scimetar,  he  cut  off  their  ears  and  noses,  and 
having  strung  them  to  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  he  hung  them 
round  their  necks,  and  so  dismissed  them.  They  presented 
themselves  to  the  king,  and  told  him  the  cause  for  which  they 
had  been  so  treated.  Darius,  fearing  lest  the  six  had  done 
this  in  concert,  sent  for  them,  one  by  one,  and  endeavoured  to 
discover  their  opinions,  whether  they  approved  of  what  had 
been  done.  But  when  he  discovered  that  Intaphernes  had 
not  done  this  with  their  privity,  he  seized  Intaphernes  him- 
self, and  his  children,  and  all  his  family,  having  many  reasons 
to  suspect  that  he,  with  his  relatives,  would  raise  a  rebellion 
against  him.  And  having  seized  them,  he  bound  them  as  for 
death:  but  the  wife  of  Intaphernes,  going  to  the  gates  of  the 
palace,  wept  and  lamented  aloud ;  and  having  done  this  con- 
tinually, she  prevailed  on  Darius  to  have  compassion  on  her. 
He  therefore,  having  sent  a  messenger,  spoke  as  follows : 
"  Madam,  King  Darius  allows  you  to  release  one  of  your 
relatives  who  are  now  in  prison,  whichever  of  them  all  you 
please."  But  she,  having  deliberated,  answered  as  follows, 
"  Since  the  king  grants  me  the  life  of  one,  I  choose  my  brother 
from  them  all."  Darius,  when  he  heard  this,  wondering  at 
her  choice,  having  sent  again,  asked :  "  Madam,  the  king  in- 
quires the  reason  why,  leaving  your  husband  and  children,  you 
have  chosen  that  your  brother  should  survive ;  who  is  not 
so  near  related  to  you  as  your  children,  and  less  endeared 
to  you  than  your  husband  ?  "  She  answered  as  follows :  "  O 
king,  I  may  have  another  husband  if  God  will,  and  other  chil- 
dren if  I  lose  these ;  but  as  my  father  and  mother  are  no  longer 
alive,  I  can  not  by  any  means  have  another  brother;  for  this 


I98  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [11^-122 

reason  I  spoke  as  I  did."  The  woman  appeared  to  Darius  to 
have  spoken  well,  and  he  granted  to  her  the  one  whom  she 
asked,  and  her  eldest  son,  he  was  so  pleased  with  her :  all  the 
rest  he  put  to  death.  Of  the  seven,  therefore,  one  very  soon 
perished  in  the  manner  now  mentioned. 

Near  about  the  time  of  Cambyses's  illness  the  following 
events  took  place:  Orcetes,  a  Persian,  had  been  appointed 
governor  of  Sardis  by  Cyrus ;  this  man  conceived  an  impious 
project;  for  without  having  sustained  any  injury,  or  heard 
a  hasty  word  from  Polycrates  the  Samian,  and  without  hav- 
ing seen  him  before,  he  conceived  the  design  of  seizing  him 
and  putting  him  to  death ;  as  most  people  say,  for  some  such 
cause  as  this.  Orcetes  and  another  Persian,  whose  name  was 
Mitrobates,  governor  of  the  district  of  Dascylium,  were  sit- 
ting together  at  the  palace  gates,  and  fell  into  a  dispute.  As 
they  were  quarrelling  about  valour,  Mitrobates  said  to  Orcetes 
tauntingly :  "  Are  you  to  be  reckoned  a  brave  man,  who  have 
not  yet  acquired  for  the  king  the  island  of  Samos,  that  lies 
near  your  government,  and  is  so  easy  to  be  subdued?  which 
one  of  its  own  inhabitants,  having  made  an  insurrection  with 
fifteen  armed  men,  obtained  possession  of,  and  now  reigns 
over  ?  "  Some  say  that  he,  having  heard  this,  and  being  stung 
with  the  reproach,  conceived  a  desire,  not  so  much  to  re- 
venge himself  on  the  man  who  said  it,  as  of  utterly  destroy- 
ing Polycrates,  on  whose  account  he  had  been  reproached. 
A  fewer  number  say  that  Orcetes  sent  a  herald  to  Samos  to 
make  some  demand  which  is  not  mentioned,  and  that  Polyc- 
rates happened  to  be  reclining  in  the  men's  apartment,  and 
that  Anacreon  of  Teos  was  with  him ;  and  somehow  (whether 
designedly  disregarding  the  business  of  Orcetes,  or  by  chance 
it  so  happened),  when  the  herald  of  Orcetes  came  forward  and 
delivered  his  message,  Polycrates,  as  his  face  chanced  to  be 
turned  toward  the  wall,  neither  turned  about,  nor  made  any 
answer.  These  twofold  causes  are  assigned  for  the  death  of 
Polycrates ;  every  man  may  give  credit  to  whichever  he 
pleases.  However,  Orcetes,  who  resided  in  Magnesia,  situ- 
ated on  the  river  Maeander,  being  acquainted  with  the  inten- 
tions of  Polycrates,  sent  Myrsus,  a  Lydian,  son  of  Gyges,  with 
a  message  to  Samos  ;  for  Polycrates  is  the  first  of  the  Grecians 
of  whom  we  know  who  formed  a  design  to  make  himself 
master  of  the  sea,  except  Minos  the  Cnossian,  or  any  other, 
who  before  his  time  obtained  the  empire  of  the  sea  ;  but  within 
what  is  called  the  historical  age,  Polycrates  is  the  first  who 
had  entertained  great  expectations  of  ruling  Ionia  and  the 
islands.     Orcetes,  therefore,  having  ascertained  that  he  had 


122-125]  DEATH   OF   POLYCRATES  1 99 

formed  this  design,  sent  a  message  to  the  following  effect: 
"  Orcetes  to  Polycrates  says  as  follows :  I  understand  that 
you  are  planning  vast  enterprises,  and  that  you  have  not 
money  answerable  to  your  projects.  Now,  if  you  will  do  as 
I  advise,  you  will  promote  your  own  success,  and  preserve 
me;  for  King  Cambyses  meditates  my  death,  and  of  this  I 
have  certain  information.  Now,  do  you  convey  me  and  my 
wealth  out  of  the  country,  and  take  part  of  it,  and  suffer  me 
to  enjoy  the  rest :  by  means  of  the  wealth,  you  will  become 
master  of  all  Greece.  If  you  doubt  what  I  say  concerning 
my  riches,  send  to  me  the  most  trusty  of  your  servants,  to 
whom  I  will  show  them."  Polycrates,  having  heard  this,  was 
delighted,  and  accepted  the  offer;  and  as  he  was  very  eager 
for  wealth,  he  first  sent  Maeandrius,  son  of  Maeandrius,  to 
view  it,  a  citizen  who  was  his  secretary :  he  not  long  after 
dedicated  to  the  Temple  of  Juno  all  the  ornamental  furniture 
from  the  men's  apartment  of  Polycrates,  which  was  indeed 
magnificent.  Orcetes,  having  learned  that  an  inspector  might 
be  expected,  did  as  follows :  having  filled  eight  chests  with 
stones,  except  a  very  small  space  round  the  brim,  he  put  gold 
on  the  surface  of  the  stones,  and  having  made  the  chests  fast 
with  cords,  he  kept  them  in  readiness.  But  Maeandrius,  hav- 
ing come  and  inspected  the  chests,  took  back  a  report  to 
Polycrates.  He,  though  earnestly  dissuaded  by  the  oracles 
and  by  his  friends,  resolved  to  go  in  person;  and  moreover, 
though  his  daughter  had  seen  in  a  dream  this  vision :  she  im- 
agined she  saw  her  father  elevated  in  the  air,  washed  by  Jupi- 
ter, and  anointed  by  the  sun.  Having  seen  this  vision,  she 
endeavoured  by  all  possible  means  to  divert  Polycrates  from 
going  from  home  to  Orcetes ;  and  as  he  was  going  on  board 
a  fifty-oared  galley,  she  persisted  in  uttering  words  of  bad 
omen.  But  he  threatened  her,  if  he  should  return  safe,  that 
she  should  long  continue  unmarried ;  and  she  prayed  that  so 
it  might  be  brought  to  pass ;  for  she  chose  to  continue  a  longer 
time  unmarried  than  be  deprived  of  her  father.  Thus  Polyc- 
rates, disregarding  all  advice,  set  sail  to  visit  Orcetes,  taking 
with  him  many  others  of  his  friends,  and  among  them  Demo- 
cedes,  son  of  Calliphon,  a  Crotonian,  who  was  a  physician, 
and  the  most  skilful  practitioner  of  his  time.  But  Polycrates, 
on  his  arrival  at  Magnesia,  was  put  to  death  in  a  horrid  man- 
ner, unworthy  of  himself  and  his  lofty  thoughts :  for,  with  the 
exception  of  those  who  have  been  tyrants  of  Syracuse,  not 
one  of  all  the  Grecian  tyrants  deserves  to  be  compared  with 
Polycrates  for  magnificence.  But  Orcetes,  having  put  him 
to  death  in  a  manner  not  to  be  described,  caused  him  to  be 


200  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,  THALIA  [125-128 

crucified :  of  those  that  accompanied  Polycrates,  as  many  as 
were  Samians,  he  dismissed,  bidding  them  to  feel  thankful 
to  him  for  their  liberty;  but  as  many  as  were  strangers  and 
servants  he  detained  and  treated  as  slaves.  Thus  Polycrates, 
being  crucified,  fulfilled  the  vision  of  his  daughter  in  every 
particular :  for  he  was  washed  by  Jupiter,  when  it  rained,  and 
was  anointed  by  the  sun,  himself  emitting  moisture  from  his 
body.  Thus  the  constant  good  fortune  of  Polycrates  endexl^ 
as  Amasis,  King  of  Egypt,  had  foretold.  s^ 

Not  long  after,  vengeance  on  account  of  Polycrates  over- 
took Orcetes;  for  after  the  death  of  Cambyses,  and  during 
the  reign  of  the  magi,  Oroetes,  continuing  at  Sardis,  gave  no 
assistance  to  the  Persians,  who  had  been  deprived  of  the  gov- 
ernment by  the  Medes ;  but  he  in  this  confusion  put  to  death 
Mitrobates,  governor  of  Dascylium,  who  had  upbraided  him 
with  his  conduct  to  Polycrates,  together  with  Mitrobates's  son 
Cranaspes,  men  of  high  repute  among  the  Persians ;  and  he 
committed  various  other  atrocities ;  and  a  certain  courier  of 
Darius  who  came  to  him,  because  he  brought  him  an  unwel- 
come message,  he  had  assassinated  on  his  return,  having  set 
men  to  waylay  him ;  and  when  he  had  caused  him  to  be  slain, 
he  had  him  and  his  horse  put  out  of  sight.  Darius,  therefore, 
when  he  got  possession  of  the  throne,  was  anxious  to  punish 
Orcetes  for  all  his  iniquities,  and  especially  for  the  death  of 
Mitrobates  and  his  son.  But  he  did  not  think  it  prudent  to 
send  an  army  against  him  openly,  as  his  affairs  were  still  in 
a  ferment,  and  he  had  but  just  got  possession  of  the  throne, 
and  he  heard  that  Orcetes  had  great  strength;  for  he  had  a 
body-guard  of  a  thousand  Persians,  and  held  the  government 
of  Phrygia,  Lydia,  and  Ionia.  Under  these  circumstances, 
therefore,  Darius  had  recourse  to  the  following  plan:  hav- 
ing called  the  most  eminent  of  the  Persians  together,  he  ad- 
dressed them  as  follows :  "  Which  of  you,  O  Persians,  will 
undertake  to  accomplish  for  me  this  by  address,  and  not  by 
force  and  numbers?  for  where  skill  is  required,  force  is  of 
no  avail.  Which  of  you,  then,  will  either  bring  me  Orcetes 
alive,  or  put  him  to  death?  He  has  never  done  the  Persians 
any  service,  but  has  brought  great  mischiefs  upon  them.  In 
the  first  place,  he  destroyed  two  of  us,  Mitrobates  and  his 
son;  and  in  the  next  place,  he  slew  the  messenger  sent  by 
me  to  recall  him,  displaying  intolerable  insolence.  He  must 
therefore  be  stopped  by  death,  before  he  has  perpetrated  any 
greater  evils  against  the  Persians."  Darius  asked  the  above 
questions ;  and  thirty  men  offered  to  undertake  it,  each  being 
willing  to  accomplish  the  plan  alone.    But  Darius  put  an  end 


128-130]  PUNISHMENT   OF   ORCETES  201 

to  their  competitions  by  desiring  them  to  cast  lots ;  and  when 
they  cast  lots  it  fell  to  Bagaeus,  son  of  Artontes.  Bagaeus, 
having  obtained  it,  did  as  follows :  Having  written  several  let- 
ters relating  to  a  variety  of  affairs,  he  affixed  to  them  Darius's 
seal,  and  then  proceeded  with  them  to  Sardis.  On  his  ar- 
rival, having  come  into  the  presence  of  Orcetes,  he  opened 
the  letters  one  by  one,  and  gave  them  to  the  royal  secretary 
to  read  ;  for  all  the  governors  have  royal  secretaries.  Bagaeus 
gave  the  letters  in  order  to  make  trial  of  the  guards  whether 
they  would  listen  to  a  revolt  from  Orcetes :  and  perceiving 
they  paid  great  respect  to  the  letters,  and  still  more  to  the 
contents,  he  gave  one  in  which  were  these  words,  "  Persians, 
King  Darius  forbids  you  to  be  guards  to  Orcetes."  They, 
when  they  heard  this,  lowered  their  lances  to  him.  When 
Bagaeus  saw  them  so  obedient  to  the  letter,  he  thereupon  took 
confidence,  and  delivered  the  last  letter  to  the  secretary,  in 
which  was  written,  "  King  Darius  commands  the  Persians  at 
Sardis  to  put  Orcetes  to  death."  The  guards,  when  they  heard 
this,  drew  their  scimetars,  and  killed  him  immediately.  Thus 
vengeance  overtook  Orcetes  the  Persian,  on  account  of  Polyc- 
rates  the  Samian. 

When  the  treasures  of  Orcetes  had  been  removed,  and 
had  arrived  at  Susa,  it  happened  not  long  after  that  Darius, 
in  leaping  from  his  horse  while  hunting,  twisted  his  foot, 
and  it  was  twisted  with  such  violence  that  the  ankle  bone  was 
dislocated;  and  at  first  thinking  he  had  about  him  those  of 
the  Egyptians  who  had  the  first  reputation  for  skill  in  the 
healing  art,  he  made  use  of  their  assistance.  But  they,  by 
twisting  the  foot,  and  using  force,  made  the  evil  worse ;  and 
from  the  pain  which  he  felt,  Darius  lay  seven  days  and  seven 
nights  without  sleep.  On  the  eighth  day,  as  he  still  continued 
in  a  bad  state,  some  one  who  had  before  heard  at  Sardis  of 
the  skill  of  Democedes  the  Crotonian,  made  it  known  to 
Darius ;  and  he  ordered  them  to  bring  him  to  him  as  quickly 
as  possible.  They  found  him  among  the  slaves  of  Orcetes, 
altogether  neglected ;  and  brought  him  forward,  dragging  fet- 
ters behind  him,  and  clothed  in  rags.  As  he  stood  before 
him,  Darius  asked  him  whether  he  understood  the  art.  He 
denied  that  he  did,  fearing  lest,  if  he  discovered  himself,  he 
should  be  altogether  precluded  from  returning  to  Greece.  But 
he  appeared  to  Darius  to  dissemble,  although  he  was  skilled 
in  the  art;  he  therefore  commanded  those  who  had  brought 
him  thither  to  bring  out  whips  and  goads.  Whereupon  he 
discovered  himself,  saying  that  he  did  not  know  it  perfectly, 
but  having  been  intimate  with  a  physician,  he  had  some  poor 


202  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [130-133 

knowledge  of  the  art.  Upon  which,  when  Darius  put  himself 
under  his  care,  by  using  Grecian  medicines,  and  applying  leni- 
tives after  violent  remedies,  he  caused  him  to  sleep,  and  in  a 
little  time  restored  him  to  his  health,  though  he  had  before 
despaired  of  ever  recovering  the  use  of  his  foot.  After  this 
cure,  Darius  presented  him  with  two  pair  of  golden  fetters; 
but  Democedes  asked  him  if  he  purposely  gave  him  a  double 
evil  because  he  had  restored  him  to  health.  Darius,  pleased 
with  the  speech,  sent  him  to  his  own  wives ;  and  the  eunuchs, 
introducing  him,  said  to  the  women  that  this  was  the  man  who 
had  saved  the  king's  life;  whereupon  each  of  them,  dipping 
a  goblet  into  a  chest  of  gold,  presented  Democedes  with  such 
a  munificent  gift  that  a  servant,  whose  name  was  Sciton,  fol- 
lowing behind,  picked  up  the  staters  that  fell  from  the  goblets 
and  collected  a  large  quantity  of  gold. 

This  Democedes  visited  Polycrates,  after  having  left  Cro- 
tona  on  the  following  account:  He  was  harshly  treated  at 
Crotona  by  his  father,  who  was  of  a  severe  temper,  and  being 
unable  to  endure  this,  he  left  him  and  went  to  .Egina;  hav- 
ing settled  there,  in  the  first  year,  though  he  was  unprovided 
with  means,  and  had  none  of  the  instruments  necessary  for 
the  exercise  of  his  art,  he  surpassed  the  most  skilful  of  their 
physicians ;  and  in  the  second  year,  the  vEginetae  engaged 
him  for  a  talent  out  of  the  public  treasury;  and  in  the  third 
year  the  Athenians,  for  a  hundred  minse;  and  in  the  fourth 
year  Polycrates,  for  two  talents ;  thus  he  came  to  Samos. 
From  this  man  the  Crotonian  physicians  obtained  a  great 
reputation ;  for  at  this  period  the  physicians  of  Crotona  were 
said  to  be  the  first  throughout  Greece,  and  the  Cyrenaeans 
the  second.  At  the  same  time  the  Argives  were  accounted 
the  most  skilful  of  the  Greeks  in  the  art  of  music.  At  that 
time,  then,  Democedes,  having  completely  cured  Darius  at 
Susa,  had  a  very  large  house,  and  had  a  seat  at  the  king's 
table ;  and  he  had  everything  he  could  wish  for,  except  the 
liberty  of  returning  to  Greece.  And  in  the  first  place  he  ob- 
tained from  the  king  a  pardon  for  the  Egyptian  physicians, 
who  first  attended  the  king,  and  were  about  to  be  empaled, 
because  they  had  been  outdone  by  a  Greek  physician;  and 
in  the  next  place  he  procured  the  liberty  of  a  prophet  of  Elis, 
who  had  attended  Polycrates,  and  lay  neglected  among  the 
slaves.  In  short,  Democedes  had  great  influence  with  the 
king.  ; 

Not  long  after  these  things,  the  following  events  took 
place:  Atossa,  daughter  of  Cyrus,  and  wife  to  Darius,  had  a 
tumour  on  her  breast;  after  some  time  it  burst,  and  spread 


133-135]  DEMOCEDES  203 

considerably.  As  long  as  it  was  small,  she  concealed  it,  and 
from  delicacy  informed  no  one  of  it ;  when  it  became  danger- 
ous, she  sent  for  Democedes  and  showed  it  to  him.  He,  say- 
ing that  he  could  cure  her,  exacted  from  her  a  solemn  promise 
that  she  in  return  would  perform  for  him  whatever  he  should 
require  of  her,  but  added  that  he  would  ask  nothing  which 
might  bring  disgrace  on  her.  When  therefore  he  had  healed 
her,  and  restored  her  to  health,  Atossa,  instructed  by  Demo- 
cedes, addressed  Darius,  as  he  lay  in  bed,  in  the  following 
words :  "  O  king,  you  who  possess  so  great  power,  sit  idle, 
and  do  not  add  any  nation  or  power  to  the  Persians.  It  were 
right  that  a  man  who  is  both  young  and  master  of  such  vast 
treasures  should  render  himself  considerable  by  his  actions, 
that  the  Persians  may  know  that  they  are  governed  by  a  man. 
Two  motives  should  influence  you  to  such  a  course :  first,  that 
the  Persians  may  know  that  it  is  a  man  who  rules  over  them ; 
and,  secondly,  that  they  may  be  worn  in  war,  and  not  tempted 
by  too  much  ease  to  plot  against  you.  You  should  therefore 
perform  some  illustrious  action  while  you  are  in  the  flower 
of  your  age ;  for  the  mind  grows  with  the  growth  of  the  body, 
and  as  it  grows  old,  grows  old  with  it,  and  dull  for  every 
action."  She  spoke  thus  according  to  her  instructions,  and 
he  answered :  "  Lady,  you  have  mentioned  the  very  things 
that  I  myself  purpose  to  do;  for  I  have  determined  to  make 
a  bridge  and  march  from  this  continent  to  the  other,  against 
the  Scythians;  and  this  shall  shortly  be  put  in  execution." 
Atossa  replied :  "  Look  you  now,  give  up  the  thought  of 
marching  first  against  the  Scythians,  for  they  will  be  in  your 
power  whenever  you  choose;  but  take  my  advice,  and  lead 
an  army  into  Greece ;  for  from  the  account  I  have  heard,  I  am 
anxious  to  have  Lacedaemonian,  Argive,  Athenian,  and  Corin- 
thian attendants ;  and  you  have  the  fittest  man  in  the  world 
to  show  and  inform  you  of  everything  concerning  Greece;  I 
mean  the  person  who  cured  your  foot."  Darius  answered: 
"  Lady,  since  you  think  I  ought  to  make  my  first  attempt 
against  Greece,  I  think  it  better  first  to  send  some  Persians 
thither  as  spies  with  the  man  you  mention :  they,  when  they 
are  informed  of  and  have  seen  every  particular,  will  make  a 
report  to  me;  and  then,  being  thoroughly  informed,  I  will 
turn  my  arms  against  them."  Thus  he  spoke ;  and  no  sooner 
said  than  done ;  for  as  soon  as  day  dawned,  having  summoned 
fifteen  eminent  Persians,  he  commanded  them  to  accompany 
Democedes,  and  pass  along  the  maritime  parts  of  Greece ;  and 
to  take  care  that  Democedes  did  not  escape  from  them,  but 
they  must  by  all  means  bring  him  back  again.    Having  given 


204  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [135-137 

these  commands  to  them,  he  next  summoned  Democedes 
himself,  and  requested  him,  when  he  had  conducted  the  Per- 
sians through  all  Greece,  and  shown  it  to  them,  to  return 
again ;  he  also  commanded  him  to  take  with  him  all  his  mov- 
ables as  presents  to  his  father  and  brothers,  promising  to  give 
him  many  times  as  much  instead.  Moreover,  he  said  that  for 
the  purpose  of  transporting  the  presents  he  would  give  a 
merchant  ship,  filled  with  all  kinds  of  precious  things,  which 
should  accompany  him  on  his  voyage.  Now  Darius,  in  my 
opinion,  promised  him  these  things  without  any  deceitful  in- 
tention ;  but  Democedes,  fearing  lest  Darius  was  making  trial 
of  him,  received  all  that  was  given,  without  eagerness,  but 
said  that  he  would  leave  his  own  goods  where  they  were, 
that  he  might  have  them  on  his  return ;  the  merchant  ship 
which  Darius  promised  him  to  convey  the  presents  to  his 
brothers,  he  said  he  would  accept  of.  Darius  having  given 
him  these  instructions,  sent  them  down  to  the  coast. 

Accordingly,  going  down  to  Phoenicia  and  Sidon,  a  city 
of  Phoenicia,  they  manned  two  triremes,  and  with  them  also 
a  large  trading  vessel,  laden  with  all  kinds  of  precious  things ; 
and  having  prepared  everything,  they  set  sail  for  Greece ;  and 
keeping  to  the  shore,  they  surveyed  the  coasts,  and  made 
notes  in  writing;  at  length,  having  inspected  the  greatest 
part  of  it,  and  whatever  was  most  remarkable,  they  proceeded 
to  Tarentum  in  Italy.  There,  out  of  kindness  toward  Demo- 
cedes, Aristophilides,  King  of  the  Tarentines,  first  took  off 
the  rudders  of  the  Median  ships,  and  next  shut  up  the  Per- 
sians as  spies.  While  they  were  in  this  condition  Democedes 
went  to  Crotona,  and  when  he  had  reached  his  own  home, 
Aristophilides  set  the  Persians  at  liberty,  and  restored  what 
he  had  taken  from  their  ships.  The  Persians,  sailing  from 
thence,  and  pursuing  Democedes,  arrived  at  Crotona,  and 
having  found  him  in  the  public  market,  they  laid  hands  on 
him.  Some  of  the  Crotonians,  dreading  the  Persian  power, 
were  ready  to  deliver  him  up ;  but  others  seized  the  Persians 
in  turn,  and  beat  them  with  staves,  though  they  expostulated 
in  these  terms :  "  Men  of  Crotona,  have  a  care  what  you  do : 
you  are  rescuing  a  man  who  is  a  runaway  from  the  king ;  how 
will  King  Darius  endure  to  be  thus  insulted?  How  can  what 
you  do  end  well  if  you  force  this  man  from  us?  What  city 
shall  we  sooner  attack  than  this?  What  sooner  shall  we  en- 
deavour to  reduce  to  slavery  ?  "  Saying  this,  they  did  not  per- 
suade the  Crotonians ;  but  being  forcibly  deprived  of  Demo- 
cedes, and  having  had  the  trading  vessel  which  they  brought 
with  them  taken  from  them,  they  sailed  back  to  Asia;  nor, 


137-140]  DARIUS  AND  SYLOSON  205 

as  they  were  deprived  of  their  guide,  did  they  attempt  to  ex- 
plore Greece  any  further.  At  their  departure  Democedes  en- 
joined them  to  tell  Darius  that  he  had  Milo's  daughter  affi- 
anced to  him  as  his  wife,  for  the  name  of  Milo,  the  wrestler, 
stood  high  with  the  king;  and  on  this  account  it  appears  to 
me  that  Democedes  spared  no  expense  to  hasten  this  mar- 
riage, that  he  might  appear  to  Darius  to  be  a  man  of  conse- 
quence in  his  own  country.  The  Persians,  having  set  sail 
from  Crotona,  were  driven  to  Iapygia,  and  being  made  slaves 
there,  Gillus,  a  Tarentine  exile,  ransomed  them,  and  conducted 
them  to  King  Darius ;  and  he  in  return  for  this  professed  him- 
self ready  to  give  him  whatever  he  should  desire.  But  Gillus, 
having  first  related  his  misfortunes,  asked  to  be  restored  to 
Tarentum ;  but  that  he  might  not  disturb  Greece,  if  on  his 
account  a  great  fleet  should  sail  to  Italy,  he  said  that  the 
Cnidians  alone  would  suffice  to  effect  his  restoration ;  think- 
ing that  by  them,  as  they  were  on  terms  of  friendship  with 
the  Tarentines,  his  return  would  be  most  easily  effected. 
Darius  having  promised  this,  performed  it;  for  having  de- 
spatched a  messenger  to  Cnidus,  he  bade  them  restore  Gillus 
to  Tarentum;  but  the  Cnidians,  though  they  obeyed  Darius, 
could  not  persuade  the  Tarentines,  and  were  not  strong  enough 
to  employ  force.  Thus  these  things  ended :  and  these  were 
the  first  Persians  who  came  from  Asia  to  Greece,  and  they, 
on  that  occasion,  were  spies. 

After  these  things,  King  Darius  took  Samos,  first  of  all 
the  cities,  either  Grecian  or  barbarian,  and  he  took  it  for  the 
following  reason :  When  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  invaded 
Egypt,  many  Grecians  resorted  thither;  some,  as  one  may 
conjecture,  on  account  of  trade ;  others,  to  serve  as  soldiers ; 
others,  to  view  the  country.  Of  these,  the  last  was  Syloson, 
son  of  ^aces,  brother  to  Polycrates,  and  an  exile  from  Samos. 
The  following  piece  of  good  luck  befell  this  Syloson :  having 
put  on  a  scarlet  cloak,  he  walked  in  the  streets  of  Memphis ; 
and  Darius,  who  was  one  of  Cambyses's  guard,  and  as  yet  a 
man  of  no  great  account,  seeing  him,  took  a  fancy  to  the  cloak, 
and  coming  up,  wished  to  purchase  it.  But  Syloson,  per- 
ceiving that  Darius  was  very  anxious  to  have  the  cloak,  im- 
pelled by  a  divine  impulse,  said,  "  I  will  not  sell  it  for  any 
sum,  but  I  will  give  it  you  for  nothing,  if  so  it  must  needs 
be."  Darius,  having  accepted  his  offer  with  thanks,  took  the 
cloak.  Syloson  thought  afterward  that  he  had  lost  it  through 
his  good  nature,  but  when,  in  course  of  time,  Cambyses  died, 
and  the  seven  rose  up  against  the  magus,  and  of  the  seven, 
Darius  possessed  the  throne,  Syloson  heard  that  the  king- 


206  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [140-142 

dom  had  devolved  on  the  man  to  whom  he  had  given  his  cloak 
in  Egypt  on  his  requesting  it;  so  having  gone  up  to  Susa, 
he  seated  himself  at  the  threshold  of  the  king's  palace,  and 
said  he  had  been  a  benefactor  to  Darius.  The  porter,  having 
heard  this,  reported  it  to  the  king;  but  he,  wondering,  said 
to  the  man :  What  Grecian  is  my  benefactor,  to  whom  I 
owe  a  debt  of  gratitude,  having  so  lately  come  to  the  throne? 
Scarcely  one  of  them  has  as  yet  come  up  hither;  nor  can  I 
mention  anything  that  I  owe  to  a  Greek.  However,  bring 
him  in,  that  I  may  know  the  meaning  of  what  he  says."  The 
porter  introduced  Syloson,  and  as  he  stood  in  the  midst,  the 
interpreters  asked  him  who  he  was,  and  what  he  had  done, 
that  he  said  he  had  been  a  benefactor  to  the  king.  Then 
Syloson  related  all  that  had  passed  respecting  the  cloak,  and 
that  he  was  the  person  who  gave  it.  To  this  the  king  an- 
swered :  "  Most  generous  of  men !  art  thou  then  the  man  who, 
when  as  yet  I  had  no  power,  made  me  a  present,  small  as  it 
was?  yet  the  obligation  is  the  same  as  if  I  were  now  to  re- 
ceive a  thing  of  great  value.  In  return  I  will  give  thee  abun- 
dance of  gold  and  silver,  so  that  thou  shalt  never  repent  hav- 
ing conferred  a  favour  on  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes."  To  this 
Syloson  replied :  "  O  king,  give  me  neither  gold  nor  silver ; 
but  recover  and  give  me  back  my  country,  Samos,  which  now, 
since  my  brother  Polycrates  died  by  the  hands  of  Orcetes,  a 
slave  of  ours  has  possessed  himself  of.  Give  me  this  without 
blodshed  and  bondage."  When  Darius  heard  this,  he  sent 
an  army  under  the  conduct  of  Otanes,  one  of  the  seven,  with 
orders  to  accomplish  whatever  Syloson  should  desire.  Where- 
upon Otanes,  going  down  to  the  sea,  embarked  his  army. 

Maeandrius,  son  of  Mseandrius,  held  the  government  of 
Samos,  having  had  the  administration  intrusted  to  him  by 
Polycrates :  though  he  wished  to  prove  himself  the  most  just 
of  men,  he  was  unable  to  effect  his  purpose.  For  when  the 
death  of  Polycrates  was  made  known  to  him,  he  did  as  fol- 
lows :  First,  he  erected  an  altar  to  Jupiter  Liberator,  and 
marked  round  it  the  sacred  inclosure,  which  is  now  in  the 
suburbs.  Afterward,  when  he  had  done  this,  he  summoned 
an  assembly  of  all  the  citizens,  and  spoke  as  follows :  "  To  me, 
as  you  know,  the  sceptre  and  all  the  power  of  Polycrates  has 
been  intrusted,  and  I  am  now  able  to  retain  the  government. 
But  what  I  condemn  in  another  I  will  myself,  to  the  utmost  of 
my  ability,  abstain  from  doing.  For  neither  did  Polycrates 
please  me  in  exercising  despotic  power  over  men  equal  to 
himself,  nor  would  any  other  who  should  do  the  like.  Now 
Polycrates  has  accomplished  his  fate ;  and  I,  surrendering  the 


142-145]  PERSIANS  OCCUPY  SAMOS  207 

government  into  your  hands,  proclaim  equality  to  all.  I  re- 
quire, however,  that  the  following  remuneration  should  be 
granted  to  myself:  that  six  talents  should  be  given  me  out 
of  the  treasures  of  Polycrates;  and  in  addition,  I  claim  for 
myself  and  my  descendants  forever  the  priesthood  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Jupiter  Liberator;  to  whom  I  have  erected  an  altar, 
and  under  whose  auspices  I  restore  to  you  your  liberties." 
He  then  made  these  demands  of  the  Samians ;  but  one  of  them 
rising  up  said :  "  You  forsooth  are  not  worthy  to  rule  over 
us,  being  as  you  are  a  base  and  pestilent  fellow ;  rather  think 
how  you  will  render  an  account  of  the  wealth  that  you  have 
had  the  management  of."  Thus  spoke  a  man  of  eminence 
among  the  citizens,  whose  name  was  Telesarchus.  But  Maean- 
drius,  perceiving  that  if  he  should  lay  down  the  power  some 
other  would  set  himself  up  as  tyrant  in  his  place,  no  longer 
thought  of  laying  it  down.  To  which  end,  when  he  had  with- 
drawn to  the  citadel,  sending  for  each  one  severally,  as  if 
about  to  give  an  account  of  the  treasures,  he  seized  them  and 
put  them  in  chains.  They  then  were  kept  in  confinement; 
but  after  this  disease  attacked  Maeandrius ;  and  his  brother, 
whose  name  was  Lycaretus,  supposing  that  he  would  die,  in 
order  that  he  might  the  more  easily  possess  himself  of  the 
government  of  Samos,  put  all  the  prisoners  to  death;  for,  as 
it  seems,  they  were  not  willing  to  be  free. 

When  the  Persians  arrived  at  Samos,  bringing  Syloson 
with  them,  no  one  raised  a  hand  against  them,  and  the  parti- 
sans of  Maeandrius,  and  Maeandrius  himself,  said  they  were 
ready  to  quit  the  island  under  a  treaty;  and  when  Otanes 
had  assented  to  this,  and  had  ratified  the  agreement,  the  prin- 
cipal men  of  the  Persians,  having  had  seats  placed  for  them, 
sat  down  opposite  the  citadel.  The  tyrant  Maeandrius  had  a 
brother  somewhat  out  of  his  senses,  whose  name  was  Chari- 
laus ;  he,  for  some  fault  he  had  committed,  was  confined  in  a 
dungeon ;  and  having  at  that  time  overheard  what  was  doing, 
and  having  peeped  through  his  dungeon,  when  he  saw  the 
Persians  sitting  quietly  down,  he  shouted,  and  said  that  he 
wished  to  speak  with  Maeandrius ;  and  Maeandrius,  having 
heard  this,  commanded  him  to  be  released,  and  brought  into 
his  presence ;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  brought  there,  upbraid- 
ing and  reviling  his  brother,  he  urged  him  to  attack  the  Per- 
sians, saying :  "  Me,  O  vilest  of  men,  who  am  your  own 
brother,  and  have  done  nothing  worthy  of  bonds,  you  have 
bound  and  adjudged  to  a  dungeon;  but  when  you  see  the 
Persians  driving  you  out  and  making  you  houseless,  you  dare 
not  avenge  yourself,  though  they  are  so  easy  to  be  subdued. 


208  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [145-148 

But  if  you  are  in  dread  of  them,  lend  me  your  auxiliaries,  and 
I  will  punish  them  for  coming  here,  and  I  am  ready  also  to 
send  you  out  of  the  island."  Thus  spoke  Charilaus  ;  and  Maean- 
drius  accepted  his  offer,  as  I  think,  not  that  he  had  reached 
such  a  pitch  of  folly  as  to  imagine  that  his  own  power  could 
overcome  that  of  the  king,  but  rather  out  of  envy  to  Syloson, 
if  without  a  struggle  he  should  possess  himself  of  the  city 
uninjured.  Having  therefore  provoked  the  Persians,  he 
wished  to  make  the  Samian  power  as  weak  as  possible,  and 
then  to  give  it  up:  being  well  assured  that  the  Persians,  if 
they  suffered  any  ill  treatment,  would  be  exasperated  against 
the  Samians ;  and  knowing  also  that  he  had  for  himself  a 
safe  retreat  from  the  island,  whenever  he  chose,  for  he  had 
had  a  secret  passage  dug  leading  from  the  citadel  to  the  sea. 
Accordingly,  Maeandrius  himself  sailed  away  from  Samos; 
but  Charilaus,  having  armed  all  the  auxiliaries,  and  having 
thrown  open  the  gates,  sallied  out  upon  the  Persians,  who  did 
not  expect  anything  of  the  kind,  but  thought  everything  had 
been  agreed  upon ;  and  the  auxiliaries,  falling  on,  slew  those 
of  the  Persians  who  were  seated  in  chairs,  and  who  were  the 
principal  men  among  them.  But  the  rest  of  the  Persian  army 
came  to  their  assistance,  and  the  auxiliaries,  being  hard 
pressed,  were  shut  up  again  within  the  citadel.  But  Otanes, 
the  general,  when  he  saw  that  the  Persians  had  suffered  great 
loss,  purposely  neglected  to  obey  the  orders  which  Darius 
had  given  him  at  his  departure,  that  he  should  neither  kill 
nor  take  prisoner  any  of  the  Samians,  but  deliver  the  island 
to  Syloson  without  damage ;  on  the  contrary,  he  commanded 
his  army  to  put  to  death  every  one  they  met  with,  both  man 
and  child  alike.  Whereupon  one  part  of  the  army  besieged 
the  citadel,  and  the  rest  killed  every  one  that  came  in  their 
way,  all  they  met,  as  well  within  the  temples  as  without. 
Maeandrius,  having  escaped  from  Samos,  sailed  to  Lacedae- 
mon ;  and  having  arrived  there,  and  carried  with  him  all  the 
treasures  that  he  had  when  he  set  out,  he  did  as  follows: 
When  he  had  set  out  his  silver  and  golden  cups,  his  servants 
began  to  clean  them ;  and  he,  at  the  same  time,  holding  a 
conversation  with  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  then  King 
of  Sparta,  led  him  on  to  his  house.  When  the  king  saw  the 
cups,  he  was  struck  with  wonder  and  astonishment;  upon 
which  Maeandrius  bade  him  take  away  whatever  he  pleased, 
and  when  Maeandrius  had  repeated  his  offer  two  or  three 
times,  Cleomenes  showed  himself  a  man  of  the  highest  in- 
tegrity, who  refused  to  accept  what  was  offered ;  and  being 
informed  that  by  giving  to  other  citizens  he  would  gain  their 


148-153]  REVOLT   OF   THE   BABYLONIANS  209 

support,  he  went  to  the  Ephori,  and  said  that  it  would  be  better 
for  Sparta  that  this  Samian  stranger  should  quit  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, lest  he  should  persuade  him  or  some  other  of  the  Spar- 
tans to  become  base.  And  they,  having  assented,  banished 
Maeandrius  by  public  proclamation.  The  Persians  having 
drawn  Samos  as  with  a  net,  delivered  it  to  Syloson,  utterly 
destitute  of  inhabitants.  Afterward,  however,  Otanes,  the 
general,  repeopled  it,  in  consequence  of  a  vision  in  a  dream.   "^ 

While  the  naval  armament  was  on  its  way  to  Samos,  the 
Babylonians  revolted,  having  very  well  prepared  themselves. 
For  while  the  magus  reigned,  and  the  seven  rose  up  against 
him,  during  all  that  time,  and  in  the  confusion,  they  had  made 
preparations  for  a  siege,  and  somehow  in  doing  this  had  es- 
caped observation.  But  when  they  openly  revolted  they  did 
as  follows :  Having  excepted  their  mothers,  each  man  selected 
one  woman  besides,  whomsoever  he  chose,  from  his  own  fam- 
ily, but  all  the  rest  they  assembled  together  and  strangled :  the 
one  woman  each  man  selected  to  cook  his  food.  They  stran- 
gled them,  that  they  might  not  consume  their  provisions. 
Darius,  being  informed  of  this,  and  having  collected  all  his 
forces,  marched  against  them ;  and  having  advanced  to  Baby- 
lon, he  besieged  them,  who  were  not  at  all  solicitous  about 
the  event,  for  the  Babylonians,  mounting  on  the  ramparts  of 
the  wall,  danced,  and  derided  Darius  and  his  army,  and  one 
of  them  spoke  as  follows :  "  Why  sit  ye  there,  O  Persians  ? 
will  ye  not  be  off?  for  ye  will  take  us  when  mules  bring 
forth  young."  One  of  the  Babylonians  said  this,  who  never 
expected  that  a  mule  would  breed.  When  a  year  and  seven 
months  had  now  passed,  Darius  was  vexed,  and  all  his  army, 
that  they  were  not  able  to  take  the  Babylonians ;  though 
Darius  had  recourse  to  every  kind  of  stratagem  and  artifice 
against  them.  But  even  so  he  could  not  take  them  ;  and  having 
tried  other  stratagems,  he  made  trial  of  that  also  by  which 
Cyrus  had  taken  them.  However,  the  Babylonians  kept  strict 
guard,  and  he  was  not  able  to  surprise  them. 

Thereupon,  in  the  twentieth  month,  to  Zopyrus,  son  of 
that  Megabyzus  who  was  one  of  the  seven  who  dethroned 
the  magus — to  this  Zopyrus,  son  of  Megabyzus,  the  following 
prodigy  happened :  One  of  his  sumpter  mules  brought  forth 
young:  but  when  the  news  was  told  him,  Zopyrus  himself, 
not  believing  it,  went  to  see  the  foal,  and  having  strictly 
charged  his  servants  not  to  tell  any  one  what  had  happened, 
he  considered  on  it:  and  in  consequence  of  the  words  of  the 
Babylonian,  who  at  the  beginning  said,  "  When  even  mules 
bring  forth  young,  then  would  the  city  be  taken  " — in  conse- 
14 


2io  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [i 53-155 

quence  of  this  omen,  he  thought  that  Babylon  could  now  be 
taken;  for  that  the  man  had  spoken  under  divine  influence, 
and  that  his  own  mule  had  brought  forth  young.  When  he 
thought  that  it  was  fated  for  Babylon  to  be  now  taken,  he 
went  to  Darius,  and  asked  him  whether  he  deemed  the  taking 
of  Babylon  as  of  very  great  importance;  and  having  learned 
that  he  valued  it  at  a  high  price,  he  next  considered  how  he 
might  be  the  person  to  take  it,  and  the  work  might  be  his 
own;  for  among  the  Persians  great  achievements  are  hon- 
oured in  the  highest  degree.  Now,  he  concluded  that  he 
should  not  be  able  to  reduce  it  in  any  other  way  than  if  he 
should  mutilate  himself,  and  desert  to  the  enemy.  Thereupon, 
considering  that  as  a  light  matter,  he  inflicted  on  himself  an 
irremediable  mutilation,  for  having  cut  off  his  nose  and  ears, 
and  having  cut  his  hair  in  a  disgraceful  manner,  and  having 
scourged  himself,  he  presented  himself  before  Darius.  Darius 
was  very  much  grieved  when  he  beheld  a  man  of  high  rank 
so  mutilated,  and  having  started  from  his  throne,  he  shouted 
aloud  and  asked  who  had  mutilated  him,  and  for  what  cause. 
He  answered :  "  O  king,  there  is  no  man  except  yourself  who 
could  have  power  to  treat  me  thus;  no  stranger  has  done 
this,  O  king,  but  I  have  done  it  to  myself,  deeming  it  a  great 
indignity  that  the  Assyrians  should  deride  the  Persians."  He 
replied :  "  Most  wretched  of  men,  you  have  given  the  fairest 
name  to  the  foulest  deed,  in  saying  that  you  have  injured  your- 
self thus  incurably  on  account  of  those  who  are  besieged. 
How,  foolish  man,  because  you  are  mutilated,  will  the  enemy 
sooner  submit?  Have  you  lost  your  senses,  that  you  have 
thus  ruined  yourself  ?  "  He  said  in  answer :  "  If  I  had  com- 
municated to  you  what  I  was  about  to  do,  you  would  not  have 
permitted  me,  but  now,  having  deliberated  with  myself,  I 
have  done  it;  now,  therefore,  if  you  are  not  wanting  to  your 
own  interests,  we  shall  take  Babylon.  For  I,  as  I  am,  will 
desert  to  the  city,  and  will  tell  them  that  I  have  been  thus 
treated  by  you ;  and  I  think  that  when  I  have  persuaded  them 
that  such  is  the  case,  I  shall  obtain  the  command  of  their 
army.  Do  you,  then,  on  the  tenth  day  after  I  shall  have  en- 
tered the  city,  of  that  part  of  your  army  whose  loss  you  would 
least  regret,  station  a  thousand  men  over  against  the  gates 
called  after  Semiramis ;  again  after  that,  on  the  seventh  day 
after  the  tenth,  station  two  thousand  more  against  the  gate 
called  from  Nineveh ;  and  from  the  seventh  day  let  an  interval 
of  twenty  days  elapse,  and  then  place  four  thousand  more 
against  the  gate  called  from  the  Chaldseans ;  but  let  neither 
the  first  nor  these  carry  any  defensive  arms  except  swords, 


155-157]  SIEGE  OF  BABYLON  211 

but  let  them  have  these.  After  the  twentieth  day,  straight- 
way command  the  rest  of  the  army  to  invest  the  wall  on  all 
sides,  but  station  the  Persians  for  me  at  those  called  the  Be- 
lidian  and  Cissian  gates;  for  as  I  think,  when  I  have  per- 
formed great  exploits,  the  Babylonians  will  intrust  everything 
to  me,  and,  moreover,  the  keys  of  the  gates,  and  then  it  will 
be  mine  and  the  Persians'  care  to  do  what  remains  to  be 
done." 

Having  given  these  injunctions,  he  went  to  the  gates,  turn- 
ing round  as  if  he  were  really  a  deserter.  But  those  who  were 
stationed  in  that  quarter,  seeing  him  from  the  turrets,  ran 
down,  and  having  opened  one  door  of  the  gate  a  little,  asked 
him  who  he  was,  and  for  what  purpose  he  came.  He  told 
them  that  he  was  Zopyrus,  and  had  deserted  to  them :  the 
doorkeepers,  therefore,  when  they  heard  this,  conducted  him 
to  the  assembly  of  the  Babylonians,  and  standing  before  them 
he  deplored  his  condition,  saying  that  he  had  suffered  from 
Darius  the  injuries  he  had  inflicted  on  himself,  and  that  he 
was  so  treated  because  he  had  advised  to  raise  the  siege,  since 
there  appeared  no  means  of  taking  the  city.  "  Now,  there- 
fore," he  said,  "  I  come  to  you,  O  Babylonians,  the  greatest 
blessing ;  and  to  Darius,  his  army,  and  the  Persians,  the  great- 
est mischief;  for  he  shall  not  escape  with  impunity,  having 
thus  mutilated  me ;  and  I  am  acquainted  with  all  his  designs." 
Thus  he  spoke :  and  the  Babylonians,  seeing  a  man  of  dis- 
tinction among  the  Persians  deprived  of  his  ears  and  nose, 
and  covered  with  stripes  and  blood,  thoroughly  believing  that 
he  spoke  the  truth,  and  that  he  had  come  as  an  ally  to  them, 
were  ready  to  intrust  him  with  whatever  he  should  ask ;  and 
he  asked  the  command  of  the  forces.  But  he,  having  obtained 
this  from  them,  acted  as  he  had  preconcerted  with  Darius; 
for  on  the  tenth  day,  leading  out  the  army  of  the  Babylonians, 
and  having  surrounded  the  thousand,  whom  he  had  instructed 
Darius  to  station  there  first,  he  cut  them  all  in  pieces.  The 
Babylonians  therefore  perceiving  that  he  performed  deeds  suit- 
able to  his  promises,  were  exceedingly  rejoiced,  and  were 
ready  to  obey  him  in  everything.  He,  therefore,  having 
suffered  the  appointed  number  of  days  to  elapse,  and  again 
having  selected  a  body  of  Babylonians,  led  them  out  and 
slaughtered  the  two  thousand  of  Darius's  soldiers.  But  the 
Babylonians  witnessing  this  action  also,  all  had  the  praises  of 
Zopyrus  on  their  tongues.  Then  he  again,  having  suffered  the 
appointed  number  of  days  to  elapse,  led  out  his  troops  accord- 
ing to  the  settled  plan,  and  having  surrounded  the  four  thou- 
sand, he  cut  them  in  pieces.    And  when  he  had  accomplished 


212  HERODOTUS— BOOK   III,   THALIA  [157-160 

this,  Zopyrus  was  everything  to  the  Babylonians,  and  he  was 
appointed  commander-in-chief,  and  guardian  of  the  walls. 
But  when  Darius,  according  to  agreement,  invested  the  wall 
all  round,  then  Zopyrus  discovered  his  whole  treachery ;  for 
the  Babylonians,  mounting  on  the  wall,  repelled  the  army  of 
Darius  that  was  attacking  them ;  but  Zopyrus,  having  opened 
the  Cissian  and  Belidian  gates,  led  the  Persians  within  the 
wall.  Those  of  the  Babylonians  who  saw  what  was  done  fled 
into  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Belus ;  and  those  who  did  not  see 
it  remained  each  at  his  post,  until  they  also  discovered  that 
they  had  been  betrayed. 

Thus  Babylon  was  taken  a  second  time.  And  when  Darius 
had  made  himself  master  of  the  Babylonians,  first  of  all  he 
demolished  the  walls  and  bore  away  all  the  gates,  for  when 
Cyrus  had  taken  Babylon  before,  he  did  neither  of  these 
things ;  and,  secondly,  Darius  impaled  about  three  thousand 
of  the  principal  citizens,  and  allowed  the  rest  of  the  Baby- 
lonians to  inhabit  the  city.  And  that  the  Babylonians  might 
have  wives,  in  order  that  offspring  might  grow  up  from  them, 
Darius  made  the  following  provision ;  for  the  Babylonians  had 
strangled  their  wives,  as  already  has  been  mentioned,  to  pre- 
vent the  consumption  of  their  provisions;  and  to  that  end 
he  enjoined  the  neighbouring  provinces  to  send  women  to 
Babylon,  taxing  each  at  a  certain  number,  so  that  a  total  of 
fifty  thousand  women  came  together;  and  from  these  the 
Babylonians  of  our  time  are  descended.  No  Persian,  in  the 
opinion  of  Darius,  either  of  those  who  came  after,  or  lived 
before,  surpassed  Zopyrus  in  great  achievements,  Cyrus  only 
excepted;  for  with  him  no  Persian  ever  ventured  to  compare 
himself.  It  is  also  reported  that  Darius  frequently  expressed 
this  opinion,  that  he  would  rather  Zopyrus  had  not  suffered 
ignominious  treatment  than  acquire  twenty  Babylons  in  ad- 
dition to  that  he  had.  And  he  honoured  him  exceedingly; 
for  he  every  year  presented  him  with  those  gifts  which  are 
most  prized  by  the  Persians,  and  he  assigned  him  Babylon 
to  hold  free  from  taxes  during  his  life,  and  gave  him  many 
other  things  in  addition.  From  this  Zopyrus  sprung  Mega- 
byzus,  who  commanded  the  army  in  Egypt  against  the  Athe- 
nians and  their  allies ;  and  from  this  Megabyzus  sprung  Zopy- 
rus, who  deserted  to  the  Athenians  from  the  Persians. 


< 


BOOK  IV 

MELPOMENE 

A  FTER  the  capture  of  Babylon,  Darius's  expedition  against 
/\  the  Scythians  took  place;  for  as  Asia  was  flourishing 
jf  \  in  men,  and  large  revenues  came  in,  Darius  was  desir- 
ous of  revenging  himself  upon  the  Scythians,  because 
they  formerly,  having  invaded  the  Median  territory,  and  de- 
feated in  battle  those  that  opposed  them,  were  the  first  begin- 
ners of  violence.  For  the  Scythians,  as  I  have  before  men- 
tioned, ruled  over  Upper  Asia  for  eight-and-twenty  years. 
For  while  in  pursuit  of  the  Cimmerians,  they  entered  Asia 
and  overthrew  the  empire  of  the  Medes ;  for  these  last,  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  the  Scythians,  ruled  over  Asia.  Those 
Scythians,  however,  after  they  had  been  abroad  eight-and- 
twenty  years,  and  returned  to  their  own  country  after  such 
an  interval,  a  task  no  less  than  the  invasion  of  Media  awaited : 
for  they  found  an  army  of  no  inconsiderable  force  ready  to 
oppose  them;  for  the  wives  of  the  Scythians,  seeing  their 
husbands  were  a  long  time  absent,  had  sought  the  company 
of  their  slaves.  The  Scythians  deprive  all  their  slaves  of 
sight  for  the  sake  of  the  milk  which  they  drink,  doing  as  fol- 
lows :  When  they  have  taken  bone  tubes  very  like  flutes,  they 
thrust  them  into  the  genital  parts  of  the  mares,  and  blow  with 
their  mouths ;  while  some  blow,  others  milk.  They  say  they 
do  this  for  the  following  reason :  because  the  veins  of  the 
mare,  being  inflated,  become  filled,  and  the  udder  is  depressed. 
When  they  have  finished  milking,  they  pour  it  into  hollow 
wooden  vessels,  and  having  placed  the  blind  men  round  about 
the  vessels,  they  agitate  the  milk :  and  having  skimmed  off 
that  which  swims  on  the  surface,  they  consider  it  the  most 
valuable,  but  that  which  subsides  is  of  less  value  than  the 
other.  On  this  account  the  Scythians  put  out  the  eyes  of 
every  prisoner  they  take;  for  they  are  not  agriculturists,  but 
feeders  of  cattle.  From  these  slaves,  then,  and  the  women 
a  race  of  youths  had  grown  up,  who,  when  they  knew  their 
own   extraction,   opposed   those   who   were   returning   from 

213 


214      HERODOTUS— BOOK  IV,  MELPOMENE      [3-6 

Media.  And  first  they  cut  off  the  country  by  digging  a  wide 
ditch,  stretching  from  Mount  Taurus  to  the  Lake  Maeotis, 
which  is  of  great  extent,  and  afterward  encamping  opposite, 
they  came  to  an  engagement  with  the  Scythians,  who  were 
endeavouring  to  enter.  When  several  battles  had  been  fought, 
and  the  Scythians  were  unable  to  obtain  any  advantage,  one 
of  them  said :  "  Men  of  Scythia,  what  are  we  doing  ?  by  fight- 
ing with  our  slaves,  both  we  ourselves  by  being  slain  become 
fewer  in  number,  and  by  killing  them  we  shall  hereafter  have 
fewer  to  rule  over.  Now  therefore  it  seems  to  me  that  we 
should  lay  aside  our  spears  and  bows,  and  that  every  one, 
taking  a  horsewhip,  should  go  directly  to  them;  for  so  long 
as  they  saw  us  with  arms,  they  considered  themselves  equal 
to  us,  and  born  of  equal  birth;  but  when  they  shall  see  us 
with  our  whips  instead  of  arms,  they  will  soon  learn  that  they 
are  our  slaves,  and  being  conscious  of  that,  will  no  longer 
resist."  The  Scythians,  having  heard  this,  adopted  the  ad- 
vice ;  and  the  slaves,  struck  with  astonishment  at  what  was 
done,  forgot  to  fight,  and  fled.  Thus  the  Scythians  both  ruled 
over  Asia,  and  being  afterward  expelled  by  the  Medes,  re-' 
turned  in  this  manner  to  their  own  country:  and  for  the 
above-mentioned  reasons  Darius,  desiring  to  take  revenge, 
assembled  an  army  to  invade  them. 

As  the  Scythians  say,  theirs  is  the  most  recent  of  all  na- 
tions; and  it  arose  in  the  following  manner:  The  first  man 
that  appeared  in  this  country,  which  was  a  wilderness,  was 
named  Targitaus :  they  say  that  the  parents  of  this  Targitaus, 
in  my  opinion  relating  what  is  incredible — they  say,  however, 
that  they  were  Jupiter  and  a  daughter  of  the  river  Borys- 
thenes ;  that  such  was  the  origin  of  Targitaus :  and  that  he 
had  three  sons,  who  went  by  the  names  of  Lipoxais,  Apoxais, 
and  the  youngest,  Colaxais ;  that  during  their  reign  a  plough, 
a  yoke,  an  axe,  and  a  bowl  of  golden  workmanship,  dropping 
down  from  heaven,  fell  on  the  Scythian  territory;  that  the 
eldest,  seeing  them  first,  approached,  intending  to  take  them 
up,  but  as  he  came  near  the  gold  began  to  burn ;  when  he 
had  retired  the  second  went  up,  and  it  did  the  same  again; 
accordingly,  the  burning  gold  repulsed  these;  but  when  the 
youngest  went  up  the  third,  it  became  extinguished,  and  he 
carried  the  things  home  with  him ;  and  that  the  elder  brothers 
in  consequence  of  this  giving  way  surrendered  the  whole  au- 
thority to  the  youngest.  From  Lipoxais,  they  say,  are  de- 
scended those  Scythians  who  are  called  Auchatse;  from  the 
second,  Apoxais,  those  who  are  called  Catiari  and  Traspies; 
and  from  the  youngest  of  them,  the  royal  race,  who  are  called 


6-9]  ORIGIN   OF   THE   SCYTHIANS  21 5 

Paralatae.  But  all  have  the  name  of  Scoloti,  from  the  surname 
of  their  king;  but  the  Grecians  call  them  Scythians.  The 
Scythians  say  that  such  was  their  origin ;  and  they  reckon  the 
whole  number  of  years  from  their  first  beginning,  from  King 
Targitaus  to  the  time  that  Darius  crossed  over  against  them, 
to  be  not  more  than  a  thousand  years,  but  just  that  number. 
This  sacred  gold  the  kings  watch  with  the  greatest  care,  and 
annually  approach  it  with  magnificent  sacrifices  to  render  it 
propitious.  If  he  who  has  the  sacred  gold  happens  to  fall 
asleep  in  the  open  air  on  the  festival,  the  Scythians  say  he 
can  not  survive  the  year,  and  on  this  account  they  give  him 
as  much  land  as  he  can  ride  round  on  horseback  in  one  day. 
The  country  being  very  extensive,  Colaxais  established  three 
of  the  kingdoms  for  his  sons,  and  made  that  one  the  largest 
in  which  the  gold  is  kept.  The  parts  beyond  the  north  of  the 
inhabited  districts  the  Scythians  say  can  neither  be  seen  nor 
passed  through,  by  reason  of  the  feathers  shed  there ;  for  that 
the  earth  and  air  are  full  of  feathers,  and  that  it  is  these  which 
intercept  the  view. 

Such  is  the  account  the  Scythians  give  of  themselves,  and 
of  the  country  above  them :  but  the  Greeks  who  inhabit  Pon- 
tus  give  the  following  account :  they  say  that  Hercules,  as  he 
was  driving  away  the  herds  of  Geryon,  arrived  in  this  coun- 
try, that  was  then  a  desert,  and  which  the  Scythians  now  in- 
habit: that  Geryon,  fixing  his  abode  outside  the  Pontus,  in- 
habited the  island  which  the  Greeks  call  Erythia,  situated 
near  Gades,  beyond  the  columns  of  Hercules  in  the  ocean. 
The  ocean,  they  say,  beginning  from  the  sunrise,  flows  round 
the  whole  earth,  but  they  do  not  prove  it  in  fact;  that  Her- 
cules thence  came  to  the  country  now  called  Scythia,  and  as 
a  storm  and  frost  overtook  him,  he  drew  his  lion's  skin  over 
him,  and  went  to  sleep ;  and  in  the  meanwhile  his  mares,  which 
were  feeding  apart  from  his  chariot,  vanished  by  some  divine 
chance.  They  add  that  when  Hercules  awoke,  he  sought  for 
them;  and  that  having  gone  over  the  whole  country,  he  at 
length  came  to  the  land  called  Hylaea;  he  found  a  monster, 
having  two  natures,  half  virgin,  half  viper,  of  which  the  upper 
parts  from  the  buttocks  resembled  a  woman,  and  the  lower 
parts  a  serpent :  when  he  saw  her  he  was  astonished,  but 
asked  her  if  she  had  anywhere  seen  his  strayed  mares.  She 
said  that  she  herself  had  them,  and  would  not  restore  them 
to  him  before  she  had  lain  with  him:  Hercules  accordingly 
lay  with  her  on  these  terms.  She,  however,  delayed  giving 
back  the  mares,  out  of  a  desire  to  enjoy  the  company  of  Her- 
cules as  long  as  she  could;  he  was  desirous  of  recovering 


2i6      HERODOTUS— BOOK  IV,  MELPOMENE      [9-1 1 

them  and  departing;  at  last  as  she  restored  the  mares,  she 
said :  "  These  mares  that  strayed  hither  I  preserved  for  you, 
and  you  have  paid  me  salvage,  for  I  have  three  sons  by  you ; 
tell  me,  therefore,  what  must  I  do  with  them  when  they  are 
grown  up;  whether  shall  I  establish  them  here,  for  I  possess 
the  rule  over  this  country,  or  shall  I  send  them  to  you  ?  " 
She  asked  this  question,  and  he  replied,  they  say :  "  When 
you  see  the  children  arrived  at  the  age  of  men,  you  can  not 
err  if  you  do  this :  whichever  of  them  you  see  able  thus  to 
bend  this  bow,  and  thus  girding  himself  with  this  girdle, 
make  him  an  inhabitant  of  this  country;  and  whichever  fails 
in  these  tasks  which  I  enjoin,  send  out  of  the  country.  If 
you  do  this,  you  will  please  yourself  and  perform  my  injunc- 
tions." Then  having  drawn  out  one  of  his  bows,  for  Hercules 
carried  two  at  that  time,  and  having  shown  her  the  belt,  he 
gave  her  both  the  bow  and  the  belt,  which  had  a  golden  cup 
at  the  extremity  of  the  clasp,  and  having  given  them,  he  de- 
parted. But  she,  when  the  sons  who  were  born  to  her  attained 
to  the  age  of  men,  in  the  first  place  gave  them  names ;  to  the 
first,  Agathyrsis,  to  the  second,  Gelonus,  and  to  the  young- 
est, Scythes ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  remembering  the  orders, 
she  did  what  had  been  enjoined ;  and  two  of  her  sons,  Agathyr- 
sis and  Gelonus,  being  unable  to  come  up  to  the  proposed 
task,  left  the  country,  being  expelled  by  their  mother;  but 
the  youngest  of  them,  Scythes,  having  accomplished  it,  re- 
mained there.  From  this  Scythes,  son  of  Hercules,  are  de- 
scended those  who  have  been  successively  kings  of  the  Scyth- 
ians ;  and  from  the  cup,  the  Scythians  even  to  this  day  wear 
cups  from  their  belts.  This  thing  only  the  mother  did  for 
Scythes.  Such  is  the  account  given  by  the  Greeks  who  in- 
habit Pontus. 

There  is  another  account,  to  the  following  effect,  to  which 
I  myself  rather  incline:  It  is  said  that  the  Scythian  nomads 
who  dwelt  in  Asia,  being  harassed  in  war  by  the  Massagetse, 
crossed  the  river  Araxes  and  entered  the  Cimmerian  territory : 
for  the  country  which  the  Scythians  now  inhabit  is  said  to 
have  formerly  belonged  to  the  Cimmerians.  The  Cimmerians, 
when  the  Scythians  invaded  them,  deliberated,  seeing  a  large 
army  was  coming  against  them ;  however,  their  opinions  were 
divided,  which  both  vehemently  upheld,  though  that  of  the 
kings  was  the  best ;  for  the  opinion  of  the  people  was  that  it 
was  necessary  to  retire,  and  that  there  was  no  need  to  hazard 
a  battle  against  superior  numbers  :  but  the  opinion  of  the  kings 
was  that  they  should  fight  to  the  last  for  their  country  against 
the  invaders.    When,  therefore,  neither  the  people  would  sub- 


11-14]  ARISTEAS   OF   PROCONNESUS,  2\J 

mit  to  the  kings,  nor  the  kings  to  the  people;  and  one  party 
resolved  to  depart  without  fighting,  and  abandon  the  coun- 
try to  the  invaders,  while  the  kings  determined  to  die  and 
be  buried  in  their  own  country,  and  not  fly  with  the  people, 
considering  what  great  advantages  they  had  enjoyed,  and 
how  many  misfortunes  would  probably  befall  them  if  they 
fled  from  their  country:  when  they  had  come  to  this  resolu- 
tion, having  divided,  and  being  equal  in  numbers,  they  fought 
with  one  another;  and  the  one  party,  the  royal  race,  having 
all  perished,  the  people  of  the  Cimmerians  buried  them  near 
the  river  Tyras ;  and  their  sepulchre  is  still  to  be  seen.  After 
they  had  buried  them,  they  then  abandoned  the  country ;  and 
the  Scythians  coming  up,  took  possession  of  the  deserted  coun- 
try. And  there  are  now  in  Scythia  Cimmerian  fortifications 
and  Cimmerian  Porthmia ; x  there  is  also  a  district  named 
Cimmeria,  and  a  bosphorus  called  Cimmerian.  The  Cim- 
merians evidently  appear  to  have  fled  from  the  Scythians  into 
Asia,  and  settled  in  the  peninsula  in  which  the  Grecian  city 
Sinope  now  stands :  and  it  is  evident  that  the  Scythians,  pur- 
suing them,  and  entering  the  Median  territory,  missed  their 
way ;  for  the  Cimmerians  fled  constantly  by  the  sea-coast ; 
whereas  the  Scythians  pursued,  keeping  Caucasus  on  the  right, 
until  they  entered  the  Median  territory,  toward  the  midland. 
This  last  account  is  given  in  common  both  by  Greeks  and 
barbarians. 

But  Aristeas,  son  of  Caystrobius,  a  native  of  Proconnesus, 
says  in  his  epic  verses  that,  inspired  by  Apollo,  he  came  to  the 
Issedones ;  that  beyond  the  Issedones  dwell  the  Arimaspians, 
a  people  that  have  only  one  eye ;  and  beyond  them  the  gold- 
guarding  griffins;  and  beyond  these  the  Hyperboreans,  who 
reach  to  the  sea :  that  all  these,  except  the  Hyperboreans,  be- 
ginning from  the  Arimaspians,  continually  encroached  upon 
their  neighbours ;  that  the  Issedones  were  expelled  from  their 
country  by  the  Arimaspians,  the  Scythians  by  the  Issedones, 
and  that  the  Cimmerians,  who  inhabited  on  the  south  sea, 
being  pressed  by  the  Scythians,  abandoned  their  country. 
Thus  he  does  not  agree  with  the  Scythians  respecting  this 
country.  Of  what  country  Aristeas,  who  made  these  verses, 
was,  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  I  shall  now  relate  the 
account  I  heard  of  him  in  Proconnesus  and  Cyzicus.  They 
say  that  Aristeas,  who  was  inferior  to  none  of  the  citizens 
by  birth,  entering  into  a  fuller's  shop  in  Proconnesus,  died 
suddenly ;  and  that  the  fuller,  having  closed  his  workshop, 
went  to  acquaint  the  relatives  of  the  deceased.  When  the 
*  Passages  or  ferries. 


2i8  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [14-17 

report  had  spread  through  the  city,  that  Aristeas  was  dead, 
a  certain  Cyzicenian,  arriving  from  Artace,  fell  into  a  dispute 
with  those  who  made  the  report,  affirming  that  he  had  met 
and  conversed  with  him  on  his  way  to  Cyzicus ;  and  he  vehe- 
mently disputed  the  truth  of  the  report,  but  the  relatives  of 
the  deceased  went  to  the  fuller's  shop,  taking  with  them  what 
was  necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  body  away, 
but  when  the  house  was  opened,  Aristeas  was  not  to  be  seen 
either  dead  or  alive.  They  say  that  afterward,  in  the  seventh 
year,  he  appeared  in  Proconnesus,  composed  those  verses, 
which  by  the  Greeks  are  now  called  Arimaspian,  and  having 
composed  them,  disappeared  a  second  time.  Such  is  the  story 
current  in  these  cities.  But  these  things  I  know  happened 
to  the  Metapontines  in  Italy,  three  hundred  and  forty  years 
after  the  second  disappearance  of  Aristeas,  as  I  discovered 
by  computation  in  Proconnesus  and  Metapontium.  The  Meta- 
pontines say  that  Aristeas  himself,  having  appeared  in  their 
country,  exhorted  them  to  erect  an  altar  to  Apollo,  and  to 
place  near  it  a  statue  bearing  the  name  of  Aristeas  the  Pro- 
connesian ;  for  he  said  that  Apollo  had  visited  their  country 
only  of  all  the  Italians,  and  that  he  himself,  who  was  now 
Aristeas,  accompanied  him ;  and  that  when  he  accompanied 
the  god,  he  was  a  crow;  and  after  saying  this,  he  vanished; 
and  the  Metapontines  say  they  sent  to  Delphi  to  inquire  of 
the  god  what  the  apparition  of  the  man  meant ;  but  the  Pythian 
bade  them  obey  the  apparition,  and  if  they  obeyed,  it  would 
conduce  to  their  benefit:  they  accordingly,  having  received 
this  answer,  fulfilled  the  injunctions.  And  now  a  statue  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Aristeas  is  placed  near  the  image  of  Apollo, 
and  around  it  laurels  are  planted :  the  image  is  placed  in  the 
public  square.    Thus  much  concerning  Aristeas. 

No  one  knows  with  certainty  what  is  beyond  the  country 
about  which  this  account  proceeds  to  speak ;  for  I  have  not 
been  able  to  hear  of  any  one  who  says  he  has  seen  them  with 
his  own  eyes;  nor  even  did  Aristeas,  of  whom  I  have  just 
now  made  mention,  say  in  his  poems  that  he  went  farther  than 
the  Issedones,  but  of  the  parts  beyond  he  spoke  by  hearsay, 
stating  that  the  Issedones  gave  him  his  information.  But  as 
far  as  we  have  been  able  to  arrive  at  the  truth  with  accuracy 
from  hearsay,  the  whole  shall  be  related.  From  the  port  of 
the  Borysthenitae,  for  this  is  the  most  central  part  of  the  sea- 
coast  of  all  Scythia,  the  first  people  are  the  Callipidae,  being 
Greek-Scythians ;  beyond  these  is  another  nation,  called  Ala- 
zones.  These  and  the  Callipidae,  in  other  respects,  follow  the 
usages  of  the  Scythians,  but  they  both  sow  and  feed  on  wheat, 


17-22]  THE   SCYTHIANS  219 

onions,  garlic,  lentils,  and  millet;  but  beyond  the  Alazones 
dwell  husbandmen,  who  do  not  sow  wheat  for  food,  but  for 
sale.  Beyond  these  the  Neuri  dwell ;  and  to  the  north  of  the 
Neuri  the  country  is  utterly  uninhabited,  as  far  as  I  know. 
These  nations  are  by  the  side  of  the  river  Hypanis,  to  the 
west  of  the  Borysthenes.  But  if  one  crosses  the  Borysthenes, 
the  first  country  from  the  sea  is  Hylaea ;  and  from  this  higher 
up  live  Scythian  agriculturists,  where  the  Greeks  settled  on 
the  river  Hypanis,  called  Borysthenitae,  but  they  call  them- 
selves Olbiopolitse.  These  Scythian  husbandmen,  then,  oc- 
cupy the  country  eastward,  for  three  days'  journey,  extend- 
ing to  the  river  whose  name  is  Panticapes ;  and  northward  a 
passage  of  eleven  days  up  the  Borysthenes.  Beyond  this  re- 
gion the  country  is  desert  for  a  great  distance ;  and  beyond 
the  desert  Androphagi  dwell,  who  are  a  distinct  people,  and 
not  in  any  respect  Scythian.  Beyond  this  is  really  desert,  and 
no  nation  of  men  is  found  there,  as  far  as  we  know.  The 
country  eastward  of  these  Scythian  agriculturists,  when  one 
crosses  the  river  Panticapes,  nomads  occupy,  who  neither  sow 
at  all,  nor  plough ;  and  all  this  country  is  destitute  of  trees, 
except  Hylaea.  These  nomads  occupy  a  tract  eastward  for 
fourteen  days'  journey,  stretching  to  the  river  Gerrhus.  Be- 
yond the  Gerrhus  are  the  parts  called  the  Royal,  and  the  most 
valiant  and  numerous  of  the  Scythians,  who  deem  all  other 
Scythians  to  be  their  slaves.  These  extend  southward  to 
Taurica,  and  eastward  to  the  trench,  which  those  sprung  from 
the  blind  men  dug,  and  to  the  port  on  the  Lake  Maeotis,  which 
is  called  Cremni,  and  some  of  them  reach  to  the  river  Tanais. 
The  parts  above  to  the  north  of  the  Royal  Scythians,  the  Me- 
lanchlaeni  inhabit,  a  distinct  race,  and  not  Scythian.  But  above 
the  Melanchlaeni  are  lakes,  and  an  uninhabited  desert,  as  far 
as  we  know. 

After  one  crosses  the  river  Tanais,  it  is  no  longer  Scythian, 
but  the  first  region  belongs  to  the  Sauromatae,  who,  begin- 
ning from  the  recess  of  the  Lake  Maeotis,  occupy  the  country 
northward,  for  a  fifteen  days'  journey,  all  destitute  both  of 
wild  and  cultivated  trees.  Above  these  dwell  the  Budini,  oc- 
cupying the  second  region,  and  possessing  a  country  thickly 
covered  with  all  sorts  of  trees.  Above  the  Budini,  toward  the 
north,  there  is  first  a  desert  of  seven  days'  journey,  and  next 
to  the  desert,  if  one  turns  somewhat  toward  the  east,  dwell 
the  Thyssagetae,  a  numerous  and  distinct  race,  and  they  live 
by  hunting.  Contiguous  to  these,  in  the  same  regions,  dwell 
those  who  are  called  Iyrcae,  who  also  live  by  hunting  in  the 
following  manner :  The  huntsman,  having  climbed  a  tree,  lies 


220  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [22-25 

in  ambush  (and  the  whole  country  is  thickly  wooded),  and 
each  man  has  a  horse  ready,  taught  to  lie  on  his  belly,  that 
he  may  not  be  much  above  the  ground,  and  a  dog  besides. 
When  he  sees  any  game  from  the  tree,  having  let  fly  an  arrow, 
and  mounted  his  horse,  he  goes  in  pursuit,  and  the  dog  keeps 
close  to  him.  Above  these,  as  one  bends  toward  the  east, 
dwell  other  Scythians,  who  revolted  from  the  Royal  Scythians, 
and  so  came  to  this  country.  As  far  as  the  territory  of  these 
Scythians,  the  whole  country  that  has  been  described  is  level 
and  deep-soiled ;  but  after  this  it  is  stony  and  rugged.  When 
one  has  passed  through  a  considerable  extent  of  the  rugged 
country,  a  people  are  found  living  at  the  foot  of  lofty  moun- 
tains, who  are  said  to  be  all  bald  from  their  birth,  both  men 
and  women  alike,  and  they  are  flat-nosed,  and  have  large 
chins ;  they  speak  a  peculiar  language,  wear  the  Scythian  cos- 
tume, and  live  on  the  fruit  of  a  tree :  the  name  of  the  tree  on 
which  they  live  is  called  ponticon,  about  the  size  of  a  fig  tree ; 
it  bears  fruit  like  a  bean,  and  has  a  stone.  When  this  is  ripe 
they  strain  it  through  a  cloth,  and  a  thick  and  black  liquor 
flows  from  it;  the  name  of  what  flows  from  it  is  aschy;  this 
they  suck,  and  drink  mingled  with  milk :  from  the  thick  sedi- 
ment of  the  pulp  they  make  cakes,  and  feed  on  them ;  for  they 
have  not  many  cattle  in  these  parts,  as  the  pastures  there  are 
not  good.  Every  man  lives  under  a  tree  in  the  winter,  when 
he  has  covered  the  tree  with  a  thick  white  woollen  covering ; 
but  in  summer,  without  the  woollen  covering.  No  man  does 
any  injury  to  this  people,  for  they  are  accounted  sacred ;  nor 
do  they  possess  any  warlike  weapon.  And  in  the  first  place, 
they  determine  the  differences  that  arise'  among  their  neigh- 
bours ;  and  in  the  next  place,  whoever  takes  refuge  among 
them  is  injured  by  no  one.    They  are  called  Argippaei. 

As  far,  then,  as  these  bald  people,  our  knowledge  respect- 
ing the  country  and  the  nations  before  them  is  very  good,  for 
some  Scythians  frequently  go  there,  from  whom  it  is  not  diffi- 
cult to  obtain  information,  as  also  from  Greeks  belonging 
to  the  port  of  the  Borysthenes,  and  other  ports  in  Pontus. 
The  Scythians  who  go  to  them  transact  business  by  means 
of  seven  interpreters  and  seven  languages.  So  far,  then,  is 
known ;  but  beyond  the  bald  men  no  one  can  speak  with  cer- 
tainty, for  lofty  and  impassable  mountains  form  their  bound- 
ary, and  no  one  has  ever  crossed  them ;  but  these  bald  men 
say,  what  to  me  is  incredible,  that  men  with  goats'  feet  inhabit 
these  mountains !  and  when  one  has  passed  beyond  them,  other 
men  are  found,  who  sleep  six  months  at  a  time ;  but  this  I  do 
not  at  all  admit.    However,  the  country  eastward  of  the  bald 


25-29]  THE   ISSEDONES  221 

men  is  well  known,  being  inhabited  by  Issedones,  though  the 
country  above  to  the  north,  either  of  the  bald  men  or  the  Isse- 
dones, is  utterly  unknown,  except  only  such  things  as  these 
people  relate.  The  Issedones  are  said  to  observe  these  cus- 
toms :  When  a  man's  father  dies  all  his  relations  bring  cattle, 
and  then  having  sacrificed  them,  and  cut  up  the  flesh,  they 
cut  up  also  the  dead  parent  of  their  host,  and  having  mingled 
all  the  flesh  together,  they  spread  out  a  banquet;  then  hav- 
ing made  bare  and  cleansed  his  head,  they  gild  it;  and  after- 
ward they  treat  it  as  a  sacred  image,  performing  grand  an- 
nual sacrifices  to  it.  A  son  does  this  to  his  father,  as  the 
Greeks  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  their  father's  death.  These 
people  are  likewise  accounted  just ;  and  the  women  have  equal 
authority  with  the  men.    These,  then,  are  well  known. 

Among  them,  the  Issedones  affirm,  are  the  men  with  only 
one  eye,  and  the  gold-guarding  griffins.  The  Scythians  re- 
peat this  account,  having  received  it  from  them ;  and  we  have 
adopted  it  from  the  Scythians,  and  call  them,  in  the  Scythian 
language,  Arimaspi ;  for  Arima,  in  the  Scythian  language, 
signifies  one,  and  Spou,  the  eye.  All  this  country  which  I 
have  been  speaking  of  is  subject  to  such  a  severe  winter  that 
for  eight  months  the  frost  is  so  intolerable  that  if  you  pour 
water  on  the  ground  you  will  not  make  mud,  but  if  you  light 
a  fire  you  will  make  mud.  Even  the  sea  freezes,  and  the  whole 
Cimmerian  bosphorus ;  and  the  Scythians  who  live  within  the 
trench,  lead  their  armies  and  drive  their  chariots  over  the  ice 
to  the  Sindians,  on  the  other  side.  Thus  winter  continues 
eight  months,  and  during  the  other  four  it  is  cold  there.  And 
this  winter  is  different  in  character  from  the  winters  in  all 
other  countries ;  for  in  this  no  rain  worth  mentioning  falls  in 
the  usual  season,  but  during  the  summer  it  never  leaves  off 
raining.  At  the  time  when  there  is  thunder  elsewhere  there 
is  none  there,  but  in  summer  it  is  violent :  if  there  should  be 
thunder  in  winter,  it  is  accounted  a  prodigy  to  be  wondered 
at.  So  should  there  be  an  earthquake,  whether  in  summer  or 
winter,  in  Scythia  it  is  accounted  a  prodigy.  Their  horses 
endure  this  cold,  but  their  asses  and  mules  can  not  endure 
it  at  all ;  but  in  other  places  horses  that  stand  exposed  to 
frost  become  frost-bitten  in  the  cold,  waste  away;  but  asses 
and  mules  endure  it.  On  this  account  also  the  race  of  beeves 
appears  to  me  to  be  defective  there,  and  not  to  have  horns; 
and  the  following  verse  of  Homer,  in  his  "  Odyssey,"  con- 
firms my  opinion,  "  And  Libya,  where  the  lambs  soon  put 
forth  their  horns  " ;  rightly  observing  that  in  warm  climates 
horns  shoot  out  quickly;  but  in  very  severe  cold,  the  cattle 


222  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [29-33 

either  do  not  produce  them  at  all,  or  if  they  do  produce  them 
they  do  so  with  difficulty.  Here,  then,  such  are  the  effects 
of  the  cold.  I  am  surprised  (for  my  narrative  has  from  its 
commencement  sought  for  digressions)  that  in  the  whole  ter- 
ritory of  Elis  no  mules  are  able  to  breed,  though  neither  is 
the  climate  cold  nor  is  there  any  other  visible  cause.  The 
Eleans  themselves  say  that  mules  do  not  breed  with  them 
in  consequence  of  a  curse;  therefore,  when  the  time  for  the 
mares'  breeding  approaches,  they  lead  them  to  the  neigh- 
bouring districts,  and  there  put  the  he-asses  with  them  until 
they  are  in  foal ;  then  they  drive  them  home  again.  With 
respect  to  the  feathers,  with  which  the  Scythians  say  the 
air  is  filled,  and  that  on  account  of  them  it  is  not  possible 
either  to  see  farther  upon  the  continent,  or  to  pass  through 
it,  I  entertain  the  following  opinion :  In  the  upper  parts  of 
this  country  it  continually  snows,  less  in  summer  than  in 
winter,  as  is  reasonable ;  now,  whoever  has  seen  snow  fall- 
ing thick  near  him  will  know  what  I  mean ;  for  snow  is  like 
feathers:  and  on  account  of  the  winter  being  so  severe,  the 
northern  parts  of  this  continent  are  uninhabited.  I  think, 
then,  that  the  Scythians  and  their  neighbours  call  the  snow 
feathers,  comparing  them  together.  These  regions,  therefore, 
which  are  said  to  be  the  most  remote,  have  been  sufficiently 
described. 

Concerning  the  Hyperboreans,  neither  the  Scythians  say 
anything,  nor  any  people  of  those  parts,  except  the  Issedones ; 
and,  as  I  think,  neither  do  they  say  anything,  for  then  the 
Scythians  would  mention  it,  as  they  do  the  one-eyed  people. 
Hesiod,  however,  has  made  mention  of  the  Hyperboreans, 
and  Homer,  in  the  "  Epigoni,"  if  indeed  Homer  was  in  reality 
the  author  of  that  poem.  But  the  Delians  say  very  much 
more  than  any  others  about  them,  affirming  that  sacred  things, 
wrapped  in  wheat-straw,  were  brought  from  the  Hyperboreans 
and  came  to  the  Scythians ;  and  from  the  Scythians  each  con- 
tiguous nation  receiving  them  in  succession,  carried  them  to 
the  extreme  west  as  far  as  the  Adriatic ;  that  being  forwarded 
thence  toward  the  south,  the  Dodonseans,  the  first  of  the 
Greeks,  received  them ;  that  from  them  they  descended  to  the 
Maliac  Gulf,  and  passed  over  into  Eubcea,  and  that  one  city 
sent  them  on  to  another  as  far  as  Carystus;  that  after  this 
Andros  was  passed  by,  for  the  Carystians  conveyed  them  to 
Tenos,  and  the  Tenians  to  Delos :  in  this  manner  they  say 
these  sacred  things  reach  Delos.  They  add  that  the  Hyper- 
boreans first  sent  two  virgins,  whom  they  called  by  the  names 
of  Hyperoche  and  Laodice,  to  carry  these  sacred  things ;  and 


33-36]  THE   HYPERBOREANS  223 

with  them,  for  the  sake  of  safety,  the  Hyperboreans  sent  five 
of  their  citizens  as  attendants,  the  same  who  are  now  called 
Perpherees,  and  are  held  in  high  honour  at  Delos.  But  when 
those  who  were  sent  out  by  the  Hyperboreans  did  not  return, 
they,  thinking  it  a  grievous  thing  if  it  should  always  happen 
to  them  not  to  receive  back  those  whom  they  sent  out,  there- 
fore carried  their  offerings  wrapped  in  wheat-straw  to  their 
borders,  and  enjoined  their  neighbours  to  forward  them  to 
the  next  nation;  and  these  being  so  forwarded,  they  say, 
reached  Delos.  I  myself  know  that  the  following  practice 
is  observed,  resembling  that  of  these  sacred  things :  The 
Thracian  and  Paeonian  women,  when  they  sacrifice  to  Royal 
Diana,  do  not  offer  their  sacrifices  without  wheat-straw;  and 
I  know  that  they  do  this.  In  honour  of  these  Hyperborean 
virgins  who  died  in  Delos,  both  the  virgins  and  youths  of  the 
Delians  shear  their  hair :  the  former,  having  cut  off  a  lock 
before  marriage,  and  having  wound  it  about  a  distaff,  lay  it 
upon  the  sepulchre;  the  sepulchre  is  within  the  Temple  of 
Diana,  on  the  left  as  one  enters,  and  on  it  grows  an  olive  tree : 
the  youths  of  the  Delians  having  wound  some  of  their  hair 
round  a  plant,  place  it  also  on  the  sepulchre.  These  virgins 
receive  such  honour  from  the  inhabitants  of  Delos.  These 
same  persons  also  affirm  that  Arge  and  Opis,  who  were  Hy- 
perborean virgins,  passing  through  the  same  nations,  came 
to  Delos,  even  before  Hyperoche  and  Laodice :  that  these  last 
came  to  bring  the  tribute  they  had  agreed  to  pay  to  Ilithya 
for  a  speedy  delivery;  but  they  say  that  Arge  and  Opis  ar- 
rived with  the  gods  themselves,  and  that  different  honours 
are  paid  them  by  themselves,  for  that  the  women  collect  con- 
tributions for  them,  calling  on  their  names  in  a  hymn  which 
Olen,  a  Lycian,  composed  for  them ;  and  that  the  islanders 
and  Ionians  afterward,  having  learned  it  from  them,  celebrate 
Opis  and  Arge  in  song,  mentioning  their  names,  and  collect- 
ing contributions  (now  this  Olen,  coming  from  Lycia,  com- 
posed also  the  other  ancient  hymns  which  are  sung  in  Delos) ; 
and  that  the  ashes  of  the  thighs  burned  on  the  altar  are  thrown 
and  expended  on  the  sepulchre  of  Opis  and  Arge:  but  their 
sepulchre  is  behind  the  Temple  of  Diana,  facing  the  east,  very 
near  the  banqueting-room  of  the  Ceians.  And  thus  much  may 
be  said  concerning  the  Hyperboreans,  for  I  do  not  relate  the 
story  concerning  Abaris,  who  was  said  to  be  an  Hyperborean, 
to  the  effect  that  he  carried  an  arrow  round  the  whole  earth 
without  eating  anything.  If,  however,  there  are  Hyperbo- 
reans, there  must  also  be  Hypernotians.  But  I  smile  when  I 
see  many  persons  describing  the  circumference  of  the  earth, 


224  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [36-42 

who  have  no  sound  reason  to  guide  them;  they  describe  the 
ocean  flowing  round  the  earth,  which  is  made  circular  as  if 
by  a  lathe,  and  make  Asia  equal  to  Europe.  I  will  therefore 
briefly  show  the  dimensions  of  each  of  them,  and  what  is  the 
figure  of  each. 

The  Persian  settlements  extend  to  the  southern  sea,  called 
the  Erythraean ;  above  them  to  the  north  are  the  Medes ;  above 
the  Medes,  the  Saspires;  and  above  the  Saspires,  the  Col- 
chians,  who  reach  to  the  northern  sea,  into  which  the  river 
Phasis  discharges  itself.  These  four  nations  occupy  the  space 
from  sea  to  sea.  Thence  westward  two  tracts  stretch  out  to 
the  sea,  which  I  shall  describe.  On  one  side,  the  one  tract, 
beginning  at  the  north  from  the  Phasis,  extends  along  the 
Euxine  and  the  Hellespont,  as  far  as  the  Trojan  Sigaeum; 
and  on  the  south,  this  same  tract,  beginning  from  the  Myrian- 
drian  Gulf,  which  is  adjacent  to  Phoenicia,  stretches  toward 
the  sea  as  far  as  the  Triopian  promontory.  In  this  tract  dwell 
thirty  different  nations.  This,  then,  is  one  of  the  tracts.  The 
other,  beginning  at  Persia,  reaches  to  the  Red  Sea;  it  com- 
prises Persia,  and  after  that  Assyria,  and  after  Assyria,  Arabia ; 
it  terminates  (terminating  only  by  custom)  at  the  Arabian 
Gulf,  into  which  Darius  carried  a  canal  from  the  Nile.  Now, 
as  far  as  Phoenicia  from  Persia  the  country  is  wide  and  open, 
but  from  Phoenicia  the  same  tract  stretches  along  this  sea 
by  Syrian  Palestine  and  Egypt,  where  it  terminates ;  in  it  are 
only  three  nations.  These,  then,  are  the  parts  of  Asia  that 
lie  westward  of  Persia.  Beyond  the  Persians,  Medes,  Saspires, 
and  Colchians,  toward  the  east  and  rising  sun,  extends  the 
Red  Sea,  and  on  the  north  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  river 
Araxes,  which  flows  toward  the  rising  sun.  Asia  is  inhabited 
as  far  as  India;  but  beyond  this  it  is  all  desert  toward  the 
east,  nor  is  any  one  able  to  describe  what  it  is.  Such  and  so 
great  is  Asia. 

Libya  is  in  the  other  tract;  for  Libya  commences  from 
Egypt.  Now  in  Egypt  this  tract  is  narrow ;  for  from  this  sea 
to  the  Red  Sea  are  a  hundred  thousand  orgyae,  which  make 
one  thousand  stades.  But  from  this  narrow  neck  the  tract 
which  is  called  Libya  becomes  very  wide.  I  wonder  there- 
fore at  those  who  have  described  the  limits  of  and  divided 
Libya,  Asia,  and  Europe,  for  the  difference  between  them  is 
not  trifling ;  for  in  length  Europe  extends  along  both  of  them, 
but  with  respect  to  width,  it  is  evidently  not  to  be  compared. 
Libya  shows  itself  to  be  surrounded  by  water,  except  so  much 
of  it  as  borders  upon  Asia.  Neco,  King  of  Egypt,  was  the  first 
whom  we  know  of  that  proved  this ;  he,  when  he  had  ceased 


42-43]  CIRCUMNAVIGATION   OF   AFRICA  225 

digging  the  canal  leading  from  the  Nile  to  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
sent  certain  Phoenicians  in  ships,  with  orders  to  sail  back 
through  the  Pillars  of  Hercules  into  the  northern  sea,1  and  so 
to  return  to  Egypt.  The  Phoenicians,  accordingly,  setting 
out  from  the  Red  Sea,  navigated  the  southern  sea;  when 
autumn  came,  they  went  ashore,  and  sowed  the  land,  by  what- 
ever part  of  Libya  they  happened  to  be  sailing,  and  waited 
for  harvest;  then  having  reaped  the  corn,  they  put  to  sea 
again.  When  two  years  had  thus  passed,  in  the  third,  having 
doubled  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  they  arrived  in  Egypt,  and 
related  what  to  me  does  not  seem  credible,  but  may  to  others, 
that  as  they  sailed  round  Libya  they  had  the  sun  on  their  right 
hand.  Thus  was  Libya  first  known.  Subsequently  the  Car- 
thaginians say  that  Libya  is  surrounded  by  water.  For  Satas- 
pes,  son  of  Teaspes,  one  of  the  Achsemenidse,  did  not  sail  round 
Libya,  though  sent  for  that  very  purpose;  but  dreading  the 
length  of  the  voyage  and  the  desolation,  returned  home  and 
did  not  accomplish  the  task  which  his  mother  imposed  upon 
him  :  for  he  had  violated  a  virgin,  daughter  of  Zopyrus,  son  of 
Megabyzus ;  whereupon,  when  he  was  about  to  be  impaled 
for  this  offence  by  King  Xerxes,  the  mother  of  Sataspes,  who 
was  sister  to  Darius,  begged  him  off,  promising  that  she  would 
inflict  a  greater  punishment  upon  him  than  he  would,  for  she 
would  constrain  him  to  sail  round  Libya,  until,  sailing  round, 
he  should  reach  the  Arabian  Gulf.  Xerxes  having  agreed 
on  these  terms,  Sataspes  went  into  Egypt,  and  having  taken 
a  ship  and  men  from  thence,  sailed  through  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules ;  and  having  sailed  through,  and  doubled  the  cape 
of  Libya,  whose  name  is  Solois,  he  steered  to  the  southward : 
but  after  traversing  a  vast  extent  of  sea,  in  many  months, 
when  he  found  that  he  had  still  more  to  pass,  he  turned  back, 
and  sailed  away  for  Egypt.  From  thence  going  to  King 
Xerxes,  he  told  him  that  in  the  most  distant  part  he  sailed 
past  a  nation  of  little  men,  who  wore  garments  made  of  palm- 
leaves,  who,  whenever  they  drew  to  shore,  left  their  cities  and 
flew  to  the  mountains ;  that  his  men,  when  they  entered  their 
country,  did  them  no  injury,  but  only  took  some  cattle  from 
them.  Of  his  not  sailing  completely  round  Libya,  this  he 
said  was  the  cause :  that  his  ship  could  not  proceed  any  far- 
ther, but  was  stopped.  Xerxes,  however,  being  persuaded 
that  he  did  not  speak  the  truth,  as  he  had  not  accomplished 
the  task  imposed  upon  him,  impaled  him,  inflicting  the  origi- 
nal sentence.  A  eunuch  of  this  Sataspes,  as  soon  as  he  heard 
of  his  master's  death,  ran  away  to  Samos  with  great  wealth, 
1  Meaning  "the  Mediterranean,"  which  was  north  of  Libya. 
15 


226  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [43-46 

which  a  Samian  detained:  though  I  know  his  name,  I  pur- 
posely conceal  it. 

A  great  part  of  Asia  was  explored  under  the  direction  of 
Darius.  He  being  desirous  to  know  in  what  part  the  Indus, 
which  is  the  second  river  that  produces  crocodiles,  discharges 
itself  into  the  sea,  sent  in  ships  both  others  on  whom  he  could 
rely  to  make  a  true  report,  and  also  Scylax  of  Caryanda.  They 
accordingly,  setting  out  from  the  city  of  Caspatyrus  and  the 
country  of  Pactyice,  sailed  down  the  river  toward  the  east 
and  sunrise  to  the  sea :  then  sailing  on  the  sea  westward,  they 
arrived  in  the  thirtieth  month  at  that  place  where  the  King 
of  Egypt  despatched  the  PhcEnicians,  whom  I  before  men- 
tioned, to  sail  round  Libya.  After  these  persons  had  sailed 
round,  Darius  subdued  the  Indians,  and  frequented  this  sea. 
Thus  the  other  parts  of  Asia,  except  toward  the  rising  sun, 
are  found  to  exhibit  things  similar  to  Libya. 

Whether  Europe  is  surrounded  by  water  either  toward  the 
east  or  toward  the  north  has  not  been  fully  discovered  by 
any  man ;  but  in  length  it  is  known  to  extend  beyond  both 
the  other  continents.  Nor  can  I  conjecture  for  what  reason 
three  different  names  have  been  given  to  the  earth,  which  is 
but  one,  and  those  derived  from  the  names  of  women ;  nor 
why  the  Egyptian  river  Nile  and  the  Colchian  Phasis  have 
been  assigned  as  boundaries  to  it  (some  say  the  Mseotian  river 
Tanais,  and  the  Cimmerian  Porthmeia) ;  nor  can  I  learn  the 
names  of  those  who  made  this  division,  nor  whence  they  de- 
rived the  appellations.  Libya  is  said  by  most  of  the  Greeks 
to  take  its  name  from  a  native  woman  of  the  name  of  Libya ; 
and  Asia,  from  the  wife  of  Prometheus.  But  the  Lydians 
claim  this  name,  saying  that  Asia  was  so  called  after  Asius, 
son  of  Cotys,  son  of  Manes,  and  not  after  Asia,  the  wife  of 
Prometheus ;  from  whom  also  a  tribe  in  Sardis  is  called  the 
Asian  tribe.  Whether  Europe,  then,  is  surrounded  by  water 
is  known  by  no  man ;  nor  is  it  clear  whence  it  received  this 
name,  nor  who  gave  it,  unless  we  will  say  that  the  region  re- 
ceived the  name  from  the  Tyrian  Europa,  but  was  before 
without  a  name,  like  the  others ;  yet  she  evidently  belonged 
to  Asia,  and  never  came  into  that  country  which  is  now  called 
Europe  by  the  Grecians;  but  only  passed  from  Phoenicia  to 
Crete,  and  from  Crete  to  Lycia.  Thus  much  may  suffice  for 
this  subject,  for  we  shall  adopt  the  names  in  common  use. 

The  Euxine  Sea,  to  which  Darius  led  an  army  of  all  coun- 
tries, except  the  Scythians,  exhibits  the  most  ignorant  na- 
tions :  for  we  are  unable  to  mention  any  one  nation  of  those 
on  this  side  the  Pontus  that  has  any  pretensions  to  intelli- 


46-49]  THE   RIVERS   OF   SCYTHIA  227 

gence;  nor  have  we  ever  heard  of  any  learned  men  among 
them,  except  the  Scythian  nation  and  Anacharsis.  By  the 
Scythian  nation  one  of  the  most  important  of  human  devices 
has  been  contrived  more  wisely  than  by  any  others  whom  we 
know;  their  other  customs,  however,  I  do  not  admire.  This 
most  important  device  has  been  so  contrived  that  no  one  who 
attacks  them  can  escape;  and  that,  if  they  do  not  choose  to 
be  found,  no  one  is  able  to  overtake  them.  For  they,  who 
have  neither  cities  nor  fortifications,  but  carry  their  houses 
with  them,  who  are  all  equestrian  archers,  living  not  from 
the  cultivation  of  the  earth,  but  from  cattle,  and  whose  dwell- 
ings are  wagons — how  must  not  such  a  people  be  invincible, 
and  difficult  to  engage  with  ?  This  device  has  been  contrived 
by  them,  as  the  country  is  fit  for  it,  and  the  rivers  aid  them : 
for  the  country,  being  level,  abounds  in  herbage  and  is  well 
watered :  and  rivers  flow  through  it  almost  as  numerous  as 
the  canals  in  Egypt.  Such  of  them  as  are  celebrated  and 
navigable  from  the  sea  I  will  mention:  the  Ister,  that  has  five 
mouths;  then  the  Tyres,  the  Hypanis,  the  Borysthenes,  the 
Panticapes,  the  Hypacyris,  the  Gerrhus,  and  the  Tanais.  These 
flow  as  follows: 

The  Ister,  which  is  the  greatest  of  all  the  rivers  we  know, 
flows  always  with  an  equal  stream  both  in  summer  and  winter. 
Flowing  the  first  of  those  in  Scythia  from  the  west,  it  is  on  this 
account  the  greatest,  because  other  rivers  discharge  them- 
selves into  it.  The  following  are  those  that  make  it  great: 
there  are  five  that  flow  through  Scythia;  one  which  the 
Scythians  call  Porata,  but  the  Grecians  Pyretos ;  another  the 
Tiarantus,  then  the  Aratus,  the  Naparis,  and  the  Ordessus. 
The  first  mentioned  of  these  rivers  is  large,  and  flowing  to- 
ward the  east,  communicates  its  water  with  the  Ister;  that 
mentioned  second,  the  Tiarantus,  is  more  to  the  west  and 
less ;  the  Aratus,  the  Naparis,  and  Ordessus,  passing  between 
these,  fall  likewise  into  the  Ister.  These  indigenous  Scythian 
rivers  assist  in  filling  it.  The  river  Maris,  flowing  from  the 
Agathyrsi,  mingles  with  the  Ister.  From  the  summits  of 
Mount  Haemus  three  other  large  rivers,  flowing  toward  the 
north,  empty  themselves  into  it,  the  Atlas,  the  Auras,  and  the 
Tibisis:  the  Athres,  the  Noes,  and  the  Atarnes,  flowing 
through  Thrace  and  the  Thracian  Crobyzi,  discharge  them- 
selves into  the  Ister;  and  from  the  Paeonians  and  Mount 
Rhodope,  the  river  Scios,  dividing  the  Haemus  in  the  middle, 
discharges  itself  into  it.  And  the  river  Angrus,  flowing  from 
the  Illyrians  toward  the  north,  empties  itself  into  the  Triballic 
plain  and  into  the  river  Brongus,  and  the  Brongus  into  the 


228  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [49-52 

Ister;  thus  the  Ister  receives  both  these,  which  are  consider- 
able. From  the  country  above  the  Umbrici,  the  river  Carpis 
and  another  river,  Alpis,  flowing  toward  the  north,  also  dis- 
charge themselves  into  it.  For  the  Ister  flows  through  all 
Europe,  beginning  from  the  Celts,  who,  next  to  the  Cynetse, 
inhabit  the  remotest  parts  of  Europe  toward  the  west ;  and 
flowing  through  all  Europe,  enter  the  borders  of  Scythia.  By 
these,  then,  that  have  been  mentioned,  and  many  other  rivers 
that  contribute  their  waters,  the  Ister  becomes  the  greatest 
of  all  rivers.  For  if  we  compare  one  stream  with  another,  the 
Nile  surpasses  in  quantity;  for  into  this  no  river  or  fountain 
discharging  itself  contributes  to  its  increase.  But  the  Ister 
always  flows  equal  in  summer  and  in  winter,  for  the  following 
reason,  as  I  think:  during  the  winter  it  is  about  as  large  as 
it  usually  is,  and  perhaps  a  little  larger;  for  this  country  is 
very  little  moistened  by  rain  during  the  winter,  but  is  en- 
tirely covered  with  snow:  in  the  summer,  the  snow  that  fell 
in  the  winter  in  vast  quantities,  dissolving  on  all  sides,  flows 
into  the  Ister;  and  this  snow  flowing  into  it  assists  in  filling 
it,  and  frequent  and  violent  rains  besides ;  for  it  rains  much 
in  summer.  By  how  much,  therefore,  the  sun  draws  up  to 
himself  more  water  in  summer  than  in  winter,  by  so  much 
the  waters  mingled  with  the  Ister  are  greater  in  summer  than 
in  winter ;  and  these  things  therefore  being  opposed,  an  equi- 
librium results,  so  that  it  is  always  found  to  be  equal. 

One  of  the  rivers,  then,  of  the  Scythians  is  the  Ister ;  after 
this  is  the  Tyres,  which  proceeds  from  the  north,  and  begins 
flowing  from  a  vast  lake,  which  separates  Scythia  and  Neuris. 
At  its  mouth  are  settled  Grecians,  who  are  called  Tyritse.  The 
third  river,  the  Hypanis,  proceeds  from  Scythia  and  flows 
from  a  vast  lake,  around  which  wild  white  horses  graze.  This 
lake  is  rightly  called  the  mother  of  the  Hypanis.  The  river 
Hypanis,  then  rising  from  this,  is  small  and  still  sweet  for  a 
five  days'  voyage,  but  from  thence,  for  a  four  days'  voyage 
to  the  sea,  it  is  exceedingly  bitter;  for  a  bitter  fountain  dis- 
charges itself  into  it,  which  is  so  very  bitter,  though  small  in 
size,  that  it  taints  the  Hypanis,  which  is  a  considerable  river 
among  small  ones.  This  fountain  is  on  the  borders  of  the 
territory  of  the  Scythian  husbandmen  and  the  Alazones ;  the 
name  of  the  fountain,  and  of  the  district  whence  it  flows,  is,  in 
the  Scythian  language,  Exampaeus,  but  in  the  language  of 
the  Greeks,  "  The  sacred  ways."  The  Tyres  and  Hypanis 
contract  their  boundaries  in  the  country  of  the  Alazones ; 
but  after  that,  each  turning  away,  flows  on  widening  the  inter- 
mediate space. 


53-57]  THE  RIVERS  OF  SCYTHIA  229 

The  fourth  is  the  river  Borysthenes,  which  is  the  largest 
of  these  after  the  Ister,  and,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  pro- 
ductive, not  only  of  the  Scythian  rivers,  but  of  all  others, 
except  the  Egyptian  Nile ;  for  to  this  it  is  impossible  to  com- 
pare any  other  river,  but  of  the  rest  the  Borysthenes  is  the 
most  productive.  It  affords  the  most  excellent  and  valuable 
pasture  for  cattle,  and  fish  of  the  highest  excellence  and  in 
great  quantities ;  it  is  most  sweet  to  drink ;  it  flows  pure  in 
the  midst  of  turbid  rivers;  the  sown  land  near  it  is  of  the 
best  quality;  and  the  herbage,  where  the  land  is  not  sown,  is 
very  tall ;  at  its  mouth  abundance  of  salt  is  crystallized  spon- 
taneously ;  and  it  produces  large  whales,  without  any  spinal 
bones,  which  they  call  Antacaei,  fit  for  salting,  and  many  other 
things  that  deserve  admiration.  As  far  as  the  country  of 
Gerrhus,  a  voyage  of  forty  days,  this  river  is  known  to  flow 
from  the  north ;  but  above  that,  through  what  people  it  flows 
no  one  is  able  to  tell :  but  it  evidently  flows  through  a  desert 
to  the  country  of  the  agricultural  Scythians ;  for  these  Scyth- 
ians dwell  near  it  for  the  space  of  a  ten  days'  voyage.  Of 
this  river  only,  and  of  the  Nile,  I  am  unable  to  describe  the 
sources ;  and  I  think  that  no  Greek  can  do  so.  The  Borys- 
thenes continues  flowing  near  the  sea,  and  the  Hypanis  min- 
gles with  it,  discharging  itself  into  the  same  morass.  The 
space  between  these  rivers,  which  is  a  projecting  piece  of 
land,  is  called  the  promontory  of  Hippoleon,  and  in  it  a  temple 
of  Ceres  is  built;  beyond  the  temple  on  the  Hypanis  the 
Borysthenitae  are  settled.    Thus  much  concerning  these  rivers. 

After  these  is  the  fifth  river,  the  name  of  which  is  the  Pan- 
ticapes ;  this  also  flows  from  the  north,  and  out  of  a  lake ; 
and  between  this  and  the  Borysthenes  dwell  the  agricultural 
Scythians ;  it  discharges  itself  into  Hylsea,  and  having  passed 
through  that  region,  mingles  with  the  Borysthenes.  The 
Hypacyris  is  the  sixth  river,  which  proceeds  from  a  lake,  and, 
flowing  through  the  middle  of  the  Scythian  nomads,  discharges 
itself  near  the  city  Carcinitis,  skirting  Hylaea  on  the  right,  and 
that  which  is  called  the  Course  of  Achilles.  The  seventh 
river,  the  Gerrhus,  is  separated  from  the  Borysthenes  near  the 
place  at  which  the  Borysthenes  is  first  known.  It  is  separated 
then  from  this  very  spot,  and  has  the  same  name  as  the  coun- 
try, Gerrhus ;  and  flowing  toward  the  sea,  it  divides  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Nomadic  and  the  Royal  Scythians,  and  discharges 
itself  into  the  Hypacyris.  The  eighth  river  is  the  Tanais, 
which  flows  originally  from  a  vast  lake,  and  discharges  itself 
into  a  still  larger  lake,  called  Mseotis,  which  divides  the  Royal 
Scythians  and  the  Sauromatse.     Into  this  river  Tanais  runs 


230  HERODOTUS— BOOK  IV,  MELPOMENE  [57-62 

another  river,  the  name  of  which  is  Hyrgis.  Thus  the  Scyth- 
ians are  provided  with  these  celebrated  rivers.  The  grass 
that  grows  in  Scythia  is  the  most  productive  of  bile  for  cattle 
of  any  with  which  we  are  acquainted;  and  when  the  cattle 
are  opened  one  may  infer  that  such  is  the  case. 

Thus  the  greatest  commodities  are  furnished  them  in 
abundance.  Their  other  customs  are  established  as  follows: 
They  propitiate  the  following  gods  only :  Vesta,  most  of  all ; 
then  Jupiter,  deeming  the  Earth  to  be  the  wife  of  Jupiter; 
after  these  Apollo,  and  Venus  Urania,  and  Hercules,  and  Mars. 
All  the  Scythians  acknowledge  these ;  but  those  who  are  called 
Royal  Scythians  sacrifice  also  to  Neptune.  Vesta,  in  the  Scyth- 
ian language,  is  named  Tahiti;  Jupiter  is,  in  my  opinion, 
very  rightly  called  Papaeus ;  the  Earth,  Apia;  Apollo,  GEto- 
syrus;  Venus  Urania,  Artimpasa;  and  Neptune,  Thamima- 
sadas.  They  are  not  accustomed  to  erect  images,  altars,  and 
temples,  except  to  Mars;  to  him  they  are  accustomed.  The 
same  mode  of  sacrificing  is  adopted  by  all,  with  respect  to 
all  kinds  of  victims,  alike,  being  as  follows :  The  victim  itself 
stands  with  its  fore  feet  tied  together ;  he  who  sacrifices,  stand- 
ing behind  the  beast,  having  drawn  the  extremity  of  the  cord, 
throws  it  down;  and  as  the  victim  falls  he  invokes  the  god 
to  whom  he  is  sacrificing;  then  he  throws  a  halter  round  its 
neck,  and  having  put  in  a  stick,  he  twists  it  round  and  stran- 
gles it,  without  kindling  any  fire,  or  performing  any  prepara- 
tory ceremonies,  or  making  any  libation,  but  having  strangled 
and  flayed  it  he  applies  himself  to  cook  it.  As  the  Scythian 
country  is  wholly  destitute  of  wood,  they  have  invented  the 
following  method  of  cooking  flesh :  When  they  have  flayed 
the  victims,  they  strip  the  flesh  from  the  bones,  then  they  put 
it  into  caldrons  made  in  the  country,  if  they  happen  to  have 
any,  which  very  much  resemble  Lesbian  bowls  except  that 
they  are  much  larger;  having  put  it  into  these,  they  cook  it 
by  burning  underneath  the  bones  of  the  victims.  If  they  have 
no  caldron  at  hand,  they  put  all  the  flesh  into  the  paunches 
of  the  victims,  and  having  poured  in  water,  burn  the  bones 
underneath :  they  burn  very  well,  and  the  paunches  easily 
contain  the  flesh  stripped  from  the  bones ;  thus  the  ox  cooks 
himself,  and  of  all  other  victims  each  cooks  itself.  When  the 
flesh  is  cooked,  he  that  sacrifices,  offering  the  first  fruits  of 
the  flesh  and  entrails,  throws  it  before  him.  They  also  sacri- 
fice other  cattle,  chiefly  horses. 

In  this  manner,  then,  and  these  victims,  they  sacrifice  to 
the  other  gods ;  but  to  Mars,  as  follows :  In  each  district,  in 
the  place  where  the  magistrates  assemble,  is  erected  a  struc- 


62-64]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  SCYTHIANS  23 1 

ture  sacred  to  Mars,  of  the  following  kind :  bundles  of  fagots 
are  heaped  up  to  the  length  and  breadth  of  three  stades,  but 
less  in  height ;  on  the  top  of  this  a  square  platform  is  formed ; 
and  three  of  the  sides  are  perpendicular,  but  on  the  fourth  it 
is  accessible.  Every  year  they  heap  on  it  one  hundred  and 
fifty  wagon-loads  of  fagots,  for  it  is  continually  sinking  by 
reason  of  the  weather.  On  this  heap  an  old  iron  scimetar 
is  placed  by  each  tribe,  and  this  is  the  image  of  Mars ;  and  to 
this  scimetar  they  bring  yearly  sacrifices  of  cattle  and  horses ; 
and  to  these  scimetars  they  offer  more  sacrifices  than  to  the 
rest  of  the  gods.  Whatever  enemies  they  take  alive,  of  these 
they  sacrifice  one  in  a  hundred,  not  in  the  same  manner  as  they 
do  the  cattle,  but  in  a  different  manner;  for  after  they  have 
poured  a  libation  of  wine  on  their  heads,  they  cut  the  throats 
of  the  men  over  a  bowl ;  then  having  carried  the  bowl  on  the 
heap  of  fagots,  they  pour  the  blood  over  the  scimetar.  This 
then  they  carry  up;  but  below  at  the  sacred  precinct,  they  do 
as  follows :  having  cut  off  all  the  right  shoulders  of  the  men 
that  have  been  killed,  with  the  arms,  they  throw  them  into 
the  air;  and  then,  having  finished  the  rest  of  the  sacrificial 
rites,  they  depart;  but  the  arm  lies  wherever  it  has  fallen, 
and  the  body  apart.  Such,  then,  are  the  sacrifices  instituted 
among  them.  Swine  they  never  use,  nor  suffer  them  to  be 
reared  in  their  country  at  all. 

Their  military  affairs  are  ordered  as  follows :  When  a 
Scythian  overthrows  his  first  enemy,  he  drinks  his  blood ;  and 
presents  the  king  with  the  heads  of  the  enemies  he  has  killed 
in  battle:  for  if  he  brings  a  head,  he  shares  the  booty  that 
they  take ;  but  not  if  he  does  not  bring  one.  He  skins  it  in  the 
following  manner:  Having  made  a  circular  incision  round 
the  ears  and  taking  hold  of  the  skin,  he  shakes  from  it  the 
skull ;  then  having  scraped  off  the  flesh  with  the  rib  of  an 
ox,  he  softens  the  skin  with  his  hands ;  and  having  made  it 
supple,  he  uses  it  as  a  napkin ;  each  man  hangs  it  on  the  bridle 
of  the  horse  which  he  rides,  and  prides  himself  on  it ;  for  who- 
ever has  the  greatest  number  of  these  skin  napkins  is  ac- 
counted the  most  valiant  man.  Many  of  them  make  cloaks 
of  these  skins,  to  throw  over  themselves,  sewing  them  to- 
gether like  shepherd's  coats;  and  many,  having  flayed  the 
right  hands  of  their  enemies  that  are  dead,  together  with  the 
nails,  make  coverings  for  their  quivers :  the  skin  of  a  man, 
which  is  both  thick  and  shining,  surpasses  almost  all  other 
skins  in  the  brightness  of  its  white.  Many,  having  flayed  men 
whole,  and  stretched  the  skin  on  wood,  carry  it  about  on 
horseback.     Such   usages   are  received  among  them.     The 


232  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [65-68 

heads  themselves,  not  indeed  of  all,  but  of  their  greatest  ene- 
mies, they  treat  as  follows :  Each,  having  sawn  off  all  below 
the  eyebrows,  cleanses  it,  and  if  the  man  is  poor,  he  covers 
only  the  outside  with  leather,  and  so  uses  it :  but  if  he  is  rich, 
he  covers  it  indeed  with  leather,  and  having  gilded  the  inside, 
he  so  uses  it  for  a  drinking-cup.  And  they  do  this  to  their 
relatives  if  they  are  at  variance,  and  one  prevails  over  another 
in  the  presence  of  the  king.  When  strangers  of  considera- 
tion come  to  him,  he  produces  these  heads,  and  relates  how, 
though  they  were  his  relatives,  they  made  war  against  him, 
and  he  overcame  them,  considering  this  a  proof  of  bravery. 
Once  in  every  year  the  governor  of  a  district,  each  in  his  own 
district,  mingles  a  bowl  of  wine,  from  which  those  Scythians 
drink  by  whom  enemies  have  been  captured:  but  they  who 
have  not  achieved  this  do  not  taste  of  this  wine,  but  sit  at  a 
distance  in  dishonour;  this  is  accounted  the  greatest  dis- 
grace: such  of  them  as  have  killed  very  many  men,  having 
two  cups  at  once,  drink  them  together. 

Soothsayers  among  the  Scythians  are  numerous,  who  di- 
vine by  the  help  of  a  number  of  willow  rods,  in  the  following 
manner:  When  they  have  brought  with  them  large  bundles 
of  twigs,  they  lay  them  on  the  ground  and  untie  them ;  and 
having  placed  each  rod  apart,  they  utter  their  predictions ; 
and  while  they  are  pronouncing  them,  they  gather  up  the  rods 
again,  and  put  them  together  again  one  by  one.  This  is  their 
national  mode  of  divination.  But  the  Enarees,  or  Androgyni, 
say  that  Venus  gave  them  the  power  of  divining.  They  divine 
by  means  of  the  bark  of  a  linden  tree :  when  a  man  has  split 
the  linden  tree  in  three  pieces,  twisting  it  round  his  own  fin- 
gers, and  then  untwisting  it,  he  utters  a  response.  When  the 
King  of  the  Scythians  is  sick,  he  sends  for  three  of  the  most 
famous  of  these  prophets,  who  prophesy  in  the  manner  above 
mentioned ;  and  they  generally  say  as  follows,  that  such  or 
such  a  citizen  has  sworn  falsely  by  the  royal  hearth,  mention- 
ing the  name  of  the  citizen  of  whom  they  speak :  for  it  is  a 
custom  with  the  Scythians  in  general  to  swear  by  the  royal 
hearth  when  they  would  use  the  most  solemn  oath.  The 
person  who,  they  say,  has  sworn  falsely  is  immediately  seized 
and  brought  forward ;  and  when  he  is  come,  the  prophets 
charge  him  with  being  clearly  proved  by  their  prophetic  art 
to  have  sworn  falsely  by  the  royal  hearth,  and  for  this  reason 
the  king  is  ill.  He  denies  it,  affirming  that  he  has  not  sworn 
falsely,  and  complains  bitterly.  On  his  denial,  the  king  sends 
for  twice  as  many  more  prophets ;  and  if  they  also,  examining 
into  the  prophetic  art,  condemn  him  with  having  sworn  falsely, 


68-71]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  SCYTHIANS  233 

they  straightway  cut  off  his  head,  and  the  first  prophets  divide 
his  property  between  them ;  but  if  the  prophets  who  came  last 
acquit  him,  other  prophets  are  called  in,  and  others  after  them. 
If,  then,  the  greater  number  acquit  the  man,  it  is  decreed  that 
the  first  prophets  shall  be  put  to  death.  They  accordingly 
put  them  to  death  in  the  following  manner:  When  they  have 
filled  a  wagon  with  fagots,  and  have  yoked  oxen  to  it,  having 
tied  the  feet  of  the  prophets  and  bound  their  hands  behind 
them,  and  having  gagged  them,  they  inclose  them  in  the 
midst  of  the  fagots ;  then  having  set  fire  to  them,  they  ter- 
rify the  oxen,  and  let  them  go.  Many  oxen  therefore  are 
burned  with  the  prophets,  and  many  escape  very  much 
scorched,  when  the  pole  has  been  burned  asunder.  In  this 
manner,  and  for  other  reasons,  they  burn  the  prophets,  call- 
ing them  false  prophets.  The  king  does  not  spare  the  chil- 
dren of  those  whom  he  puts  to  death,  but  kills  all  the  males, 
and  does  not  hurt  the  females.  The  Scythians  make  solemn 
contracts  in  the  following  manner  with  whomsoever  they  make 
them :  Having  poured  wine  into  a  large  earthen  vessel,  they 
mingle  with  it  blood  taken  from  those  who  are  entering  into 
covenant,  having  struck  with  an  awl  or  cut  with  a  knife  a 
small  part  of  the  body ;  then,  having  dipped  a  scimetar,  some 
arrows,  a  hatchet,  and  a  javelin  in  the  vessel,  when  they  have 
done  this,  they  make  many  solemn  prayers,  and  then  both 
those  who  make  the  contract  and  the  most  considerable  of 
their  attendants  drink  up  the  mixture. 

The  sepulchres  of  the  kings  are  in  the  country  of  the  Ger- 
rhi,  as  far  as  which  the  Borysthenes  is  navigable.  There, 
when  their  king  dies,  they  dig  a  large  square  hole  in  the 
ground ;  and  having  prepared  this,  they  take  up  the  corpse, 
having  the  body  covered  with  wax,  the  belly  opened  and 
cleaned,  filled  with  bruised  cypress,  incense,  and  parsley  and 
anise-seed,  and  then  sewn  up  again,  and  carry  it  in  a  chariot 
to  another  nation:  those  who  receive  the  corpse  brought  to 
them  do  the  same  as  the  Royal  Scythians;  they  cut  off  part 
of  their  ear,  shave  off  their  hair,  wound  themselves  on  the 
arms,  lacerate  their  forehead  and  nose,  and  drive  arrows 
through  their  left  hand.  Thence  they  carry  the  corpse  of  the 
king  to  another  nation  whom  they  govern ;  and  those  to  whom 
they  first  came  accompany  them.  When  they  have  carried 
the  corpse  round  all  the  provinces,  they  arrive  among  the 
Gerrhi,  who  are  the  most  remote  of  the  nations  they  rule  over, 
and  at  the  sepulchres.  Then,  when  they  have  placed  the 
corpse  in  the  grave  on  a  bed  of  leaves,  having  fixed  spears  on 
each  side  of  the  dead  body,  they  lay  pieces  of  wood  over  it, 


234  HERODOTUS— BOOK  IV,   MELPOMENE  [71-74 

and  cover  it  over  with  mats.  In  the  remaining  space  of  the 
grave  they  bury  one  of  the  king's  concubines,  having  stran- 
gled her,  and  his  cup-bearer,  a  cook,  a  groom,  a  page,  a 
courier,  and  horses,  and  firstlings  of  everything  else,  and 
golden  goblets ;  they  make  no  use  of  silver  or  brass.  Having 
done  this,  they  all  heap  up  a  large  mound,  striving  and  vying 
with  each  other  to  make  it  as  large  as  possible.  When 
a  year  has  elapsed,  they  then  do  as  follows :  Having  taken 
the  most  fitting  of  his  remaining  servants ;  they  are  all  native 
Scythians ;  for  they  serve  him  whomsoever  the  king  may 
order,  and  they  have  no  servants  bought  with  money;  when, 
therefore,  they  have  strangled  fifty  of  these  servants,  and  fifty 
of  the  finest  horses,  having  taken  out  their  bowels  and  cleansed 
them,  they  fill  them  with  chaff,  and  sew  them  up  again.  Then 
having  placed  the  half  of  a  wheel,  with  its  concave  side  upper- 
most, on  two  pieces  of  wood,  and  the  other  half  on  two  other 
pieces  of  wood,  and  having  fixed  many  of  these  in  the  same 
manner,  then  having  thrust  thick  pieces  of  wood  through  the 
horses  lengthwise,  up  to  the  neck,  they  mount  them  on  the 
half-wheels ;  and  of  these  the  foremost  part  of  the  half-wheels 
supports  the  shoulders  of  the  horses,  and  the  hinder  part 
supports  the  belly  near  the  thighs,  but  the  legs  on  both  sides 
are  suspended  in  the  air:  then  having  put  bridles  and  bits 
on  the  horses,  they  stretch  them  in  front,  and  fasten  them  to 
a  stake ;  they  then  mount  upon  a  horse  each,  one  of  the  fifty 
young  men  that  have  been  strangled,  mounting  them  in  the 
following  manner:  When  they  have  driven  a  straight  piece 
of  wood  along  the  spine  as  far  as  the  neck,  but  a  part  of  this 
wood  projects  from  the  bottom,  they  fix  it  into  a  hole  bored 
in  the  other  piece  of  wood  that  passes  through  the  horse.  Hav- 
ing placed  such  horsemen  round  the  monument,  they  depart. 
Thus  they  bury  their  kings.  But  the  other  Scythians,  when 
they  die,  their  nearest  relatives  carry  about  among  their 
friends,  laid  in  chariots;  and  of  these  each  one  receives  and 
entertains  the  attendants,  and  sets  the  same  things  before  the 
dead  body,  as  before  the  rest.  In  this  manner  private  persons 
are  carried  about  for  forty  days,  and  then  buried.  The  Scyth- 
ians, having  buried  them,  purify  themselves  in  the  following 
manner:  Having  wiped  and  thoroughly  washed  their  heads, 
they  do  thus  with  regard  to  the  body :  when  they  have  set  up 
three  pieces  of  wood  leaning  against  each  other,  they  extend 
around  them  woollen  cloths  ;  and  having  joined  them  together 
as  closely  as  possible,  they  throw  red-hot  stones  into  a  vessel 
placed  in  the  middle  of  the  pieces  of  wood  and  the  cloths. 
They  have  a  sort  of  hemp  growing  in  this  country  very  like 


74-76]  CUSTOMS  OF  THE  SCYTHIANS  235 

flax,  except  in  thickness  and  height ;  in  this  respect  the  hemp 
is  far  superior:  it  grows  both  spontaneously  and  from  culti- 
vation ;  and  from  it  the  Thracians  make  garments,  very  like 
linen,  nor  would  any  one  who  is  not  well  skilled  in  such  mat- 
ters distinguish  whether  they  are  made  of  flax  or  hemp,  but 
a  person  who  has  never  seen  this  hemp  would  think  the  gar- 
ment was  made  of  flax.  When,  therefore,  the  Scythians  have 
taken  some  seed  of  this  hemp,  they  creep  under  the  cloths, 
and  then  put  the  seed  on  the  red-hot  stones ;  and  this  being 
put  on,  smokes,  and  produces  such  a  steam  that  no  Grecian 
vapour-bath  would  surpass  it.  The  Scythians,  transported 
with  the  vapour,  shout  aloud ;  and  this  serves  them  instead 
of  washing,  for  they  never  bathe  the  body  in  water.  Their 
women,  pouring  on  water,  pound  on  a  rough  stone  pieces  of 
cypress,  cedar,  and  incense  tree ;  and  then  this  pounded  mat- 
ter, when  it  is  thick,  they  smear  over  the  whole  body  and 
face :  and  this  at  the  same  time  gives  them  an  agreeable  odour, 
and  when  they  take  off  the  cataplasm  on  the  following  day 
they  become  clean  and  shining. 

They  studiously  avoid  the  use  of  foreign  customs ;  not 
only,  therefore,  will  they  not  adopt  those  of  each  other,  but 
least  of  all  Grecian  usages,  as  the  example  of  Anacharsis,  and 
afterward  of  Scylas,  sufficiently  demonstrated ;  for,  in  the  first 
place,  Anacharsis,  having  visited  many  countries,  and  hav- 
ing displayed  great  wisdom  during  his  progress,  was  return- 
ing to  the  abodes  of  the  Scythians,  and  sailing  through  the 
Hellespont  toward  Cyzicus,  and  as  he  found  the  Cyzicenians 
celebrating  a  festival  to  the  mother  of  the  gods  with  great 
magnificence,  Anacharsis  made  a  vow  to  the  goddess  that  if 
he  should  return  safe  and  sound  to  his  own  country  he  would 
sacrifice  in  the  same  manner  as  he  saw  the  inhabitants  of  Cyzi- 
cus doing,  and  would  also  institute  a  vigil.  Accordingly,  when 
he  arrived  in  Scythia,  he  returned  into  the  country  called 
Hylaea ;  it  is  near  the  Course  of  Achilles,  and  is  full  of  trees  of 
all  kinds ;  to  this  Anacharsis  having  retired,  performed  all  the 
rites  to  the  goddess,  holding  a  timbrel  in  his  hand,  and  fasten- 
ing images  about  his  person.  But  one  of  the  Scythians,  hav- 
ing observed  him  doing  this,  gave  information  to  the  king, 
Saulius ;  and  he,  having  come  in  person,  when  he  saw  Ana- 
charsis thus  employed,  shot  at  him  with  an  arrow,  and  killed 
him.  And  now  if  any  one  speaks  about  Anacharsis,  the  Scyth- 
ians say  they  do  not  know  him,  because  he  travelled  into 
Greece  and  adopted  foreign  customs.  However,  I  heard  from 
Timnes,  the  guardian  of  Ariapithes,  that  Anacharsis  was 
paternal  uncle  to  Idanthyrsus,  King  of  the  Scythians,  and  that 


236  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,  MELPOMENE  [76-79 

he  was  son  of  Gnurus,  son  of  Lycus,  son  of  Spargapithes ;  if, 
then,  Anacharsis  was  of  this  family,  let  him  know  he  was  killed 
by  his  own  brother;  for  Idanthyrsus  was  son  of  Saulius,  and 
it  was  Saulius  who  killed  Anacharsis.  However,  I  have  heard 
another  story  told  by  the  Peloponnesians,  that  Anacharsis, 
being  sent  abroad  by  the  King  of  the  Scythians,  became  a  dis- 
ciple of  the  Grecians ;  and  on  his  return  home  he  said  to  the 
king  who  sent  him  abroad  that  all  the  Greeks  were  employed 
in  acquiring  all  kinds  of  knowledge,  except  the  Lacedaemoni- 
ans, but  that  they  only  were  able  to  give  and  receive  a  reason 
with  prudence :  but  this  story  is  told  in  sport  by  the  Greeks 
themselves.  The  man,  then,  was  killed  in  the  manner  before 
mentioned.  Thus,  therefore,  he  fared  because  of  foreign  cus- 
toms and  intercourse  with  the  Grecians. 

Many  years  afterward,  Scylas,  son  of  Ariapithes,  met  with 
a  similar  fate.  For  Ariapithes,  King  of  the  Scythians,  had, 
among  other  children,  Scylas;  he  was  born  of  an  Istrian 
woman,  who  did  not  in  any  way  belong  to  the  country:  his 
mother  taught  him  the  Grecian  language  and  letters.  After- 
ward, in  course  of  time,  Ariapithes  met  his  death  by  treachery 
at  the  hands  of  Spargapithes,  King  of  the  Agathyrsi,  and 
Scylas  succeeded  to  the  kingdom,  and  his  father's  wife,  whose 
name  was  Opcea ;  this  Opoea  was  a  native,  by  whom  Ariapithes 
had  a  son,  Oricus.  Scylas,  though  reigning  over  the  Scyth- 
ians, was  by  no  means  pleased  with  the  Scythian  mode  of  life, 
but  was  much  more  inclined  to  the  Grecian  manners  on  ac- 
count of  the  education  he  had  received ;  he,  therefore,  acted 
thus :  Whenever  he  led  the  Scythian  army  to  the  city  of  the 
Borysthenitse  (now  these  Borysthenitae  say  they  are  Milesians), 
as  soon  as  Scylas  reached  them,  he  used  to  leave  his  army  in 
the  suburbs,  and,  when  he  himself  had  gone  within  the  walls, 
and  had  closed  the  gates,  having  laid  aside  his  Scythian  dress, 
he  used  to  assume  the  Grecian  habit,  and  in  this  dress  he 
walked  in  public,  unattended  by  guards  or  any  one  else ;  and 
they  kept  watch  at  the  gates,  that  no  Scythian  might  see  him 
wearing  this  dress  ;  and  in  other  respects  he  adopted  the  Grecian 
mode  of  living,  and  performed  sacrifices  to  the  gods  according 
to  the  rites  of  the  Grecians.  When  he  had  stayed  a  month  or 
more,  he  used  to  depart,  resuming  the  Scythian  habit.  This 
he  used  frequently  to  do ;  he  also  built  a  palace  in  the  Borys- 
thenes,  and  married  a  native  woman,  to  inhabit  it.  Since, 
however,  it  was  fated  that  misfortune  should  befall  him,  it 
happened  on  this  occasion.  He  was  very  desirous  to  be  initi- 
ated in  the  mysteries  of  Bacchus;  and  as  he  was  just  about 
to  begin  the  sacred  rites,  a  very  great  prodigy  occurred. 


79-81]  CUSTOMS   OF   THE   SCYTHIANS  237 

He  had  in  the  city  of  the  Borysthenitse  a  large  and  magnifi- 
cent mansion,  of  which  I  have  just  now  made  mention ;  round 
it  were  placed  sphinxes  and  griffins  of  white  marble;  on  this 
the  god  hurled  a  bolt,  and  it  was  entirely  burned  down ;  Scy- 
las,  nevertheless,  accomplished  his  initiation.  Now,  the  Scyth- 
ians reproached  the  Grecians  on  account  of  their  Bacchic  cere- 
monies, for  they  say  it  is  not  reasonable  to  discover  such  a 
god  as  this,  who  drives  men  to  madness.  When  Scylas  had 
been  initiated  in  the  Bacchic  mysteries,  one  of  the  Borys- 
thenitse  carried  the  information  to  the  Scythians,  saying: 
"  You  Scythians  laugh  at  us,  because  we  celebrate  Bacchic 
rites,  and  the  god  takes  possession  of  us ;  now  this  same  deity 
has  taken  possession  of  your  king,  and  he  celebrates  the  rites 
of  Bacchus,  and  is  maddened  by  the  god.  But  if  you  dis- 
believe me,  follow,  and  I  will  show  you."  The  chief  men  of 
the  Scythians  followed  him;  and  the  Borysthenite,  conduct- 
ing them  in,  placed  them  secretly  on  a  tower :  but  when  Scylas 
went  past  with  a  thyasus,  and  the  Scythians  saw  him  acting 
the  bacchanal,  they  regarded  it  as  a  very  great  calamity ;  and 
having  returned,  they  acquainted  all  the  army  with  what  they 
had  seen.  After  this,  when  Scylas  returned  to  his  own  home, 
the  Scythians,  having  set  up  his  brother  Octamasades,  born 
of  the  daughter  of  Tereus,  revolted  from  Scylas.  But  he, 
being  informed  of  what  was  being  done  against  him,  and 
the  reason  for  which  it  was  done,  fled  to  Thrace.  Octama- 
sades, being  informed  of  this,  marched  against  Thrace,  but 
when  he  arrived  on  the  Ister,  the  Thracians  advanced  to  meet 
him.  As  they  were  about  to  engage,  Sitalces  sent  to  Octama- 
sades, saying  as  follows :  "  Why  need  we  try  each  other's 
strength?  You  are  the  son  of  my  sister,  and  have  with  you 
my  brother.  Do  you  restore  him  to  me,  and  I  will  deliver  up 
Scylas  to  you,  and  so  neither  you  nor  I  shall  expose  our  army 
to  peril."  Sitalces  sent  this  message  to  him  by  a  herald ;  for 
there  was  with  Octamasades  a  brother  of  Sitalces,  who  had 
fled  from  the  latter.  Octamasades  acceded  to  this  proposal ; 
and  having  surrendered  his  maternal  uncle  to  Sitalces,  re- 
ceived his  brother  Scylas  in  exchange.  Now  Sitalces,  having 
got  his  brother  in  his  power,  drew  off  his  forces ;  but  Octama- 
sades beheaded  Scylas  on  the  same  spot.  Thus  the  Scythians 
maintain  their  own  customs,  and  impose  such  punishments  on 
those  who  introduce  foreign  usages. 

I  have  never  been  able  to  learn  with  accuracy  the  amount 
of  the  population  of  the  Scythians,  but  I  heard  different  ac- 
counts concerning  the  number;  for  some  pretend  that  they 
are  exceedingly  numerous,  and  others  that  there  are  very  few 


238  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [81-84 

real  Scythians  :  thus  much,  however,  they  exposed  to  my  sight. 
There  is  a  spot  between  the  river  Borysthenes  and  the  Hypanis, 
called  Exampaeus,  which  I  mentioned  a  little  before,  saying 
that  there  was  in  it  a  fountain  of  bitter  water,  from  which 
the  water  flowing  made  the  Hypanis  unfit  to  be  drunk.  In 
this  spot  lies  a  brass  caldron,  in  size  six  times  as  large  as 
the  bowl  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pontus,  which  Pausanias,  son 
of  Cleombrotus,  dedicated.  For  the  benefit  of  any  one  who 
has  never  seen  this,  I  will  here  describe  it :  The  brass  caldron 
among  the  Scythians  easily  contains  six  hundred  amphorae; 
and  this  Scythian  vessel  is  six  fingers  in  thickness.  Now, 
the  inhabitants  say  it  was  made  from  the  points  of  arrows, 
for  that  their  king,  whose  name  was  Ariantas,  wishing  to 
know  the  population  of  the  Scythians,  commanded  all  the 
Scythians  to  bring  him  each  severally  one  point  of  an  arrow, 
and  he  threatened  death  on  whomsoever  should  fail  to  bring 
it.  Accordingly,  a  vast  number  of  arrow  points  were  brought, 
and  he  resolved  to  leave  a  monument  made  from  them ;  he 
therefore  made  this  brass  bowl,  and  dedicated  it  at  Exampaeus. 
This  I  heard  concerning  the  population  of  the  Scythians. 
Their  country  has  nothing  wonderful,  except  the  rivers,  which 
are  very  large  and  very  many  in  number ;  but  what  it  affords 
also  worthy  of  admiration,  besides  the  rivers  and  the  extent 
of  the  plains,  shall  be  mentioned :  they  show  the  print  of  the 
foot  of  Hercules  upon  a  rock;  it  resembles  the  footstep  of 
a  man,  is  two  cubits  in  length,  near  the  river  Tyras.  Such, 
then,  is  this ;  but  I  will  now  return  to  the  subject  I  at  first 
set  out  to  relate. 

While  Darius  was  making  preparations  against  the  Scyth- 
ians, and  sending  messengers  to  command  some  to  contribute 
land  forces,  and  others  a  fleet,  and  others  to  bridge  over  the 
Thracian  Bosphorus,  Artabanus,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  and 
brother  of  Darius,  entreated  him  on  no  account  to  make  an 
expedition  against  the  Scythians,  representing  the  poverty  of 
Scythia ;  but  when  he  found  that  although  he  gave  him  good 
counsel  he  could  not  persuade  him,  he  desisted :  Darius,  there- 
fore, when  everything  was  prepared,  marched  his  army  from 
Susa.  At  that  time  CEobazus,  a  Persian,  who  had  three  sons 
all  serving  in  the  army,  besought  Darius  that  one  might  be 
left  at  home  for  him.  The  king  answered  him,  as  a  friend, 
and  one  who  made  a  moderate  request,  that  he  would  leave 
him  all  his  sons ;  he  therefore  was  exceedingly  delighted,  hop- 
ing that  his  sons  would  be  discharged  from  the  army.  But 
Darius  commanded  the  proper  officers  to  put  all  the  sons  of 
CEobazus  to  death ;  and  they,  being  slain,  were  left  on  the  spot. 


85-87]  DARIUS   AT   THE   BOSPHORUS  239 

When  Darius,  marching  from  Susa,  reached  Chalcedon 
on  the  Bosphorus,  where  a  bridge  was  already  laid  across, 
from  thence  going  on  board  a  ship  he  sailed  to  those  called 
the  Cyanean  islands,  which  the  Grecians  say  formerly  floated. 
There,  sitting  in  the  temple,  he  took  a  view  of  the  Euxine  Sea, 
which  is  worthy  of  admiration ;  for  of  all  seas  it  is  by  nature 
the  most  wonderful :  its  length  is  eleven  thousand  one  hun- 
dred stades,  and  its  width,  in  the  widest  part,  three  thousand 
three  hundred  stades.  The  mouth  of  this  sea  is  four  stades 
in  width,  and  the  length  of  the  mouth — that  is,  the  neck — 
which  is  called  the  Bosphorus,  where  the  bridge  was  laid 
across,  amounts  to  about  a  hundred  and  twenty  stades;  and 
the  Bosphorus  extends  to  the  Propontis.  The  Propontis, 
which  is  five  hundred  stades  in  breadth,  and  one  thousand 
four  hundred  in  length,  discharges  itself  into  the  Hellespont, 
which  in  the  narrowest  part  is  seven  stades,  and  in  length 
four  hundred ;  the  Hellespont  falls  into  an  expanse  of  the 
sea,  which  is  called  the  fiLgean.  These  seas  have  been  meas- 
ured as  follows :  A  ship  commonly  makes  in  a  long  day  about 
seventy  thousand  orgyae,  and  in  a  night  about  sixty  thousand. 
Now,  from  the  mouth  to  the  Phasis  (for  this  is  the  greatest 
length  of  the  Pontus)  is  a  voyage  of  nine  days  and  eight 
nights ;  these  make  one  million  one  hundred  and  ten  thou- 
sand orgyae,  and  these  orgyae  are  equal  to  eleven  thousand 
one  hundred  stades.  From  Sindica  to  Themiscyra,  on  the 
river  Thermodon  (for  here  is  the  broadest  part  of  the  Pontus), 
is  a  voyage  of  three  days  and  two  nights ;  these  make  three 
hundred  and  thirty  thousand  orgyae,  or  three  thousand  three 
hundred  stades.  The  Pontus,  therefore,  and  the  Bosphorus, 
and  the  Hellespont,  have  been  thus  measured  by  me,  and  are 
such  as  I  have  described.  Moreover,  this  Pontus  possesses 
a  lake,  that  discharges  itself  into  it,  not  much  less  than  itself; 
it  is  called  Maeotis,  and  the  mother  of  the  Pontus. 

Darius,  when  he  had  viewed  the  Pontus,  sailed  back  to  the 
bridge,  of  which  Mandrocles,  a  Samian,  was  the  architect. 
And  having  also  viewed  the  Bosphorus,  he  erected  two  col- 
umns of  white  marble  on  the  shore,  engraving  on  one  in 
Assyrian  characters,  and  on  the  other  in  Grecian,  the  names 
of  all  the  nations  he  had  in  his  army,  and  he  had  some  from 
all  whom  he  ruled  over;  of  these,  besides  the  navy,  seven 
hundred  thousand  were  reckoned,  including  cavalry ;  and  six 
hundred  ships  were  assembled.  Now  these  columns  the 
Byzantians  some  time  afterward  removed  into  their  city,  and 
used  in  building  the  altar  of  the  Orthosian  Diana,  except  one 
stone;  this  was  left  near  the  Temple  of  Bacchus  in  Byzan- 


240  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [87-92 

tium,  covered  with  Assyrian  letters.  The  spot  of  the  Bos- 
phorus  which  King  Darius  caused  the  bridge  to  be  laid  over 
was,  as  I  conjecture,  midway  between  Byzantium  and  the 
temple  at  the  mouth.  Darius  after  this,  being  pleased  with 
the  bridge,  presented  its  architect,  Mandrocles  the  Samian, 
with  ten  of  everything;  from  these,  then,  Mandrocles,  having 
painted  a  picture  of  the  whole  junction  of  the  Bosphorus,  with 
King  Darius  seated  on  a  throne,  and  his  army  crossing  over, 
having  painted  this,  he  dedicated  it  as  first  fruits  in  the  Temple 
of  Juno,  with  this  inscription :  "  Mandrocles,  having  thrown  a 
bridge  across  the  fishy  Bosphorus,  dedicated  to  Juno  a  me- 
morial of  the  raft;  laying  up  for  himself  a  crown,  and  for 
the  Samians  glory,  having  completed  it  to  the  satisfaction  of 
King  Darius."  This,  then,  was  the  memorial  of  the  man  who 
constructed  the  bridge. 

Darius,  having  rewarded  Mandrocles,  crossed  over  into 
Europe,  having  commanded  the  Ionians  to  sail  by  the  Pontus 
as  far  as  the  river  Ister;  and  when  they  should  have  reached 
the  Ister,  to  throw  a  bridge  over  the  river  and  there  wait  his 
arrival :  for  the  Ionians,  yEolians,  and  Hellespontines  con- 
ducted the  naval  armament.  The  fleet  accordingly,  having 
sailed  through  the  Cyanean  Islands,  stood  direct  for  the  Ister ; 
and  having  sailed  up  the  river  a  two  days'  voyage  from  the 
sea,  they  joined  the  neck  of  the  river  with  a  bridge,  at  the 
point  where  the  several  mouths  of  the  Ister  are  separated. 
But  Darius,  when  he  had  passed  over  the  Bosphorus  by  the 
bridge  of  boats,  marched  through  Thrace,  and,  having  ar- 
rived at  the  sources  of  the  river  Tearus,  encamped  there  three 
days.  The  Tearus  is  said  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  country 
to  be  the  best  of  all  rivers,  both  for  its  other  healing  qualities 
and  especially  for  curing  the  itch  in  men  and  horses.  Its 
springs  are  thirty-eight,  flowing  from  the  same  rock,  and  some 
of  them  are  cold,  others  hot.  The  distance  to  them  is  the  same 
from  Heraeopolis,  near  Perinthus,  and  from  Apollonia  on  the 
Euxine  Sea,  each  a  two  days'  journey.  This  Tearus  empties 
itself  into  the  river  Contadesdus,  the  Contadesdus  into  the 
Agrianes,  the  Agrianes  into  the  Hebrus,  and  this  last  into  the 
sea  near  the  city  of  yEnus.  Darius,  then,  having  reached  this 
river,  when  he  had  encamped,  was  so  delighted  with  the  river 
that  he  erected  a  pillar  here  also,  with  the  following  inscrip- 
tion :  "  The  springs  of  the  Tearus  yield  the  best  and  finest 
water  of  all  rivers ;  and  a  man,  the  best  and  finest  of  all  men, 
came  to  them,  leading  an  army  against  the  Scythians,  Darius, 
son  of  Hystaspes,  King  of  the  Persians,  and  of  the  whole  con- 
tinent."   Darius,  having  set  out  from  thence,  came  to  another 


92-953  ZALMOXIS  241 

river,  the  name  of  which  is  Artiscus,  which  flows  through  the 
Odrysae ;  when  he  arrived  at  this  river,  he  did  as  follows : 
Having  marked  out  a  certain  spot  of  ground  to  the  army,  he 
commanded  every  man  as  he  passed  by  to  place  a  stone  on 
this  spot  that  was  marked  out;  and  when  the  army  had  exe- 
cuted his  order,  having  left  vast  heaps  of  stones  there,  he 
continued  his  march. 

But  before  he  reached  the  Ister  he  subdued  the  Getae  first, 
who  think  themselves  immortal ;  for  the  Thracians  who  oc- 
cupy Salmydessus,  and  those  who  dwell  above  the  cities  of 
Apollonia  and  Mesambria,  who  are  called  Scyrmiadae  and 
Nypsaei,  surrendered  themselves  to  Darius  without  resistance ; 
but  the  Getae,  having  recourse  to  obstinate  resistance,  were 
soon  reduced  to  slavery,  though  they  are  the  most  valiant 
and  the  most  just  of  the  Thracians.  They  think  themselves 
immortal  in  this  manner.  They  imagine  that  they  themselves 
do  not  die,  but  that  the  deceased  goes  to  the  deity  Zalmoxis, 
and  some  of  them  think  that  he  is  the  same  with  Gebeleizis. 
Every  fifth  year  they  despatch  one  of  themselves,  taken  by  lot, 
to  Zalmoxis,  with  orders  to  let  him  know  on  each  occasion 
what  they  want.  Their  mode  of  sending  him  is  this  :  Some  of 
them  who  are  appointed  hold  three  javelins ;  while  others, 
having  taken  up  the  man  who  is  to  be  sent  to  Zalmoxis  by 
the  hands  and  feet,  swing  him  round,  and  throw  him  into  the 
air,  upon  the  points.  If  he  should  die,  being  transfixed,  they 
think  the  god  is  propitious  to  them ;  if  he  should  not  die,  they 
blame  the  messenger  himself,  saying  that  he  is  a  bad  man ; 
and  having  blamed  him,  they  despatch  another,  and  they  give 
him  his  instructions  while  he  is  yet  alive.  These  same  Thra- 
cians, in  time  of  thunder  and  lightning,  let  fly  their  arrows 
toward  heaven,  and  threaten  the  god,  thinking  that  there  is 
no  other  god  but  their  own.  But,  as  I  am  informed  by  the 
Greeks  who  dwell  about  the  Hellespont  and  the  Pontus,  this 
Zalmoxis  was  a  man,  and  lived  in  slavery  at  Samos;  he  was 
slave  to  Pythagoras,  son  of  Mnesarchus ;  and  after  that,  hav- 
ing procured  his  liberty,  he  acquired  great  riches,  and  having 
acquired  them,  he  returned  to  his  own  country;  but  finding 
the  Thracians  lived  wretchedly  and  in  a  very  uncivilized  man- 
ner, this  Zalmoxis,  being  acquainted  with  the  Ionian  way  of 
living,  and  with  manners  more  polite  than  those  of  Thrace, 
in  that  he  had  been  familiar  with  Greeks,  and  with  Pythagoras, 
who  was  not  the  meanest  sage  in  Greece,  had  a  hall  built,  in 
which  receiving  and  entertaining  the  principal  persons  of  the 
country,  he  taught  them  that  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  guests, 
nor  their  posterity  forever,  would  die,  but  would  go  into  a 
16 


242  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE  [95-98 

place  where  they  should  live  eternally,  and  have  every  kind  of 
blessing.  While  he  did  and  said  as  above  described,  he,  in 
the  meantime,  had  a  subterranean  habitation  made,  and  when 
the  building  was  completed,  he  disappeared  from  among  the 
Thracians ;  and  having  gone  down  to  the  subterranean  hab- 
itation, he  abode  there  three  years.  But  they  both  regretted 
him,  and  lamented  him  as  dead ;  but  in  the  fourth  year  he  ap- 
peared to  the  Thracians :  and  thus  what  Zalmoxis  said  became 
credible  to  them.  Thus  they  say  that  he  acted.  For  my  own 
part,  I  neither  disbelieve  nor  entirely  believe  the  account  of 
this  person  and  the  subterranean  habitation ;  but  I  am  of 
opinion  that  this  Zalmoxis  lived  many  years  before  Pythag- 
oras. Yet  whether  Zalmoxis  were  a  man  or  a  native  deity 
among  the  Getae,  I  take  my  leave  of  him.  These  people,  then, 
who  observe  such  a  custom,  when  they  were  subdued  by  the 
Persians,  followed  the  rest  of  the  army. 

When  Darius  and  his  land  forces  with  him  reached  the 
Ister,  all  crossed  over  the  river,  and  Darius  commanded  the 
Ionians  to  loose  the  bridge,  and  follow  him  on  the  continent 
with  the  forces  from  the  ships.  But  as  they  were  about  to 
loose  the  bridge  and  execute  his  orders,  Coes,  son  of  Erxan- 
drus,  general  of  the  Mitylenians,  spoke  as  follows  to  Darius, 
having  first  inquired  whether  it  would  be  agreeable  to  him  to 
hear  an  opinion  from  one  who  wished  to  give  it :  "  O  king, 
since  you  are  about  to  invade  a  country  in  which  no  cultivated 
land  will  be  seen,  nor  any  inhabited  city,  do  you  let  this  bridge 
remain  where  it  is,  leaving  these  men  who  constructed  it  as 
its  guard ;  and  if,  having  met  with  the  Scythians,  we  succeed 
according  to  our  wishes,  we  have  a  way  to  return;  but  if  we 
should  not  be  able  to  meet  with  them,  we  shall  at  least  have 
a  secure  retreat.  For  I  am  not  at  all  afraid  that  we  shall  be 
conquered  in  battle  by  the  Scythians;  but  rather  that,  being 
unable  to  find  them,  we  may  suffer  somewhat  in  our  wander- 
ings. Perhaps  some  one  may  think  I  say  this  for  my  own 
sake,  that  I  may  remain  here;  but,  O  king,  I  advanced  the 
opinion  which  I  think  is  best  for  you;  nevertheless,  I  will 
follow  you  myself,  and  would  by  no  means  be  left  behind." 
Darius  was  much  pleased  with  the  advice,  and  answered  him 
as  follows :  "  Lesbian  friend,  when  I  am  safe  back  in  my  own 
palace,  fail  not  to  present  yourself  to  me,  that  I  may  requite 
you  for  good  advice  with  good  deeds."  Having  spoken  thus 
and  tied  sixty  knots  in  a  thong,  and  having  summoned  the 
Ionian  commanders  to  his  presence,  he  addressed  them  as 
follows :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  I  have  changed  my  former  resolu- 
tion concerning  the  bridge ;  therefore  take  this  thong  and  do 


98-101]  INVASION   OF   SCYTHIA  243 

thus :  as  soon  as  you  see  me  march  against  the  Scythians,  be- 
ginning from  that  time,  untie  one  of  these  knots  every  day ; 
and  if  I  return  not  within  that  time,  but  the  days  numbered 
by  the  knots  have  passed,  do  you  sail  away  to  your  own  coun- 
try. Till  that  time,  since  I  have  changed  my  determination, 
do  you  guard  the  bridge,  and  apply  the  utmost  care  to  pre- 
serve and  secure  it :  and  if  you  do  this,  you  will  oblige  me 
exceedingly."  Darius,  having  spoken  thus,  hastened  forward. 
Thrace,  in  the  part  next  the  sea,  projects  before  the  Scyth- 
ian territory;  and  where  a  bay  is  formed  in  this  country 
Scythia  begins,  and  the  Ister  discharges  itself,  having  its 
mouth  turned  toward  the  east.  But  beginning  from  the  Ister, 
I  now  proceed  to  describe  by  measurement  the  part  of  the 
Scythian  country  that  is  on  the  sea-coast.  Now,  from  the 
Ister,  that  is  ancient  Scythia  that  lies  toward  the  meridian 
and  the  south  wind,  as  far  as  the  city  called  Carcinitis ;  next 
to  that,  the  Tauric  nation  inhabits  the  land  extending  along 
the  same  sea,  which  is  a  mountainous  country,  and  projects 
into  the  Pontus  as  far  as  the  Chersonesus  called  Trachea ;  and 
it  reaches  to  the  sea  toward  the  east.  For  the  two  parts  of 
the  boundaries  of  Scythia  extend  to  the  sea,  one  toward  the 
south,  and  the  other  toward  the  east,  as  is  the  case  with  the 
region  of  Attica :  and  the  Tauri  inhabit  parts  of  Scythia  simi- 
lar to  this,  just  as  if  any  other  people  instead  of  the  Athenians 
possessed  the  promontory  of  Sunium,  which  extends  more 
into  a  point  into  the  sea  from  the  borough  of  Thoricus  to 
that  of  Anaphlystus.  I  mention  this,  if  I  may  compare  small 
things  with  great.  Such,  then,  is  Taurica.  But  for  any  one 
who  has  never  sailed  by  that  part  of  Attica,  I  will  explain  the 
matter  in  another  way :  it  is  as  if  a  nation  distinct  from  Japygia 
and  not  the  Japygians,  beginning  from  the  port  of  Brundu- 
sium,  should  cut  off  the  country  as  far  as  Tarentum,  and  oc- 
cupy the  promontory.  Mentioning  these  two,  I  might  men- 
tion many  others,  to  which  Taurica  is  like.  From  Taurica, 
Scythians  inhabit  the  country  above  the  Tauri,  and  the  parts 
along  the  eastern  sea,  and  the  parts  westward  of  the  Cim- 
merian Bosphorus  and  the  lake  Maeotis,  as  far  as  the  river 
Tanais,  which  flows  into  the  farthest  recess  of  that  lake.  Now, 
from  the  Ister  at  the  parts  above,  stretching  to  the  interior, 
Scythia  is  shut  off  first  by  the  Agathyrsi,  next  by  the  Neuri, 
then  by  the  Androphagi,  and  last  by  the  Melanchlaeni.  Of 
Scythia,  therefore,  which  is  quadrangular,  with  two  parts 
reaching  to  the  sea,  that  which  stretches  to  the  interior  and 
that  along  the  coast  is  in  every  way  equal.  For  from  the  Ister 
to  the  Borysthenes  is  a  journey  of  ten  days;  and  from  the 


244  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [101-105 

Borysthenes  to  the  lake  Mseotis  ten  more;  from  the  sea  to 
the  interior,  as  far  as  the  Melanchlaeni,  wtio  inhabit  above  the 
Scythians,  is  a  journey  of  twenty  days.  The  day's  journey 
has  been  computed  by  me  at  two  hundred  stades.  Thus  the 
extent  of  Scythia  crossways  would  be  four  thousand  stades ; 
and  the  direct  route  leading  to  the  interior  would  be  the 
same  number  of  stades.    Such  is  the  extent  of  this  country. 

The  Scythians,  considering  with  themselves  that  they  were 
not  able  alone  to  repel  the  army  of  Darius  in  a  pitched  battle, 
sent  messengers  to  the  adjoining  nations ;  and  the  kings  of 
those  nations,  having  met  together,  consulted,  since  so  great 
an  army  was  advancing  against  them.  The  kings  who  met 
together  were  those  of  the  Tauri,  the  Agathyrsi,  the  Neuri, 
the  Androphagi,  the  Melanchlaeni,  the  Geloni,  the  Budini, 
and  the  Sauromatae.  Of  these,  the  Tauri  observe  the  follow- 
ing customs :  They  sacrifice  to  the  virgin  all  who  suffer  ship- 
wreck, and  any  Greeks  they  meet  with  driven  on  their  coasts, 
in  the  following  manner:  having  performed  the  preparatory 
ceremonies,  they  strike  the  head  with  a  club ;  some  say  they 
throw  the  body  down  from  a  precipice  (for  their  temple  is  built 
on  a  precipice),  and  impale  the  head;  but  others  agree  with 
respect  to  the  head,  and  say  that  the  body  is  not  thrown  from 
the  precipice,  but  buried  in  the  earth.  The  Tauri  themselves 
say  that  this  deity  to  whom  they  sacrifice  is  Iphigenia,  daugh- 
ter of  Agamemnon.  Enemies  whom  they  subdue  they  treat 
as  follows :  Each  having  cut  off  a  head,  carries  it  home  with 
him,  then  having  fixed  it  on  a  long  pole,  he  raises  it  far  above 
the  roof  of  his  house,  at  all  events  above  the  chimney:  they 
say  that  these  are  suspended  as  guards  over  the  whole  house- 
hold. This  people  live  by  rapine  and  war.  The  Agathyrsi  are 
a  most  luxurious  people,  and  wear  a  profusion  of  gold.  They 
have  promiscuous  intercourse  with  women,  to  the  end  that 
they  may  be  brethren  one  of  another,  and  being  all  of  one 
family,  may  not  entertain  hatred  toward  each  other.  In  other 
respects  they  approach  the  usages  of  the  Thracians.  The 
Neuri  observe  Scythian  customs.  One  generation  before  the 
expedition  of  Darius  it  happened  to  them  to  be  driven  out 
of  their  whole  country  by  serpents ;  for  their  country  pro- 
duced many  serpents,  and  a  much  greater  number  came  down 
upon  them  from  the  deserts  above ;  until,  being  hard  pressed, 
they  abandoned  their  territory,  and  settled  among  the  Budini. 
These  men  seem  to  be  magicians,  for  it  is  said  of  them  by  the 
Scythians  and  the  Greeks  settled  in  Scythia  that  once  every 
year  each  Neurian  becomes  a  wolf  for  a  few  days,  and  then  is 
restored  again  to  the  same  state.     Though  they  affirm  this, 


io5-no]  THE   BUDINI  245 

however,  they  do  not  persuade  me;  they  affirm  it  neverthe- 
less, and  support  their  assertion  with  an  oath.  The  Andro- 
phagi  have  the  most  savage  customs  of  all  men :  they  pay  no 
regard  to  justice,  nor  make  use  of  any  established  law.  They 
are  nomads,  and  wear  a  dress  like  the  Scythian ;  they  speak 
a  peculiar  language ;  and  of  these  nations  are  the  only  people 
that  eat  human  flesh.  The  Melanchlaeni  all  wear  black  gar- 
ments, from  which  circumstance  they  take  their  name.  These 
follow  Scythian  usages.  The  Budini,  who  are  a  great  and 
populous  nation,  paint  their  whole  bodies  with  a  deep  blue 
and  red.  There  is  in  their  country  a  city  built  of  wood:  its 
name  is  Gelonus;  each  side  of  the  wall  is  thirty  stades  in 
length,  it  is  lofty,  and  made  entirely  of  wood.  Their  houses 
also  and  their  temples  are  of  wood :  for  they  have  there  tem- 
ples of  Grecian  gods,  adorned  after  the  Grecian  manner  with 
images,  altars,  and  shrines  of  wood.  They  celebrate  the  tri- 
ennial festivals  of  Bacchus,  and  perform  the  bacchanalian 
ceremonies  :  for  the  Geloni  were  originally  Grecians,  but  being 
expelled  from  the  trading  ports,  settled  among  the  Budini: 
and  they  use  a  language  partly  Scythian  and  partly  Grecian. 
The  Budini,  however,  do  not  use  the  same  language  as  the 
Geloni,  nor  the  same  mode  of  living;  for  the  Budini,  being 
indigenous,  are  nomads,  and  are  the  only  people  of  these  parts 
who  eat  vermin ;  whereas  the  Geloni  are  tillers  of  the  soil, 
feed  upon  corn,  cultivate  gardens,  and  are  not  at  all  like  the 
Budini  in  form  or  complexion.  By  the  Greeks,  however,  the 
Budini  are  called  Geloni,  though  erroneously  so  called.  Their 
country  is  thickly  covered  with  trees  of  all  kinds ;  and  in  the 
thickest  wood  is  a  spacious  and  large  lake,  and  a  morass  and 
reeds  around  it:  in  this  otters  are  taken,  and  beavers,  and 
other  square-faced  animals ;  their  skins  are  sewed  as  borders 
to  cloaks,  and  their  testicles  are  useful  for  the  cure  of  diseases 
of  the  womb. 

Concerning  the  Sauromatae  the  following  account  is  given : 
When  the  Grecians  had  fought  with  the  Amazons  (the  Scyth- 
ians called  the  Amazons  "  Aiorpata,"  and  this  name  in  the  Gre- 
cian language  means  manslayers,  for  they  call  a  man  "  Aior," 
and  "  pata  "  to  kill),  the  story  goes,  that  the  Greeks,  having 
been  victorious  in  the  battle  at  the  Thermodon,  sailed  away, 
taking  with  them  in  three  ships  as  many  Amazons  as  they  had 
been  able  to  take  alive ;  but  the  Amazons  attacking  them  out  at 
sea,  cut  the  men  to  pieces.  However,  as  they  had  no  knowl- 
edge of  navigation,  nor  any  skill  in  the  use  of  the  rudder,  sails, 
or  oars,  when  they  had  cut  the  men  to  pieces,  they  were  car- 
ried by  the  waves  and  wind,  and  arrived  at  Cremni  on  the 


246  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [110-114 

lake  Maeotis,  but  Cremni  belongs  to  the  territory  of  the  free 
Scythians.  Here  the  Amazons,  landing  from  the  vessels, 
marched  to  the  inhabited  parts  and  seized  the  first  herd  of 
horses  they  happened  to  fall  in  with,  and  mounting  on  them, 
plundered  the  lands  of  the  Scythians.  The  Scythians  knew 
not  what  to  make  of  the  matter ;  for  they  were  not  acquainted 
either  with  their  language,  dress,  or  nation,  but  wondered 
whence  they  had  come.  They  conjectured  that  they  were 
men  of  the  same  stature,  they  therefore  gave  them  battle; 
but  after  the  battle  the  Scythians  got  possession  of  the  dead, 
and  so  discovered  that  they  were  women.  On  deliberation, 
therefore,  they  resolved  on  no  account  to  kill  them  any  more, 
but  to  send  out  to  them  the  youngest  of  their  own  party, 
guessing  a  number  equal  to  theirs  ;  these  were  to  encamp  near 
them,  and  do  the  same  as  they  did ;  should  the  Amazons  pur- 
sue them,  they  were  not  to  fight  but  fly ;  and  when  they  halted 
were  to  come  and  encamp  near  them.  The  Scythians  resolved 
on  this  out  of  a  desire  to  have  children  by  these  women.  The 
young  men,  being  despatched,  did  as  they  were  ordered: 
when  the  Amazons  found  that  they  had  not  come  to  hurt 
them,  they  let  them  alone ;  and  they  drew  one  camp  nearer 
to  the  other  every  day.  The  youths,  as  well  as  the  Amazons, 
had  nothing  except  their  arms  and  horses,  but  obtained  their 
subsistence  in  the  same  way  that  the  Amazons  did,  by  hunt- 
ing and  pillage.  The  Amazons  about  midday  were  wont  to 
do  as  follows :  They  separated  themselves  into  parties  of  one 
and  two,  at  a  distance  from  each  other,  being  dispersed  for 
the  purpose  of  easing  themselves.  The  Scythians  observing 
this,  did  the  same ;  and  one  of  them  drew  near  one  of  the 
Amazons  who  was  alone ;  and  she  did  not  repel  him,  but  suf- 
fered him  to  enjoy  her  person.  She  could  not  speak  to  him, 
because  they  did  not  understand  each  other,  but  she  made 
signs  to  him  by  her  hand  to  come  the  next  day  to  the  same 
place,  and  to  bring  another  with  him,  signifying  that  they 
should  be  two,  and  she  would  bring  another  with  her.  When 
the  youth  departed,  he  related  this  to  the  rest,  and  on  the  next 
day  he  himself  went  to  the  place,  and  took  another  with  him, 
and  found  the  Amazon  with  a  companion  waiting  for  him. 
The  rest  of  the  youths,  when  they  heard  this,  conciliated  the 
rest  of  the  Amazons.  Afterward,  having  joined  their  camps, 
they  lived  together,  each  having  for  his  wife  the  person  he 
first  attached  himself  to.  The  men  were  not  able  to  learn 
the  language  of  the  women,  but  the  women  soon  attained 
that  of  the  men.  When,  therefore,  they  understood  one  an- 
other, the  men  spoke  to  the  Amazons  as  follows :  "  We  have 


II4-U8]  THE   SAUROMATAE  247 

parents  and  possessions,  let  us  then  no  longer  lead  this  kind 
of  life,  but  let  us  return  to  the  bulk  of  our  people  and  live 
with  them ;  we  will  have  you  as  our  wives,  and  no  others." 
To  this  they  answered  :  "  We  never  could  live  with  the  women 
of  your  country,  because  we  have  not  the  same  customs  with 
them.  We  shoot  with  the  bow,  throw  the  javelin,  and  ride 
on  horseback,  and  have  never  learned  the  employments  of 
women.  But  your  women  do  none  of  the  things  we  have 
mentioned,  but  are  engaged  in  women's  employments,  remain- 
ing in  their  wagons,  and  do  not  go  out  to  hunt,  or  anywhere 
else ;  we  could  not  therefore  consort  with  them.  If,  then,  you 
desire  to  have  us  for  your  wives,  and  to  prove  yourselves  hon- 
est men,  go  to  your  parents,  claim  your  share  of  their  prop- 
erty, then  return,  and  let  us  live  by  ourselves."  The  youths 
yielded,  and  acted  accordingly,  but  when  they  came  back  to 
the  Amazons,  having  received  what  fell  to  their  share  of  the 
possessions,  the  women  spoke  to  them  as  follows :  "  Alarm 
and  fear  come  upon  us  when  we  consider  that  we  must  live 
in  this  country;  in  the  first  place,  because  we  have  deprived 
you  of  your  parents ;  and  in  the  next,  have  committed  great 
depredations  in  your  territory.  Since,  therefore,  you  think 
us  worthy  to  be  your  wives,  do  thus  with  us :  come,  let  us 
leave  this  country,  and  having  crossed  the  river  Tanais,  let  us 
settle  there."  The  youths  consented  to  this  also ;  accordingly, 
having  crossed  the  Tanais,  they  advanced  a  journey  of  three 
days  eastward  from  the  Tanais,  and  three  from  the  lake  Maeotis 
northward,  and  having  reached  the  country  in  which  they  are 
now  settled,  they  took  up  their  abode  there.  From  that  time 
the  wives  of  the  Sauromatae  retain  their  ancient  mode  of  liv- 
ing, both  going  out  on  horseback  to  hunt  with  their  husbands 
and  without  their  husbands,  and  joining  in  war,  and  wearing 
the  same  dress  as  the  men.  The  Sauromatae  use  the  Scythian 
language,  speaking  it  corruptly  from  the  first,  since  the  Ama- 
zons never  learned  it  correctly.  Their  rules  respecting  mar- 
riage are  thus  settled :  no  virgin  is  permitted  to  marry  until 
she  has  killed  an  enemy;  some  of  them  therefore  die  of  old 
age  without  being  married,  not  being  able  to  satisfy  the  law. 

The  messengers  of  the  Scythians,  therefore,  coming  to  the 
assembled  kings  of  the  nations  above  mentioned,  informed 
them  that  the  Persian,  when  he  had  subdued  all  the  nations 
on  the  other  continent,  had  constructed  a  bridge  over  the  neck 
of  the  Bosphorus,  and  crossed  over  to  this  continent;  and 
having  crossed  over  and  subdued  the  Thracians,  he  was  build- 
ing a  bridge  over  the  river  Ister,  designing  to  make  all  these 
regions  also  subject  to  him :  "  Do  you,  therefore,  on  no  ac- 


248  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV.   MELPOMENE        [1 18-120 

count,  sit  aloof,  and  suffer  us  to  be  destroyed,  but  with  one 
accord  let  us  oppose  the  invader.  If  you  will  not  do  this,  we, 
being  pressed,  shall  either  abandon  the  country  or,  if  we  stay, 
shall  submit  to  terms ;  for  what  would  be  our  condition  if 
you  refuse  to  assist  us?  Nor  will  it  fall  more  lightly  on  you 
on  that  account ;  for  the  Persian  is  advancing  not  more  against 
us  than  against  you ;  nor  will  he  be  content  to  subdue  us  and 
abstain  from  you:  and  we  will  give  you  a  strong  proof  of 
what  we  say,  for  if  the  Persian  had  undertaken  this  expedition 
against  us  only,  wishing  to  revenge  his  former  subjection, 
he  would  have  abstained  from  all  others,  and  have  marched 
directly  against  our  territories,  and  would  have  made  it  clear 
to  all  that  he  was  marching  against  the  Scythians,  and  not 
against  others.  But  now,  as  soon  as  he  crossed  over  to  this 
continent,  he  subdued  all  that  lay  in  his  way;  and  holds  in 
subjection  the  rest  of  the  Thracians,  and  more  particularly 
our  neighbours  the  Getae."  When  the  Scythians  had  made 
this  representation,  the  kings  who  had  come  from  the  several 
nations  consulted  together,  and  their  opinions  were  divided. 
The  Gelonian,  Budinian,  and  Sauromatian,  agreeing  together, 
promised  to  assist  the  Scythians ;  but  the  Agathyrsian,  Neuri- 
an,  Androphagian,  and  the  Melanchlaenian  and  Taurian  princes 
gave  this  answer  to  the  Scythians :  "  If  you,  who  make  the 
request  that  you  now  do,  had  not  been  the  first  to  injure  the 
Persians,  and  begin  war,  you  would  have  appeared  to  us  to 
speak  rightly,  and  we,  yielding  to  your  wishes,  would  have 
acted  in  concert  with  you.  But,  in  fact,  you  having  invaded 
their  territory  without  us,  had  the  mastery  of  the  Persians 
as  long  as  the  god  allowed  you ;  and  they,  when  the  same  god 
instigates  them,  repay  you  like  for  like.  We,  however,  neither 
on  that  occasion  injured  these  men  at  all,  nor  will  we  now 
be  the  first  to  attempt  to  injure  them.  Nevertheless,  should 
he  invade  our  territory  also,  and  become  the  aggressor,  we 
will  not  submit  to  it.  But  until  we  see  that  we  will  remain 
quiet  at  home ;  for  we  think  that  the  Persians  are  not  com- 
ing against  us,  but  against  those  who  were  the  authors  of 
wrong." 

When  the  Scythians  heard  this  answer  brought  back  they 
determined  to  fight  no  battle  in  the  open  field,  because  these 
allies  did  not  come  to  their  assistance ;  but  to  retreat  and  draw 
off  covertly,  and  fill  up  the  wells  they  passed  by,  and  the 
springs,  and  destroy  the  herbage  of  the  ground,  having  di- 
vided their  forces  into  two  bodies,  and  they  resolved  that  to 
one  of  the  divisions,  which  Scopasis  commanded,  the  Sauro- 
matse  should  attach  themselves,  and  that  they  should  retire, 


120-123]  INVASION   OF   SCYTHIA  249 

if  the  Persian  should  take  that  course,  retreating  direct  to  the 
river  Tanais,  along  the  lake  Maeotis ;  and  when  the  Persian 
marched  back,  they  were  to  follow  him  and  harass  his  rear. 
This  was  one  division  of  the  kingdom  appointed  to  pursue 
its  march  in  the  way  that  has  been  described.  The  two  other 
divisions  of  the  kingdom,  the  greater  one,  which  Indathyrsus 
commanded,  and  the  third,  which  Taxacis  ruled  over,  were 
directed  to  act  in  conjunction,  and,  with  the  addition  of  the 
Geloni  and  Budini,  to  keep  a  day's  march  before  the  Persians, 
and  gradually  retreat,  retiring  slowly,  and  doing  as  had  been 
determined :  and  first  of  all  they  were  to  withdraw  direct 
toward  the  territories  of  those  who  had  renounced  their  alli- 
ance, in  order  that  they  might  bring  the  war  upon  them ;  so 
that,  though  they  would  not  willingly  take  part  in  the  war 
against  the  Persians,  they  might  be  compelled  to  engage  in 
it  against  their  will ;  afterward  they  were  to  return  to  their 
own  country,  and  attack  the  enemy,  if,  on  consultation,  it 
should  seem  advisable.  The  Scythians,  having  come  to  this 
determination,  went  out  to  meet  Darius's  army,  having  sent 
forward  the  best  of  their  cavalry  as  an  advanced  guard;  but 
the  wagons,  in  which  all  their  children  and  wives  lived,  and 
all  the  cattle,  except  so  many  as  were  necessary  for  their  sub- 
sistence, which  they  left  behind — the  rest  they  sent  forward 
with  the  wagons,  ordering  them  to  march  continually  toward 
the  north.    These,  therefore,  were  carried  to  a  distance. 

When  the  advance  guard  of  the  Scythians  fell  in  with  the 
Persians,  about  three  days'  march  from  the  Ister,  they,  hav- 
ing fallen  in  with  them,  kept  a  day's  march  in  advance,  and 
encamped,  and  destroyed  all  the  produce  of  the  ground,  but 
the  Persians,  when  they  saw  the  Scythian  cavalry  before  them, 
followed  their  track,  while  they  continually  retired ;  and  then, 
for  they  directed  their  march  after  one  of  the  divisions,  the 
Persians  pursued  toward  the  east  and  the  Tanais;  and  when 
they  had  crossed  the  river  Tanais,  the  Persians  also  crossed 
over  and  pursued  them,  until,  having  passed  through  the  coun- 
try of  the  Sauromatae,  they  reached  that  of  the  Budini.  As 
long  as  the  Persians  were  marching  through  the  Scythian  and 
Sauromatian  regions,  they  had  nothing  to  ravage,  as  the 
country  was  all  barren;  but  when  they  entered  the  territory 
of  the  Budini,  there  meeting  with  the  wooden  town,  the  Budini 
having  abandoned  it,  and  the  town  being  emptied  of  every- 
thing, they  set  it  on  fire.  Having  done  this,  they  continued 
to  follow  in  the  track  of  the  enemy,  until,  having  traversed 
this  region,  they  reached  the  desert :  this  desert  is  destitute  of 
inhabitants,  and  is  situated  above  the  territory  of  the  Budini, 


250  HERODOTUS— BOOK    IV,   MELPOMENE        [123-126 

and  is  a  seven  days'  march  in  extent.  Beyond  the  desert  the 
Thyssagetae  dwell ;  and  four  large  rivers,  flowing  from  them 
through  the  Mseotians,  discharge  themselves  into  the  lake 
called  Maeotis ;  their  names  are  these :  Lycus,  Oarus,  Tanais, 
and  Syrgis.  When  Darius  came  to  the  desert,  having  ceased 
his  pursuit,  he  encamped  his  army  on  the  river  Oarus.  And 
having  done  this,  he  built  eight  large  forts,  equally  distant 
from  each  other,  about  sixty  stades  apart,  the  ruins  of  which 
remain  to  this  day.  While  he  was  employed  about  these,  the 
Scythians  who  were  pursued,  having  made  a  circuit  of  the 
upper  parts,  returned  into  Scythia :  these  having  entirely  van- 
ished, when  they  could  no  longer  be  seen,  Darius  left  the  forts 
half  finished,  and  himself  wheeling  round,  marched  westward, 
supposing  them  to  be  all  the  Scythians,  and  that  they  had 
fled  to  the  west. 

Advancing  with  his  army  as  quickly  as  possible,  when  he 
reached  Scythia,  he  fell  in  with  the  two  Scythian  divisions, 
and  having  fallen  in  with  them,  he  pursued  them,  but  they 
kept  a  day's  march  before  him.  The  Scythians,  for  Darius 
did  not  relax  his  pursuit,  fled,  as  had  been  determined,  toward 
those  nations  that  had  refused  to  assist  them,  and  first  they 
entered  the  territories  of  the  Melanchlaeni ;  and  when  the 
Scythians  and  the  Persians,  entering  into  their  country,  had 
put  all  things  into  confusion,  the  Scythians  led  the  way  into 
the  country  of  the  Androphagi ;  and  when  they  had  been 
thrown  into  confusion,  they  retreated  to  Neuris ;  and  when 
they  were  thrown  into  confusion,  the  Scythians  advanced  in 
their  flight  toward  the  Agathyrsi.  But  the  Agathyrsi,  seeing 
their  neighbours  flying  before  the  Scythians,  and  thrown  into 
confusion  before  the  Scythians  entered,  despatched  a  herald, 
and  forbade  the  Scythians  to  cross  their  borders,  warning 
them  that  if  they  should  attempt  to  force  their  way  they  must 
first  fight  with  them.  The  Agathyrsi  having  sent  this  mes- 
sage beforehand,  advanced  to  protect  their  frontiers,  deter- 
mined to  repel  the  invaders.  Whereas  the  Melanchlaeni,  An- 
drophagi, and  Neuri,  when  the  Persians  and  Scythians  to- 
gether invaded  them,  offered  no  resistance,  but  forgetting 
their  former  menaces,  fled  continually  in  great  confusion  north- 
ward, toward  the  desert.  The  Scythians  no  longer  advanced 
toward  the  Agathyrsi,  when  they  warned  them  not  to  do  so, 
but  departing  from  the  Neurian  territory,  they  led  the  Per- 
sians into  their  own. 

When  this  had  continued  for  a  considerable  time,  and  did 
not  cease,  Darius  sent  a  horseman  to  Indathyrsus,  King  of  the 
Scythians,  with  the  following  message :  "  Most  miserable  of 


126-129]  INVASION   OF   SCYTHIA  25 1 

men,  why  dost  thou  continually  fly,  when  it  is  in  thy  power 
to  do  one  of  these  two  other  things?  For  if  thou  thinkest 
thou  art  able  to  resist  my  power,  stand,  and  having  ceased 
thy  wanderings,  fight;  but  if  thou  art  conscious  of  thy  in- 
feriority, in  that  case  also  cease  thy  hurried  march,  and  bring- 
ing earth  and  water  as  presents  to  thy  master,  come  to  a  con- 
ference." To  this  Indathyrsus,  the  King  of  the  Scythians, 
made  answer  as  follows :  "  This  is  the  case  with  me,  O  Per- 
sian ;  I  never  yet  fled  from  any  man  out  of  fear,  neither  before, 
nor  do  I  now  so  flee  from  thee;  nor  have  I  done  anything 
different  now  from  what  I  am  wont  to  do,  even  in  time  of 
peace;  but  why  I  do  not  forthwith  fight  thee  I  will  now  ex- 
plain. We  have  no  cities  nor  cultivated  lands,  for  which  we 
are  under  any  apprehension  lest  they  should  be  taken  or  rav- 
aged, and  therefore  should  hastily  offer  you  battle.  Yet  if 
it  is  by  all  means  necessary  to  come  to  this  at  once,  we  have 
the  sepulchres  of  our  ancestors ;  come,  find  these  and  attempt 
to  disturb  them,  then  you  will  know  whether  we  will  fight  for 
our  sepulchres  or  not;  but  before  that,  unless  we  choose,  we 
will  not  engage  with  thee.  Thus  much  about  fighting.  The 
only  masters  I  acknowledge  are  Jupiter,  my  progenitor,  and 
Vesta,  Queen  of  the  Scythians  ;  but  to  thee,  instead  of  presents 
of  earth  and  water,  I  will  send  such  presents  as  are  proper  to 
come  to  thee.  And  in  answer  to  thy  boast,  that  thou  art  my 
master,  I  bid  thee  weep."  (This  is  a  Scythian  saying.)  The 
herald  therefore  departed,  carrying  this  answer  to  Darius. 

The  kings  of  the  Scythians,  when  they  heard  the  name  of 
servitude,  were  filled  with  indignation ;  whereupon  they  sent 
the  division  united  with  the  Sauromatae,  which  Scopasis  com- 
manded, with  orders  to  confer  with  the  Ionians,  who  guarded 
the  bridge  over  the  Ister.  Those  who  were  left  resolved  no 
longer  to  lead  the  Persians  about,  but  to  attack  them  when- 
ever they  were  taking  their  meals ;  accordingly,  observing  the 
soldiers  of  Darius  taking  their  meals,  they  put  their  design 
into  execution.  The  Scythian  cavalry  always  routed  the  Per- 
sian cavalry,  but  the  Persian  horsemen  in  their  flight  fell  back 
on  the  infantry,  and  the  infantry  supported  them.  The  Scyth- 
ians, having  beaten  back  the  cavalry,  wheeled  round  through 
fear  of  the  infantry.  The  Scythians  also  made  similar  attacks 
at  night.  A  very  remarkable  circumstance,  that  was  advan- 
tageous to  the  Persians  and  adverse  to  the  Scythians,  when 
they  attacked  the  camp  of  Darius,  I  will  now  proceed  to  men- 
tion :  this  was  the  braying  of  the  asses,  and  the  appearance  of 
the  mules ;  for  Scythia  produces  neither  ass  nor  mule,  as  I 
have  before  observed ;  nor  is  there  in  the  whole  Scythian  ter- 


252  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [129-133 

ritory  a  single  ass  or  mule,  by  reason  of  cold.  The  asses,  then, 
growing  wanton,  put  the  Scythian  horse  into  confusion ;  and 
frequently,  as  they  were  advancing  upon  the  Persians,  when 
the  horses  heard,  midway,  the  braying  of  the  asses,  they 
wheeled  round  in  confusion,  and  were  greatly  amazed,  prick- 
ing up  their  ears,  as  having  never  before  heard  such  a  sound, 
nor  seen  such  a  shape ;  now  this  circumstance  in  some  slight 
degree  affected  the  fortune  of  the  war. 

The  Scythians,  when  they  saw  the  Persians  in  great  com- 
motion, in  order  that  they  might  remain  longer  in  Scythia, 
and  by  remaining  might  be  harassed  through  want  of  all  things 
necessary,  adopted  the  following  expedient:  When  they  had 
left  some  of  their  own  cattle  in  the  care  of  the  herdsmen,  they 
themselves  withdrew  to  another  spot;  and  the  Persians  com- 
ing up,  took  the  cattle,  and,  having  taken  them,  exulted  in 
what  they  had  done.  When  this  had  happened  several  times, 
at  last  Darius  was  in  a  great  strait,  and  the  kings  of  the  Scyth- 
ians, having  ascertained  this,  sent  a  herald,  bearing  as  gifts 
to  Darius  a  bird,  a  mouse,  a  frog,  and  five  arrows.  The  Per- 
sians asked  the  bearer  of  the  gifts  the  meaning  of  this  present ; 
but  he  answered  that  he  had  no  other  orders  than  to  deliver 
them  and  return  immediately;  and  he  advised  the  Persians, 
if  they  were  wise,  to  discover  what  the  gifts  meant.  The  Per- 
sians, having  heard  this,  consulted  together.  Darius's  opin- 
ion was  that  the  Scythians  meant  to  give  themselves  up  to 
him,  as  well  as  earth  and  water,  forming  his  conjecture  thus : 
since  a  mouse  is  bred  in  the  earth,  and  subsists  on  the  same 
food  as  a  man ;  a  frog  lives  in  the  water ;  a  bird  is  very  like 
a  horse ;  and  the  arrows  they  deliver  up  as  their  whole  strength. 
This  was  the  opinion  given  by  Darius.  But  the  opinion  of 
Gobryas,  one  of  the  seven  who  had  deposed  the  magus,  did 
not  coincide  with  this ;  he  conjectured  that  the  presents  in- 
timated :  "  Unless,  O  Persians,  ye  become  birds  and  fly  into 
the  air,  or  become  mice  and  hide  yourselves  beneath  the  earth, 
or  become  frogs  and  leap  into  the  lakes,  ye  shall  never  return 
home  again,  but  be  stricken  by  these  arrows."  And  thus  the 
other  Persians  interpreted  the  gifts. 

In  the  meantime  that  division  of  the  Scythians  that  had 
been  before  appointed  to  keep  guard  about  the  lake  Mseotis, 
and  then  to  confer  with  the  Ionians  at  the  Ister,  when  they 
arrived  at  the  bridge,  spoke  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  we 
are  come  bringing  freedom  to  you  if  only  you  will  listen  to 
us.  We  have  heard  that  Darius  commanded  you  to  guard 
the  bridge  sixty  days  only,  and  if  he  did  not  come  up  within 
that  time  then  to  return  into  your  own  country.    Now,  there- 


i33-!36]  RETREAT  OF  DARIUS  253 

fore,  if  you  do  this,  you  will  be  free  from  all  blame  as  regards 
him  and  as  regards  us ;  when  you  have  waited  the  appointed 
number  of  days,  after  that  depart."  On  the  Ionians  promising 
to  do  so,  the  Scythians  hastened  back  with  all  expedition. 

The  rest  of  the  Scythians,  after  they  had  sent  the  presents 
to  Darius,  drew  themselves  opposite  the  Persians  with  their 
foot  and  horse,  as  if  they  intended  to  come  to  an  engagement ; 
and  as  the  Scythians  were  standing  in  their  ranks,  a  hare 
started  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  each  of  them,  as  they  saw 
the  hare,  went  in  pursuit  of  it.  The  Scythians  being  in  great 
confusion,  and  shouting  loudly,  Darius  asked  the  meaning 
of  the  uproar  in  the  enemy's  ranks ;  but  when  he  heard  that 
they  were  pursuing  a  hare,  he  said  to  those  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  address  on  such  occasions :  "  These  men  treat  us 
with  great  contempt ;  and  I  am  convinced  that  Gobryas  spoke 
rightly  concerning  the  Scythian  presents.  Since,  then,  I  am 
of  opinion  that  the  case  is  so,  we  have  need  of  the  best  advice, 
how  our  return  home  may  be  effected  in  safety."  To  this 
Gobryas  answered :  "  O  king,  I  was  in  some  measure  ac- 
quainted by  report  with  the  indigence  of  these  men ;  but  I 
have  learned  much  more  since  I  came  hither,  and  seen  how 
they  make  sport  of  us.  My  opinion,  therefore,  is  that  as  soon 
as  night  draws  on  we  should  light  fires,  as  we  are  accustomed 
to  do,  and  having  deceived  those  soldiers  who  are  least  able 
to  bear  hardships,  and  having  tethered  all  the  asses,  should 
depart  before  the  Scythians  direct  their  march  to  the  Ister, 
for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  bridge,  or  the  Ionians  take 
any  resolution  which  may  occasion  our  ruin."  Such  was  the 
advice  of  Gobryas.  Afterward  night  came  on,  and  Darius 
acted  on  this  opinion :  the  infirm  among  the  soldiers,  and 
those  whose  loss  would  be  of  the  least  consequence,  and  all 
the  asses  tethered,  he  left  on  the  spot  in  the  camp.  And  he 
left  the  asses  and  the  sick  of  his  army  for  the  following  reason : 
that  the  asses  might  make  a  noise ;  and  the  men  were  left  on 
this  pretext,  namely,  that  he  with  the  strength  of  his  army 
was  about  to  attack  the  Scythians,  and  they,  during  that  time, 
would  defend  the  camp.  Darius,  having  laid  these  injunctions 
on  those  he  was  preparing  to  abandon,  and  having  caused 
the  fires  to  be  lighted,  marched  away  with  all  speed  toward 
the  Ister.  The  asses,  being  deserted  by  the  multitude,  began 
to  bray  much  louder  than  usual ;  so  that  the  Scythians,  hear- 
ing the  asses,  firmly  believed  that  the  Persians  were  still  at 
their  station.  When  day  appeared,  the  men  that  were  aban- 
doned, discovering  that  they  had  been  betrayed  by  Darius, 
extended  their  hands  to  the  Scythians,  and  told  them  what 


254  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [136-139 

had  occurred ;  when  they  heard  this,  the  two  divisions  of  the 
Scythians,  and  the  single  one,  the  Sauromatse,  Budini,  and 
Geloni,  having  joined  their  forces  together  as  quickly  as  pos- 
sible, pursued  the  Persians  straight  toward  the  Ister.  But  as 
a  great  part  of  the  Persian  army  consisted  of  infantry,  and 
they  did  not  know  the  way,  there  being  no  roads  cut,  and  as 
the  Scythian  army  consisted  of  cavalry,  and  knew  the  short- 
est route,  they  missed  each  other,  and  the  Scythians  arrived 
at  the  bridge  much  before  the  Persians.  And  having  learned 
that  the  Persians  were  not  yet  arrived,  they  spoke  to  the  Ioni- 
ans  who  were  on  board  the  ships  in  these  terms :  "  Men  of 
Ionia,  the  number  of  days  appointed  for  your  stay  is  already 
passed,  and  you  do  not  as  you  ought  in  continuing  here ; 
but  if  you  remained  before  through  fear,  now  break  up  the 
passage  and  depart  as  quickly  as  possible,  rejoicing  that  you 
are  free,  and  give  thanks  to  the  gods  and  the  Scythians.  As 
for  the  man  who  before  was  your  master,  we  will  so  deal  with 
him  that  he  shall  never  hereafter  make  war  on  any  people." 

Upon  this  the  Ionians  held  a  consultation.  The  opinion 
of  Miltiades  the  Athenian,  who  commanded  and  reigned  over 
the  Chersonesites  on  the  Hellespont,  was  that  they  should 
comply  with  the  request  of  the  Scythians,  and  restore  liberty 
to  Ionia.  But  Histiseus  the  Milesian  was  of  a  contrary  opin- 
ion, and  said  that  every  one  reigned  over  his  own  city  through 
Darius ;  and  if  Darius's  power  should  be  destroyed,  neither 
would  he  himself  continue  master  of  Miletus,  nor  any  of  the 
rest  of  other  places;  because  every  one  of  the  cities  would 
choose  to  be  governed  rather  by  a  democracy  than  a  tyranny. 
Histiseus  had  no  sooner  delivered  this  opinion  than  all  went 
over  to  his  side  who  had  before  assented  to  that  of  Miltiades. 
These  were  they  who  gave  their  votes  and  were  in  high  esti- 
mation with  Darius ;  the  tyrants  of  the  Hellespontines,  Daph- 
nis  of  Abydos,  Hippocles  of  Lampsacus,  Herophantus  of 
Parium,  Metrodorus  of  Proconnesus,  Aristagoras  of  Cyzicum, 
and  Ariston  of  Byzantium ;  these  were  from  the  Hellespont. 
From  Ionia,  Strattis  of  Chios,  iEaces  of  Samos,  Laodamas  of 
Phocsea,  and  Histiseus  of  Miletus,  whose  opinion  was  opposed 
to  that  of  Miltiades.  Of  the  iEolians  the  only  person  of  con- 
sideration present  was  Aristagoras  of  Cyme. 

When  these  men  had  approved  the  opinion  of  Histiseus, 
they  determined  to  add  to  it  the  following  acts  and  words: 
To  break  up  the  bridge  on  the  Scythian  side  as  far  as  a  bow- 
shot might  reach,  that  they  might  seem  to  do  something,  when 
in  effect  they  did  nothing;  and  that  the  Scythians  might  not 
attempt  to  use  violence  and  purpose  to  cross  the  Ister  by  the 


I39-H3]  RETREAT  OF   DARIUS  255 

bridge;  and  to  say,  while  they  were  breaking  up  the  bridge 
on  the  Scythian  side,  that  they  would  do  everything  that 
might  be  agreeable  to  the  Scythians.  This  they  added  to  the 
opinion  of  Histiaeus.  And  afterward  Histiaeus  delivered  the 
answer  in  the  name  of  all,  saying  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Scythia, 
you  have  brought  us  good  advice,  and  urge  it  seasonably; 
you,  on  your  part,  have  pointed  out  the  right  way  to  us,  and 
we  on  ours  readily  submit  to  you ;  for,  as  you  see,  we  are 
breaking  up  the  passage,  and  will  use  all  diligence,  desiring 
to  be  free.  But  while  we  are  breaking  it  up,  it  is  fitting  you 
should  seek  for  them,  and  having  found  them,  avenge  us  and 
yourselves  on  them,  as  they  deserve."  The  Scythians,  be- 
lieving a  second  time  that  the  Ionians  were  sincere,  turned 
back  to  seek  the  Persians,  but  entirely  missed  the  way  they 
had  taken.  The  Scythians  themselves  were  the  cause  of  this, 
having  destroyed  the  pastures  for  the  horses  in  this  direc- 
tion, and  having  filled  in  the  wells ;  for  if  they  had  not  done 
this  they  might  easily  have  found  the  Persians  if  they  wished ; 
but  now  they  erred  in  the  very  thing  which  they  thought  they 
had  contrived  for  the  best.  For  the  Scythians  sought  the 
enemy  by  traversing  those  parts  of  the  country  where  there 
were  forage  and  water  for  the  horses,  thinking  that  they  too 
would  make  their  retreat  by  that  way.  But  the  Persians,  care- 
fully observing  their  former  track,  returned  by  it,  and  thus 
with  difficulty  found  the  passage.  As  they  arrived  in  the 
night,  and  perceived  the  bridge  broken  off,  they  fell  into  the 
utmost  consternation  lest  the  Ionians  had  abandoned  them. 
There  was  with  Darius  an  Egyptian,  who  had  an  exceedingly 
loud  voice.  This  man  Darius  commanded  to  stand  on  the 
bank  of  the  Ister,  and  call  Histiaeus  the  Milesian.  He  did  so, 
and  Histiaeus,  having  heard  the  first  shout,  brought  up  all  the 
ships  to  carry  the  army  across,  and  joined  the  bridge.  Thus 
the  Persians  escaped.  The  Scythians  in  their  search  missed 
them  a  second  time:  and  on  the  one  hand,  considering  the 
Ionians  as  free  and  cowardly,  they  deem  them  to  be  the  most 
base  of  men ;  but  on  the  other,  accounting  the  Ionians  as 
slaves,  they  say  that  they  are  most  attached  to  their  masters, 
and  least  inclined  to  run  away.  These  reproaches  the  Scyth- 
ians fling  out  against  the  Ionians. 

Darius,  marching  through  Thrace,  reached  Sestos  in  the 
Chersonesus ;  and  thence  he  himself  crossed  over  on  ship- 
board into  Asia,  and  left  Megabyzus,  a  Persian,  to  be  his  gen- 
eral in  Europe.  Darius  once  paid  this  man  great  honour, 
having  expressed  himself  in  this  manner  in  the  presence  of  the 
Persians :  Darius  being  about  to  eat  some  pomegranates,  as 


256  HERODOTUS— BOOK    IV,   MELPOMENE        [143-146 

soon  as  he  opened  the  first,  his  brother  Artabanus  asked  him, 
Of  what  thing  he  would  wish  to  possess  a  number  equal  to 
the  grains  in  the  pomegranate.  Darius  said  that  he  would 
rather  have  as  many  Megabyzuses  than  Greece  subject  to  him. 
By  saying  this  he  honoured  him  in  the  presence  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  now  he  left  him  as  general,  with  eighty  thousand 
men  of  his  own  army.  This  Megabyzus  by  making  the  follow- 
ing remark  left  an  everlasting  memorial  of  himself  among 
the  Hellespontines ;  for  when  he  was  at  Byzantium  he  was 
informed  that  the  Chalcedonians  had  settled  in  that  country 
seventeen  years  before  the  Byzantines;  but  when  he  heard  it 
he  said  that  the  Chalcedonians  must  have  been  blind  at  that 
time,  for  if  they  had  not  been  blind  they  would  never  have 
chosen  so  bad  a  situation,  when  they  might  have  had  so  beau- 
tiful a  spot  to  settle  in.  This  Megabyzus,  then,  being  left  as 
general  in  the  country  of  the  Hellespontines,  subdued  those 
nations  who  were  not  in  the  interest  of  the  Medes.  He  ac- 
cordingly did  this. 

About  the  same  time  another  great  expedition  was  under- 
taken against  Libya,  on  what  pretext  I  will  relate  when  I 
have  first  given  the  following  account  by  way  of  preface :  The 
descendants  of  the  Argonauts,  being  expelled  from  Lemnos 
by  the  Pelasgians  who  carried  off  the  Athenian  women  from 
Brauron,  set  sail  for  Lacedaemon,  and  seating  themselves  on 
Mount  Taygetus,  lighted  fires.  The  Lacedaemonians,  having 
seen  this,  despatched  a  messenger  to  demand  who  and  whence 
they  were.  They  said  to  the  messenger  who  questioned  them 
that  they  were  Minyae,  descendants  of  those  heroes  who  sailed 
in  the  Argo,  and  that  they,  having  touched  at  Lemnos,  begot 
them.  The  Lacedaemonians,  having  heard  this  account  of  the 
extraction  of  the  Minyae,  sent  a  second  time  to  inquire  with 
what  design  they  had  come  to  their  territory  and  lighted  fires ; 
they  said  that,  being  ejected  by  the  Pelasgians,  they  had  come 
to  their  fathers,  for  that  it  was  most  proper  for  them  so  to  do  ; 
and  they  requested  leave  to  dwell  with  them,  participating  in 
their  honours,  and  being  allotted  a  portion  of  land.  The 
Lacedaemonians  determined  to  receive  the  Minyae  on  the  terms 
they  themselves  proposed;  and  the  sailing  of  the  Tyndaridae 
in  the  Argo  especially  induced  them  to  do  this :  having,  there- 
fore, received  the  Minyae,  they  assigned  them  a  portion  of 
land,  and  distributed  them  among  their  tribes,  and  they  im- 
mediately contracted  marriages,  and  gave  to  others  the  wives 
they  brought  from  Lemnos.  But  when  no  long  time  had 
elapsed  the  Minyae  became  insolent,  and  demanded  a  share 
in  the  sovereignty,  and  committed  other  crimes.    The  Lace- 


146-148]  ORIGIN   OF   THE   THERJEANS  "         257 

daemonians  therefore  determined  to  put  them  to  death,  and 
having  seized  them,  they  threw  them  into  prison.  Now  those 
whom  they  kill  the  Lacedaemonians  kill  by  night,  but  no  one 
by  day.  When,  therefore,  they  were  about  to  put  them  to 
death,  the  wives  of  the  Minyae,  who  were  citizens,  and  daugh- 
ters to  the  principal  Spartans,  begged  permission  to  enter  the 
prison,  and  confer  each  with  her  husband.  The  Lacedae- 
monians gave  them  permission,  not  suspecting  any  fraud  on 
their  part,  but  they,  when  they  entered,  did  as  follows :  hav- 
ing given  all  the  clothes  they  had  on  to  their  husbands,  them- 
selves took  their  husbands'  clothes.  Upon  which,  the  Minyse, 
having  put  on  the  women's  dress,  passed  out  as  women,  and 
having  thus  escaped,  again  seated  themselves  on  Mount  Tay- 
getus. 

At  the  same  time  Theras,  son  of  Austesion,  son  to  Tisa- 
menus,  son  of  Thersander,  son  of  Polynices,  set  out  from  Lace- 
daemon  on  a  colonizing  expedition.  This  Theras  was  by  birth 
a  Cadmaean,  brother  to  the  mother  of  Aristodemus's  sons, 
Eurysthenes  and  Procles;  and  while  these  youths  were  yet  in- 
fants Theras  had  the  kingdom  of  Sparta  under  his  guardian- 
ship. But  when  the  youths  were  grown  up  and  assumed  the 
government,  Theras,  not  brooking  to  be  ruled  by  others  after 
he  had  tasted  the  pleasures  of  power,  declared  that  he  would 
not  remain  at  Lacedaemon,  but  would  sail  away  to  his  own 
kindred.  In  the  island  now  called  Thera,  the  same  that  was 
formerly  Callista,  lived  the  descendants  of  Membliares,  the  son 
of  Paeciles,  a  Phoenician.  For  Cadmus,  son  of  Agenor,  when 
in  quest  of  Europa,  touched  at  the  island  now  called  Thera; 
and  whether  when  he  touched  at  it  the  country  pleased  him, 
or  whether  for  some  other  reason  he  chose  to  do  so,  he  left  in 
this  island  both  others  of  the  Phoenicians,  and,  moreover,  his 
own  kinsman,  Membliares  :  these  men  occupied  the  island,  then 
called  Callista,  during  eight  generations,  before  Theras  came 
from  Lacedaemon.  To  these  people,  then,  Theras  went,  hav- 
ing, with  a  multitude  drawn  out  of  the  tribes,  set  out,  pur- 
posing to  dwell  with  them,  and  on  no  account  to  drive  them 
out,  but  by  all  means  to  conciliate  them.  But  when  the  Minyae 
who  had  escaped  from  the  prison  seated  themselves  on  Mount 
Taygetus,  as  the  Lacedaemonians  determined  to  destroy  them, 
Theras  begged  that  they  might  not  be  put  to  death,  and  prom- 
ised that  he  would  himself  take  them  out  of  the  country. 
The  Lacedaemonians  acceding  to  his  request,  he  set  sail  with 
three  thirty-oared  galleys,  to  the  descendants  of  Membliares, 
taking  with  him  not  all  the  Minyae,  but  some  few  of  them ; 
for  the  greater  number  of  them  went  over  to  Paroreates  and 
17 


258  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [148-151 

Caucones ;  and  having  driven  them  out  from  their  country, 
distributed  themselves  into  six  divisions,  and  then  founded 
the  following  cities  there :  Leprium,  Macistus,  Phrixas,  Pyr- 
gus,  Epium,  and  Nudium ;  most  of  these  the  Eleans  have  de- 
stroyed in  my  time.  The  name  of  Thera  was  given  to  the 
island  after  the  founder.  His  son  refused  to  accompany  him 
in  his  voyage,  therefore  he  said  that  he  would  leave  him  as  a 
sheep  among  wolves ;  in  consequence  of  this  speech,  the  name 
of  Oiolycus  was  given  to  this  youth,  and  this  name  chanced 
to  prevail.  To  this  Oiolycus  was  born  iEgeus,  from  whom 
the  JEgidze,  a  principal  tribe  in  Sparta,  are  named.  As  the 
children  of  the  men  of  this  tribe  did  not  survive,  they  erected 
a  temple,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle,  to  the  furies  of  Laius  and 
CEdipus;  and  after  that  the  same  thing  happened  in  Thera 
to  those  who  were  descended  from  these  men. 

To  this  part  of  the  story  the  Lacedaemonians  agree  with 
the  Theraeans ;  but  after  this  the  Theraeans  only  say  that  what 
follows  took  place :  Grinus,  son  of  .<Esanius,  who  was  a  de- 
scendant of  this  Theras,  and  reigned  over  the  island  Thera, 
came  to  Delphi,  bringing  a  hecatomb  from  the  city ;  and  divers 
of  the  citizens  attended  him,  and  among  them  Battus,  son  to 
Polymnestus,  who  was  of  the  family  of  Euphemus,  one  of  the 
Minyae.  And  as  Grinus,  King  of  the  Theraeans,  was  consult- 
ing the  oracle  concerning  other  affairs,  the  Pythian  admon- 
ished him  to  build  a  city  in  Libya.  But  he  answered :  "  I, 
O  prince,  am  now  too  old  and  heavy  to  move  myself;  there- 
fore command  one  of  these  young  men  to  do  this  " ;  and  as 
he  said  these  words  he  pointed  to  Battus.  At  that  time  so 
much  passed.  But  after  their  departure  they  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  oracle,  neither  knowing  in  what  part  of  the  world 
Libya  was,  nor  daring  to  send  out  a  colony  on  an  uncertainty. 
For  seven  years  after  this  no  rain  fell  in  Thera ;  during  which 
period  every  tree  in  the  island,  except  one,  was  withered  up ; 
and  when  the  Theraeans  consulted  the  oracle,  the  Pythian  ob- 
jected to  them  the  colonization  of  Libya.  When  they  found 
no  remedy  for  the  evil,  they  despatched  messengers  to  Crete 
to  inquire  if  any  of  the  Cretans,  or  strangers  settled  among 
them,  had  ever  gone  to  Libya.  These  messengers,  wander- 
ing about  the  island,  arrived  in  the  city  of  Itanus ;  and  here 
they  became  acquainted  with  a  purple-dyer,  whose  name  was 
Corobius ;  he  said  that,  being  driven  by  the  winds,  he  had 
gone  to  Libya,  and  to  Platea,  an  island  of  Libya :  having  per- 
suaded this  man  by  a  promise  of  reward,  they  took  him  to 
Thera.  At  first  men  sailed  from  Thera  to  explore,  not  many 
in  number :  and  when  Corobius  had  conducted  them  to  this 


151-154]  FOUNDING   OF   CYRENE  259 

island  Platea,  they  left  Corobius  there  with  provisions  for  a 
few  months,  and  themselves  sailed  back  with  all  speed  to  give 
the  Theraeans  tidings  of  the  island.  But  these  men  staying 
away  longer  than  the  time  agreed  upon,  Corobius  was  reduced 
to  the  last  necessity;  when  a  Samian  vessel,  whose  master 
was  Colaeus,  sailing  for  Egypt,  was  driven  to  this  Platea.  The 
Samians,  having  heard  the  whole  account  from  Corobius,  left 
him  provisions  for  a  year;  and  they,  having  got  under  way 
from  the  island,  and  being  anxious  to  reach  Egypt,  set  sail, 
and  were  carried  away  by  an  east  wind ;  and  as  the  wind  did 
not  abate,  having  passed  through  the  columns  of  Hercules, 
they  arrived  at  Tartessus,  under  divine  guidance.  That  port 
was  at  that  time  unfrequented;  so  that  these  men  returning 
home,  gained  from  their  cargo  the  largest  profits  of  any  of 
the  Grecians  we  know  of  with  certainty,  next  to  Sostratus, 
son  of  Laodamas  of  ^Egina,  for  with  him  it  is  impossible  for 
any  one  to  compete.  The  Samians,  therefore,  having  set 
apart  the  tenth  of  their  gains,  amounting  to  six  talents,  made 
a  vessel  of  brass,  after  the  fashion  of  an  Argolic  bowl,  and 
around  it  the  heads  of  griffins  project  over;  and  they  dedi- 
cated it  in  the  Temple  of  Juno,  having  placed  under  it  three 
colossal  figures  of  brass,  seven  cubits  in  height,  leaning  on 
their  knees.  And  on  this  occasion  the  Cyrenseans  and  Therae- 
ans  first  contracted  a  great  friendship  with  the  Samians.  The 
Theraeans,  when  they  left  Corobius  in  the  island  and  returned 
to  Thera,  took  back  word  that  they  had  taken  possession  of 
an  island  off  the  coast  of  Libya:  the  Theraeans  therefore  re- 
solved to  send  one  of  every  family,  chosen  by  lot ;  and  to  send 
men  from  all  their  districts,  which  were  seven  in  number; 
and  appointed  Battus  to  be  their  leader  and  king.  Thus,  then, 
they  fitted  out  two  fifty-oared  galleys  for  Platea. 

The  Theraeans  give  this  account ;  in  the  rest  of  the  story 
the  Theraeans  are  supported  by  the  Cyrenaeans :  for  the  Cy- 
renaeans  in  no  respect  agree  with  the  Theraeans  in  what  relates 
to  Battus,  for  they  tell  the  story  thus :  There  is  a  city  of  Crete 
called  Axus,  in  which  Etearchus  was  king ;  he,  having  a  moth- 
erless daughter,  whose  name  was  Phronima,  married  another 
wife ;  she  coming  into  the  family,  thought  proper  to  be  a  step- 
mother indeed  to  Phronima,  treating  her  shamefully,  and  con- 
triving every  mischief  she  could  against  her ;  and  at  last,  hav- 
ing charged  her  with  unchastity,  persuaded  her  husband  that 
such  was  the  case.  He,  prevailed  on  by  his  wife,  formed  a 
wicked  design  against  his  daughter.  There  was  then  at  Axus 
one  Themison,  a  Theraean  merchant ;  this  man  Etearchus  re- 
ceived hospitably,  and  made  him  swear  that  he  would  serve 


26o  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [154-156 

him  in  anything  he  should  desire.  When  he  had  bound  him 
by  oath  he  delivered  his  daughter  to  him,  and  commanded  him 
to  take  her  away,  and  throw  her  into  the  sea.  But  Themison, 
grieved  at  the  deceitfulness  of  the  oath,  broke  off  the  com- 
pact of  friendship,  and  did  as  follows :  Having  taken  the  dam- 
sel with  him,  he  set  sail ;  and  when  he  was  in  the  open  sea,  for 
the  purpose  of  absolving  himself  from  the  oath  imposed  by 
Etearchus,  he  bound  her  round  with  ropes,  and  let  her  down 
into  the  sea;  then  having  drawn  her  up  again,  he  departed 
for  Thera.  After  that  Polymnestus,  a  man  of  distinction 
among  the  Theraeans,  took  Phronima  for  his  concubine,  and 
after  some  time  he  had  a  son  by  her,  who  had  an  impediment 
in  his  speech  and  lisped,  to  whom  the  name  of  Battus  was 
given,  as  both  the  Theraeans  and  Cyrenaeans  say;  but,  as  I 
am  of  opinion,  some  other  name ;  and  it  was  afterward  changed 
to  Battus  when  he  arrived  in  Libya,  deriving  that  name  both 
from  the  oracle  pronounced  to  him  at  Delphi  and  from  the 
rank  to  which  he  attained.  For  the  Libyans  call  a  king  Battus, 
and  for  this  reason  I  think  that  the  Pythian,  when  delivering 
the  oracle,  addressed  him  in  the  Libyan  tongue,  knowing  that 
he  would  be  a  king  in  Libya.  For  when  he  had  reached  man's 
estate  he  came  to  Delphi  about  his  voice ;  and  to  his  in- 
quiries the  Pythian  gave  the  following  answer :  "  Battus,  you 
are  come  about  your  voice;  King  Phoebus  Apollo  sends  you 
to  found  a  colony  in  Libya,  abounding  in  sheep."  As  if  she 
had  said  in  the  Grecian  language,  "  O  king,  you  are  come 
about  your  voice."  He  answered  as  follows :  "  O  king,  I 
came  indeed  to  consult  you  about  my  voice,  but  you  give  me 
an  answer  as  to  other  impossible  things,  bidding  me  colonize 
Libya:  with  what  power?  with  what  force?"  By  saying  this 
he  did  not  persuade  the  Pythian  to  give  him  any  other  an- 
swer; and  as  she  was  repeating  the  same  response  as  before, 
he  in  the  meanwhile  left  her  and  returned  to  Thera.  After 
this  Battus  himself  and  the  other  Theraeans  fell  anew  into 
troubles ;  but  the  Theraeans,  not  knowing  whence  their  mis- 
fortunes came,  sent  to  Delphi  to  inquire  concerning  their  pres- 
ent sufferings.  The  Pythian  answered  that  it  would  fare  better 
with  them  when  with  Battus  they  had  founded  Cyrene  in 
Libya.  Upon  this  the  Theraeans  despatched  Battus  with  two 
fifty-oared  galleys.  But  these  having  sailed  to  Libya,  for  they 
had  nothing  else  that  they  could  do,  returned  back  to  Thera; 
the  Theraeans,  however,  beat  them  off  as  they  drew  to  shore, 
and  would  not  suffer  them  to  approach  the  land,  but  com- 
manded them  to  sail  back  again.  Thus  compelled,  they  sailed 
back  again,  and  settled  in  an  island  that  lies  off  Libya,  whose 


156-159]  FOUNDING   OF   CYRENE  261 

name,  as  I  before  mentioned,  is  Platea.    This  island  is  said  to 
be  equal  in  extent  to  the  present  city  of  the  Cyrenaeans. 

Having  inhabited  this  island  for  two  years,  as  nothing 
turned  out  prosperously  for  them,  they  left  one  of  their  com- 
pany behind,  and  the  rest  set  sail  for  Delphi ;  and  having  come 
to  the  oracle,  they  consulted  it,  saying  that  they  had  settled 
in  Libya,  and  fared  no  better  since  they  had  settled  there. 
But  the  Pythian  gave  them  the  following  answer :  "  If  you, 
who  have  never  been  there,  know  Libya  abounding  in  sheep, 
better  than  I  who  have  been  there,  I  very  much  admire  your 
wisdom."  When  Battus  and  his  companions  heard  this,  they 
sailed  back  again;  for  the  god  did  not  release  them  from 
founding  the  colony  until  they  had  come  to  Libya  itself.  Hav- 
ing, therefore,  arrived  at  the  island,  they  took  on  board  the 
man  they  had  left  there,  and  settled  in  a  place  on  Libya  itself, 
opposite  the  island:  its  name  was  Aziris,  and  most  beautiful 
hills  inclose  it  on  two  sides,  and  a  river  flows  by  it  on  the  third. 
They  inhabited  this  spot  for  six  years,  but  in  the  seventh  the 
Libyans,  having  promised  to  conduct  them  to  a  better  place, 
persuaded  them  to  leave  it.  But  the  Libyans,  having  removed 
them,  conducted  them  from  thence  toward  the  west ;  and  in 
order  that  the  Greeks  might  not  see  the  most  beautiful  part 
of  their  country  as  they  passed  through,  they  computed  the 
time  of  the  day,  so  as  to  lead  them  through  it  by  night :  the 
name  of  this  country  is  Irasa.  Having  conducted  them  to  a 
fountain,  accounted  sacred  to  Apollo,  they  said,  "  Grecians, 
here  it  is  fitting  for  you  to  dwell,  for  here  the  heavens  are 
open."  Now,  during  the  life  of  Battus  the  founder,  who 
reigned  forty  years,  and  of  his  son  Arcesilaus,  who  reigned 
sixteen  years,  the  Cyrenaeans  continued  the  same  in  number 
as  when  they  were  first  sent  to  settle  the  colony :  but  under 
the  third  king,  Battus,  surnamed  the  Fortunate,  the  Pythian 
by  an  oracle  encouraged  all  Grecians  to  sail  to  Libya  and 
join  the  Cyrenaeans  in  colonizing  it;  for  the  Cyrenaeans  in- 
vited them  to  a  division  of  the  country.  The  words  of  the 
oracle  were  these :  "  He  who  shall  come  too  late  to  lovely 
Libya,  when  the  land  is  divided,  shall  hereafter  one  day  re- 
pent." A  great  multitude  having  assembled  at  Cyrene,  the 
neighbouring  Libyans  and  their  king,  whose  name  was  Adi- 
cran,  being  curtailed  of  much  of  their  land,  finding  that  they 
were  deprived  of  their  territory,  and  injuriously  treated  by  the 
Cyrenaeans,  sent  an  embassy  to  Egypt,  and  gave  themselves  up 
to  Apries,  King  of  Egypt ;  and  he,  having  assembled  a  large 
army  of  Egyptians,  sent  it  against  Cyrene;  and  the  Cyrenae- 
ans, having  drawn  out  their  forces  to  the  district  of  Irasa,  and 


262  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [159-162 

near  the  fountain  Thestes,  came  to  an  engagement  with  the 
Egyptians,  and  conquered  them :  for  the  Egyptians,  not  hav- 
ing before  made  trial  of  the  Greeks,  and  despising  them,  were 
so  thoroughly  defeated  that  only  a  few  of  them  returned  to 
Egypt.  In  consequence  of  this  the  Egyptians,  laying  the  blame 
on  Apries,  revolted  from  him. 

This  Battus  had  a  son,  Arcesilaus,  who,  having  come  to 
the  throne,  first  of  all  quarrelled  with  his  own  brothers,  so 
that  they  left  him,  and  went  to  another  part  of  Libya;  and 
consulting  among  themselves,  they  founded  the  city  which 
was  then  and  is  still  called  Barce ;  and  as  they  were  building 
it,  they  persuaded  the  Libyans  to  revolt  from  the  Cyrenaeans. 
But  afterward  Arcesilaus  led  an  army  against  those  Libyans 
who  had  received  them,  and  against  the  revolters  themselves ; 
but  the  Libyans,  through  dread  of  him,  fled  to  the  eastern 
Libyans.  Arcesilaus  pursued  them  in  their  flight,  until  he 
overtook  them  at  Leucon  in  Libya,  and  the  Libyans  resolved 
to  attack  him ;  and  having  come  to  an  engagement,  they  con- 
quered the  Cyrenseans  so  completely  that  seven  thousand 
heavy  armed  of  the  Cyrenaeans  fell  upon  the  spot.  After  this 
blow  his  brother  Learchus  strangled  Arcesilaus,  who  was  sick 
and  under  the  influence  of  some  drug.  The  wife  of  Arcesi- 
laus, whose  name  was  Eryxo,  put  Learchus  to  death  by  strata- 
gem. Battus,  the  son  of  Arcesilaus,  a  lame  man,  and  not  per- 
fect in  his  feet,  succeeded  to  the  kingdom.  The  Cyrenaeans, 
on  account  of  the  disaster  that  had  befallen  them,  sent  to 
Delphi  to  inquire  of  the  Delphian  oracle  under  what  form  of 
government  they  might  live  most  happily ;  the  Pythian  com- 
manded them  to  procure  an  arbitrator  from  Mantinea,  a  city 
of  the  Arcadians.  The  Cyrenaeans  accordingly  asked,  and  the 
Mantineans  gave  them  a  man,  highly  esteemed  among  the 
citizens,  whose  name  was  Demonax.  This  person,  therefore, 
having  arrived  in  Cyrene,  and  become  acquainted  with  the 
state  of  affairs,  first  of  all  formed  them  into  three  tribes,  di- 
viding them  as  follows :  of  the  Theraeans  and  their  immediate 
neighbours,  he  formed  one  division;  another  of  Pelopon- 
nesians  and  Cretans ;  and  a  third  of  all  the  islanders :  and  in 
the  next  place,  having  reserved  certain  portions  of  land  and 
the  office  of  the  priesthood  for  King  Battus,  he  restored  to 
the  people  everything  else  that  the  kings  had  before. 

During  the  reign  of  this  Battus  matters  continued  in  this 
state;  but  in  the  time  of  his  son  Arcesilaus  great  disorders 
arose  about  the  public  offices.  For  Arcesilaus,  son  of  the 
lame  Battus  and  Pheretime,  declared  he  would  not  submit  to 
the  constitutions  of  Demonax,  but  demanded  back  the  pre- 


162-164]  ARCESILAUS  263 

rogatives  of  his  ancestors ;  and  thereupon  having  raised  a  sedi- 
tion, he  was  defeated,  and  fled  to  Samos ;  and  his  mother  fled 
to  Salamis,  in  Cyprus.  At  that  time  Euelthon  bore  rule  over 
Salamis,  the  same  who  dedicated  the  curious  censer  at  Delphi, 
which  is  deposited  in  the  treasury  of  the  Corinthians.  Phere- 
time,  having  come  to  him,  asked  for  an  army,  which  should 
reinstate  them  in  Cyrene;  but  Euelthon  would  give  her  any- 
thing rather  than  an  army ;  but  she,  accepting  what  was  given, 
said,  "  This  indeed  is  handsome,  but  it  would  be  still  more 
handsome  to  give  the  army  I  asked  for " :  this  she  said  at 
every  present  that  was  made.  At  last,  Euelthon  sent  her  a 
golden  spindle  and  distaff,  and  some  wool  was  on  it ;  and  when 
Pheretime  again  made  the  same  speech,  Euelthon  said  that 
women  should  be  presented  with  such  things,  and  not  with 
armies.  In  the  meantime  Arcesilaus,  continuing  at  Samos, 
collected  men  of  all  classes,  by  a  promise  of  a  division  of 
lands ;  and  when  a  large  army  was  collected,  Arcesilaus  set  out 
to  Delphi  to  consult  the  oracle  concerning  his  return;  and 
the  Pythian  gave  him  the  following  answer :  "  Apollo  grants 
you  to  reign  over  Cyrene  during  the  time  of  four  Battuses 
and  four  Arcesilauses,  eight  generations  of  men ;  he  advises 
you,  however,  not  to  attempt  any  more  than  this.  Do  you 
therefore  be  quiet  and  return  home ;  and  if  you  find  a  furnace 
full  of  amphorae,  do  not  bake  the  amphorae,  but  send  them 
away  with  a  favourable  wind.  But  if  you  heat  the  furnace, 
enter  not  into  a  place  surrounded  with  water;  otherwise  you 
will  perish  yourself,  and  the  most  beautiful  bull."  The  Pythian 
gave  this  answer  to  Arcesilaus;  but  he,  having  taken  with 
him  the  men  from  Samos,  returned  to  Cyrene;  and  having 
recovered  the  mastery,  forgot  the  oracle,  and  exacted  venge- 
ance of  the  adverse  party  for  his  own  exile;  so  that  some 
of  them  abandoned  their  country  altogether;  and  others 
Arcesilaus  seized  and  sent  to  Cyprus  to  be  put  to  death :  now 
these  last,  being  carried  to  their  country,  the  Cnidians  res- 
cued, and  sent  away  to  Thera.  Some  others  of  the  Cyrenaeans, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  a  large  private  tower,  belonging  to 
Aglomachus,  Arcesilaus  surrounded  with  wood  and  burned. 
After  this  was  done,  understanding  that  this  was  the  meaning 
of  the  oracle,  that  the  Pythian  forbade  him,  when  he  found 
amphorae  in  a  furnace,  to  bake  them,  he  of  his  own  accord 
withdrew  from  the  city  of  the  Cyrenaeans,  dreading  the  pre- 
dicted death,  and  supposing  that  Cyrene  was  the  place  sur- 
rounded with  water.  He  had  a  wife  who  was  his  own  kins- 
woman, and  daughter  to  the  King  of  the  Barcaeans,  whose 
name  was  Alazir;  to  him  he  retired:  and  the  Barcaeans,  and 


264  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV.   MELPOMENE        [164-168 

some  of  the  exiles  from  Cyrene,  having  discovered  him  in  the 
public  place,  killed  him,  and  moreover  his  father-in-law  Alazir. 
Thus  Arcesilaus,  whether  wilfully  or  otherwise,  disobeying 
the  oracle,  accomplished  his  own  destiny. 

While  Arcesilaus  was  living  at  Barce,  working  out  his  own 
destruction,  his  mother  Pheretime  held  the  honours  of  her 
son  at  Cyrene,  both  exercising  his  other  functions  and  taking 
her  seat  in  the  council ;  but  when  she  heard  that  her  son  had 
been  put  to  death  at  Barce  she  fled  to  Egypt;  for  Arcesilaus 
had  performed  some  services  for  Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  for 
it  was  this  Arcesilaus  who  gave  Cyrene  to  Cambyses,  and 
imposed  a  tribute  on  himself.  Pheretime  having  arrived  in 
Egypt,  seated  herself  as  a  suppliant  of  Aryandes,  entreating 
him  to  avenge  her,  alleging  as  a  pretext  that  her  son  had  died 
in  consequence  of  his  attachment  to  the  Medes.  Aryandes 
had  been  appointed  governor  of  Egypt  by  Cambyses ;  he  in 
succeeding  time  was  put  to  death  for  attempting  to  make  him- 
self equal  with  Darius.  For  having  been  informed  that  Darius 
desired  to  leave  such  a  memorial  of  himself  as  had  been  ac- 
complished by  no  other  king,  he  imitated  him  until  he  re- 
ceived the  reward  of  his  presumption.  For  Darius,  having 
refined  gold  to  the  utmost  perfection,  coined  money;  and 
Aryandes,  governor  of  Egypt,  made  the  same  in  silver;  now 
this  Aryandian  silver  is  the  purest.  But  Darius,  when  in- 
formed that  he  had  done  this,  brought  another  charge  against 
him,  that  he  designed  to  rebel,  and  put  him  to  death.  At  that 
time,  however,  this  Aryandes,  taking  compassion  on  Phere- 
time, gave  her  all  the  forces  of  Egypt,  both  army  and  navy; 
and  he  appointed  Amasis,  a  Maraphian,  commander  of  the 
army;  and  of  the  fleet,  Badres,  a  Pasargadian  by  birth.  But 
before  he  despatched  the  forces  he  sent  a  herald  to  Barce  to 
inquire  who  it  was  that  had  slain  Arcesilaus.  All  the  Barcaeans 
took  it  upon  themselves,  for  that  they  had  suffered  many  in- 
juries at  his  hands.  And  when  Aryandes  received  their  an- 
swer he  despatched  the  army  with  Pheretime.  Now  this  cause 
was  only  a  pretext  for  his  proceeding;  but,  in  my  opinion, 
the  expedition  was  undertaken  with  the  intention  of  subduing 
the  Libyans.  For  there  are  many  and  various  nations  of  Lib- 
yans, and  some  few  of  them  were  subject  to  the  king,  but  the 
greater  part  paid  no  regard  to  Darius. 

The  Libyans  dwell  as  follows :  Beginning  from  Egypt,  the 
Adrymachidae  are  the  first  of  the  Libyans  we  meet  with :  they 
for  the  most  part  observe  the  usages  of  Egypt,  but  they  wear 
the  same  dress  as  the  other  Libyans.  The  women  wear  a 
chain  of  brass  on  each  leg ;  they  let  their  hair  grow  long,  and 


168-172]  THE   LIBYANS  265 

when  they  catch  vermin,  each  bites  those  from  her  own  per- 
son, and  then  throws  them  away;  these  alone  of  the  Libyans 
do  this :  and  they  alone  exhibit  to  the  king  their  virgins  who 
are  about  to  marry ;  and  should  any  one  be  agreeable  to  the 
king,  she  is  deflowered  by  him.  These  Adrymachidse  reach 
from  Egypt  to  the  harbour  named  Plunus.  Next  to  these  are 
the  Giligammse,  who  occupy  the  country  westward  as  far  as 
the  island  Aphrodisias.  Midway  on  this  coast  the  island  of 
Platea  is  situated,  which  the  Cyrenseans  colonized,  and  on  the 
continent  is  the  port  of  Menelaus,  with  Aziris,  which  the 
Cyrenseans  inhabited.  At  this  place  the  plant  Silphium  is  first 
found,  and  extends  from  the  island  of  Platea  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Syrtis.  These  people  use  nearly  the  same  customs  as  the 
others.  The  Asbystse  adjoin  the  Giligammae  westward ;  they 
inhabit  the  country  above  Cyrene,  but  the  Asbystae  do  not 
reach  to  the  sea ;  for  the  Cyrenseans  occupy  the  sea-coast. 
They  drive  four-horsed  chariots  more  than  any  of  the  Libyans, 
and  endeavour  to  imitate  most  of  the  customs  of  the  Cyrense- 
ans. The  Auschisse  adjoin  the  Asbystse  westward;  these  are 
situated  above  Barce,  extending  to  the  sea  near  the  Eues- 
perides.  In  the  midst  of  the  territory  of  the  Auschisse  the 
Cabales,  a  small  nation,  dwell,  extending  to  Tauchira,  a  city 
of  Barcsea.  They  observe  the  same  customs  as  those  who 
dwell  above  Cyrene.  The  Nasamones,  a  very  numerous  peo- 
ple, adjoin  these  Auschisse  westward.  In  summer  they  leave 
their  cattle  on  the  coast,  and  go  up  to  the  region  of  Augila, 
in  order  to  gather  the  fruit  of  the  palm  trees,  which  grow  in 
great  numbers  and  of  a  large  size,  and  are  all  productive. 
When  they  have  caught  locusts  they  dry  them  in  the  sun,  re- 
duce them  to  powder,  and,  sprinkling  them  in  milk,  drink 
them.  Every  man,  by  the  custom  of  the  country,  has  several 
wives,  and  they  have  intercourse  with  them  in  common;  and 
much  the  same  as  the  Massagetse,  they  have  intercourse  when 
they  have  set  up  a  staff  before  them.  When  a  Nasamonian 
marries,  it  is  the  custom  for  the  bride  on  the  first  night  to 
lie  with  all  the  guests  in  turn,  and  each,  when  he  has  had  inter- 
course with  her,  gives  her  some  present  which  he  has  brought 
from  home.  In  their  oaths  and  divinations  they  observe  the 
following  custom  :  they  swear,  laying  their  hands  on  the  sepul- 
chres of  those  who  are  generally  esteemed  to  have  been  the 
most  just  and  excellent  persons  among  them  :  and  they  divine, 
going  to  the  tombs  of  their  ancestors,  and  after  having  prayed, 
they  lie  down  to  sleep,  and  whatever  dream  they  have,  this 
they  avail  themselves  of.  In  pledging  their  faith  they  observe 
the  following  method:  each  party  gives  the  other  to  drink 


266  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [172-179 

out  of  his  hand,  and  drinks  in  turn  from  the  other's  hand ; 
and  if  they  have  no  liquid,  they  take  up  some  dust  from  the 
ground  and  lick  it. 

The  Psylli  border  on  the  Nasamonians ;  these  perished  in 
the  following  manner:  The  south  wind  blowing  upon  them 
dried  up  all  their  water  tanks,  and  the  whole  country  within 
the  Syrtis  was  dry ;  they  therefore,  having  consulted  together, 
with  one  consent  determined  to  make  war  against  that  wind 
(I  only  repeat  what  the  Libyans  say) ;  and  when  they  arrived 
at  the  sands,  the  south  wind  blowing  covered  them  over :  and 
when  they  had  perished  the  Nasamonians  took  possession  of 
their  territory.  Above  these  to  the  north,  in  a  country  abound- 
ing with  wild  beasts,  live  the  Garamantes,  who  avoid  all  men 
and  the  society  of  any  others:  they  do  not  possess  any  war- 
like weapon,  nor  do  they  know  how  to  defend  themselves. 
These,  then,  live  above  the  Nasamonians ;  and  the  Macae  ad- 
join them  on  the  sea-coast  westward ;  these  shave  their  heads 
so  as  to  leave  a  tuft,  and  allowing  the  middle  hair  to  grow, 
they  shave  both  sides  close  to  the  skin ;  in  war  they  wear  the 
skins  of  ostriches  for  defensive  armour.  The  river  Cinyps, 
flowing  through  their  country  from  a  hill  called  the  Graces, 
discharges  itself  into  the  sea.  This  hill  of  the  Graces  is  thickly 
covered  with  trees,  though  all  the  rest  of  Libya  above  men- 
tioned is  bare.  From  the  sea  to  this  hill  is  a  distance  of  two 
hundred  stades.  The  Gindanes  adjoin  these  Macae ;  their 
women  wear  bands  of  leather  around  their  ankles,  each  several 
on  the  following  account,  as  is  said :  she  binds  round  a  band 
for  every  man  that  has  intercourse  with  her ;  and  she  who  has 
the  most  is  most  esteemed,  as  being  loved  by  the  greatest 
number  of  men.  The  Lotophagi  occupy  the  coast  that  pro- 
jects to  the  sea  in  front  of  these  Gindanes ;  they  subsist  only 
on  the  fruit  of  the  lotus ;  and  the  fruit  of  the  lotus  is  equal  in 
size  to  the  mastic  berry,  and  in  sweetness  it  resembles  the  fruit 
of  the  palm  tree.  The  Lotophagi  make  wine  also  from  this 
fruit. 

The  Machlyes,  who  also  use  the  lotus,  but  in  a  less  degree 
than  those  before  mentioned,  adjoin  the  Lotophagi  on  the 
sea-coast.  They  extend  as  far  as  a  large  river  called  Triton ; 
and  this  river  discharges  itself  into  the  great  lake  Tritonis: 
and  in  it  is  an  island  named  Phla.  They  say  that  the  Lace- 
daemonians were  commanded  by  an  oracle  to  colonize  this 
island.  The  following  story  is  also  told :  That  Jason,  when 
the  Argo  was  finished  building  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Pelion, 
having  put  a  hecatomb  on  board,  and  moreover  a  brazen  tri- 
pod, sailed  round  the  Peloponnesus,  purposing  to  go  to  Del- 


179-181]  THE   LIBYANS  267 

phi;  and  as  he  was  sailing  off  Malea,  a  north  wind  caught 
him  and  drove  him  to  Libya ;  and  before  he  could  discern 
the  land  he  found  himself  in  the  shallows  of  the  lake  Tritonis : 
and  as  he  was  in  doubt  how  to  extricate  his  ship,  the  story 
goes  that  a  Triton  appeared  to  him,  and  bade  Jason  give  him 
the  tripod,  promising  that  he  would  both  show  them  the  pas- 
sage and  conduct  them  away  in  safety.  When  Jason  con- 
sented, the  Triton  thereupon  showed  them  the  passage  out 
of  the  shallows,  and  placed  the  tripod  in  his  own  temple; 
then  pronouncing  an  oracle  from  the  tripod,  he  declared  to 
Jason  and  his  companions  all  that  should  happen,  that  when 
one  of  the  descendants  of  those  who  sailed  with  him  in  the 
Argo  should  carry  away  the  tripod,  then  it  was  fated  that  a 
hundred  Grecian  cities  should  be  built  about  the  lake  Tritonis ; 
the  neighbouring  nations  of  the  Libyans,  when  they  heard 
this  concealed  the  tripod.  The  Auses  adjoin  these  Machlyes ; 
they,  as  well  as  the  Machlyes,  dwell  round  the  lake  Tritonis, 
and  the  Triton  forms  the  boundary  between  them.  The 
Machlyes  let  the  hair  grow  on  the  back  of  the  head,  and  the 
Auses  on  the  front.  At  the  annual  festival  of  Minerva,  their 
virgins,  dividing  themselves  into  two  companies,  fight  to- 
gether with  stones  and  staves,  affirming  that  they  perform  the 
ancient  rites  to  their  native  goddess,  whom  we  call  Minerva : 
and  those  of  the  virgins  who  die  from  their  wounds  they  call 
false  virgins.  But  before  they  leave  off  righting  they  do  as 
follows :  With  one  consent  they  on  each  occasion  deck  the 
virgin  that  excels  in  beauty  with  a  Corinthian  helmet  and  a 
suit  of  Grecian  armour,  and  having  placed  her  in  a  chariot, 
conduct  her  round  the  lake.  In  what  way  they  formerly  dec- 
orated the  virgins  before  the  Grecians  settled  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood I  am  unable  to  say ;  but  I  conjecture  that  they  were 
decked  in  Egyptian  armour,  for  I  am  of  opinion  that  the 
shield  and  helmet  were  brought  from  Egypt  into  Greece.  They 
say  that  Minerva  is  the  daughter  of  Neptune  and  the  lake  Tri- 
tonis ;  and  that  she  being  for  some  reason  offended  with  her 
father,  gave  herself  to  Jupiter,  and  that  Jupiter  adopted  her 
as  his  own  daughter:  this  they  say.  They  have  promiscuous 
intercourse  with  the  women,  and  do  not  cohabit  and  associate 
like  beasts.  The  men  meet  together  every  third  month,  and 
when  a  woman  has  a  child  grown  up,  he  is  considered  to  be 
the  son  of  that  man  whom  he  most  resembles. 

Those,  then,  of  the  Libyan  nomads  who  live  on  the  sea- 
coast  have  been  mentioned.  Above  these,  inland,  Libya 
abounds  in  wild  beasts;  and  beyond  the  wild  beast  tract  is  a 
ridge  of  sand,  stretching  from  the  Egyptian  Thebes  to  the 


268  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [181-184 

columns  of  Hercules.  At  intervals  of  a  ten  days'  journey 
in  this  ridge  there  are  pieces  of  salt  in  large  lumps  on  hills; 
and  at  the  top  of  each  hill,  from  the  midst  of  the  salt,  cold  and 
sweet  water  gushes  up ;  and  around  it  dwell  people  the  far- 
thest toward  the  desert,  and  beyond  the  wild  beast  tract.  The 
first  after  a  ten  days'  journey  from  Thebes  are  the  Ammonians, 
who  have  a  temple  resembling  that  of  Theban  Jupiter.  For, 
as  I  said  before,  the  image  of  Jupiter  at  Thebes  has  the  head 
of  a  ram.  They  have  also  another  kind  of  spring  water  which 
in  the  morning  is  tepid,  becomes  colder  about  the  time  of  full 
forum,  and  at  midday  is  very  cold;  then  they  water  their 
gardens.  As  the  day  declines  it  gradually  loses  its  coldness, 
till  the  sun  sets,  then  the  water  becomes  tepid  again,  and 
continuing  to  increase  in  heat  till  midnight,  it  then  boils  and 
bubbles  up ;  when  midnight  is  passed,  it  gets  cooler  until 
morning.  This  fountain  is  called  after  the  sun.  Next  to  the 
Ammonians,  along  the  ridge  of  sand,  at  the  end  of  another 
ten  days'  journey,  there  is  a  hill  of  salt,  like  that  of  the  Am- 
monians, and  water,  and  men  live  round  it :  the  name  of  this 
region  is  Augila ;  to  this  place  the  Nasamonians  go  to  gather 
the  dates.  From  the  Augilse  at  the  end  of  another  ten  days' 
journey  is  another  hill  of  salt  and  water,  and  many  fruit-bear- 
ing palm  trees,  as  also  in  the  other  places;  and  men  inhabit 
it  who  are  called  Garamantes,  a  very  powerful  nation;  they 
lay  earth  upon  the  salt,  and  then  sow  their  ground.  From 
these  to  the  Lotophagi  the  shortest  route  is  a  journey  of  thirty 
days :  among  them  the  kine  that  feed  backward  are  met  with ; 
they  feed  backward  for  this  reason :  they  have  horns  that  are 
bent  forward,  therefore  they  draw  back  as  they  feed ;  for  they 
are  unable  to  go  forward,  because  their  horns  would  stick  in 
the  ground.  They  differ  from  other  kine  in  no  other  respects 
than  this,  except  that  their  hide  is  thicker  and  harder.  These 
Garamantes  hunt  the  Ethiopian  Troglodytes  in  four-horse 
chariots ;  for  the  Ethiopian  Troglodytes  are  the  swiftest  of 
foot  of  all  men  of  whom  we  have  heard  any  account  given. 
The  Troglodytes  feed  upon  serpents  and  lizards,  and  other 
reptiles :  they  speak  a  language  like  no  other,  but  screech 
like  bats. 

At  the  distance  of  another  ten  days'  journey  from  the 
Garamantes  is  another  hill  of  salt  and  water,  and  men  live 
round  it  who  are  called  Atarantes ;  they  are  the  only  people 
we  know  of  who  have  not  personal  names.  For  the  name 
Atarantes  belongs  to  them  collectively,  but  to  each  one  of 
them  no  name  is  given.  They  curse  the  sun  as  he  passes  over 
their  heads,  and,  moreover,  utter  against  him  the  foulest  in- 


184-187]  THE   LIBYANS  269 

vectives,  because  he  consumes  them  by  his  scorching  heat, 
both  the  men  themselves  and  their  country.  Afterward,  at 
the  end  of  another  ten  days'  journey,  there  is  another  hill  of 
salt  and  water,  and  men  live  round  it;  and  near  this  salt  is 
a  mountain,  which  is  called  Atlas ;  it  is  narrow  and  circular 
on  all  sides,  and  is  said  to  be  so  lofty  that  its  top  can  never 
be  seen;  for  it  is  never  free  from  clouds,  either  in  summer 
or  winter.  The  inhabitants  say  that  it  is  the  Pillar  of  Heaven. 
From  this  mountain  these  men  derive  their  appellation,  for 
they  are  called  Atlantes.  They  are  said  neither  to  eat  the 
flesh  of  any  animal  nor  to  see  visions.  As  far,  then,  as  these 
Atlantes  I  am  able  to  mention  the  names  of  the  nations  that 
inhabit  this  ridge,  but  not  beyond  them.  This  ridge,  how- 
ever, extends  as  far  as  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  and  even  be- 
yond them;  and  there  is  a  mine  of  salt  in  it  at  intervals  of 
ten  days'  journey,  and  men  dwelling  there.  Their  houses 
are  all  built  of  blocks  of  salt,  for  in  these  parts  of  Libya 
no  rain  falls ;  for  walls,  being  of  salt,  could  not  stand  long  if 
rain  did  fall.  The  salt  dug  out  there  is  white  and  purple  in 
appearance.  Above  this  ridge,  to  the  south  and  interior  of 
Libya,  the  country  is  desert,  without  water,  without  animals, 
without  rain,  and  without  wood;  and  there  is  no  kind  of 
moisture  in  it. 

Thus,  then,  as  far  as  the  lake  Tritonis  from  Egypt,  the 
Libyans  are  nomads,  eat  flesh,  and  drink  milk,  but  they  do 
not  taste  the  flesh  of  cows,  for  the  same  reason  as  the  Egyp- 
tians, nor  do  they  breed  swine.  Indeed,  not  only  do  the 
women  of  the  Cyrenseans  think  it  right  to  abstain  from  the 
flesh  of  cows,  out  of  respect  to  Isis  in  Egypt,  but  they  also 
observe  the  fasts  and  festivals  in  honour  of  her :  and  the 
women  of  the  Barcaeans  do  not  taste  the  flesh  of  swine  in  ad- 
dition to  that  of  cows.  These  things,  then,  are  so.  Westward 
of  the  lake  Tritonis  the  Libyans  are  no  longer  nomads,  nor 
do  they  follow  the  same  customs,  nor  do  they  do  with  respect 
to  their  children  what  the  nomads  are  accustomed  to  do :  for 
the  nomadic  Libyans,  whether  all  I  am  unable  to  say  with 
certainty,  but  many  of  them  do  as  follows :  When  their  chil- 
dren are  four  years  old  they  burn  the  veins  on  the  crown 
of  their  heads  with  unclean  sheep's  wool ;  and  some  of  them 
do  it  on  the  veins  in  the  temples;  to  the  end  that  humours 
flowing  down  from  the  head  may  not  injure  them  as  long 
as  they  live:  and  for  this  reason,  they  say,  they  are  so  very 
healthy,  for  the  Libyans  are  in  truth  the  most  healthy  of  all 
men  with  whom  we  are  acquainted ;  whether  from  this  cause 
I  am  unable  to  say  with  certainty :  however,  they  are  the  most 


270  HERODOTUS— BOOK    IV,   MELPOMENE        [187-191 

healthy.  But  if  convulsions  seize  the  children  when  they  are 
burning  them,  they  have  a  remedy  discovered ;  by  sprinkling 
them  with  the  urine  of  a  he-goat,  they  restore  them.  I  repeat 
what  the  Libyans  themselves  say.  These  Libyan  nomads 
have  the  following  sacrificial  rites :  When  they  have  first  cut 
off  the  ear  of  the  victim,  they  throw  it  over  the  house;  and 
having  done  this,  they  twist  its  neck.  They  sacrifice  only  to 
the  sun  and  moon ;  to  them,  indeed,  all  the  Libyans  offer  sacri- 
fice :  but  those  who  live  about  the  lake  Tritonis  sacrifice  prin- 
cipally to  Minerva,  and  next  to  Triton  and  Neptune.  From 
the  Libyan  women  the  Grecians  derived  the  attire  and  aegis 
of  Minerva's  statues ;  for  except  that  the  dress  of  the  Libyan 
women  is  leather,  and  the  fringes  that  hang  from  the  aegis 
are  not  serpents,  but  made  of  thongs,  in  all  other  respects 
they  are  equipped  in  the  same  way:  and,  moreover,  the  very 
name  proves  that  the  garb  of  the  Palladia  comes  from  Libya ; 
for  the  Libyan  women  throw  over  their  dress  goats'  skins 
without  the  hair  fringed  and  dyed  with  red.  From  these 
goats'  skins  the  Grecians  have  borrowed  the  name  of  vEgis. 
And  the  howlings  in  the  temples  were,  I  think,  first  derived 
from  thence;  for  the  Libyan  women  practise  the  same  cus- 
tom, and  do  it  well.  The  Grecians  also  learned  from  the  Lib- 
yans to  yoke  four  horses  abreast.  All  the  nomads,  except  the 
Nasamonians,  inter  their  dead  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Grecians  :  these  bury  them  in  a  sitting  posture,  watching  when 
one  is  about  to  expire,  that  they  may  set  him  up,  and  he  may 
not  die  supine.  Their  dwellings  are  compacted  of  the  asphodel 
shrub,  interwoven  with  rushes,  and  are  portable.  Such  are 
the  customs  of  these  people. 

To  the  west  of  the  river  Triton,  Libyans  who  are  husband- 
men next  adjoin  the  Auses ;  they  are  accustomed  to  live  in 
houses,  and  are  called  Maxyes.  They  let  the  hair  grow  on 
the  right  side  of  the  head,  and  shave  the  left;  and  bedaub 
the  body  with  vermilion:  they  say  that  they  are  descended 
from  men  who  came  from  Troy.  This  region,  and  all  the  rest 
of  Libya  westward,  is  much  more  infested  by  wild  beasts  and 
more  thickly  wooded  than  the  country  of  the  nomads ;  for 
the  eastern  country  of  Libya,  which  the  nomads  inhabit,  is 
low  and  sandy  as  far  as  the  river  Triton  ;  but  the  country  west- 
ward of  this,  which  is  occupied  by  agriculturists,  is  very  moun- 
tainous, woody,  and  abounds  with  wild  beasts.  For  among 
them  there  are  enormous  serpents,  and  lions,  elephants,  bears, 
asps,  and  asses  with  horns,  and  monsters  with  dogs'  heads  and 
without  heads,  who  have  eyes  in  their  breasts,  at  least  as  the 
Libyans  say,  and  wild  men  and  wild  women,  and  many  other 


191-195]  THE   LIBYANS  271 

wild  beasts  which  are  not  fabulous.  None  of  these  things 
are  found  among  the  nomads,  but  others  of  the  following 
kind :  pygargi,  antelopes,  buffaloes,  and  asses,  not  such  as 
have  horns,  but  others  that  do  not  drink;  for  they  never 
drink;  and  oryes,  from  the  horns  of  which  are  made  the 
elbows  of  the  Phoenician  citherns ;  in  size  this  beast  is  equal 
to  an  ox:  and  foxes,  hyenas,  porcupines,  wild  rams,  dictyes, 
thoes,  panthers,  boryes,  and  land  crocodiles  about  three  cubits 
long,  very  much  like  lizards,  ostriches,  and  small  serpents, 
each  with  one  horn.  These,  then,  are  the  wild  animals  in 
that  country,  besides  such  as  are  met  with  elsewhere,  except 
the  stag  and  the  wild  boar ;  but  the  stag  and  the  wild  boar  are 
never  seen  in  Libya.  They  have  three  sorts  of  mice  there; 
some  called  dipodes,  or  two-footed ;  others,  zegeries  :  this  name 
is  Libyan,  and  means  the  same  as  the  word  signifying  hillocks 
in  Greek ;  and  hedgehogs.  There  are  also  weasels  produced 
in  the  silphium,  very  like  those  at  Tartessus.  The  land  of 
the  Libyan  nomads  produces  wild  animals  of  the  above  de- 
scription, as  far  as  I  by  the  most  diligent  inquiry  have  been 
able  to  ascertain. 

The  Zaveces  adjoin  the  Maxyan  Libyans ;  their  women 
drive  their  chariots  in  war.  The  Gyzantes  adjoin  them; 
among  them  bees  make  a  great  quantity  of  honey,  and  it  is 
said  that  confectioners  make  much  more.  All  these  paint 
themselves  with  vermilion,  and  eat  monkeys,  which  abound 
in  their  mountains.  Near  them,  the  Carthaginians  say,  lies 
an  island  called  Cyraunis,  two  hundred  stades  in  length,  in- 
considerable in  breadth,  easy  of  access  from  the  continent, 
and  abounding  in  olive  trees  and  vines.  They  add  that  in 
it  is  a  lake,  from  the  mud  of  which  the  virgins  of  the  country 
draw  up  gold  dust  by  means  of  feathers  daubed  with  pitch. 
Whether  this  is  true  I  know  not,  but  I  write  what  is  related ; 
it  may  be  so,  however,  for  I  have  myself  seen  pitch  drawn  up 
out  of  a  lake  and  from  water  in  Zacynthus ;  and  there  are 
several  lakes  there ;  the  largest  of  them  is  seventy  feet  every 
way,  and  two  orgyae  in  depth :  into  this  they  let  down  a  pole 
with  a  myrtle  branch  fastened  to  the  end,  and  then  draw 
up  pitch  adhering  to  the  myrtle ;  it  has  the  smell  of  asphalt, 
but  is  in  other  respects  better  than  the  pitch  of  Pieria.  They 
pour  it  into  a  cistern  dug  near  the  lake,  and  when  they  have 
collected  a  sufficient  quantity  they  pour  it  off  from  the  cistern 
into  jars.  All  that  falls  into  the  lake  passes  under  ground, 
and  appears  again  upon  the  surface  of  the  sea,  which  is  about 
four  stades  distant  from  the  lake.  Thus,  then,  the  account 
given  of  the  island  that  lies  off  Libya  may  probably  be  true. 


272  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IV,   MELPOMENE        [196-199 

The  Carthaginians  further  say  that  beyond  the  Pillars  of  Her- 
cules there  is  a  region  of  Libya,  and  men  who  inhabit  it : 
when  they  arrive  among  these  people  and  have  unloaded  their 
merchandise,  they  set  it  in  order  on  the  shore,  go  on  board 
their  ships,  and  make  a  great  smoke:  that  the  inhabitants, 
seeing  the  smoke,  come  down  to  the  sea,  and  then  deposit 
gold  in  exchange  for  the  merchandise,  and  withdraw  to  some 
distance  from  the  merchandise;  that  the  Carthaginians  then, 
going  ashore,  examine  the  gold,  and  if  the  quantity  seems 
sufficient  for  the  merchandise,  they  take  it  up  and  sail  away; 
but  if  it  is  not  sufficient,  they  go  on  board  their  ships  again 
and  wait;  the  natives  then  approach  and  deposit  more  gold, 
until  they  have  satisfied  them :  neither  party  ever  wrongs  the 
other;  for  they  do  not  touch  the  gold  before  it  is  made  ade- 
quate to  the  value  of  the  merchandise,  nor  do  the  natives  touch 
the  merchandise  before  the  other  party  has  taken  the  gold. 

Such  are  the  Libyans,  whose  names  I  have  been  able  to 
mention;  and  most  of  these  neither  now  nor  at  that  time 
paid  any  regard  to  the  King  of  the  Medes.  But  I  have  still 
this  much  to  say  about  this  country,  that  four  distinct  races 
inhabit  it,  and  no  more,  as  far  as  we  know :  two  of  these  races 
are  indigenous,  and  two  not.  The  Libyans  and  Ethiopians 
are  indigenous,  the  one  inhabiting  the  northern,  the  other  the 
southern  parts  of  Libya ;  but  the  Phoenicians  and  Greeks  are 
foreigners.  No  part  of  Libya  appears  to  me  so  good  in  fer- 
tility as  to  be  compared  with  Asia  or  Europe,  except  only  the 
district  of  Cinyps ;  for  the  land  bears  the  same  name  as  the 
river,  and  is  equal  to  the  best  land  in  the  production  of  corn : 
nor  is  it  at  all  like  the  rest  of  Libya ;  for  the  soil  is  black,  and 
well  watered  with  springs;  and  it  is  neither  affected  at  all 
by  drought,  nor  is  it  injured  by  imbibing  too  much  rain ;  for 
rain  falls  in  this  part  of  Libya.  The  proportion  of  the  produce 
of  this  land  equals  that  of  Babylon.  The  land  also  which 
the  Euesperides  occupy  is  good ;  for  when  it  yields  its  best  it 
produces  a  hundredfold ;  but  that  in  Cinyps  three  hundred- 
fold. The  district  of  Cyrene,  which  is  the  highest  of  that 
part  of  Libya  which  the  nomads  occupy,  has  three  seasons, 
a  circumstance  worthy  of  admiration ;  for  the  first  fruits  near 
the  sea  swell  so  as  to  be  ready  for  the  harvest  and  vintage; 
and  when  these  are  gathered  in,  the  fruits  of  the  middle  re- 
gion, away  from  the  sea,  swell  so  as  to  be  gathered  in :  these 
they  call  uplands;  and  when  this  middle  harvest  has  been 
gathered  in,  that  in  the  highest  part  becomes  ripe  and  swells. 
So  that  when  the  first  crop  has  been  drunk  and  eaten,  the  last 
comes  in.    Thus  harvest  occupies  the  Cyrenaeans  during  eight 


199-202]  EXPEDITION   AGAINST   BARCE  273 

months.  This  may  be  sufficient  to  say  concerning  these 
things. 

The  Persians  sent  to  avenge  Pheretime,  when,  having  been 
despatched  from  Egypt  by  Aryandes,  they  arrived  at  Barce, 
laid  siege  to  the  city,  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  persons 
concerned  in  the  death  of  Arcesilaus ;  but  as  the  whole  people 
were  implicated,  they  did  not  listen  to  the  proposal.  There- 
upon they  besieged  Barce  for  nine  months,  digging  passages 
under  ground  that  reached  to  the  walls,  and  making  vigorous 
assaults.  Now  the  excavations  a  worker  of  brass  discovered 
by  means  of  a  brazen  shield,  having  recourse  to  the  following 
expedient:  Carrying  it  round  within  the  wall,  he  applied  it 
to  the  ground  within  the  city :  in  other  places  to  which  he  ap- 
plied it,  it  made  no  noise,  but  at  the  parts  that  were  excavated 
the  brass  of  the  shield  sounded.  The  Barcaeans,  therefore, 
countermining  them  in  that  part,  slew  the  Persians  who  were 
employed  in  the  excavation ;  thus,  then,  this  was  discovered ; 
and  the  assaults  the  Barcaeans  repulsed.  When  much  time  had 
been  spent,  and  many  had  fallen  on  both  sides,  and  not  the 
fewest  on  the  side  of  the  Persians,  Amasis,  general  of  the  land 
forces,  had  recourse  to  the  following  stratagem :  Finding  that 
the  Barcaeans  could  not  be  taken  by  force,  but  might  be  by 
artifice,  he  did  thus :  having  dug  a  wide  pit  by  night,  he  laid 
weak  planks  of  wood  over  it,  and  on  the  surface  over  the 
planks  he  spread  a  heap  of  earth,  making  it  level  with  the  rest 
of  the  ground.  At  daybreak  he  invited  the  Barcaeans  to  a 
conference,  and  they  gladly  assented,  so  that  at  last  they  were 
pleased  to  come  to  terms :  and  they  made  an  agreement  of 
the  following  nature,  concluding  the  treaty  over  the  concealed 
pit :  That  as  long  as  this  earth  shall  remain  as  it  is,  the  treaty 
should  continue  in  force ;  and  that  the  Barcaeans  should  pay 
a  reasonable  tribute  to  the  king,  and  that  the  Persians  should 
form  no  new  designs  against  the  Barcaeans.  After  the  treaty 
the  Barcaeans,  confiding  in  the  Persians,  both  themselves  went 
out  of  the  city,  and  allowed  any  one  of  the  Persians  who  chose 
to  pass  within  the  wall,  having  thrown  open  all  the  gates. 
But  the  Persians,  having  broken  down  the  concealed  bridge, 
rushed  within  the  wall :  and  they  broke  down  the  bridge  that 
they  had  made  for  the  following  reason,  that  they  might  keep 
their  oath,  having  made  a  compact  with  the  Barcaeans  that 
the  treaty  should  continue  so  long  as  the  earth  should  re- 
main as  it  then  was ;  but  when  they  had  broken  down  the 
bridge  the  treaty  no  longer  remained  in  force. 

Those  of  the  Barcaeans  who  were  most  to  blame  Pheretime 
impaled  round  the  walls  when  they  had  been  delivered  up  to 
18 


274  HERODOTUS— BOOK    IV,   MELPOMENE       [202-205 

her  by  the  Persians ;  and  having  cut  off  the  breasts  of  their 
wives,  she  studded  the  wall  with  them.  The  rest  of  the 
Barcaeans  she  gave  up  as  booty  to  the  Persians,  except  such 
of  them  as  were  Battiadse,  and  had  not  participated  in  the 
murder;  to  these  Pheretime  intrusted  the  city.  The  Per- 
sians, therefore,  having  reduced  the  rest  of  the  Barcaeans  to 
slavery,  took  their  departure;  and  when  they  halted  at  the 
city  of  the  Cyrenaeans,  the  Cyrenaeans,  to  absolve  themselves 
from  obedience  to  some  oracle,  permitted  them  to  pass  through 
the  city.  But  as  the  army  was  going  through,  Bares,  the  com- 
mander of  the  naval  forces,  urged  them  to  take  the  city ;  but 
Amasis,  the  commander  of  the  land  forces,  would  not  allow 
it,  for  that  he  was  sent  against  no  other  Grecian  city  than 
that  of  Barce.  However,  when  they  had  passed  through, 
and  encamped  on  the  hill  of  the  Lycaean  Jupiter,  they  began 
to  repent  that  they  had  not  possessed  themselves  of  Cyrene, 
and  attempted  to  enter  it  a  second  time.  But  the  Cyrenaeans 
would  not  suffer  them,  and  a  panic  struck  the  Persians,  al- 
though no  one  attacked  them ;  and  having  run  away  for  a 
distance  of  sixty  stades,  they  pitched  their  camp.  When  the 
army  was  encamped  here,  a  messenger  came  from  Aryandes 
to  recall  them.  The  Persians,  having  requested  the  Cyrenaeans 
to  give  them  provisions  for  their  march,  obtained  their  re- 
quest, and  having  received  them,  marched  away  toward  Egypt. 
And  from  thence  the  Libyans,  laying  wait  for  them,  put  to 
death  those  that  strayed  and  loitered  behind,  for  the  sake  of 
their  dress  and  baggage,  until  they  reached  Egypt.  The  far- 
thest point  of  Africa  to  which  this  Persian  army  penetrated 
was  the  country  of  the  Euesperides.  The  Barcaeans,  whom 
they  had  enslaved,  they  transported  from  Egypt  to  the  king ; 
and  King  Darius  gave  them  a  village  in  the  district  of  Bac- 
tria  to  dwell  in.  They  gave  then  the  name  of  Barce  to  this 
village,  which  was  still  inhabited  in  my  time,  in  the  Bactrian 
territory.  Pheretime,  however,  did  not  close  her  life  happily; 
for  immediately  after  she  returned  from  Libya  to  Egypt,  hav- 
ing avenged  herself  on  the  Barcaeans,  she  died  miserably ;  for 
even  while  alive  she  swarmed  with  maggots.  So  odious  to 
the  gods  are  the  excesses  of  human  vengeance.  Such  and  so 
great  was  the  vengeance  of  Pheretime,  wife  of  Battus,  on  the 
Barcaeans. 


BOOK  V 

TERPSICHORE 

THE  Persians,  left  in  Europe  by  Darius  under  the  com- 
mand of  Megabyzus,  subdued  the  Perinthians  first  of 
the  Hellespontines,  who  were  unwilling  to  submit  to 
Darius,  and  had  been  before  roughly  handled  by  the 
Paeonians.  For  the  Paeonians  from  the  Strymon,  an  oracle 
having  admonished  them  to  invade  the  Perinthians,  and  if 
the  Perinthians,  when  encamped  over  against  them,  should 
challenge  them,  shouting  to  them  by  name,  then  to  attack, 
but  if  they  should  not  shout  out  to  them,  not  to  attack;  the 
Paeonians  did  accordingly.  The  Perinthians  having  encamped 
opposite  to  them  in  the  suburbs,  a  threefold  single  combat 
there  took  place  according  to  a  challenge ;  for  they  matched  a 
man  with  a  man,  a  horse  with  a  horse,  and  a  dog  with  a  dog. 
But  the  Perinthians  being  victorious  in  two  of  these  combats, 
when  through  excess  of  joy  they  sang  the  Paeon,  the  Paeonians 
conjectured  that  this  was  the  meaning  of  the  oracle,  and  said 
among  themselves :  "  Now  surely  the  oracle  must  be  accom- 
plished ;  now  it  is  our  part  to  act."  Thus  the  Paeonians  at- 
tacked the  Perinthians  as  they  were  singing  the  Paeon,  and 
gained  a  complete  victory,  and  left  but  few  of  them  alive. 
Such,  then,  had  formerly  been  the  achievements  of  the  Paeo- 
nians ;  but  at  that  time,  though  the  Perinthians  proved  them- 
selves valiant  in  defence  of  their  liberty,  the  Persians  and 
Megabyzus  overcame  them  by  numbers.  When  Perinthus 
was  subdued,  Megabyzus  marched  his  army  through  Thrace, 
subjecting  to  the  king  every  city  and  every  nation  of  those 
dwelling  in  that  country;  for  this  command  had  been  given 
him  by  Darius  to  subdue  Thrace. 

The  nation  of  the  Thracians  is  the  greatest  of  any  among 
men,  at  least  except  the  Indians ;  and  if  they  were  governed 
by  one  man,  or  acted  in  concert,  they  would,  in  my  opinion, 
be  invincible,  and  by  far  the  most  powerful  of  all  nations.  But 
as  this  is  impracticable,  and  it  is  impossible  that  they  should 
ever  be  united,  they  are  therefore  weak.    They  have  various 

275 


276  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [3-8 

names,  according  to  their  respective  regions,  but  all  observe 
similar  customs  in  every  respect,  except  the  Getae,  the  Trausi, 
and  those  who  dwell  above  the  Crestonaeans.  Of  these,  what 
are  the  customs  of  the  Getae,  who  pretend  to  be  immortal,  I 
have  already  described.  The  Trausi,  in  all  other  respects,  ob- 
serve the  same  usages  as  the  rest  of  the  Thracians ;  but  with 
regard  to  one  born  among  them,  or  that  dies,  they  do  as  fol- 
lows :  The  relatives,  seating  themselves  round  one  that  is 
newly  born,  bewail  him,  deploring  the  many  evils  he  must 
needs  fulfil,  since  he  has  been  born ;  enumerating  the  various 
sufferings  incident  to  mankind :  but  one  that  dies  they  bury 
in  the  earth,  making  merry  and  rejoicing,  recounting  the  many 
evils  from  which  being  released,  he  is  now  in  perfect  bliss. 
Those  above  the  Crestonaeans  do  as  follows :  Each  man  has 
several  wives ;  when,  therefore,  a  husband  dies,  a  great  con- 
test arises  among  the  wives,  and  violent  disputes  among  their 
friends,  on  this  point,  which  of  them  was  most  loved  by  him. 
She  who  is  adjudged  to  have  been  so,  and  is  so  honoured, 
having  been  extolled  both  by  men  and  women,  is  slain  on  the 
tomb  by  her  own  nearest  relative,  and  when  slain  is  buried  with 
her  husband ;  the  others  deem  this  a  great  misfortune,  for  this 
is  the  utmost  disgrace  to  them.  There  is,  moreover,  this  cus- 
tom among  the  rest  of  the  Thracians :  they  sell  their  children 
for  exportation.  They  keep  no  watch  over  their  unmarried 
daughters,  but  suffer  them  to  have  intercourse  with  what  men 
they  choose.  But  they  keep  a  strict  watch  over  their  wives, 
and  purchase  them  from  their  parents  at  high  prices.  To  be 
marked  with  punctures  is  accounted  a  sign  of  noble  birth ;  to 
be  without  punctures,  ignoble.  To  be  idle  is  most  honour- 
able ;  but  to  be  a  tiller  of  the  soil,  most  dishonourable ;  to  live 
by  war  and  rapine  is  most  glorious.  These  are  the  most  re- 
markable of  their  customs.  They  worship  the  following  gods 
only :  Mars,  Bacchus,  and  Diana.  But  their  kings,  to  the  ex- 
ception of  the  other  citizens,  reverence  Mercury  most  of  all 
the  gods  ;  they  swear  by  him  only,  and  say  that  they  are  them- 
selves sprung  from  Mercury.  The  funerals  of  the  wealthy 
among  them  are  celebrated  in  this  manner:  They  expose  the 
corpse  during  three  days :  and  having  slain  all  kinds  of  vic- 
tims, they  feast,  having  first  made  lamentation.  Then  they 
bury  them,  having  first  burned  them,  or  at  all  events  placing 
them  under  ground;  then  having  thrown  up  a  mound,  they 
celebrate  all  kinds  of  games,  in  which  the  greatest  rewards 
are  adjudged  to  single  combat,  according  to  the  estimation 
in  which  they  are  held.  Such  are  the  funeral  rites  of  the 
Thracians. 


9-12]  HISTLEUS   AND   COES   REWARDED  277 

To  the  north  of  this  region  no  one  is  able  to  say  with  cer- 
tainty who  are  the  people  that  inhabit  it.  But  beyond  the 
Ister  appears  to  be  a  desert  and  interminable  tract:  the  only 
men  that  I  am  able  to  hear  of  as  dwelling  beyond  the  Ister 
are  those  called  Sigynnae,  who  wear  the  Medic  dress:  their 
horses  are  shaggy  all  over  the  body,  to  five  fingers  in  depth 
of  hair;  they  are  small,  flat-nosed,  and  unable  to  carry  men; 
but  when  yoked  to  chariots  they  are  very  fleet,  therefore  the 
natives  drive  chariots.  Their  confines  extend  as  far  as  the 
Eneti  on  the  Adriatic :  and  they  say  that  they  are  a  colony 
of  Medes.  How  they  can  have  been  a  colony  of  the  Medes  I 
can  not  comprehend ;  but  anything  may  happen  in  course  of 
time.  Now,  the  Ligyes,  who  live  above  Massilia,  call  traders 
Sigynnae,  and  the  Cyprians  give  that  name  to  spears.  The 
Thracians  say  bees  occupy  the  parts  beyond  the  Ister,  and 
by  reason  of  them  it  is  impossible  to  penetrate  farther;  to 
me,  however,  in  saying  this  they  appear  to  say  what  is  im- 
probable, for  these  creatures  are  known  to  be  impatient  of 
cold  ;  but  the  regions  beneath  the  Bear  seem  to  be  uninhabited 
by  reason  of  the  cold.  Such  is  the  account  given  of  this  coun- 
try. Megabyzus,  then,  subjected  its  maritime  parts  to  the 
Persians. 

Darius,  as  soon  as  he  had  crossed  the  Hellespont  and 
reached  Sardis,  remembered  the  good  offices  of  Histiaeus  the 
Milesian,  and  the  advice  of  Goes  the  Mitylenian.  Having, 
therefore,  sent  for  them  to  Sardis,  he  gave  them  their  choice 
of  a  recompense.  Histiaeus,  as  being  already  tyrant  of  Miletus, 
desired  no  other  government  in  addition ;  but  asked  for  Myr- 
cinus  of  Edonia,  wishing  to  build  a  city  there.  But  Coes,  as 
not  being  a  tyrant,  but  a  private  citizen,  asked  for  the  govern- 
ment of  Mitylene.  When  their  requests  were  granted  to  both 
of  them,  they  betook  themselves  to  the  places  they  had  chosen. 
It  happened  that  Darius,  having  witnessed  a  circumstance  of 
the  following  kind,  was  desirous  of  commanding  Megabyzus 
to  seize  the  Paeonians  and  transplant  them  out  of  Europe  into 
Asia.  Pigres  and  Mantyes  were  Paeonians,  who,  when  Darius 
had  crossed  over  into  Asia,  being  desirous  to  rule  over  the 
Paeonians,  came  to  Sardis,  bringing  with  them  their  sister, 
who  was  tall  and  beautiful :  and  having  watched  the  oppor- 
tunity when  Darius  was  seated  in  public  in  the  suburb  of  the 
Lydians,  they  did  as  follows :  Having  dressed  their  sister  in 
the  best  manner  they  could,  they  sent  her  for  water,  carrying 
a  pitcher  on  her  head,  leading  a  horse  on  her  arm,  and  spin- 
ning flax.  As  the  woman  passed  by,  it  attracted  the  attention 
of  Darius,  for  what  she  was  doing  was  neither  according  to 


278  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,   TERPSICHORE  [12-15 

the  Persian  or  Lydian  customs,  nor  of  any  other  people  in 
Asia ;  when,  therefore,  it  attracted  his  attention,  he  sent  some 
of  his  body-guard,  bidding  them  observe  what  the  woman 
would  do  with  the  horse.  The  guards  accordingly  followed 
her,  and  she,  when  she  came  to  the  river,  watered  the  horse ; 
and  having  watered  it,  and  filled  her  pitcher,  returned  by  the 
same  way,  carrying  the  water  on.  her  head,  leading  the  horse 
on  her  arm,  and  turning  her  spindle.  Darius,  surprised  at 
what  he  heard  from  the  spies,  and  at  what  he  himself  had 
seen,  commanded  them  to  bring  her  into  his  presence ;  and 
when  she  was  brought,  her  brothers  also  made  their  appear- 
ance, who  were  keeping  a  lookout  somewhere  not  far  off: 
and  when  Darius  asked  of  what  country  she  was,  the  young 
men  said  that  they  were  Paeonians,  and  that  she  was  their 
sister.  He  then  inquired,  "  Who  are  the  Paeonians,  in  what 
part  of  the  world  do  they  live,  and  for  what  purpose  have  they 
come  to  Sardis  ?  "  They  told  him  that  they  had  come  to  de- 
liver themselves  up  to  him,  and  that  Paeonia  was  situated  on 
the  river  Strymon,  and  the  Strymon  was  not  far  from  the 
Hellespont;  and  that  they  were  a  colony  of  Teucrians  from 
Troy.  They  then  mentioned  these  several  particulars ;  and  he 
asked  if  all  the  women  of  that  country  were  so  industrious. 
They  readily  answered  that  such  was  the  case,  for  they  had 
formed  their  plan  for  this  very  purpose. 

Thereupon  Darius  wrote  letters  to  Megabyzus,  whom  he 
had  left  general  in  Thrace,  commanding  him  to  remove  the 
Paeonians  from  their  abodes,  and  to  bring  to  him  themselves, 
their  children,  and  their  wives.  A  horseman  immediately 
hastened  to  the  Hellespont  with  the  message;  and  having 
crossed  over,  delivered  the  letter  to  Megabyzus  ;  but  he,  having 
read  it,  and  taking  guides  from  Thrace,  marched  against 
Paeonia.  The  Paeonians,  having  heard  that  the  Persians  were 
coming  against  them,  assembled,  and  drew  out  their  forces 
toward  the  sea,  thinking  that  the  Persians  would  attempt  to 
enter  and  attack  them  in  that  direction:  the  Paeonians,  ac- 
cordingly, were  prepared  to  repel  the  army  of  Megabyzus  at 
its  first  onset.  But  the  Persians,  understanding  that  the  Pae- 
onians had  assembled  and  were  guarding  the  approaches  on 
the  coast,  having  guides,  went  the  upper  road ;  and  having 
escaped  the  notice  of  the  Paeonians,  came  suddenly  on  their 
towns,  which  were  destitute  of  inhabitants,  and  as  they  fell 
upon  them  when  empty,  they  easily  got  possession  of  them. 
But  the  Paeonians,  as  soon  as  they  heard  that  their  cities  were 
taken,  immediately  dispersed  themselves,  and  repaired  each 
to  his  own  home,  and  gave  themselves  up  to  the  Persians. 


1 5-i 8]  REMOVAL  OF  THE  PyEONIANS  279 

Thus  the  Siropseonians  and  Paeoplae,  and  those  tribes  of  Pae- 
onians  as  far  as  the  lake  Prasias,  were  removed  from  their 
abodes,  and  transported  into  Asia.  But  those  around  Mount 
Pangaeus  and  near  the  Doberes,  the  Agrianae,  Odomanti,  and 
those  who  inhabit  Lake  Prasias  itself,  were  not  at  all  subdued 
by  Megabyzus.  Yet  he  attempted  to  conquer  those  who  live 
upon  the  lake  in  dwellings  contrived  after  this  manner :  planks 
fitted  on  lofty  piles  are  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  lake,  with 
a  narrow  entrance  from  the  mainland  by  a  single  bridge. 
These  piles  that  support  the  planks  all  the  citizens  anciently 
placed  there  at  the  common  charge ;  but  afterward  they  estab- 
lished a  law  to  the  following  effect :  whenever  a  man  marries, 
for  each  wife  he  sinks  three  piles,  bringing  wood  from  a  moun- 
tain called  Orbelus :  but  every  man  has  several  wives.  They 
live  in  the  following  manner:  every  man  has  a  hut  on  the 
planks,  in  which  he  dwells,  with  a  trap-door  closely  fitted  in 
the  planks,  and  leading  down  to  the  lake.  They  tie  the  young 
children  with  a  cord  round  the  foot,  fearing  lest  they  should 
fall  into  the  lake  beneath.  To  their  horses  and  beasts  of  bur- 
den they  give  fish  for  fodder ;  of  which  there  is  such  an  abun- 
dance that  when  a  man  has  opened  his  trap-door  he  lets  down 
an  empty  basket  by  a  cord  into  the  lake,  and,  after  waiting 
a  short  time,  draws  it  up  full  of  fish.  They  have  two  kinds  of 
fish,  which  they  call  papraces  and  tilones.  Those  of  the  Pas- 
onians,  then,  who  were  subdued  were  taken  to  Asia. 

When  Megabyzus  had  subdued  the  Paeonians,  he  sent  into 
Macedonia  seven  Persians  as  ambassadors,  who  next  to  him- 
self were  the  most  illustrious  in  the  army.  They  were  sent 
to  Amyntas  to  demand  earth  and  water  for  King  Darius. 
From  the  lake  Prasias  the  distance  to  Macedonia  is  very  short. 
For  near  adjoining  the  lake  is  a  mine,  from  which  in  later 
times  a  talent  of  silver  came  in  daily  to  Alexander :  beyond 
the  mine,  when  one  has  passed  the  mountain  called  Dysorum, 
one  is  in  Macedonia.  When,  therefore,  the  Persians  who  were 
sent  arrived  at  the  court  of  Amyntas,  on  going  into  the  pres- 
ence of  Amyntas,  they  demanded  earth  and  water  for  King 
Darius.  He  both  promised  to  give  these,  and  invited  them 
to  partake  of  his  hospitality ;  and  having  prepared  a  magnifi- 
cent feast,  he  entertained  the  Persians  with  great  courtesy. 
But  after  supper  the  Persians,  who  were  drinking  freely,  spoke 
as  follows :  Macedonian  host,  it  is  a  custom  with  us  Per- 
sians, when  we  have  given  a  great  feast,  to  introduce  our  con- 
cubines and  lawful  wives  to  sit  by  our  sides :  since,  therefore, 
you  have  received  us  kindly,  and  have  entertained  us  mag- 
nificently, and  promise  to  give  earth  and  water  to  King  Darius, 


28o  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [18-20 

do  you  follow  our  custom."  To  this  Amyntas  answered :  "  O 
Persians,  we  have  no  such  custom,  but  that  the  men  should  be 
separated  from  the  women ;  yet,  since  you,  who  are  our  mas- 
ters, require  this  also,  this  shall  also  be  granted  to  you." 
Amyntas,  having  spoken  thus,  sent  for  the  women ;  and  they, 
when  they  had  come,  being  summoned,  sat  down  in  order 
opposite  to  the  Persians.  Thereupon  the  Persians,  seeing  the 
women  were  beautiful,  spoke  to  Amyntas,  saying  that  what 
had  been  done  was  not  at  all  wise,  for  that  it  were  better  that 
the  women  should  not  have  come  at  all  than  that,  when  they 
had  come,  they  should  not  be  placed  beside  them,  but  sit 
opposite  to  them  as  a  torment  to  their  eyes.  Upon  this, 
Amyntas,  compelled  by  necessity,  ordered  them  to  sit  down 
by  the  men ;  and  when  the  women  obeyed,  the  Persians, 
being  very  full  of  wine,  began  to  feel  their  breasts ;  and  some 
even  attempted  to  kiss  them.  Amyntas,  when  he  beheld 
this,  though  very  indignant,  remained  quiet,  through  exces- 
sive fear  of  the  Persians.  But  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas, 
who  was  present,  and  witnessed  this  behaviour,  being  a  young 
man  and  inexperienced  in  misfortune,  was  no  longer  able  to 
restrain  himself;  so  that,  bearing  it  with  difficulty,  he  ad- 
dressed Amyntas  as  follows :  "  Father,  yield  to  your  years ; 
and  retire  to  rest,  nor  persist  in  drinking.  I  will  stay  here, 
and  furnish  the  guests  with  all  things  necessary."  Amyntas, 
perceiving  that  Alexander  was  about  to  put  some  new  design 
in  execution,  said :  "  Son,  I  pretty  well  discern  by  your  words 
that  you  are  burning  with  rage,  and  that  you  wish  to  dis- 
miss me  that  you  may  attempt  some  new  design.  I  charge 
you,  therefore,  to  plan  nothing  new  against  these  men,  lest 
you  cause  our  ruin,  but  endure  to  behold  what  is  being  done ; 
with  respect  to  my  retiring,  I  will  comply  with  your  wishes." 
When  Amyntas,  having  made  this  request,  had  retired,  Alex- 
ander said  to  the  Persians :  "  Friends,  these  women  are  en- 
tirely at  your  service;  and  whether  you  desire  to  have  inter- 
course with  them  all,  or  with  any  of  them,  on  this  point  make 
known  your  own  wishes;  but  now,  as  the  time  for  retiring 
is  fast  approaching,  and  I  perceive  that  you  have  had  abun- 
dance to  drink,  let  these  women,  if  that  is  agreeable  to  you, 
go  and  bathe,  and  when  they  have  bathed  expect  their  re- 
turn." Having  spoken  thus,  as  the  Persians  approved  his  pro- 
posal, he  sent  away  the  women,  as  they  came  out,  to  their 
own  apartment ;  and  Alexander  himself,  having  dressed  a  like 
number  of  smooth-faced  young  men  in  the  dress  of  the  women, 
and  having  furnished  them  with  daggers,  led  them  in;  and 
as  he  led  them  in,  he  addressed  the  Persians  as  follows :  "  Per- 


20-23]  MURDER   OF   THE   AMBASSADORS  28 1 

sians,  you  appear  to  have  been  entertained  with  a  sumptuous 
feast;  for  we  have  given  you  not  only  all  we  had,  but  what- 
ever we  could  procure;  and,  what  is  more  than  all  the  rest, 
we  now  freely  give  up  to  you  our  mothers  and  sisters,  that 
you  may  perceive  that  you  are  thoroughly  honoured  by  us 
with  whatever  you  deserve ;  and  also  that  you  may  report  to 
the  king  who  sent  you  that  a  Greek,  the  prince  of  the  Mace- 
donians, gave  you  a  good  reception  both  at  table  and  bed." 
Having  thus  spoken,  Alexander  placed  by  the  side  of  each 
person  a  Macedonian  man,  as  if  a  woman ;  but  they,  when  the 
Persians  attempted  to  touch  them,  put  them  to  death.  By 
this  death  these  perished,  both  they  and  their  attendants,  for 
they  were  followed  by  carriages,  and  attendants,  and  all  kinds 
of  baggage ;  but  all  these,  with  the  whole  of  the  men,  disap- 
peared. But  after  no  long  time  a  great  search  was  made  by 
the  Persians  for  these  men;  but  Alexander  by  his  prudence 
checked  their  inquiry  by  giving  a  considerable  sum  of  money, 
and  his  own  sister,  whose  name  was  Gygaea,  to  Bubares,  a 
Persian,  the  chief  of  those  sent  to  search  for  those  who  were 
lost:  thus  the  inquiry  into  the  death  of  these  Persians  being 
suppressed,  was  hushed  up.  That  these  princes,  who  are 
sprung  from  Perdiccas,  are  Greeks,  as  they  themselves  affirm, 
I  myself  happen  to  know ;  and  in  a  future  part  of  my  history 
I  will  prove  that  they  are  Greeks.  Moreover,  the  judges  pre- 
siding at  the  games  of  the  Grecians  in  Olympia  have  deter- 
mined that  they  are  so;  for  when  Alexander  wished  to  enter 
the  lists,  and  went  down  there  for  that  very  purpose,  his 
Grecian  competitors  wished  to  exclude  him,  alleging  that  the 
games  were  not  instituted  for  barbarian  combatants,  but  Gre- 
cians. But  Alexander,  after  he  had  proved  himself  to  be  an 
Argive,  was  pronounced  to  be  a  Greek,  and  when  he  was  to 
contend  in  the  stadium,  his  lot  fell  out  with  that  of  the  first 
combatant.    In  this  manner  were  these  things  transacted. 

Megabyzus,  leading  with  him  the  Paeonians,  arrived  at 
the  Hellespont ;  and  having  crossed  over,  came  to  Sardis. 
In  the  meantime  Histiaeus  the  Milesian  was  building  a  wall 
round  the  place,  which,  at  his  own  request,  he  had  received 
from  Darius  as  a  reward  for  his  services  in  preserving  the 
bridge :  this  place  was  near  the  river  Strymon,  and  its  name 
was  Myrcinus.  But  Megabyzus,  having  heard  what  was 
being  done  by  Histiaeus,  as  soon  as  he  reached  Sardis,  bring- 
ing the  Paeonians  with  him,  addressed  Darius  as  follows :  "  O 
king,  what  have  you  done,  in  allowing  a  crafty  and  subtle 
Greek  to  possess  a  city  in  Thrace,  where  there  is  abundance 
of  timber  fit  for  building  ships,  and  plenty  of  wood  for  oars, 


282  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [23-26 

and  silver  mines  ?  A  great  multitude  of  Greeks  and  barbarians 
dwell  around,  who,  when  they  have  obtained  him  as  a  leader, 
will  do  whatever  he  may  command  both  by  day  and  by  night. 
Put  a  stop,  therefore,  to  the  proceedings  of  this  man,  that  you 
may  not  be  harassed  by  a  domestic  war ;  but,  having  sent  for 
him  in  a  gentle  manner,  stop  him :  and  when  you  have  got 
him  in  your  power,  take  care  that  he  never  returns  to  the 
Greeks."  Megabyzus,  speaking  thus,  easily  persuaded  Darius, 
since  he  wisely  foresaw  what  was  likely  to  happen.  There- 
upon Darius,  having  sent  a  messenger  to  Myrcinus,  spoke 
as  follows :  "  Histiaeus,  King  Darius  says  thus :  I  find  on  con- 
sideration that  there  is  no  man  better  affected  to  me  and  my 
affairs  than  thyself;  and  this  I  have  learned,  not  by  words, 
but  actions ;  now,  therefore,  since  I  have  great  designs  to 
put  in  execution,  come  to  me  by  all  means,  that  I  may  com- 
municate them  to  thee."  Histiaeus,  giving  credit  to  these 
words,  and  at  the  same  time  considering  it  a  great  honour  to 
become  a  counsellor  of  the  king,  went  to  Sardis :  when  he  ar- 
rived, Darius  addressed  him  as  follows :  "  Histiaeus,  I  have 
sent  for  you  on  this  occasion.  As  soon  as  I  returned  from 
Scythia,  and  you  were  out  of  my  sight,  I  have  wished  for 
nothing  so  much  as  to  see  you  and  converse  with  you  again ; 
being  persuaded  that  a  friend  who  is  both  intelligent  and  well 
affected,  is  the  most  valuable  of  all  possessions ;  both  of  which 
I  am  able  to  testify  from  my  own  knowledge  concur  in  you, 
as  regards  my  affairs.  Now,  then,  for  you  have  done  well  in 
coming,  I  make  you  this  offer.  Think  no  more  of  Miletus, 
nor  of  the  new-founded  city  in  Thrace ;  but  follow  me  to  Susa, 
have  the  same  that  I  have,  and  be  the  partner  of  my  table  and 
councils."  Darius  having  spoken  thus,  and  having  appointed 
Artaphernes,  his  brother  by  the  same  father,  to  be  governor 
of  Sardis,  departed  for  Susa,  taking  Histiaeus  with  him;  and 
having  nominated  Otanes  to  be  general  of  the  forces  on  the 
coast,  whose  father  Sisamnes,  one  of  the  royal  judges,  King 
Cambyses  had  put  to  death  and  flayed,  because  he  had  given 
an  unjust  judgment  for  a  sum  of  money.  And  having  had  his 
skin  torn  off,  he  had  it  cut  into  thongs,  and  extended  it  on 
the  bench  on  which  he  used  to  sit  when  he  pronounced  judg- 
ment: and  Cambyses,  having  so  extended  it,  appointed  as 
judge  in  the  room  of  Sisamnes,  whom  he  had  slain  and  flayed, 
the  son  of  Sisamnes,  admonishing  him  to  remember  on  what 
seat  he  sat  to  administer  justice.  This  Otanes,  then,  who 
had  been  placed  on  this  seat,  being  now  appointed  successor 
to  Megabyzus  in  the  command  of  the  army,  subdued  the 
Byzantians  and  Chalcedonians,  and  took  Antandros,  which 


26-30]  NAXIAN  EXILES  AT  MILETUS  283 

belongs  to  the  territory  of  Troas,  and  Lamponium ;  and  hav- 
ing obtained  ships  from  the  Lesbians,  he  took  Lemnos  and 
Imbrus,  both  of  which  were  then  inhabited  by  Pelasgians. 
(Now  the  Lemnians  fought  valiantly,  and  having  defended 
themselves  for  some  time,  were  at  length  overcome ;  and  over 
those  who  survived,  the  Persians  set  up  Lycaretus  as  gov- 
ernor, the  brother  of  Maeandrius,  who  had  reigned  in  Samos. 
This  Lycaretus  died  while  governor  of  Lemnos.)  Otanes  en- 
slaved and  subdued  them  all ;  his  reasons  for  doing  so  were 
as  follows:  some  he  charged  of  desertion  to  the  Scythians; 
others,  of  having  harassed  Darius's  army  in  their  return  home 
from  the  Scythians.  Such  was  his  conduct  while  general  of 
the  forces. 

Afterward,  for  the  intermission  from  misfortune  was  not 
of  long  duration,  evils  arose  a  second  time  to  the  Ionians  from 
Naxos  and  Miletus.  For,  on  the  one  hand,  Naxos  surpassed 
all  the  islands  in  opulence ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  Miletus 
at  the  same  time  had  attained  the  summit  of  its  prosperity, 
and  was  accounted  the  ornament  of  Ionia ;  though  before 
this  period  it  had  for  two  generations  suffered  excessively 
from  seditions,  until  the  Parians  reconciled  them;  for  the 
Milesians  had  chosen  them  out  of  all  the  Greeks  to  settle  their 
differences.  The  Parians  reconciled  them  in  the  following 
manner :  When  their  most  eminent  men  arrived  at  Miletus, 
as  they  saw  their  private  affairs  in  a  dreadful  state,  they  said 
that  they  wished  to  go  through  their  whole  country ;  and,  in 
doing  this  and  going  through  all  Milesia,  wheresoever  they 
saw  in  the  devastated  country  any  land  well  cultivated,  they 
wrote  down  the  name  of  the  proprietor.  And  having  traversed 
the  whole  country,  and  found  but  few  such,  as  soon  as  they 
came  down  to  the  city  they  called  an  assembly,  and  appointed 
to  govern  the  city  those  persons  whose  lands  they  had  found 
well  cultivated;  for  they  said  they  thought  they  would  ad- 
minister the  public  affairs  as  well  as  they  had  done  their  own. 
The  rest  of  the  Milesians,  who  before  had  been  split  into  fac- 
tions, they  ordered  to  obey  them.  Thus  the  Parians  recon- 
ciled the  Milesians.  From  these  two  cities  at  that  time  mis- 
fortunes began  to  befall  Ionia  in  the  following  manner :  Some 
of  the  opulent  men  were  exiled  from  Naxos  by  the  people, 
and  being  exiled,  went  to  Miletus:  the  governor  of  Miletus 
happened  to  be  Aristagoras,  son  of  Molpagoras,  son-in-law 
and  cousin  of  Histiaeus,  son  of  Lysagoras,  whom  Darius  de- 
tained at  Susa.  For  Histiaeus  was  tyrant  of  Miletus,  and  hap- 
pened to  be  at  that  time  at  Susa,  when  the  Naxians  came, 
who  were  before  on  terms  of  friendship  with  Histiaeus.    The 


284  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [30-32 

Naxians,  then,  having  arrived  at  Miletus,  entreated  Aristago- 
ras  if  he  could  by  any  means  give  them  some  assistance,  that 
so  they  might  return  to  their  own  country.  But  he,  having 
considered  that  if  by  his  means  they  should  return  to  their 
city,  he  would  get  the  dominion  of  Naxos,  used  the  friend- 
ship of  Histiaeus  as  a  pretence,  and  addressed  the  following 
discourse  to  them :  "  I  am  not  able  of  myself  to  furnish  you 
with  a  force  sufficient  to  reinstate  you  against  the  wishes  of 
the  Naxians  who  are  in  possession  of  the  city,  for  I  hear  that 
the  Naxians  have  eight  thousand  heavy  armed  men,  and  a 
considerable  number  of  ships  of  war.  Yet  I  will  contrive 
some  way,  and  use  my  best  endeavours ;  and  I  design  it  in 
this  way :  Artaphernes  happens  to  be  my  friend ;  he  is  son  of 
Hystaspes  and  brother  of  King  Darius,  and  commands  all  the 
maritime  parts  of  Asia,  and  has  a  large  army  and  many  ships. 
This  man,  I  am  persuaded,  will  do  whatever  we  desire."  The 
Naxians,  having  heard  this,  urged  Aristagoras  to  bring  it 
about  in  the  best  way  he  could,  and  bade  him  promise  pres- 
ents, and  their  expenses  to  the  army,  for  that  they  would  repay 
it,  having  great  expectations  that  when  they  should  appear 
at  Naxos  the  Naxians  would  do  whatever  they  should  order, 
as  also  would  the  other  islanders :  for  of  these  Cyclades  Islands 
not  one  was  as  yet  subject  to  Darius. 

Accordingly,  Aristagoras,  having  gone  to  Sardis,  told 
Artaphernes  that  Naxos  was  an  island  of  no  great  extent,  but 
otherwise  beautiful  and  fertile,  and  near  Ionia,  and  in  it  were 
much  wealth  and  many  slaves.  "  Do  you  therefore  send  an 
army  against  this  country  to  reinstate  those  who  have  been 
banished  from  thence ;  and  if  you  do  this,  I  have,  in  the  first 
place,  a  large  sum  of  money  ready,  in  addition  to  the  expenses 
of  the  expedition,  for  it  is  just  that  we  who  lead  you  on  should 
supply  that ;  and  in  the  next,  you  will  acquire  for  the  king 
Naxos  itself,  and  the  islands  dependent  upon  it,  Paros,  Andros, 
and  the  rest  that  are  called  Cyclades.  Setting  out  from  thence, 
you  will  easily  attack  Eubcea,  a  large  and  wealthy  island,  not 
less  than  Cyprus,  and  very  easy  to  be  taken.  A  hundred  ships 
are  sufficient  to  subdue  them  all."  He  answered  him  as  fol- 
lows :  "  You  propose  things  advantageous  to  the  king's  house, 
and  advise  everything  well,  except  the  number  of  ships;  in- 
stead of  one  hundred,  two  hundred  shall  be  ready  at  the 
beginning  of  spring.  But  it  is  necessary  that  the  king  him- 
self should  approve  of  the  design."  Now  Aristagoras,  when 
he  heard  this,  being  exceedingly  rejoiced,  went  back  to 
Miletus.  But  Artaphernes,  when,  on  his  sending  to  Susa 
and  communicating  what  was  said  by  Aristagoras,  Darius 


32-34]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST   NAXOS  285 

himself  also  approved  the  plan,  made  ready  two  hundred  tri- 
remes, and  a  very  numerous  body  of  Persians  and  other  allies  : 
and  he  appointed  Megabates  general,  a  Persian  of  the  family 
of  the  Achemenidae,  his  own  and  Darius's  nephew,  whose 
daughter,  if  the  report  be  true,  was  afterward  betrothed  to  Pau- 
sanias,  son  of  Cleombrotus  the  Lacedaemonian,  who  aspired  to 
become  tyrant  of  Greece.  Artaphernes,  having  appointed 
Megabates  general,  sent  forward  the  army  to  Aristagoras. 

Megabates,  having  taken  with  him  from  Miletus  Aristag- 
oras and  the  Ionian  forces  and  the  Naxians,  sailed  profess- 
edly for  the  Hellespont;  but  when  he  arrived  at  Chios,  an- 
chored at  Caucasa,  that  he  might  cross  over  from  thence  to 
Naxos  by  a  north  wind.  However,  since  it  was  fated  that  the 
Naxians  were  not  to  perish  by  this  armament,  the  following 
event  occurred :  As  Megabates  was  going  round  the  watches 
on  board  the  ships,  he  found  no  one  on  guard  on  board  a 
Myndian  ship ;  thereupon,  being  indignant  at  this,  he  ordered 
his  body-guards  to  find  the  captain  of  this  ship,  whose  name 
was  Scylax,  and  to  bind  him,  having  passed  him  half-way 
through  the  lower  rowlock  of  the  vessel,  so  that  his  head 
should  be  on  the  outside  of  the  vessel  and  his  body  within. 
When  Scylax  was  bound,  some  one  told  Aristagoras  that 
Megabates  had  bound  and  disgraced  his  Myndian  friend.  He 
went  therefore  and  interceded  for  him  with  the  Persian,  but 
when  he  found  he  could  obtain  nothing  he  went  and  released 
him.  Megabates,  hearing  of  this,  was  very  indignant,  and 
enraged  with  Aristagoras ;  but  he  said :  "  What  have  you  to 
do  with  these  matters?  Did  not  Artaphernes  send  you  to 
obey  me,  and  to  sail  wheresoever  I  should  command?  Why 
do  you  busy  yourself?  "  Aristagoras  spoke  thus.  But  Mega- 
bates, exasperated  at  this,  as  soon  as  night  arrived,  despatched 
men  in  a  ship  to  Naxos  to  inform  the  Naxians  of  the  impend- 
ing danger.  Now  the  Naxians  did  not  at  all  expect  that  this 
armament  was  coming  against  them ;  when,  therefore,  they 
heard  of  it,  they  immediately  carried  everything  from  the 
fields  into  the  town,  and  prepared  to  undergo  a  siege,  and 
brought  food  and  drink  within  the  walls.  Thus  they  made 
preparations,  as  if  war  was  close  at  hand;  but  the  Per- 
sians, when  they  crossed  over  from  Chios  to  Naxos,  had 
to  attack  men  well  fortified,  and  besieged  them  during  four 
months.  So  that  having  consumed  all  the  supplies  they  had 
brought  with  them,  together  with  large  sums  furnished  by 
Aristagoras,  and  wanting  still  more  to  carry  on  the  siege,  they 
therefore  built  a  fortress  for  the  Naxian  exiles,  and  retired  to 
the  continent,  having  been  unsuccessful. 


286  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [35-36 

Aristagoras  was  unable  to  fulfil  his  promise  to  Artapher- 
nes;  and  at  the  same  time  the  expense  of  the  expedition, 
which  was  demanded,  pressed  heavily  on  him ;  he  was  alarmed 
too  on  account  of  the  ill  success  of  the  army,  and  at  having 
incurred  the  ill  will  of  Megabates,  and  thought  that  he  should 
be  deprived  of  the  government  of  Miletus ;  dreading  therefore 
each  of  these  things,  he  meditated  a  revolt:  for  it  happened 
at  the  same  time  that  a  messenger  with  his  head  punctured 
came  from  Susa  from  Histiaeus,  urging  Aristagoras  to  revolt 
from  the  king.  For  Histiaeus,  being  desirous  to  signify  to 
Aristagoras  his  wish  for  him  to  revolt,  had  no  other  means 
of  signifying  it  with  safety,  because  the  roads  were  guarded; 
therefore,  having  shaved  the  head  of  the  most  trustworthy  of 
his  slaves,  he  marked  it,  and  waited  till  the  hair  was  grown 
again :  as  soon  as  it  was  grown  again,  he  sent  him  to  Miletus 
without  any  other  instructions  than  that  when  he  arrived  at 
Miletus  he  should  desire  Aristagoras  to  shave  off  his  hair  and 
look  upon  his  head :  the  punctures,  as  I  said  before,  signified 
a  wish  for  him  to  revolt.  Histiaeus  did  this  because  he  looked 
upon  his  detention  at  Susa  as  a  great  misfortune;  if,  then,  a 
revolt  should  take  place  he  had  great  hopes  that  he  should 
be  sent  down  to  the  coast;  but  if  Miletus  made  no  new  at- 
tempt, he  thought  that  he  should  never  go  there  again.  His- 
tiaeus accordingly  under  these  considerations  sent  off  the 
messenger.  All  these  things  concurred  at  the  same  time 
to  Aristagoras ;  he  therefore  consulted  with  his  partisans, 
communicating  to  them  his  own  opinion  and  the  message  that 
had  come  from  Histiaeus:  now  all  the  rest  concurred  in  the 
same  opinion,  urging  him  to  revolt;  but  Hecataeus,  the  his- 
torian, at  first  endeavoured  to  dissuade  him  from  undertaking 
a  war  against  the  King  of  the  Persians,  enumerating  all  the 
nations  whom  Darius  governed,  and  his  power ;  but  when  he 
could  not  prevail,  he  in  the  next  place  advised  that  they  should 
so  contrive  as  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the  sea.  Now, 
he  continued,  he  saw  no  other  way  of  effecting  this,  for  he 
was  well  aware  that  the  power  of  the  Milesians  was  weak ;  but 
if  the  treasures  should  be  seized  from  the  temple  of  the  Bran- 
chidae,  which  Croesus  the  Lydian  had  dedicated,  he  had  great 
hopes  that  they  might  acquire  the  dominion  of  the  sea;  and 
thus  they  would  have  money  for  their  own  use,  and  the  enemy 
could  not  plunder  that  treasure.  But  this  treasure  was  very 
considerable,  as  I  have  already  related  in  the  first  part  of  my 
history.  This  opinion,  however,  did  not  prevail.  Neverthe- 
less it  was  resolved  to  revolt,  and  that  one  of  them,  having 
sailed  to  Myus  to  the  force  that  had  returned  from  Naxos, 


36-40]  REVOLT   OF   MILETUS  287 

which  was  then  there,  should  endeavour  to  seize  the  cap- 
tains on  board  the  ships.  Iatragoras,  having  been  despatched 
for  this  very  purpose,  and  having,  by  stratagem,  seized  Oli- 
atus,  son  of  Ibanolis  of  Mylassa,  Histiaeus,  son  of  Tymnes  of 
Termera,  Coes,  son  of  Erxandrus,  to  whom  Darius  had  given 
Mitylene,  Aristagoras,  son  of  Heraclides,  of  Cyme,  and  many 
others,  Aristagoras  thus  openly  revolted,  devising  everything 
he  could  against  Darius.  And  first,  in  pretence,  having  laid 
aside  the  sovereignty,  he  established  an  equality  in  Miletus, 
in  order  that  the  Milesians  might  more  readily  join  with  him 
in  the  revolt.  And  afterward  he  effected  the  same  throughout 
the  rest  of  Ionia,  expelling  some  of  the  tyrants ;  and  he  deliv- 
ered up  those  whom  he  had  taken  from  on  board  the  ships 
that  had  sailed  with  him  against  Naxos  to  the  cities,  in  order 
to  gratify  the  people,  giving  them  up  generally  to  the  respect- 
ive cities,  from  which  each  came.  The  Mityleneans,  as  soon 
as  they  received  Coes,  led  him  out,  and  stoned  him  to  death ; 
but  the  Cymeans  let  their  tyrant  go ;  and  in  like  manner  most 
of  the  others  let  theirs  go.  Accordingly,  there  was  a  sup- 
pression of  tyrants  throughout  the  cities.  But  Aristagoras  the 
Milesian,  when  he  had  suppressed  the  tyrants,  and  enjoined 
them  all  to  appoint  magistrates  in  each  of  the  cities,  in  the 
next  place  went  himself  in  a  trireme  as  ambassador  to  Sparta, 
for  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  procure  some  powerful  alliance. 
Anaxandrides,  son  of  Leon,  no  longer  survived  and  reigned 
over  Sparta,  but  was  already  dead ;  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anax- 
andrides, held  the  sovereignty,  not  having  acquired  it  by  his 
virtues,  but  by  his  birth.  Anaxandrides,  who  had  married  his 
own  sister's  daughter,  though  she  was  very  much  beloved 
by  him,  had  no  children ;  this  being  the  case,  the  Ephori,  hav- 
ing sent  for  him,  said :  "  If  you  do  not  provide  for  your  own 
interests,  yet  we  must  not  overlook  this,  that  the  race  of  Eurys- 
thenes  should  become  extinct.  Do  you  therefore  put  away 
the  wife  whom  you  have,  since  she  bears  no  children,  and 
marry  another,  and  by  so  doing  you  will  gratify  the  Spartans." 
He  answered,  saying  that  he  would  do  neither  of  these  things ; 
and  that  they  did  not  advise  him  well  in  urging  him  to  dis- 
miss the  wife  he  had,  when  she  had  committed  no  error,  and 
to  take  another  in  her  place,  and  therefore  he  would  not 
obey  them.  Upon  this  the  Ephori  and  senators,  having  con- 
sulted, made  the  following  proposal  to  Anaxandrides :  "  As 
we  see  you  strongly  attached  to  the  wife  whom  you  have, 
act  as  follows,  and  do  not  oppose  it,  lest  the  Spartans  should 
come  to  some  unusual  resolution  respecting  you.  We  do  not 
require  of  you  the  dismissal  of  your  present  wife ;  pay  her  the 


288  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [40-43 

same  attention  as  you  have  always  done,  and  marry  another 
besides  her,  who  may  bear  you  children."  When  they  spoke  to 
this  effect,  Anaxandrides  consented;  and  afterward  having 
two  wives,  he  inhabited  two  houses,  doing  what  was  not  at 
all  in  accordance  with  Spartan  usages.  When  no  long  time 
had  elapsed,  the  wife  last  married  bore  this  Cleomenes,  and 
presented  to  the  Spartans  an  heir  apparent  to  the  throne : 
and  the  former  wife,  who  had  before  been  barren,  by  some 
strange  fortune  then  proved  to  be  with  child ;  and  though 
she  was  really  so,  yet  the  relations  of  the  second  wife  having 
heard  of  it  raised  a  disturbance,  saying  that  she  boasted  vainly, 
purposing  to  bring  forward  a  supposititious  child.  As  they 
made  a  great  noise,  when  the  time  approached,  the  Ephori 
from  distrust  sat  around,  and  watched  the  woman  in  her 
labour.  She,  however,  when  she  had  borne  Dorieus,  shortly 
afterward  had  Leonidas,  and  after  him,  in  due  course,  Cleom- 
brotus ;  though  some  say  that  Cleombrotus  and  Leonidas 
were  twins.  But  she  who  bore  Cleomenes,  and  who  was  the 
second  wife,  and  daughter  to  Prinetades,  son  of  Demarmenus, 
never  bore  a  second  time. 

Cleomenes,  as  it  is  said,  was  not  of  sound  mind,  but  almost 
mad ;  whereas  Dorieus  was  the  first  of  the  young  men  of  his 
age,  and  was  fully  convinced  that  by  his  virtues  he  should 
obtain  the  sovereignty.  So  that,  being  of  this  persuasion, 
when  Anaxandrides  died,  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  following 
the  usual  custom,  appointed  the  eldest,  Cleomenes,  to  be  king, 
Dorieus,  being  very  indignant,  and  disdaining  to  be  reigned 
over  by  Cleomenes,  demanded  a  draught  of  men  from  the 
Spartans,  and  led  them  out  to  found  a  colony,  without  hav- 
ing consulted  the  oracle  at  Delphi  to  what  land  he  should  go 
and  settle,  nor  doing  any  of  those  things  that  are  usual  on 
such  occasions.  But  as  he  was  very  much  grieved,  he  directed 
his  ships  to  Libya,  and  some  Therseans  piloted  him.  Having 
arrived  at  Cinyps,  he  settled  near  the  river,  in  the  most  beau- 
tiful spot  of  the  Libyans.  But  in  the  third  year,  being  driven 
out  from  thence  by  the  Macse,  Libyans,  and  Carthaginians, 
he  returned  to  Peloponnesus.  There  Antichares,  a  citizen 
of  Eleon,  from  the  oracles  delivered  to  Laius,  advised  him  to 
found  Heraclea  in  Sicily,  affirming  that  all  the  country  of 
Eryx  belonged  to  the  Heraclidse,  Hercules  himself  having 
possessed  himself  of  it.  He,  hearing  this,  went  to  Delphi  to 
inquire  of  the  oracle  whether  he  should  take  the  country  to 
which  he  was  preparing  to  go.  The  Pythian  answered  that  he 
should  take  it.  Dorieus,  therefore,  taking  with  him  the  force 
which  he  had  led  to  Libya,  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Italy.    At 


44-46]  DORIEUS  289 

that  time,  as  the  Sybarites  say,  they  and  their  king  Telys  were 
preparing  to  make  war  against  Crotona :  and  the  Crotonians, 
being  much  alarmed,  implored  Dorieus  to  assist  them,  and 
obtained  their  request;  whereupon  Dorieus  marched  with 
them  against  Sybaris,  and  took  Sybaris  in  concert  with  them. 
Now,  the  Sybarites  say  that  Dorieus,  and  those  who  were 
with  him,  did  this.  But  the  Crotonians  affirm  that  no  for- 
eigner took  part  with  them  in  the  war  against  the  Sybarites, 
except  only  Callias  of  Elis,  a  seer  of  the  Iamidae,  and  he  did 
so  under  the  following  circumstances :  he  had  fled  from  Telys, 
King  of  the  Sybarites,  and  come  over  to  them,  when  the  vic- 
tims did  not  prove  favourable  as  he  was  sacrificing  against 
Crotona.  Such  is  the  account  they  give.  Each  party  produces 
the  following  proofs  of  what  they  assert :  The  Sybarites  allege 
a  sacred  inclosure  and  temple  near  the  dry  Crastis,1  which 
they  say  Dorieus,  when  he  had  assisted  in  taking  the  city, 
erected  to  Minerva,  surnamed  Crastian ;  and  in  the  next  place 
they  mention  the  death  of  Dorieus  as  the  greatest  proof,  for 
that  he  was  killed  for  having  acted  contrary  to  the  warnings 
of  the  oracle.  For  if  he  had  not  at  all  transgressed,  but  had 
done  that  for  which  he  was  sent,  he  would  have  taken  and 
possessed  the  Erycinian  country,  and  having  taken  it  would 
have  retained  it,  nor  would  he  and  his  army  have  been  de- 
stroyed. On  the  other  hand,  the  Crotonians  show  selected 
portions  of  land  given  to  Callias  the  Elean  in  the  territories 
of  Crotona,  which  the  descendants  of  Callias  continued  to 
occupy  even  in  my  time;  but  to  Dorieus,  and  the  posterity 
of  Dorieus,  nothing  was  given :  whereas,  if  Dorieus  had  as- 
sisted them  in  the  Sybaritic  war,  much  more  would  have  been 
given  to  him  than  to  Callias.  These,  then,  are  the  proofs  that 
each  produces,  and  every  man  has  the  liberty  of  adhering  to 
that  which  he  judges  most  probable.  There  sailed  with  Dori- 
eus also  other  Spartans,  joint  founders  of  a  colony,  as  Thes- 
salus,  Parsebates,  Celeas,  and  Euryleon ;  who,  on  their  ar- 
rival with  the  whole  armament  in  Sicily,  were  killed,  being 
defeated  in  battle  by  the  Phoenicians  and  Egestaeans.  Eury- 
leon alone  of  the  associates  in  founding  the  colony  survived 
this  disaster:  he,  having  collected  the  survivors  of  the  army, 
possessed  himself  of  Minoa,  a  colony  of  the  Selinuntians,  and 
assisted  in  liberating  the  Selinuntians  from  their  monarch 
Pythagoras.  But  afterward,  when  he  had  removed  him,  he 
himself  seized  the  tyranny  of  Selinus,  and  continued  monarch 
for  a  short  time ;  for  the  Selinuntians,  having  risen  up  against 
him,  put  him  to  death,  though  he  had  taken  sanctuary  at  the 
1  Called  "dry"  because  its  stream  was  dried  up  in  summer. 
19 


290  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [46-49 

altar  of  the  Forensian  Jupiter.  Philippus,  son  of  Butacides, 
a  citizen  of  Crotona,  accompanied  Dorieus,  and  perished  with 
him.  He  having  entered  into  a  contract  of  marriage  with  the 
daughter  of  Telys  the  Sybarite,  fled  from  Crotona,  but  disap- 
pointed of  his  marriage,  sailed  to  Cyrene;  and  setting  out 
from  thence,  he  accompanied  Dorieus  in  a  trireme  of  his  own, 
with  a  crew  maintained  at  his  own  expense;  for  he  had  been 
victorious  in  the  Olympian  games,  and  was  the  handsomest 
of  the  Greeks  of  his  day ;  and  on  account  of  his  beauty  he  ob- 
tained from  the  Egestseans  what  no  other  person  ever  did, 
for  having  erected  a  shrine  on  his  sepulchre,  they  propitiate 
him  with  sacrifices.  Dorieus,  then,  met  with  his  death  in  the 
manner  above  described ;  but  if  he  had  submitted  to  be  gov- 
erned by  Cleomenes,  and  had  continued  in  Sparta,  he  would 
have  become  King  of  Lacedsemon.  For  Cleomenes  did  not 
reign  for  any  length  of  time,  but  died  without  a  son,  leaving 
a  daughter  only,  whose  name  was  Gorgo. 

Aristagoras,  then,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  arrived  at  Sparta 
when  Cleomenes  held  the  government ;  and  he  went  to  con- 
fer with  him,  as  the  Lacedaemonians  say,  having  a  brazen 
tablet,  on  which  was  engraved  the  circumference  of  the  whole 
earth,  and  the  whole  sea,  and  all  rivers.  And  Aristagoras, 
having  come  to  a  conference,  addressed  him  as  follows : 
"  Wonder  not,  Cleomenes,  at  my  eagerness  in  coming  here, 
for  the  circumstances  that  urge  are  such  as  I  will  describe. 
That  the  children  of  Ionians  should  be  slaves  instead  of  free 
is  a  great  disgrace  and  sorrow  to  us,  and  above  all  others  to 
you,  inasmuch  as  you  are  at  the  head  of  Greece.  Now,  there- 
fore, I  adjure  you,  by  the  Grecian  gods,  rescue  the  Ionians, 
who  are  of  your  own  blood,  from  servitude.  It  is  easy  for 
you  to  effect  this,  for  the  barbarians  are  not  valiant;  whereas 
you,  in  matters  relating  to  war,  have  attained  to  the  utmost 
height  of  glory :  their  mode  of  fighting  is  this,  with  bows  and 
a  short  spear ;  and  they  engage  in  battle,  wearing  loose  trou- 
sers and  turbans  on  their  heads,  so  they  are  easy  to  be  over- 
come. Besides,  there  are  treasures  belonging  to  those  who 
inhabit  that  continent,  such  as  are  not  possessed  by  all  other 
nations  together ;  beginning  from  gold,  there  are  silver,  brass, 
variegated  garments,  beasts  of  burden,  and  slaves;  all  these 
you  may  have  if  you  will.  They  live  adjoining  one  another, 
as  I  will  show  you.  Next  these  Ionians  are  the  Lydians,  who 
inhabit  a  fertile  country,  and  abound  in  silver."  As  he  said 
this  he  showed  the  circumference  of  the  earth,  which  he 
brought  with  him,  engraved  on  a  tablet.  "  Next  the  Lydians," 
proceeded  Aristagoras,  "  are  these  Phrygians  to  the  eastward, 


-■::,■     ; 

I 


THE   WOULD  AS   A'XOIIX   TO    TH. 


'IENTS. 


'$S<\ 


altar  of  tl  Ides, 

a  citiv 

him.    He  having  e 

daughter  of  Telys  disap- 

pointed of  his  itu.  tg  out 

from  them  own, 

with  a  crc  ;  been 

victor  >mest 

:e  ob- 

ever  did, 

:  itiate 

in  the 

gov- 

i  in  Sp;  vould 

leomenes  did  not 

\>ut  a  so 

r   Sparta 

tablet,  on  which  was  engraved  the  circumference  of  the  . 
earth,  and  the  whole  sea,  and  all  rivers.  And  Arista? 
having   come  to   a   conference,   addressed   him    as   follows : 

omenes,  at  my  eagerness  in  coming 
for  th  s  I  will 

I  be  sla 
is  a  g 

is  easy  for 
tiiant;  wherea* 
r,  have  attained  t< 
■ 

i  .  battle,  w 


• 
natio 

variegated  gai 

you  may  hav  ">g  one  ai 

as  I  will  show  you.    Nex  e  Lydia 

inhabit  a  fertile  country  ilver."    As 

he  showed  the  circun  of   the   earth, 

brought  with  him,  engrav  *     "  Ne: 

is,  "  are  these  Ph* 


49-50  ARISTAGORAS  AND   CLEOMENES  291 

who  are  the  richest  in  cattle  and  in  corn  of  all  with  whom 
I  am  acquainted.  Next  to  the  Phrygians  are  the  Cappa- 
docians,  whom  we  call  Syrians ;  and  bordering  on  them,  the 
Cilicians,  extending  to  this  sea  in  which  the  island  of  Cyprus 
is  situated ;  they  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  five  hundred  talents 
to  the  king.  Next  to  the  Cilicians  are  these  Armenians,  who 
also  abound  in  cattle ;  and  next  the  Armenians  are  the  Mati- 
enians,  who  occupy  this  country ;  and  next  them  this  territory 
of  Cissia,  in  which  Susa  is  situated  on  this  river  Choaspes, 
here  the  great  king  resides,  and  there  are  his  treasures  of 
wealth.  If  you  take  this  city,  you  may  boldly  contend  with 
Jupiter  in  wealth.  But  now  you  must  carry  on  war  for  a 
country  of  small  extent,  and  not  very  fertile,  and  of  narrow 
limits,  with  the  Messenians,  who  are  your  equals  in  valour, 
and  with  the  Arcadians  and  Argives,  who  have  nothing  akin 
to  gold  and  silver,  the  desire  of  which  induces  men  to  hazard 
their  lives  in  battle.  But  when  an  opportunity  is  offered  to 
conquer  all  Asia  with  ease,  will  you  prefer  anything  else  ?  " 
Aristagoras  spoke  thus,  and  Cleomenes  answered  him  as  fol- 
lows, Milesian  friend,  I  defer  to  give  you  an  answer  until 
the  third  day."  On  that  day  they  got  so  far.  When  the  day 
appointed  for  the  answer  was  come,  and  they  had  met  at  the 
appointed  place,  Cleomenes  asked  Aristagoras  how  many 
days'  journey  it  was  from  the  sea  of  the  Ionians  to  the  king. 
But  Aristagoras,  though  he  was  cunning  in  other  things,  and 
had  deceived  him  with  much  address,  made  a  slip  in  this ; 
for  he  should  not  have  told  the  real  fact  if  he  wished  to  draw 
the  Spartans  into  Asia;  whereas  he  told  him  plainly  that  it 
was  a  three  months'  journey  up  there.  But  he,  cutting  short 
the  rest  of  the  description  which  Aristagoras  was  proceeding 
to  give  of  the  journey,  said :  "  Milesian  friend,  depart  from 
Sparta  before  sunset ;  for  you  speak  no  agreeable  language  to 
the  Lacedaemonians  in  wishing  to  lead  them  a  three  months' 
journey  from  the  sea."  Cleomenes  having  spoken  thus,  went 
home.  But  Aristagoras,  taking  an  olive  branch  in  his  hand, 
went  to  the  house  of  Cleomenes,  and  having  entered  in,  as  a 
suppliant,  besought  Cleomenes  to  listen  to  him,  having  first 
sent  away  his  little  child ;  for  his  daughter,  whose  name  was 
Gorgo,  stood  by  him ;  she  happened  to  be  his  only  child,  and 
was  about  eight  or  nine  years  of  age.  But  Cleomenes  bade  him 
say  what  he  would,  and  not  refrain  for  the  sake  of  the  child. 
Thereupon  Aristagoras  began  promising  ten  talents  if  he 
would  do  as  he  desired ;  and  when  Cleomenes  refused,  Aristag- 
oras went  on  increasing  in  his  offers,  until  he  promised  fifty 
talents ;  then  the  girl  cried  out,      Father,  this  stranger  will 


292  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,   TERPSICHORE  [51-53 

corrupt  you  unless  you  quickly  depart."  Cleomenes,  pleased 
with  the  advice  of  the  child,  retired  to  another  apartment ;  and 
Aristagoras  left  Sparta  altogether,  nor  could  he  get  an  op- 
portunity to  give  further  particulars  of  the  route  to  the  king's 
residence. 

With  respect  to  this  road,  the  case  is  as  follows :  There  are 
royal  stations  all  along,  and  excellent  inns,  and  the  whole  road 
is  through  an  inhabited  and  safe  country.  There  are  twenty 
stations  extending  through  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  and  the  dis- 
tance is  ninety-four  parasangs  and  a  half.  After  Phrygia,  the 
river  Halys  is  met  with,  at  which  there  are  gates,  through 
which  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  pass,  and  thus  to  cross  the 
river :  there  is  also  a  considerable  fort  on  it.  When  you  cross 
over  into  Cappadocia,  and  traverse  that  country  to  the  bor- 
ders of  Cilicia,  there  are  eight-and-twenty  stations,  and  one 
hundred  and  four  parasangs ;  and  on  the  borders  of  these 
people  you  go  through  two  gates,  and  pass  by  two  forts. 
When  you  have  gone  through  these  and  made  the  journey 
through  Cilicia,  there  are  three  stations  and  fifteen  parasangs 
and  a  half.  The  boundary  of  Cilicia  and  Armenia  is  a  river 
that  is  crossed  in  boats ;  it  is  called  the  Euphrates.  In  Ar- 
menia there  are  fifteen  stations  for  resting  places,  and  fifty-six 
parasangs  and  a  half;  there  is  also  a  fort  in  the  stations. 
Four  rivers  that  are  crossed  in  boats  flow  through  this  coun- 
try, which  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  ferry  over.  First,  the 
Tigris ;  then,  the  second  and  third  have  the  same  name, 
though  they  are  not  the  same  river,  nor  flow  from  the  same 
source.  For  the  first  mentioned  of  these  flows  from  the  Ar- 
menians, and  the  latter  from  the  Matienians.  The  fourth  river 
is  called  the  Gyndes,  which  Cyrus  once  distributed  into  three 
hundred  and  sixty  channels.  As  you  enter  from  Armenia  into 
the  country  of  Matiene,  there  are  four  stations;  and  from 
thence  as  you  proceed  to  the  Cissian  territory  there  are  eleven 
stations,  and  forty-two  parasangs  and  a  half,  to  the  river 
Choaspes,  which  also  must  be  crossed  in  boats :  on  this  Susa 
is  built.  All  these  stations  amount  to  one  hundred  and 
eleven : x  accordingly,  the  resting  places  at  the  stations  are  so 
many  as  you  go  up  from  Sardis  to  Susa.  Now  if  the  royal 
road  has  been  correctly  measured  in  parasangs,  and  if  the 
parasang  is  equal  to  thirty  stades,  as  indeed  it  is,  from  Sardis 
to  the  royal  palace,  called  Memnonia,  is  a  distance  of  thirteen 
thousand  five  hundred  stades,  the  parasangs  being  four  hun- 

1  The  detail  of  stations  above-mentioned  gives  only  eighty-one  instead 
of  one  hundred  and  eleven.  The  discrepancy  can  only  be  accounted  for 
by  a  supposed  defect  in  the  manuscripts. 


53-58]  ARISTAGORAS  AT  ATHENS  293 

dred  and  fifty ;  and  by  those  who  travel  one  hundred  and  fifty 
stades  every  day,  just  ninety  days  are  spent  on  the  journey. 
Thus  Aristagoras  the  Milesian  spoke  correctly  when  he  told 
Cleomenes  the  Lacedaemonian  that  it  was  a  three  months' 
journey  up  to  the  king's  residence.  But  if  any  one  should 
require  a  more  accurate  account  than  this,  I  will  also  point 
this  out  to  him,  for  it  is  necessary  to  reckon  with  the  above 
the  journey  from  Ephesus  to  Sardis :  I  therefore  say  that  the 
whole  number  of  stades  from  the  Grecian  sea  to  Susa  (for  such 
is  the  name  of  the  Memnonian  city)  amounts  to  fourteen  thou- 
sand and  forty;  for  from  Ephesus  to  Sardis  is  a  distance  of 
five  hundred  and  forty  stades.  And  thus  the  three  months' 
journey  is  lengthened  by  three  days. 

Aristagoras,  being  driven  from  Sparta,  went  to  Athens, 
which  had  been  delivered  from  tyrants  in  the  following  man- 
ner: When  Aristogiton  and  Harmodius,  who  were  originally 
Gephyraeans  by  extraction,  had  slain  Hipparchus,  son  of  Pisis- 
tratus,  and  brother  to  the  tyrant  Hippias,  and  who  had  seen 
a  vision  in  a  dream  manifestly  showing  his  own  fate,  after 
this  the  Athenians  during  the  space  of  four  years  were  no  less, 
but  even  more,  oppressed  by  tyranny  than  before.  Now  the 
vision  in  Hipparchus's  dream  was  as  follows :  On  the  night 
preceding  the  Panathenaic  festival,  Hipparchus  fancied  that  a 
tall  and  handsome  man  stood  by  him,  and  uttered  these  enig- 
matical words :  "  Lion,  endure  with  enduring  mind  to  bear 
unendurable  ills ;  no  one  among  unjust  men  shall  escape  retri- 
bution." As  soon  as  it  was  day  he  laid  these  things  before 
the  interpreters  of  dreams ;  and  afterward,  having  attempted 
to  avert  the  vision,  he  conducted  the  procession  in  which  he 
perished. 

The  Gephyraeans,  of  whom  were  the  murderers  of  Hip- 
parchus, were,  as  they  themselves  say,  originally  sprung  from 
Eretria;  but,  as  I  find  by  diligent  inquiry,  they  were  Phoe- 
nicians, of  the  number  of  those  Phoenicians  who  came  with 
Cadmus  to  the  country  now  called  Bceotia,  and  they  inhabited 
the  district  of  Tanagra,  in  this  country,  which  fell  to  their 
share.  The  Cadmeans  having  been  first  expelled  from  thence 
by  the  Argives,  these  Gephyraeans  being  afterward  expelled 
by  the  Boeotians,  betook  themselves  to  Athens ;  and  the  Athe- 
nians admitted  them  into  the  number  of  their  citizens,  on  cer- 
tain conditions,  enacting  that  they  should  be  excluded  from 
several  privileges,  not  worth  mentioning.  These  Phoenicians 
who  came  with  Cadmus,  and  of  whom  the  Gephyraeans  were, 
when  they  settled  in  this  country,  introduced  among  the 
Greeks  many  other  kinds  of  useful  knowledge,  and  more  par- 


294  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,   TERPSICHORE  [58-62 

ticularly  letters ;  which,  in  my  opinion,  were  not  before  known 
to  the  Grecians.  At  first  they  used  the  characters  which  all 
the  Phoenicians  make  use  of;  but  afterward,  in  process  of 
time,  together  with  the  sound,  they  also  changed  the  shape 
of  the  letters.  At  that  time  Ionian  Greeks  inhabited  the  great- 
est part  of  the  country  round  about  them ;  they  having  learned 
these  letters  from  the  Phoenicians,  changed  them  in  a  slight 
degree,  and  made  use  of  them;  and  in  making  use  of  them, 
they  designated  them  Phoenician,  as  justice  required  they 
should  be  called,  since  the  Phoenicians  had  introduced  them 
into  Greece.  Moreover,  the  Ionians,  from  ancient  time,  call 
books  made  of  papyrus  parchments,  because  formerly,  from 
the  scarcity  of  papyrus,  they  used  the  skins  of  goats  and  sheep ; 
and  even  at  the  present  day  many  of  the  barbarians  write 
on  such  skins.  And  I  myself  have  seen  in  the  Temple  of  Is- 
menian  Apollo  at  Thebes,  in  Bceotia,  Cadmian  letters  engraved 
on  certain  tripods,  for  the  most  part  resembling  the  Ionian. 
One  of  the  tripods  has  this  inscription,  "  Amphitryon  dedi- 
cated me  on  his  return  from  the  Teleboans."  These  must  be 
about  the  age  of  Laius,  son  of  Labdacus,  son  of  Polydorus, 
son  of  Cadmus.  Another  tripod  has  these  words  in  hexameter 
verse,  "  Scaeus,  a  boxer,  having  been  victorious,  dedicated  me, 
a  very  beautiful  offering,  to  thee,  far-darting  Apollo."  Scseus 
must  have  been  son  of  Hippocoon,  if  indeed  it  was  he  who 
made  the  offering,  and  not  another  person  bearing  the  same 
name  as  the  son  of  Hippocoon ;  and  must  have  been  about 
the  time  of  CEdipus,  son  of  Laius.  A  third  tripod  has  these 
words  also  in  hexameters,  "  Laodamas,  being  a  monarch, 
dedicated  this  tripod,  a  very  beautiful  offering,  to  thee,  far- 
seeing  Apollo."  During  the  reign  of  this  Laodamas,  son  of 
Eteocles,  the  Cadmeans  were  expelled  by  the  Argives,  and 
betook  themselves  to  the  Encheleae.  But  the  Gephyraeans, 
who  were  then  left,  were  afterward  compelled  by  the  Boeotians 
to  retire  to  Attica ;  and  they  built  temples  in  Athens,  in  which 
the  rest  of  the  Athenians  do  not  participate,  but  they  are  dis- 
tinct from  the  other  temples  ;  more  particularly  the  temple  and 
mysteries  of  the  Achaean  Ceres. 

Thus  I  have  related  the  vision  of  Hipparchus's  dream,  and 
whence  were  sprung  the  Gephyraeans,  of  whom  were  the  mur- 
derers of  Hipparchus;  and  it  is  now  proper  to  resume  the 
account  I  originally  set  out  to  relate,  and  show  how  the 
Athenians  were  delivered  from  tyrants.  While  Hippias  was 
tyrant,  and  embittered  against  the  Athenians  on  account  of 
the  death  of  Hipparchus,  the  Alcmaeonidae,  who  were  Athe- 
nians by  extraction,  and  were  then  banished  by  the  Pisistrati- 


62-64]  PISISTRATIDAE   AND   ALCMjEONIDjE  295 

dae,  when  they  with  other  Athenian  exiles  did  not  succeed  in 
their  attempt  to  effect  their  return  by  force,  but  were  signally 
defeated  in  their  endeavours  to  reinstate  themselves  and  lib- 
erate Athens,  having  fortified  Lipsydrium,  which  is  above 
Paeonia — thereupon  the  Alcmaeonidae,  practising  every  scheme 
against  the  Pisistratidae,  contracted  with  the  Amphictyons  to 
build  the  temple  which  is  now  at  Delphi,  but  then  did  not 
exist ;  and  as  they  were  wealthy,  and  originally  men  of  dis- 
tinction, they  constructed  the  temple  in  a  more  beautiful  man- 
ner than  the  plan  required,  both  in  other  respects,  and  also, 
though  it  was  agreed  they  should  make  it  of  porine  stone,  they 
built  its  front  of  Parian  marble.  Accordingly,  as  the  Athe- 
nians state,  these  men,  while  staying  at  Delphi,  prevailed  on 
the  Pythian  by  money,  when  any  Spartans  should  come  thither 
to  consult  the  oracle,  either  on  their  own  account  or  that  of 
the  public,  to  propose  to  them  to  liberate  Athens  from  servi- 
tude. The  Lacedaemonians,  when  the  same  warning  was  al- 
ways given  them,  sent  Anchimolius,  son  of  Aster,  a  citizen 
of  distinction,  with  an  army  to  expel  the  Pisistratidae  from 
Athens,  though  they  were  particularly  united  to  them  by  the 
ties  of  friendship,  for  they  considered  their  duty  to  the  god 
more  obligatory  than  their  duty  to  men.  These  forces  they 
sent  by  sea  in  ships,  and  he  having  touched  at  Phalerum,  dis- 
embarked his  army :  but  the  Pisistratidae,  having  had  notice 
of  this  beforehand,  called  in  assistance  from  Thessaly,  for  they 
had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  them.  In  accordance  with 
their  request,  the  Thessalians  with  one  consent  despatched 
a  thousand  horse  to  their  assistance,  and  their  king  Cineas,  a 
native  of  Conium.  When  the  Pisistratidae  had  these  auxil- 
iaries, they  had  recourse  to  the  following  plan  :  Having  cleared 
the  plains  of  the  Phalereans,  and  made  the  country  practicable 
for  cavalry,  they  sent  the  cavalry  against  the  enemy's  camp; 
and  it  having  fallen  on,  killed  many  of  the  Lacedaemonians, 
and  among  them  Anchimolius,  and  the  survivors  they  drove 
to  their  ships.  The  first  expedition  from  Lacedaemon  thus  got 
off ;  and  the  tomb  of  Anchimolius  is  at  Alopecae  of  Attica, 
near  the  Temple  of  Hercules  in  Cynosarges.  Afterward  the 
Lacedaemonians,  having  fitted  out  a  larger  armament,  sent  it 
from  Sparta,  having  appointed  King  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anax- 
andrides,  commander  in  chief;  they  did  not,  however,  send  it 
again  by  sea,  but  by  land.  On  their  entrance  into  the  Athe- 
nian territory  the  Thessalian  cavalry  first  engaged  with  them, 
and  was  soon  defeated,  and  more  than  forty  of  their  number 
fell :  the  survivors  immediately  departed  straight  for  Thes- 
saly.    Cleomenes  having  reached  the  city,  accompanied  by 


296  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [64-67 

those  Athenians  who  wished  to  be  free,  besieged  the  tyrants 
who  were  shut  up  in  the  Pelasgian  fort.  However,  the  Lace- 
daemonians would  not  by  any  means  have  been  able  to  expel 
the  Pisistratidae ;  for  they  had  no  intention  of  forming  a  block- 
ade, and  the  Pisistratidae  were  well  provided  with  meat  and 
drink ;  and  after  they  had  besieged  them  for  a  few  days,  they 
would  have  returned  to  Sparta ;  but  now  an  accident  hap- 
pened, unfortunate  for  one  party,  and  at  the  same  time  ad- 
vantageous to  the  other;  for  the  children  of  the  Pisistratidae 
were  taken  as  they  were  being  secretly  removed  from  the  coun- 
try ;  when  this  occurred  all  their  plans  were  thrown  into  con- 
fusion ;  and,  to  redeem  their  children,  they  submitted  to  such 
terms  as  the  Athenians  prescribed,  so  as  to  quit  Attica  within 
five  days.  They  afterward  retired  to  Sigeum,  on  the  Scaman- 
der,  having  governed  the  Athenians  for  thirty-six  years.  They 
were  by  extraction  Pylians,  and  Neleidae,  being  sprung  from 
the  same  ancestors  as  Codrus  and  Melanthus,  who,  though 
formerly  foreigners,  became  kings  of  Athens.  For  this  reason 
Hippocrates  gave  the  same  name  to  his  son,  in  token  of  re- 
membrance, calling  him  Pisistratus  after  Nestor's  son  Pisis- 
tratus.  Thus  the  Athenians  were  delivered  from  tyrants ;  and 
what  things  worthy  of  recital  they  either  did  or  suffered  before 
Ionia  revolted  from  Darius,  and  Aristagoras  the  Milesian 
came  to  Athens  to  desire  their  assistance,  I  shall  now  relate. 

Athens,  although  it  was  before  powerful,  being  now  deliv- 
ered from  tyrants,  became  still  more  so.  Two  men  in  it  had 
great  influence,  Clisthenes,  one  of  the  Alcmaeonidae,  who  is 
reported  to  have  prevailed  with  the  Pythian,  and  Isagoras, 
son  of  Tysander,  who  was  of  an  illustrious  family,  though  I 
am  not  able  to  mention  his  extraction ;  his  kinsmen,  however, 
sacrifice  to  Carian  Jupiter.  These  men  disputed  for  power; 
and  Clisthenes,  being  worsted,  gained  over  the  people  to  his 
side,  and  afterward  he  divided  the  Athenians,  who  consisted 
of  four  tribes,  into  ten ;  changing  the  names,  derived  from  the 
sons  of  Ion,  Geleon,  ^Egicores,  Argades,  and  Hoples,  and  in- 
venting names  from  other  heroes  who  were  all  natives,  except 
Ajax ;  him,  though  a  stranger,  he  added  as  a  near  neighbour 
and  ally.  Herein,  I  think,  this  Clisthenes  imitated  his  ma- 
ternal grandfather,  Clisthenes,  tyrant  of  Sicyon.  For  Clis- 
thenes, when  he  made  war  on  the  Argives,  in  the  first  place 
put  a  stop  to  the  rhapsodists  in  Sicyon  contending  for  prizes 
in  reciting  the  verses  of  Homer,  because  the  Argives  and 
Argos  are  celebrated  in  almost  every  part ;  and  in  the  next 
place,  as  there  was,  and  still  is,  a  shrine  dedicated  to  Adrastus, 
son  of  Talaus,  in  the  very  forum  of  the  Sicyonians,  he  was 


67-69]  CLISTHENES  OF  SICYON  297 

desirous  of  expelling  him  from  the  country,  because  he  was 
an  Argive.  Going,  therefore,  to  Delphi,  he  consulted  the  ora- 
cle whether  he  should  expel  Adrastus ;  and  the  Pythian  an- 
swered him,  saying,  "  That  Adrastus  indeed  was  king  of  the 
Sicyonians,  but  Clisthenes  deserved  to  be  stoned."  Finding 
the  god  would  not  permit  this,  Clisthenes  returned  home  and 
considered  of  a  contrivance  by  which  Adrastus  might  depart 
of  himself.  When  he  thought  he  had  found  out  a  way,  he  sent 
to  Thebes  of  Boeotia,  and  said  that  he  wished  to  introduce 
Melanippus,  son  of  Astacus ;  and  the  Thebans  assented.  Clis- 
thenes, therefore,  having  introduced  Melanippus,  appointed 
him  a  precinct  in  the  very  prytaneum,  and  placed  it  there  in 
the  strongest  position.  But  Clisthenes  introduced  Melanip- 
pus, for  it  is  necessary  to  mention  this  motive,  because  he  was 
the  greatest  enemy  of  Adrastus,  having  killed  his  brother 
Mecistes  and  his  son-in-law  Tydeus.  When  he  had  appointed 
him  this  precinct,  he  took  away  the  sacrifices  and  festivals  of 
Adrastus,  and  gave  them  to  Melanippus.  But  the  Sicyonians 
had  been  accustomed  to  honour  Adrastus  very  highly;  for 
the  country  itself  belonged  to  Polybus,  and  Polybus  dying 
without  a  son,  gave  the  sovereignty  to  Adrastus,  the  son  of 
his  daughter.  The  Sicyonians  paid  other  honours  to  Adras- 
tus, and,  moreover,  celebrated  his  misfortune  by  tragic  cho- 
ruses; not  honouring  Bacchus,  but  Adrastus,  to  that  time. 
But  Clisthenes  transferred  these  dances  to  the  worship  of  Bac- 
chus, and  the  rest  of  the  ceremonies  to  Melanippus.  This  he 
did  with  reference  to  Adrastus.  He  also  changed  the  names 
of  the  Dorian  tribes,  in  order  that  the  Sicyonians  and  Argives 
might  not  have  the  same.  And  in  this  he  very  much  ridiculed 
the  Sicyonians.  For,  changing  their  names  into  names  de- 
rived from  a  swine  and  an  ass,  he  added  only  the  terminations, 
except  in  the  case  of  his  own  tribe ;  to  this  he  gave  a  name 
significant  of  his  own  sovereignty,  for  they  were  called  Arche- 
lai ;  but  others  Hyatae,  some  Oneatae,  and  others  Choereatas. 
The  Sicyonians  adopted  these  names  for  their  tribes,  both 
during  the  reign  of  Clisthenes,  and  after  his  death,  during 
sixty  years ;  after  that,  however,  by  common  consent  they 
changed  them  into  Hylleans,  Pamphylians,  and  Dymanatse; 
and  they  added  a  fourth,  after  iEgialeus,  son  of  Adrastus,  giv- 
ing them  the  name  of  ^gialeans. 

Now  the  Sicyonian  Clisthenes  had  done  these  things :  and 
the  Athenian  Clisthenes,  who  was  son  to  the  daughter  of  this 
Sicyonian,  and  had  his  name  from  him,  from  contempt  for  the 
Ionians,  as  it  appears  to  me,  that  the  Athenians  might  not 
have  the  same  tribes  as  the  Ionians,  imitated  his  namesake 


298  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,   TERPSICHORE  [69-72 

Clisthenes.  For  when  he  had  brought  over  to  his  own  side 
the  whole  of  the  Athenian  people,  who  before  had  been  alien- 
ated from  him,  he  changed  the  names  of  the  tribes,  and  aug- 
mented their  number;  and  established  ten  phylarchs  instead 
of  four,  and  distributed  the  people  into  ten  tribes ;  and  having 
gained  over  the  people,  he  became  much  more  powerful  than 
his  opponents.  Isagoras,  being  overcome  in  his  turn,  had  re- 
course to  the  following  counterplot:  He  called  in  Cleomenes 
the  Lacedaemonian,  who  had  been  on  terms  of  friendship  with 
him  from  the  time  of  the  siege  of  the  Pisistratidae ;  and,  be- 
sides, Cleomenes  was  suspected  of  having  had  intercourse  with 
the  wife  of  Isagoras.  First  of  all,  therefore,  Cleomenes,  send- 
ing a  herald  to  Athens,  required  the  expulsion  of  Clisthenes, 
and  with  him  of  many  other  Athenians,  as  being  "  under  a 
curse."  He  sent  this  message  under  the  instruction  of  Isag- 
oras :  for  the  Alcmaeonidae,  and  those  of  their  party,  were 
accused  of  the  following  murder ;  but  neither  he  himself  had 
any  share  in  it,  nor  had  his  friends.  Those  of  the  Athenians 
who  were  "  accursed  "  obtained  the  name  on  the  following 
occasion :  Cylon,  an  Athenian,  had  been  victorious  in  the 
Olympic  games;  he,  through  pride,  aspired  to  the  tyranny; 
and  having  associated  with  himself  a  band  of  young  men  about 
his  own  age,  attempted  to  seize  the  Acropolis,  and,  not  being 
able  to  make  himself  master  of  it,  he  seated  himself  as  a  sup- 
pliant at  the  statue  of  the  goddess.  The  prytanes  of  the  Nau- 
crari,  who  then  had  the  administration  of  affairs  in  Athens, 
removed  them,  under  promise  that  they  should  not  be  pun- 
ished with  death.  But  the  Alcmaeonidae  are  accused  of  hav- 
ing put  them  to  death.  These  things  were  done  before  the 
time  of  Pisistratus. 

When  Cleomenes  sent  a  herald  to  require  the  expulsion  of 
Clisthenes  and  the  accursed,  Clisthenes  himself  withdrew.  But, 
nevertheless,  Cleomenes  came  afterward  to  Athens  with  a 
small  force,  and,  on  his  arrival,  banished  seven  hundred  Athe- 
nian families  whom  Isagoras  pointed  out  to  him.  Having 
done  this,  he  next  attempted  to  dissolve  the  senate,  and  placed 
the  magistracy  in  the  hands  of  three  hundred  partisans  of 
Isagoras.  But  when  the  senate  resisted  and  refused  to  obey, 
Cleomenes  and  Isagoras,  with  his  partisans,  seized  the  Acropo- 
lis ;  and  the  rest  of  the  Athenians,  who  sided  with  the  senate, 
besieged  them  two  days :  on  the  third  day,  as  many  of  them 
as  were  Lacedaemonians  left  the  country  under  a  truce.  And 
thus  an  omen,  addressed  to  Cleomenes,  was  accomplished; 
for  when  he  went  up  to  the  Acropolis,  purposing  to  take  pos- 
session of  it,  he  approached  the  sanctuary  of  the  goddess  to 


72-75]  CLISTHENES  OF  ATHENS  299 

consult  her;  but  the  priestess,  rising  from  her  seat  before  he 
had  passed  the  door,  said :  "  Lacedaemonian  stranger !  retire, 
nor  enter  within  the  precincts,  for  it  is  not  lawful  for  Dorians 
to  enter  here."  He  answered,  "  Woman,  I  am  not  a  Dorian, 
but  an  Achaean."  He,  however,  paying  no  attention  to  the 
omen,  made  the  attempt,  and  was  again  compelled  to  with- 
draw with  the  Lacedaemonians.  The  Athenians  put  the  rest 
in  bonds  for  execution ;  and  among  them  Timesitheus  of  Del- 
phi, of  whose  deeds,  both  of  prowess  and  courage,  I  could  say 
much.  These,  then,  died  in  bonds.  After  this  the  Athenians, 
having  recalled  Clisthenes,  and  the  seven  hundred  families 
that  had  been  banished  by  Cleomenes,  sent  ambassadors  to 
Sardis,  wishing  to  form  an  alliance  with  the  Persians ;  for  they 
were  assured  that  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Cleomenes  would 
make  war  upon  them.  When  the  ambassadors  arrived  at 
Sardis,  and  had  spoken  according  to  their  instructions,  Arta- 
phernes,  son  of  Hystaspes,  governor  of  Sardis,  asked  who  they 
were,  and  what  part  of  the  world  they  inhabited,  that  they 
should  desire  to  become  allies  of  the  Persians?  And  having 
been  informed  on  these  points  by  the  ambassadors,  he  an- 
swered in  few  words  that  if  the  Athenians  would  give  earth 
and  water  to  King  Darius,  he  would  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  them ;  but  if  they  would  not  give  them,  he  commanded 
them  to  depart.  The  ambassadors,  having  conferred  together, 
said  that  they  would  give  them,  being  anxious  to  conclude  the 
alliance :  they,  however,  on  their  return  home  were  greatly 
blamed. 

Cleomenes,  conceiving  that  he  had  been  highly  insulted 
in  words  and  deeds  by  the  Athenians,  assembled  an  army 
from  all  parts  of  the  Peloponnesus,  without  mentioning  for 
what  purpose  he  assembled  it ;  but  he  both  purposed  to  re- 
venge himself  upon  the  Athenians,  and  desired  to  establish 
Isagoras  as  tyrant,  for  he  had  gone  with  him  out  of  the 
Acropolis.  Cleomenes  accordingly  invaded  the  territory  of 
Eleusis  with  a  large  force,  and  the  Boeotians,  by  agreement, 
took  ^Enoe  and  Hysiae,  the  extreme  divisions  of  Attica,  and 
the  Chalcidians  attacked  and  ravaged  the  lands  of  Attica  on 
the  other  side.  The  Athenians,  though  in  a  state  of  doubt, 
resolved  to  remember  the  Boeotians  and  Chalcidians  on  a 
future  occasion,  and  took  up  their  position  against  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians,  who  were  at  Eleusis.  When  the  two  armies  were 
about  to  engage,  the  Corinthians  first,  considering  that  they 
were  not  acting  justly,  changed  their  purpose  and  withdrew : 
and  afterward  Demoratus,  son  of  Ariston,  who  was  also  King 
of  the  Spartans,  and  joined  in  leading  out  the  army  from  Lace- 


300  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V.   TERPSICHORE  [75-77 

daemon,  and  who  had  never  before  had  any  difference  with 
Cleomenes,  did  the  same.  In  consequence  of  this  division  a 
law  was  made  in  Sparta  that  the  two  kings  should  not  accom- 
pany the  army  when  it  went  out  on  foreign  service ;  for  until 
that  time  both  used  to  accompany  it;  and  that  when  one  of 
them  was  released  from  military  service  one  of  the  Tyndaridae  * 
likewise  should  be  left  at  home;  for  before  that  time  both 
these  also  used  to  accompany  the  army  as  auxiliaries.  At  that 
time  the  rest  of  the  allies,  perceiving  that  the  kings  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  did  not  agree,  and  that  the  Corinthians  had 
quitted  their  post,  likewise  took  their  departure.  This,  then, 
was  the  fourth  time  that  the  Dorians  had  come  to  Attica,  hav- 
ing twice  entered  to  make  war,  and  twice  for  the  good  of  the 
Athenian  people.  First,  when  they  settled  a  colony  in  Me- 
gara,  when  Codrus  was  King  of  Athens,  that  may  properly 
be  called  an  expedition ;  a  second  and  third,  when  they  were 
sent  from  Sparta  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Pisistratidae ;  and  a 
fourth  time,  when  Cleomenes,  at  the  head  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesians,  invaded  Eleusis.  Thus  the  Dorians  then  invaded 
Athens  for  the  fourth  time. 

When  this  army  was  ingloriously  dispersed,  the  Athe- 
nians, desirous  to  avenge  themselves,  marched  first  against 
the  Chalcidians.  The  Boeotians  came  out  to  assist  the  Chal- 
cidians  at  the  Euripus ;  and  the  Athenians,  seeing  the  auxil- 
iaries, resolved  to  attack  the  Boeotians  before  the  Chalcidians. 
Accordingly,  the  Athenians  came  to  an  engagement  with  the 
Boeotians,  and  gained  a  complete  victory;  and  having  killed 
a  great  number,  took  seven  hundred  of  them  prisoners.  On 
the  same  day  the  Athenians,  having  crossed  over  to  Eubcea, 
came  to  an  engagement  also  with  the  Chalcidians ;  and  having 
conquered  them  also,  left  four  thousand  men,  settlers,  in  pos- 
session of  the  lands  of  the  Hippobotae  ;2  for  the  most  opulent  of 
the  Chalcidians  were  called  Hippobotae.  As  many  of  them 
as  they  took  prisoners  they  kept  in  prison  with  the  Boeotians 
that  were  taken,  having  bound  them  in  fetters ;  but  in  time 
they  set  them  at  liberty,  having  fixed  their  ransom  at  two 
minae.  The  fetters  in  which  they  had  been  bound  they  hung 
up  in  the  Acropolis,  where  they  remained  to  my  time  hang- 
ing on  a  wall  that  had  been  much  scorched  by  fire  by  the 
Mede,  opposite  the  temple  that  faces  the  west.  And  they  dedi- 
cated a  tithe  of  the  ransoms,  having  made  a  brazen  chariot 
with  four  horses,  and  this  stands  on  the  left  hand  as  you  first 
enter  the  portico  in  the  Acropolis ;  and  it  bears  the  following 

1  Castor  and  Pollux,  the  guardian  deities  of  Sparta. 
*  "  Feeders  of  horses," 


77-81]  BENEFITS   OF   LIBERTY  301 

inscription :  "  The  sons  of  the  Athenians,  having  overcome 
the  nations  of  the  Boeotians  and  Chalcidians  in  feats  of  war, 
quelled  their  insolence  in  a  dark  iron  dungeon :  they  have 
dedicated  these  mares,  a  tithe  of  the  spoil,  to  Pallas."  The 
Athenians  accordingly  increased  in  power.  And  equality  of 
rights  shows,  not  in  one  instance  only,  but  in  every  way,  what 
an  excellent  thing  it  is.  For  the  Athenians,  when  governed 
by  tyrants,  were  superior  in  war  to  none  of  their  neighbours ; 
but  when  freed  from  tyrants,  became  by  far  the  first ;  this, 
then,  shows  that  as  long  as  they  were  oppressed  they  pur- 
posely acted  as  cowards,  as  labouring  for  a  master ;  but  when 
they  were  free  every  man  was  zealous  to  labour  for  himself. 
They  accordingly  did  this. 

After  this  the  Thebans  sent  to  the  god,  wishing  to  revenge 
themselves  on  the  Athenians ;  but  the  Pythian  said  that  they 
would  not  obtain  vengeance  by  their  own  power,  but  bade 
them  refer  the  matter  to  the  many-voiced  people,  and  ask 
the  assistance  of  their  nearest  friends.  Those  who  were  sent 
to  consult  the  oracle  having  returned,  called  a  general  assem- 
bly, and  referred  the  oracle  to  them.  But  when  they  heard 
them  say  that  they  were  to  ask  the  assistance  of  their  nearest 
friends,  the  Thebans,  on  hearing  this,  said :  "  Do  not  the  Tana- 
grseans,  Coronaeans,  and  Thespians  live  nearest  to  us,  and  do 
not  they  always  fight  on  our  side,  and  heartily  share  with  us 
in  the  toils  of  war?  What  need  have  we  then  to  ask  their  as- 
sistance ?  But  probably  this  is  not  the  meaning  of  the  oracle." 
While  they  were  discussing  the  matter,  one,  having  at  length 
comprehended  it,  said :  "  I  think  I  understand  what  the  oracle 
means.  Thebe  and  ^Egina  are  said  to  be  daughters  of  Asopus. 
Now  because  these  were  sisters,  I  think  the  god  has  admon- 
ished us  to  entreat  the  ^ginetse  to  become  our  avengers." 
As  no  better  opinion  than  this  was  brought  forward,  they  im- 
mediately sent  and  entreated  the  JEginetae,  calling  upon  them 
to  assist  them  according  to  the  admonition  of  the  oracle,  as 
being  their  nearest  friends.  But  they,  on  their  petition,  prom- 
ised to  send  the  iEacidae  x  to  their  assistance.  The  Thebans, 
relying  on  the  assistance  of  the  ^acidae,  having  tried  the  for- 
tune of  war,  and  being  roughly  handled  by  the  Athenians,  sent 
again  and  restored  the  ^acidse,  and  requested  a  supply  of 
men.  Whereupon  the  ^ginetae,  elated  with  their  present 
prosperity,  and  calling  to  mind  the  ancient  enmity  they  had 
toward  the  Athenians,  at  the  request  of  the  Thebans,  levied 
war  upon  the  Athenians  without  proclamation.  For  while 
they  were  pursuing  the  Boeotians,  having  sailed  in  long  ships 
1  Meaning  "  the  statues  of  the  jEacidae." 


302  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,    TERPSICHORE  [81-84 

to  Attica,  they  ravaged  Phalerum  and  many  villages  on  the 
rest  of  the  coast ;  and  in  doing  this  they  did  considerable  dam- 
age to  the  Athenians. 

The  enmity  that  was  due  of  old  from  the  JEg'metze  to  the 
Athenians  proceeded  from  this  origin.  The  land  of  the  Epi- 
daurians  yielded  no  fruit:  the  Epidaurians  therefore  sent  to 
consult  the  oracle  at  Delphi  concerning  this  calamity.  The 
Pythian  bade  them  erect  statues  of  Damia  and  Auxesia,  and 
when  they  had  erected  them  it  would  fare  better  with  them. 
The  Epidaurians  then  asked  whether  the  statues  should  be 
made  of  brass  or  stone ;  but  the  Pythian  did  not  allow  it  to  be 
of  either,  but  of  the  wood  of  a  cultivated  olive.  The  Epidau- 
rians thereupon  requested  the  Athenians  to  permit  them  to 
cut  down  an  olive  tree,  thinking  that  they  were  the  most 
sacred :  and  it  is  said  that  there  were  olive  trees  in  no  other 
part  of  the  world  at  that  time.  The  Athenians  said  that  they 
would  permit  them,  on  condition  that  they  should  annually 
bring  victims  to  Minerva  Polias  and  Erectheus.  The  Epi- 
daurians, having  agreed  to  these  terms,  obtained  what  they 
asked  for,  and  having  made  statues  from  these  olive  trees, 
erected  them ;  and  their  land  became  fruitful,  and  they  ful- 
filled their  engagements  to  the  Athenians.  At  that  time  and 
before  the  ^Eginetae  obeyed  the  Epidaurians,  both  in  other 
respects,  and  crossing  over  to  Epidaurus,  the  vEginetae  gave 
and  received  1  justice  from  one  another.  But  afterward  hav- 
ing built  ships,  and  having  recourse  to  foolish  confidence,  they 
revolted  from  the  Epidaurians,  and  being  at  variance,  they 
did  them  much  damage,  as  they  were  masters  of  the  sea ;  and, 
moreover,  they  took  away  from  them  these  statues  of  Damia 
and  Auxesia,  and  carried  them  off,  and  set  them  up  in  the 
interior  of  their  own  territory,  the  name  of  which  is  (Ea,  and 
about  twenty  stades  distant  from  the  city.  Having  set  them 
up  in  this  spot,  they  propitiated  them  with  sacrifices,  and 
derisive  dances  of  women,  ten  men  being  assigned  to  each 
deity  as  leaders  of  the  chorus ;  and  the  choruses  reviled,  not 
any  men,  but  the  women  of  the  country.  The  Epidaurians 
also  had  such  religious  ceremonies,  but  their  religious  cere- 
monies are  kept  secret.  When  these  statues  had  been  stolen, 
the  Epidaurians  ceased  to  fulfil  their  engagements  to  the 
Athenians.  The  Athenians  sent  to  expostulate  with  the  Epi- 
daurians, but  they  demonstrated  that  they  were  not  in  reality 
guilty  of  injustice;  for  as  long  as  they  had  the  statues  in  their 
country,  they  fulfilled  their  engagements,  but  when  they  had 
been  deprived  of  them  it  was  not  just  that  they  should  still 
1  That  is,  "  brought  and  defended  actions  there." 


84-87]  THE   ATHENIANS   AND   ^EGINET^  303 

pay  the  tribute,  but  they  bade  them  demand  it  of  the  ^Eginetae 
who  possessed  them.  Upon  this  the  Athenians,  having  sent 
to  JEg'ma.,  demanded  back  the  statues  ;  but  the  ^ginetae  made 
answer  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Athenians.  The 
Athenians  say  that  after  this  demand  some  of  their  citizens 
were  sent  in  a  single  trireme,  who  being  sent  by  the  common- 
wealth, and  arriving  at  ^gina,  attempted  to  drag  these  statues 
from  off  the  pedestals,  as  made  from  their  wood,  in  order  that 
they  might  carry  them  away;  but  not  being  able  to  get  pos- 
session of  them  in  that  way,  they  threw  cords  about  the  statues, 
and  hauled  them  along,  and  as  they  were  hauling  them,  thun- 
der, and  with  the  thunder  an  earthquake,  came  on ;  and  the 
crew  of  the  trireme  who  were  hauling  them  were  in  conse- 
quence deprived  of  their  senses,  and  in  this  condition  slew  one 
another  as  enemies,  till  only  one  of  the  whole  number  was  left 
and  escaped  to  Phalerum.  Thus  the  Athenians  say  that  it 
happened ;  but  the  ^Eginetae  say  that  the  Athenians  did  not 
come  with  a  single  ship ;  for  that  they  could  easily  have  re- 
pulsed one,  or  a  few  more  than  one,  even  though  they  had 
no  ships  of  their  own.  But  they  say  that  they  sailed  against 
their  territory  with  many  ships,  and  that  they  yielded  and  did 
not  hazard  a  sea-fight.  They  are,  however,  unable  to  explain 
this  clearly,  whether  they  yielded  because  they  were  conscious 
that  they  would  be  inferior  in  a  sea-fight,  or  with  the  purpose 
of  doing  what  they  did.  They  say,  however,  that  the  Athe- 
nians, when  no  one  prepared  to  give  them  battle,  disembarked 
from  the  ships  and  proceeded  toward  the  statues ;  and  that 
not  being  able  to  wrench  them  from  their  pedestals,  they  then 
threw  cords  round  them,  and  hauled  them  until  the  statues 
being  hauled  did  the  same  thing;  herein  relating  what  is  not 
credible  to  me,  but  may  be  so  to  some  one  else ;  for  they  say 
that  they  fell  on  their  knees,  and  have  ever  since  continued  in 
that  posture.  The  yEginetae  say  that  the  Athenians  did  this ; 
but  concerning  themselves,  that  being  informed  that  the  Athe- 
nians were  about  to  make  war  upon  them,  they  prepared  the 
Argives  to  assist  them ;  and,  accordingly,  that  the  Athenians 
landed  on  the  territory  of  ^gina,  and  that  the  Argives  came 
to  their  assistance ;  and  that  they  crossed  over  to  the  island 
from  Epidaurus  unperceived,  and  fell  upon  the  Athenians  un- 
expectedly, cutting  off  their  retreat  to  the  ships ;  and  at  this 
moment  the  thunder  and  earthquake  happened.  Such  is  the 
account  given  by  the  Argives  and  ^Eginetse :  and  it  is  ad- 
mitted by  the  Athenians  that  only  one  of  their  number  was 
saved,  and  escaped  to  Attica :  but  the  Argives  affirm  that  this 
one  man  survived  when  they  destroyed  the  Attic  army;  the 


304  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [87-89 

Athenians,  on  the  contrary,  say  when  the  deity  destroyed  it; 
and  that  this  one  did  not  survive,  but  perished  in  the  follow- 
ing manner:  On  his  return  to  Athens  he  gave  an  account  of 
the  disaster,  and  the  wives  of  the  men  who  had  gone  on  the 
expedition  against  iEgina,  when  they  heard  it,  being  enraged 
that  he  alone  of  the  whole  number  should  be  saved,  crowded 
round  this  man,  and,  piercing  him  with  the  clasps  of  their 
garments,  each  asked  him  where  her  own  husband  was ;  thus 
he  died.  This  action  of  the  women  seemed  to  the  Athenians 
more  dreadful  than  the  disaster  itself;  however,  they  had  no 
other  way  of  punishing  the  women :  they  therefore  compelled 
them  to  change  their  dress  for  the  Ionian.  For  before  that 
time  the  wives  of  the  Athenians  wore  the  Dorian  dress,  which 
nearly  resembles  the  Corinthian ;  they  changed  it,  therefore, 
for  a  linen  tunic,  that  they  might  not  use  clasps.  Yet  if  we 
follow  the  truth,  this  garment  is  not  originally  Ionian,  but 
Carian ;  for  the  whole  ancient  Grecian  dress  of  the  women  was 
the  same  as  that  which  we  now  call  Dorian.  In  consequence 
of  this  event  it  became  a  custom  with  both  the  Argives  and 
the  iEginetae  to  do  this :  to  make  their  clasps  one  half  larger 
than  the  measure  before  established,  and  that  the  women 
should  chiefly  dedicate  clasps  in  the  temple  of  these  deities ; 
and  to  bring  no  other  Attic  article  within  the  temple,  not  even 
a  pitcher ;  but  a  law  was  made  that  they  should  drink  there  in 
future  from  vessels  of  their  own  country.  Accordingly,  from 
that  time  the  wives  of  the  Argives  and  iEginetae,  on  account 
of  their  quarrel  with  the  Athenians,  continued  even  to  my 
time  to  wear  clasps  larger  than  formerly. 

The  origin  of  the  enmity  entertained  by  the  Athenians 
against  the  ^Eginetae  was  such  as  has  been  described.  At 
that  time,  therefore,  when  the  Thebans  called  upon  them,  the 
vEginetse,  recalling  to  mind  what  had  taken  place  respecting 
the  statues,  readily  assisted  the  Boeotians.  The  yEginetae 
therefore  laid  waste  the  maritime  places  of  Attica,  and  when 
the  Athenians  were  preparing  to  march  against  the  /Eginetae, 
an  oracle  came  from  Delphi  enjoining  them  "  to  wait  for  thirty 
years  from  the  period  of  the  injury  committed  by  the  /Eginetas ; 
and  in  the  thirty-first  year,  after  building  a  temple  to  /Eacus, 
to  begin  the  war  against  the  /Eginetae :  and  then  they  would 
succeed  according  to  their  wishes.  But  if  they  should  march 
against  them  immediately,  they  should  in  the  meanwhile  en- 
dure much  and  also  inflict  much ;  but  in  the  end  would  sub- 
due them."  When  the  Athenians  heard  this  answer  reported, 
they  erected  that  temple  to  /Eacus  which  now  stands  in  the 
forum ;  yet  they  could  not  bear  to  wait  thirty  years  when  they 


89-91]  JEALOUSY   OF   THE   SPARTANS  305 

heard  that  they  ought  to  wait,  though  they  had  suffered  such 
indignities  from  the  ^ginetae.  But  as  they  were  preparing 
to  take  their  revenge  an  affair,  set  on  foot  by  the  Lacedae- 
monians, became  an  impediment.  For  the  Lacedaemonians, 
being  informed  of  the  practices  of  the  Alcmaeonidae  toward 
the  Pythia,  and  those  of  the  Pythia  against  themselves  and  the 
Pisistratidae,  considered  it  a  double  misfortune,  because  they 
had  expelled  men  who  were  their  own  friends  out  of  their 
country,  and  because,  when  they  had  done  this,  no  gratitude 
was  shown  to  them  by  the  Athenians.  In  addition  to  this, 
the  oracles  urged  them  on,  telling  them  that  they  would  suffer 
many  and  grievous  indignities  from  the  Athenians,  of  which 
oracles  they  knew  nothing  before,  but  then  became  acquainted 
with  them  on  the  return  of  Cleomenes  to  Sparta.  Cleomenes 
got  the  oracles  from  the  Acropolis  of  the  Athenians;  the 
Pisistratidae  had  had  them  before,  and  left  them  in  the  temple 
when  they  were  expelled;  and  as  they  were  left  behind,  Cle- 
omenes took  them  away.  When  the  Lacedaemonians  obtained 
the  oracles,  and  saw  the  Athenians  increasing  in  power,  and 
not  at  all  disposed  to  submit  to  them,  taking  into  consideration 
that  if  the  people  of  Attica  should  continue  free  they  would 
become  of  equal  weight  with  themselves,  but  if  depressed  by 
a  tyranny  would  be  weak  and  ready  to  obey ;  having  consid- 
ered each  of  these  things,  they  sent  for  Hippias,  son  of  Pisis- 
tratus,  from  Sigeum  on  the  Hellespont,  to  which  place  the 
Pisistratidae  had  retired.  And  when  Hippias  came,  in  compli- 
ance with  their  invitation,  the  Spartans,  having  summoned 
also  the  ambassadors  of  the  rest  of  their  confederates,  ad- 
dressed them  as  follows :  "  Confederates,  we  are  conscious  that 
we  have  not  acted  rightly ;  for,  being  induced  by  lying  ora- 
cles, the  men  who  were  our  best  friends,  and  who  had  prom- 
ised to  keep  Athens  subject  to  us — them  we  expelled  from 
their  country,  and  then,  having  done  this,  we  delivered  the 
city  to  an  ungrateful  people,  who,  after  they  had  been  set  at 
liberty,  and  had  lifted  up  their  heads  through  our  means,  have 
insultingly  ejected  us  and  our  king;  and  having  obtained  re- 
nown, are  growing  in  power,  as  their  neighbours  the  Boeotians 
and  Chalcidians  have  already  learned  full  well,  and  as  others 
will  soon  learn  to  their  cost.1  Since,  then,  in  doing  these 
things  we  have  committed  an  error,  we  will  now  endeavour, 
with  your  assistance,  to  remedy  the  mischief  and  punish  them. 

1  I  have  ventured  on  a  new  mode  of  translating  this  passage,  which 
appears  to  me  more  in  accordance  with  the  Greek  idiom.  Baehr,  whose 
version  is  most  simple  and  literal,  renders  it,  "and  perhaps  some  one  else 
will  learn  that  he  has  committed  an  error"  ;  meaning  the  Lacedaemonians 
themselves,  to  whom  the  speaker  doubtless  alludes. 
20 


306  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [91-92 

For  on  this  very  account  we  sent  for  Hippias,  who  is  here 
present,  and  summoned  you  from  your  cities,  that  by  common 
consent  and  combined  forces  we  may  take  him  back  to  Athens 
and  restore  to  him  what  we  took  away." 

Thus  these  spoke ;  but  the  majority  of  the  confederates  did 
not  approve  of  their  proposition.  The  rest  kept  silence,  but 
Sosicles  the  Corinthian  spoke  as  follows :  "  Surely  the  heav- 
ens will  sink  beneath  the  earth,  and  the  earth  ascend  aloft 
above  the  heavens;  men  will  live  in  the  sea,  and  the  fishes 
where  men  did  before,  now  that  you,  O  Lacedaemonians,  abol- 
ish equality,  dissolve  a  commonwealth,  and  prepare  to  restore 
tyrannies  in  the  cities,  than  which  there  is  nothing  more  un- 
just nor  more  cruel  among  men.  If,  in  truth,  this  appears  to 
you  a  good  thing,  that  cities  should  be  ruled  by  tyrants,  do 
you  first  set  up  a  tyrant  over  yourselves,  and  then  attempt  to 
set  them  up  over  others.  But  now,  while  ye  yourselves  are 
altogether  unacquainted  with  tyrannical  power,  and  watch 
with  jealousy  that  such  a  thing  should  not  happen  in  Sparta, 
ye  behave  contemptuously  toward  your  allies.  But  if  ye  had 
been  taught  by  experience,  as  we  have,  ye  would  have  a  better 
proposal  to  make  to  us  than  you  now  do.  The  constitution  of 
the  Corinthians  was  formerly  of  this  kind :  it  was  an  oligarchy, 
and  those  who  were  called  Bacchiadae  governed  the  city ;  they 
intermarried  only  within  their  own  family.  Amphion,  one 
of  these  men,  had  a  lame  daughter ;  her  name  was  Labda.  As 
no  one  of  the  Bacchiadse  would  marry  her,  Eetion,  son  of 
Echecrates,  who  was  of  the  district  of  Petra,  though  originally 
one  of  the  Lapithae,  and  a  descendant  of  Caeneus,  had  her. 
He  had  no  children  by  this  wife,  nor  by  any  other ;  he  there- 
fore went  to  Delphi  to  inquire  about  having  offspring,  and 
immediately  as  he  entered  the  Pythian  saluted  him  in  the  fol- 
lowing lines :  '  Eetion,  no  one  honours  thee,  though  worthy 
of  much  honour.  Labda  is  pregnant,  and  will  bring  forth 
a  round  stone;  it  will  fall  on  monarchs,  and  will  vindicate 
Corinth.'  This  oracle,  pronounced  to  Eetion,  was  by  chance 
reported  to  the  Bacchiadae,  to  whom  a  former  oracle  concern- 
ing Corinth  was  unintelligible,  and  which  tended  to  the  same 
end  as  that  of  Eetion,  and  was  in  these  terms :  *  An  eagle 
broods  on  rocks ; *  and  shall  bring  forth  a  lion,  strong  and 
carnivorous ;  and  it  shall  loosen  the  knees  of  many.  Now 
ponder  this  well,  ye  Corinthians,  who  dwell  around  beauteous 
Pirene  and  frowning  Corinth.'     Now  this,  which  had  been 

1  The  words,  aicrbs,  "  an  eagle,"  and  ir£rpTj<n,  "  rocks,"  bear  an  enigmat- 
ical meaning ;  the  former  intimating  "  Eetion,"  and  the  latter  his  birth- 
place, "  Petra." 


92]  SPEECH   OF  SOSICLES  307 

given  before,  was  unintelligible  to  the  Bacchiadse;  but  now, 
when  they  heard  that  which  was  delivered  to  Eetion,  they 
presently  understood  the  former  one,  since  it  agreed  with  that 
given  to  Eetion.  And  though  they  comprehended,  they  kept 
it  secret,  purposing  to  destroy  the  offspring  that  should  be 
born  to  Eetion.  As  soon  as  the  woman  brought  forth,  they 
sent  ten  of  their  own  number  to  the  district  where  Eetion 
lived  to  put  the  child  to  death ;  and  when  they  arrived  at  Petra, 
and  entered  the  court  of  Eetion,  they  asked  for  the  child; 
but  Labda,  knowing  nothing  of  the  purpose  for  which  they 
had  come,  and  supposing  that  they  asked  for  it  out  of  affec- 
tion for  the  father,  brought  the  child,  and  put  it  into  the  hands 
of  one  of  them.  Now,  it  had  been  determined  by  them  on  the 
way  that  whichever  of  them  should  first  receive  the  child  should 
dash  it  on  the  ground.  When,  however,  Labda  brought  and 
gave  it  to  one  of  them,  the  child,  by  a  divine  providence, 
smiled  on  the  man  who  received  it;  and  when  he  perceived 
this,  a  feeling  of  pity  restrained  him  from  killing  it;  and, 
moved  by  compassion,  he  gave  it  to  the  second,  and  he  to  the 
third;  thus  the  infant,  being  handed  from  one  to  another, 
passed  through  the  hands  of  all  the  ten,  and  not  one  of  them 
was  willing  to  destroy  it.  Having  therefore  delivered  the 
child  again  to  its  mother,  and  gone  out,  they  stood  at  the  door, 
and  attacked  each  other  with  mutual  recriminations ;  and  espe- 
cially the  first  who  took  the  child,  because  he  had  not  done 
as  had  been  determined :  at  last,  when  some  time  had  elapsed, 
they  determined  to  go  in  again,  and  that  every  one  should 
share  in  the  murder.  But  it  was  fated  that  misfortunes  should 
spring  up  to  Corinth  from  the  progeny  of  Eetion.  For  Labda, 
standing  at  the  very  door,  heard  all  that  had  passed ;  and  fear- 
ing that  they  might  change  their  resolution,  and  having  ob- 
tained the  child  a  second  time  might  kill  it,  she  took  and  hid 
it,  in  a  place  which  appeared  least  likely  to  be  thought  of,  in 
a  chest;  being  very  certain  that  if  they  should  return  and 
come  back  to  search,  they  would  pry  everywhere;  which,  in 
fact,  did  happen :  but  when,  having  come  and  made  a  strict* 
search,  they  could  not  find  the  child,  they  resolved  to  depart 
and  tell  those  who  sent  them  that  they  had  done  all  that  they 
had  commanded.  After  this  Eetion's  son  grew  up,  and,  hav- 
ing escaped  this  danger,  the  name  of  Cypselus  was  given  him, 
from  the  chest.  When  Cypselus  reached  man's  estate,  and 
consulted  the  oracle,  an  ambiguous  answer  was  given  him  at 
Delphi ;  relying  on  which,  he  attacked  and  got  possession  of 
Corinth.  The  oracle  was  this  :  '  Happy  this  man,  who  is  come 
down  to  my  dwelling;  Cypselus,  son  of  Eetion,  King  of  re- 


3o8  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,  TERPSICHORE  [92 

nowned  Corinth ;  he  and  his  children,  but  not  his  children's 
children.'  Such  was  the  oracle.  And  Cypselus,  having  ob- 
tained the  tyranny,  behaved  himself  thus :  he  banished  many 
of  the  Corinthians,  deprived  many  of  their  property,  and  many 
more  of  their  life.  When  he  had  reigned  thirty  years,  and 
ended  his  life  happily,  his  son  Periander  became  his  successor 
in  the  tyranny.  Now  Periander  at  first  was  more  mild  than 
his  father;  but  when  he  had  communicated  by  ambassadors 
with  Thrasybulus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  he  became  far  more  cruel 
than  Cypselus.  For  having  sent  a  nuncio  to  Thrasybulus,  he 
asked  in  what  way,  having  ordered  affairs  most  securely,  he 
might  best  govern  the  city.  Thrasybulus  conducted  the  per- 
son who  came  from  Periander  out  of  the  city,  and  going  into 
a  field  of  corn,  and  as  he  went  through  the  standing  corn, 
questioning  him  about,  and  making  him  repeat  over  again, 
the  account  of  his  coming  from  Corinth,  he  cut  off  any  ear 
that  he  saw  taller  than  the  rest,  and  having  cut  it  off,  he  threw 
it  away,  till  in  this  manner  he  had  destroyed  the  best  and  deep- 
est of  the  corn.  Having  gone  through  the  piece  of  ground, 
and  given  no  message  at  all,  he  dismissed  the  nuncio.  When 
the  nuncio  returned  to  Corinth,  Periander  was  anxious  to 
know  the  answer  of  Thrasybulus;  but  he  said  that  Thrasy- 
bulus had  given  him  no  answer,  and  wondered  he  should  have 
sent  him  to  such  a  man,  for  that  he  was  crazy,  and  destroyed 
his  own  property,  relating  what  he  had  seen  done  by  Thrasy- 
bulus. But  Periander  comprehending  the  meaning  of  the 
action,  and  understanding  that  Thrasybulus  advised  him  to 
put  to  death  the  most  eminent  of  the  citizens,  thereupon  exer- 
cised all  manner  of  cruelties  toward  his  subjects ;  for  what- 
ever Cypselus  had  left  undone,  by  killing  and  banishing,  Peri- 
ander completed.  One  day  he  stripped  all  the  Corinthian 
women,  on  account  of  his  own  wife  Melissa ;  for  when  he  sent 
messengers  to  the  Thesprotians  on  the  river  Acheron  to  con- 
sult the  oracle  of  the  dead  respecting  a  deposit  made  by  a 
.stranger,  Melissa  having  appeared,  said  that  she  would  neither 
make  it  known  nor  tell  in  what  place  the  deposit  lay,  because 
she  was  cold  and  naked ;  for  that  there  was  no  use  in  the  gar- 
ments in  which  he  had  buried  her,  since  they  had  not  been 
burned :  and  as  a  proof  that  she  spoke  truth,  she  added  that 
Periander  had  put  his  bread  into  a  cold  oven.  When  this  an- 
swer was  brought  back  to  Periander,  for  the  token  was  con- 
vincing to  him,  since  he  had  lain  with  Melissa  after  her  death, 
he  immediately,  on  receiving  the  message,  made  proclama- 
tion that  all  the  women  of  Corinth  should  repair  to  the  Temple 
of  Juno.    They  accordingly  went,  as  to  a  festival,  dressed  in 


92-95]  SPEECH   OF  SOSICLES  309 

their  best  attire;  but  he  having  privately  introduced  his 
guards,  stripped  them  all  alike,  both  the  free  women  and 
attendants ;  and  having  collected  them  together  in  a  pit,  he 
invoked  Melissa,  and  burned  them.  When  he  had  done  this, 
and  sent  a  second  time,  the  phantom  of  Melissa  told  in  what 
place  she  had  laid  the  stranger's  deposit.  Such,  O  Lacedae- 
monians, is  a  tyranny,  and  such  are  its  deeds.  Great  aston- 
ishment, therefore,  immediately  seized  us  Corinthians  when 
we  understood  you  had  sent  for  Hippias ;  but  now  we  are  still 
more  astonished  at  hearing  you  say  what  you  do ;  and  we  en- 
treat you,  adjuring  you  by  the  Grecian  gods,  not  to  establish 
tyrannies  in  the  cities.  Nevertheless,  if  you  will  not  desist, 
but  against  all  right  will  endeavour  to  restore  Hippias,  know 
that  the  Corinthians,  at  least,  do  not  approve  of  your  designs." 
Sosicles,  who  was  ambassador  from  Corinth,  spoke  thus. 
But  Hippias  answered  him,  having  invoked  the  same  gods 
as  he  had  that  the  Corinthians  would  most  of  all  regret  the 
Pisistratidae,  when  the  fated  days  should  come  for  them  to  be 
harassed  by  the  Athenians.  Hippias  answered  thus,  as  being 
more  accurately  acquainted  with  the  oracles  than  any  other 
man.  The  rest  of  the  confederates  until  then  had  kept  silence ; 
but  when  they  heard  Sosicles  speak  freely,  every  one  of  them, 
with  acclamation,  embraced  the  opinion  of  the  Corinthians ; 
and  they  adjured  the  Lacedaemonians  not  to  introduce  any  in- 
novation into  a  Grecian  city.  And  thus  that  design  was  de- 
feated. When  Hippias  departed  thence,  Amyntas  the  Mace- 
donian offered  him  Anthemus,  and  the  Thessalians  offered  him 
Iolcus ;  he,  however,  accepted  neither  of  them,  but  returned 
back  to  Sigeum,  which  Pisistratus  had  taken  by  force  from 
the  Mityleneans,  and  having  got  possession  of  it,  he  appointed 
his  natural  son  Hegesistratus,  born  of  an  Argive  woman,  to 
be  tyrant ;  he,  however,  did  not  retain  without  a  struggle  what 
he  had  received  from  Pisistratus.  For  the  Mityleneans  and 
the  Athenians,  setting  out  from  the  city  of  Achilleium  and 
Sigeum,  carried  on  war  for  a  long  time ;  the  former  demand- 
ing restitution  of  the  place,  and  the  Athenians  not  only  not 
conceding  it,  but  showing  by  argument  that  the  ^Eolians  had 
no  more  right  to  the  territories  of  Ilium  than  they,  or  any 
other  of  the  Greeks  who  had  assisted  Menelaus  in  avenging 
the  rape  of  Helen.  While  they  were  at  war  various  other 
events  occurred  in  the  different  battles ;  and  among  them, 
Alcaeus  the  poet,  when  an  engagement  took  place,  and  the 
Athenians  were  victorious,  saved  himself  by  flight;  but  the 
Athenians  got  possession  of  his  arms,  and  hung  them  up  in 
the  Temple  of  Minerva  at  Sigeum.    Alcaeus  having  described 


310  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE  [95-98 

this  in  an  ode,  sent  it  to  Mitylene  to  inform  his  friend  Melanip- 
pus  of  his  misfortune.  Periander,  son  of  Cypselus,  reconciled 
the  Mityleneans  and  Athenians,  for  they  referred  to  him  as 
arbitrator;  and  he  reconciled  them  on  these  terms,  that  each 
should  retain  what  they  had.  Thus,  then,  Sigeum  became 
subject  to  the  Athenians.  When  Hippias  returned  from  Lace- 
daemon  to  Asia,  he  set  everything  in  motion,  accusing  the 
Athenians  falsely  to  Artaphernes,  and  contriving  every  means 
by  which  Athens  might  be  subjected  to  himself  and  Darius. 
Hippias  accordingly  busied  himself  about  this,  and  the  Athe- 
nians, having  heard  of  it,  sent  ambassadors  to  Sardis,  warn- 
ing the  Persians  not  to  give  ear  to  the  Athenian  exiles.  But 
Artaphernes  bade  them,  if  they  wished  to  continue  safe,  re- 
ceive Hippias  back  again.  The  Athenians,  however,  would 
not  consent  to  the  proposed  condition ;  and  when  they  did  not 
consent,  it  was  determined  openly  to  declare  themselves  ene- 
mies to  the  Persians. 

When  they  were  taking  this  resolution,  and  were  being 
falsely  accused  to  the  Persians,  at  that  very  time  Aristagoras 
the  Milesian,  having  been  expelled  from  Sparta  by  Cleomenes 
the  Lacedaemonian,  arrived  at  Athens ;  for  this  city  was  much 
more  powerful  than  the  rest.  Aristagoras,  presenting  himself 
before  the  people,  said  the  same  he  had  done  at  Sparta,  re- 
specting the  wealth  of  Asia  and  the  Persian  mode  of  warfare, 
how  they  used  neither  shield  nor  spear,  and  would  be  easily 
conquered.  He  said  this,  and,  in  addition,  that  the  Milesians 
were  a  colony  of  the  Athenians,  and  it  was  but  reasonable  that 
they,  having  such  great  power,  should  rescue  them.  And 
there  was  nothing  he  did  not  promise,  as  being  very  much  in 
earnest,  until  at  length  he  persuaded  them.  For  it  appears  to 
be  more  easy  to  impose  upon  a  multitude  than  one  man ;  since 
he  was  not  able  to  impose  upon  Cleomenes  the  Lacedaemonian 
singly,  but  did  so  to  thirty  thousand  Athenians.  The  Athe- 
nians accordingly,  being  persuaded,  decreed  to  send  twenty 
ships  to  succour  the  Ionians,  having  appointed  Melanthius 
commander  over  them,  a  citizen  who  was  universally  esteemed. 
These  ships  were  the  source  of  calamities  both  to  Greeks  and 
barbarians.  Aristagoras  having  sailed  first,  and  arrived  at 
Miletus,  had  recourse  to  a  project  from  which  no  advantage 
could  result  to  the  Ionians ;  nor  did  he  employ  it  for  that  pur- 
pose, but  that  he  might  vex  King  Darius.  He  sent  a  man  into 
Phrygia  to  the  Paeonians,  who  had  been  carried  away  captive 
by  Megabyzus  from  the  river  Strymon,  and  occupied  a  tract 
in  Phrygia,  and  a  village  by  themselves.  When  he  reached 
the  Paeonians,  he  spoke  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Paeonia,  Aristag- 


98-101]  IONIANS   BURN   SARDIS  3U 

oras,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  has  sent  me  to  suggest  to  you  a  mode 
of  deliverance  if  you  will  take  his  advice.  For  all  Ionia  has 
revolted  from  the  king,  and  offers  you  an  opportunity  of  re- 
turning safe  to  your  own  country ;  as  far  as  the  coast  take 
care  of  yourselves,  and  we  will  provide  for  the  rest."  The 
Pseonians,  when  they  heard  these  words,  considered  it  a  very 
joyful  event,  and  having  taken  with  them  their  children  and 
wives,  fled  to  the  coast;  but  some  of  them,  through  fear,  re- 
mained where  they  were.  When  the  Paeonians  reached  the 
coast,  they  thence  crossed  over  to  Chios;  and  just  as  they 
had  reached  Chios,  a  large  body  of  Persian  cavalry  came  on 
their  heels,  pursuing  the  Paeonians;  and  when  they  did  not 
overtake  them,  sent  orders  to  Chios  to  the  Paeonians,  com- 
manding them  to  return.  But  the  Paeonians  did  not  listen 
to  the  proposal ;  but  the  Chians  conveyed  them  to  Lesbos, 
and  the  Lesbians  forwarded  them  to  Doriscus;  thence  pro- 
ceeding on  foot  they  reached  Paeonia. 

But  Aristagoras,  when  the  Athenians  arrived  with  twenty 
ships,  bringing  with  them  five  triremes  of  the  Eretrians,  who 
engaged  in  this  expedition,  not  out  of  good-will  to  the  Athe- 
nians, but  of  the  Milesians  themselves,  in  order  to  repay  a 
former  obligation ;  for  the  Milesians  had  formerly  joined  the 
Eretrians  in  the  war  against  the  Chalcidians,  at  the  time  when 
the  Samians  assisted  the  Chalcidians  against  the  Eretrians 
and  Milesians.  When  these,  then,  had  arrived,  and  the  rest 
of  the  allies  had  come  up,  Aristagoras  resolved  to  make  an 
expedition  to  Sardis.  He  himself  did  not  march  with  the 
army,  but  remained  at  Miletus,  and  appointed  others  as  gen- 
erals of  the  Milesians,  his  own  brother  Charopinus,  and  of  the 
other  citizens  Hermophantus.  The  Ionians,  having  arrived  at 
Ephesus  with  this  force,  left  their  ships  at  Coressus,  in  the 
Ephesian  territory,  and  they  advanced  with  a  numerous  army, 
taking  Ephesians  for  their  guides ;  and  marching  by  the  side 
of  the  river  Cayster,  from  thence  they  crossed  Mount  Tmolus, 
and  reached  and  took  Sardis  without  opposition ;  and  they 
took  all  except  the  citadel,  but  Artaphernes  with  a  strong  gar- 
rison defended  the  citadel.  The  following  accident  prevented 
them,  after  they  had  taken  the  city,  from  plundering  it :  Most 
of  the  houses  in  Sardis  were  built  with  reeds ;  and  such  of 
them  as  were  built  with  brick  had  roofs  of  reeds.  A  soldier 
happened  to  set  fire  to  one  of  these,  and  immediately  the  flame 
spread  from  house  to  house,  and  consumed  the  whole  city. 
While  the  city  was  being  burned,  the  Lydians,  and  as  many 
of  the  Persians  as  were  in  the  city,  being  inclosed  on  every 
side,  since  the  fire  had  got  possession  of  the  extreme  parts, 


312  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE       [101-104 

and  had  no  means  of  escaping  from  the  city,  rushed  together 
to  the  market-place,  and  to  the  river  Pactolus,  which,  bringing 
down  grains  of  gold  from  Mount  Tmolus,  flows  through  the 
middle  of  the  market-place,  and  then  discharges  itself  into  the 
river  Hermus,  and  that  into  the  sea.  The  Lydians  and  Per- 
sians, therefore,  being  assembled  on  this  Pactolus  and  at  the 
market-place,  were  constrained  to  defend  themselves :  and  the 
Ionians,  seeing  some  of  the  enemy  standing  on  their  defence, 
and  others  coming  up  in  great  numbers,  retired  through  fear 
to  the  mountain  called  Tmolus,  and  thence  under  favour  of  the 
night  retreated  to  their  ships.  Thus  Sardis  was  burned,  and 
in  it  the  temple  of  the  native  goddess  Cybebe;  the  Persians, 
making  a  pretext  of  this,  afterward  burned  in  retaliation  the 
temples  of  Greece.  As  soon  as  the  Persians  who  had  settle- 
ments on  this  side  the  river  Halys  were  informed  of  these 
things,  they  drew  together,  and  marched  to  assist  the  Lydi- 
ans ;  and  they  happened  to  find  that  the  Ionians  were  no 
longer  at  Sardis ;  but  following  on  their  track  they  overtook 
them  at  Ephesus;  and  the  Ionians  drew  out  in  battle  array 
against  them,  and  coming  to  an  engagement,  were  sorely 
beaten ;  and  the  Persians  slew  many  of  them,  and  among  other 
persons  of  distinction,  Eualcis,  general  of  the  Eretrians,  who 
had  gained  the  prize  in  the  contests  for  the  crown,  and 
had  been  much  celebrated  by  Simonides  the  Cean.  Those 
who  escaped  from  the  battle  were  dispersed  throughout  the 
cities. 

At  that  time  such  was  the  result  of  the  encounter.  After- 
ward the  Athenians,  totally  abandoning  the  Ionians,  though 
Aristagoras  urgently  solicited  them  by  ambassadors,  refused 
to  send  them  any  assistance.  The  Ionians,  being  deprived  of 
the  alliance  of  the  Athenians  (for  they  had  conducted  them- 
selves in  such  a  manner  toward  Darius  from  the  first),  never- 
theless prepared  for  war  with  the  king.  And  having  sailed  to 
the  Hellespont,  they  reduced  Byzantium  and  all  the  other 
cities  in  that  quarter  to  their  obedience.  Then  having  sailed 
out  of  the  Hellespont,  they  gained  over  to  their  alliance  the 
greater  part  of  Caria;  for  the  city  of  Caunus,  which  before 
would  not  join  their  alliance  when  they  had  burned  Sardis, 
came  over  to  their  side.  And  all  the  Cyprians,  except  the 
Amathusians,  came  over  to  them  of  their  own  accord ;  for 
they,  too,  had  revolted  from  the  Mede  on  the  following  occa- 
sion :  Onesilus  was  younger  brother  of  Gorgus,  King  of  the 
Salaminians,  and  son  of  Chersis,  son  of  Siromus,  son  of  Euel- 
thon ;  this  man  had  frequently  before  exhorted  his  brother  to 
revolt  from  the  king ;  but  when  he  heard  that  the  Ionians  had 


104-106]         DARIUS   LEARNS   OF   THE   REVOLT  313 

revolted,  he  pressed  him  very  urgently,  but  finding  he  could 
not  persuade  Gorgus,  Onesilus  with  his  partisans,  thereupon 
having  watched  an  opportunity  when  he  had  gone  out  of  the 
city  of  the  Salaminians,  shut  the  gates  against  him.  Gorgus 
being  thus  deprived  of  his  city,  fled  to  the  Medes ;  and  One- 
silus ruled  over  Salamis,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  all  the 
Cyprians  to  join  in  the  revolt.  The  rest  he  persuaded;  but 
the  Amathusians,  who  would  not  listen  to  him,  he  sat  down 
and  besieged. 

Onesilus  accordingly  besieged  Amathus.  But  when  it  was 
told  King  Darius  that  Sardis  had  been  taken  and  burned  by 
the  Athenians  and  Ionians,  and  that  Aristagoras  the  Milesian 
was  the  chief  of  the  confederacy,  and  the  contriver  of  that 
enterprise,  it  is  related  that  he,  when  he  heard  this,  took  no 
account  of  the  Ionians,  well  knowing  that  they  would  not 
escape  unpunished  for  their  rebellion,  but  inquired  where  the 
Athenians  were :  then  having  been  informed,  he  called  for  a 
bow,  and  having  received  one,  and  put  an  arrow  into  it,  he 
let  it  fly  toward  heaven,  and  as  he  shot  it  into  the  air,  he  said, 
"  O  Jupiter,  grant  that  I  may  revenge  myself  on  the  Athe- 
nians !  "  Having  thus  spoken,  he  commanded  one  of  his  at- 
tendants every  time  dinner  was  set  before  him  to  say  thrice, 
"  Sire,  remember  the  Athenians."  Having  given  this  order, 
and  summoned  to  his  presence  Histiseus  the  Milesian,  whom 
he  had  already  detained  a  long  time,  Darius  said :  "  I  am  in- 
formed, Histiaeus,  that  your  lieutenant,  to  whom  you  intrusted 
Miletus,  has  attempted  innovations  against  me ;  for  having 
brought  men  from  the  other  continent,  and  with  them  Ionians, 
who  shall  give  me  satisfaction  for  what  they  have  done;  hav- 
ing persuaded  these  to  accompany  them,  he  has  deprived  me 
of  Sardis.  Now,  can  it  appear  to  you  that  this  is  right  ?  Could 
such  a  thing  have  been  done  without  your  advice?  Beware 
lest  hereafter  you  expose  yourself  to  blame."  To  this  His- 
tiaeus answered :  "  O  king,  what  have  you  said  ?  That  I 
should  advise  a  thing  from  which  any  grief,  great  or  little, 
should  ensue  to  you !  with  what  object  should  I  do  so?  What 
am  I  in  want  of? — I,  who  have  all  things  the  same  as  you, 
and  am  deemed  worthy  to  share  all  your  counsels?  But  if 
my  lieutenant  has  done  any  such  thing  as  you  mention,  be 
assured  he  has  done  it  of  his  own  contrivance.  But  in  the 
outset  I  do  not  believe  the  account  that  the  Milesians  and 
my  lieutenant  have  attempted  any  innovations  against  your 
authority.  Yet  if  they  have  done  anything  of  the  kind,  and 
you  have  heard  the  truth,  consider,  O  king,  what  mischief 
you  have  done  in  withdrawing  me  from  the  coast.     For  the 


314  HERODOTUS— BOOK  V,   TERPSICHORE       [106-109 

Ionians  seem,  when  I  was  out  of  their  sight,  to  have  done  what 
they  long  ago  desired  to  do;  and  had  I  been  in  Ionia  not 
one  city  would  have  stirred.  Suffer  me,  therefore,  to  go  with 
all  speed  to  Ionia,  that  I  may  restore  all  things  there  to  their 
former  condition,  and  deliver  into  your  hands  this  lieutenant 
of  Miletus,  who  has  plotted  the  whole.  When  I  have  done  this 
according  to  your  mind,  I  swear  by  the  royal  gods  not  to  put 
off  the  garments  which  I  shall  wear  when  I  go  down  to  Ionia 
before  I  have  made  the  great  island  Sardinia  tributary  to  you." 
Histiseus,  speaking  thus,  deceived  the  king.  Darius  was  per- 
suaded, and  let  him  go ;  having  charged  him  to  return  to  him 
at  Susa,  so  soon  as  he  should  have  accomplished  what  he  had 
promised. 

While  the  news  concerning  Sardis  was  going  up  to  the 
king,  and  Darius,  having  done  what  has  been  described  relat- 
ing to  the  bow,  held  a  conference  with  Histiseus,  and  while 
Histiaeus,  having  been  dismissed  by  Darius,  was  on  his  jour- 
ney to  the  sea ;  during  all  this  time  the  following  events  took 
place :  Tidings  were  brought  to  Onesilus  the  Salaminian,  as 
he  was  besieging  the  Amathusians,  that  Artybius,  a  Persian, 
leading  a  large  Persian  force  on  shipboard,  was  to  be  ex- 
pected in  Cyprus.  Onesilus,  having  been  informed  of  this, 
sent  heralds  to  the  different  parts  of  Ionia,  inviting  them  to 
assist  him ;  and  the  Ionians,  without  any  protracted  delibera- 
tion, came  with  a  large  armament.  The  Ionians  accordingly 
arrived  at  Cyprus,  and  the  Persians,  having  crossed  over  in 
ships  from  Cilicia,  marched  by  land  against  Salamis ;  but  the 
Phoenicians  in  their  ships  doubled  the  promontory,  which 
is  called  the  key  of  Cyprus.  This  having  taken  place,  the 
tyrants  of  Cyprus,  having  called  together  the  generals  of  the 
Ionians,  said :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  we  Cyprians  give  you  the 
choice,  to  engage  with  whichever  you  wish,  the  Persians  or 
the  Phoenicians.  If  you  choose  to  try  your  strength  with  the 
Persians  draw  up  on  land,  it  is  time  for  you  to  disembark  from 
your  ships,  and  to  draw  up  on  land,  and  for  us  to  go  on  board 
your  ships,  in  order  to  oppose  the  Phoenicians :  but  if  you 
would  rather  try  your  strength  with  the  Phoenicians,  which- 
ever of  these  you  choose,  it  behooves  you  so  to  behave  your- 
selves that  as  far  as  depends  on  you  both  Ionia  and  Cyprus 
may  be  free."  To  this  the  Ionians  answered :  "  The  general 
council  of  the  Ionians  has  sent  us  to  guard  the  sea,  and  not 
that,  having  delivered  our  ships  to  the  Cyprians,  we  ourselves 
should  engage  with  the  Persians  by  land.  We  therefore  shall 
endeavour  to  do  our  duty  in  that  post  to  which  we  have  been 
appointed;  and  it  behooves  you,  bearing  in  mind  what  you 


109-113]  THE   WAR   IN   CYPRUS  315 

have  suffered  under  the  yoke  of  the  Medes,  to  prove  your- 
selves to  be  brave  men."  The  Ionians  made  answer  in  these 
words.  Afterward,  when  the  Persians  had  reached  the  plain 
of  the  Salaminians,  the  Kings  of  the  Cyprians  drew  up  their 
forces  in  line,  stationing  the  other  Cyprians  against  the  other 
soldiery  of  the  enemy,  but  having  selected  the  best  of  the  Sala- 
minians  and  Solians,  they  stationed  them  against  the  Persians. 
Onesilus  voluntarily  took  up  his  position  directly  against  Ar- 
tybius,  the  general  of  the  Persians.  Artybius  used  to  ride  on  a 
horse  that  had  been  taught  to  rear  up  against  an  armed  enemy. 
Onesilus,  therefore,  having  heard  of  this,  and  having  as  a 
shield-bearer  a  Carian  well  skilled  in  matters  of  war,  and  other- 
wise full  of  courage,  said  to  this  man :  "  I  am  informed  that 
the  horse  of  Artybius  rears  up,  and  with  his  feet  and  mouth 
attacks  whomsoever  he  is  made  to  engage  with ;  do  you  there- 
fore determine  at  once,  and  tell  me,  which  you  will  watch  and 
strike,  whether  the  horse  or  Artybius  himself."  His  attendant 
answered :  "  I  am  ready  to  do  both,  or  either  of  them,  and 
indeed  whatever  you  may  command.  But  I  will  declare  how 
it  appears  to  me  to  be  most  conducive  to  your  interest.  A 
king  and  a  general  ought,  I  think,  to  engage  with  a  king 
and  a  general.  For  if  you  vanquish  one  who  is  a  gen- 
eral, your  glory  is  great;  and,  in  the  next  place,  if  he 
should  vanquish  you,  which  may  the  gods  avert,  to  fall  by 
a  noble  hand  is  but  half  the  calamity;  but  we  servants 
should  engage  with  other  servants,  and  also  against  a  horse, 
whose  tricks  do  not  you  fear  at  all,  for  I  promise  you  he 
shall  never  hereafter  rear  up  against  any  man."  Thus  he 
spoke,  and  forthwith  the  forces  joined  battle  by  land  and  sea. 
Now  the  Ionians,  fighting  valiantly  on  that  day,  defeated  the 
Phoenicians  at  sea ;  and  of  these  the  Samians  most  distin- 
guished themselves;  but  on  land,  when  the  armies  met,  they 
engaged  in  close  combat;  and  the  following  happened  with 
respect  to  the  two  generals:  When  Artybius,  seated  on  his 
horse,  bore  down  upon  Onesilus,  Onesilus,  as  he  had  con- 
certed with  his  shield-bearer,  struck  Artybius  himself  as  he 
was  bearing  down  upon  him ;  and  as  the  horse  was  throwing 
his  feet  against  the  shield  of  Onesilus,  the  Carian  thereupon 
struck  him  with  a  scythe,  and  cut  off  the  horse's  feet.  So 
that  Artybius,  the  general  of  the  Persians,  fell  together  with 
his  horse  on  the  spot.  While  the  rest  were  fighting,  Stesenor, 
who  was  of  Curium,  deserted  with  no  inconsiderable  body  of 
men ;  these  Curians  are  said  to  be  a  colony  of  Argives ;  and 
when  the  Curians  had  deserted,  the  chariots  of  war  belonging 
to  the  Salaminians  did  the  same  as  the  Curians :  in  conse- 


3i6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V.   TERPSICHORE        [113-118 

quence  of  this  the  Persians  became  superior  to  the  Cyprians ; 
and  the  army  being  put  to  flight,  many  others  fell,  and  among 
them  Onesilus,  son  of  Chersis,  who  had  contrived  the  revolt 
of  the  Cyprians,  and  the  King  of  the  Solians,  Aristocyprus,  son 
of  Philocyprus ;  of  that  Philocyprus,  whom  Solon  the  Athe- 
nian, when  he  visited  Cyprus,  celebrated  in  his  verses  above 
all  tyrants.  Now  the  Amathusians,  having  cut  off  the  head 
of  Onesilus,  because  he  had  besieged  them,  took  it  to  Ama- 
thus,  and  suspended  it  over  the  gates ;  and  when  the  head 
was  suspended,  and  had  become  hollow,  a  swarm  of  bees  en- 
tered it,  and  filled  it  with  honeycomb.  When  this  happened, 
the  Amathusians  consulted  the  oracle  respecting  it,  and  an 
answer  was  given  them  that  "  they  should  take  down  the  head 
and  bury  it,  and  sacrifice  annually  to  Onesilus,  as  to  a  hero  ; 
and  if  they  did  so,  it  would  turn  out  better  for  them."  The 
Amathusians  did  accordingly,  and  continued  to  do  so  until 
my  time.  The  Ionians,  who  had  fought  by  sea  at  Cyprus, 
when  they  heard  that  the  affairs  of  Onesilus  were  ruined,  and 
that  the  rest  of  the  Cyprian  cities  were  besieged,  except  Sala- 
mis,  but  this  the  Salaminians  had  restored  to  their  former 
king  Gorgus ;  the  Ionians,  as  soon  as  they  learned  this,  sailed 
away  to  Ionia.  Of  the  cities  in  Cyprus,  Soli  held  out  against 
the  siege  for  the  longest  time;  but  the  Persians,  having  un- 
dermined the  wall  all  round,  took  it  in  the  fifth  month. 

Thus  the  Cyprians,  having  been  free  for  one  year,  were 
again  reduced  to  servitude.  But  Daurises,  who  had  married 
a  daughter  of  Darius,  and  Hymees,  and  Otanes,  and  other 
Persian  generals  who  also  had  married  daughters  of  Darius, 
having  pursued  those  of  the  Ionians  who  had  attacked  Sardis, 
and  having  driven  them  to  their  ships,  when  they  had  con- 
quered them  in  battle,  next  divided  the  cities  among  them- 
selves and  proceeded  to  plunder  them.  Daurises,  directing 
his  march  toward  the  cities  on  the  Hellespont,  took  Dardanus ; 
he  also  took  Abydos,  Percote,  Lampsacus,  and  Psesus ;  these 
he  took  each  in  one  day.  But  as  he  was  advancing  from  Paesus 
against  Parium,  news  was  brought  him  that  the  Carians,  hav- 
ing conspired  with  the  Ionians,  had  revolted  from  the  Per- 
sians. Therefore  turning  back  from  the  Hellespont,  he  led 
his  army  against  Caria.  Somehow  news  of  this  was  brought 
to  the  Carians  before  Daurises  arrived.  The  Carians,  having 
heard  of  it,  assembled  at  what  are  called  the  White  Columns, 
on  the  river  Marsyas,  which,  flowing  from  the  territory  of 
Idrias,  falls  into  the  Maeander.  When  the  Carians  were  as- 
sembled on  this  spot,  several  other  propositions  were  made, 
of  which  the  best  appeared  to  be  that  of  Pixodarus,  son  of 


H8-I22]  RECOVERY  OF   IONIA  317 

Mausolus,  a  Cyndian,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  Syen- 
nesis,  King  of  the  Cicilians.  His  opinion  was  that  the  Carians, 
having  crossed  the  Maeander,  and  having  the  river  in  their 
rear,  should  so  engage;  in  order  that  the  Carians,  not  being 
able  to  retreat,  and  being  compelled  to  remain  on  their  ground, 
might  be  made  even  braver  than  they  naturally  were.  This 
opinion,  however,  did  not  prevail,  but  that  the  Maeander  should 
rather  be  in  the  rear  of  the  Persians  than  of  themselves;  to 
the  end  that  if  the  Persians  should  be  put  to  flight,  and 
worsted  in  the  engagement,  they  might  have  no  retreat,  and 
fall  into  the  river.  Afterward,  the  Persians  having  come  up 
and  crossed  the  Maeander,  the  Carians  thereupon  came  to  an 
engagement  with  the  Persians  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Mar- 
syas,  and  they  fought  an  obstinate  battle,  and  for  a  long  time, 
but  at  last  were  overpowered  by  numbers.  Of  the  Persians 
there  fell  about  two  thousand,  and  of  the  Carians  ten  thou- 
sand. Such  of  them  as  escaped  from  thence  were  shut  up 
in  Labranda,  in  a  large  precinct  and  sacred  grove  of  plane 
trees,  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Stratius.  The  Carians  are  the  only 
people  we  know  who  offer  sacrifices  to  Jupiter  Stratius.  They, 
then,  being  shut  up  in  this  place,  consulted  on  the  means  of 
safety,  whether  they  would  fare  better  by  surrendering  them- 
selves to  the  Persians  or  by  abandoning  Asia  altogether. 
While  they  were  deliberating  about  this,  the  Milesians  and 
their  allies  came  to  their  assistance;  upon  this  the  Carians 
gave  up  what  they  were  before  deliberating  about,  and  pre- 
pared to  renew  the  war ;  and  they  engaged  with  the  Persians 
when  they  came  up,  and  having  fought,  were  more  signally 
beaten  than  before ;  though  in  the  whole  many  fell,  the  Mile- 
sians suffered  most.  The  Carians,  however,  afterward  recov- 
ered this  wound,  and  renewed  the  contest.  For  hearing  that 
the  Persians  designed  to  invade  their  cities,  they  placed  an 
ambuscade  on  the  way  to  Pedasus,  into  which  the  Persians, 
falling  by  night,  were  cut  to  pieces,  both  they  and  their  gen- 
erals Daurises,  Amorges,  and  Sisamaces;  and  with  them  per- 
ished Myrses,  son  of  Gyges.  The  leader  of  this  ambuscade 
was  Heraclides,  son  of  Ibanolis,  a  Mylassian.  Thus  these 
Persians  were  destroyed. 

Hymees,  who  was  also  one  of  those  who  pursued  the  Ioni- 
ans  that  had  attacked  Sardis,  bending  his  march  toward  the 
Propontis,  took  Cius  of  Mysia.  But  having  taken  it,  when 
he  heard  that  Daurises  had  quitted  the  Hellespont,  and  was 
marching  against  Caria,  he  abandoned  the  Propontis,  and  led 
his  army  on  the  Hellespont ;  and  he  subdued  all  the  iEolians 
who  inhabited  the  territory  of  Ilium,  and  subdued  the  Ger- 


318  HERODOTUS— BOOK   V,   TERPSICHORE        [122-126 

githae,  the  remaining  descendants  of  the  ancient  Teucrians; 
but  Hymees  himself,  having  subdued  these  nations,  died  of 
disease  in  the  Troad.  Thus  then  he  died:  but  Artaphernes, 
governor  of  Sardis,  and  Otanes,  one  of  the  three  generals,1 
were  appointed  to  invade  Ionia  and  the  neighbouring  terri- 
tory of  ^olia.  Of  Ionia,  accordingly,  they  took  Clazomenae ; 
and  of  the  iEolians,  Cyme. 

When  these  cities  were  taken,  Aristagoras  the 2  Milesian, 
for  he  was  not,  as  it  proved,  a  man  of  strong  courage,  who 
having  thrown  Ionia  into  confusion,  and  raised  great  disturb- 
ances, thought  of  flight  when  he  saw  these  results;  and,  be- 
sides, it  appeared  to  him  impossible  to  overcome  King  Darius : 
therefore,  having  called  his  partisans  together,  he  conferred 
with  them,  saying  that  it  would  be  better  for  them  to  have 
some  sure  place  of  refuge  in  case  they  should  be  expelled 
from  Miletus.  He  asked,  therefore,  whether  he  should  lead 
them  to  Sardinia,  to  found  a  colony,  or  to  Myrcinus  of  the 
Edonians,  which  Histiaeus  had  begun  to  fortify,  having  re-' 
ceived  it  as  a  gift  from  Darius.  However,  the  opinion  of 
Hecataeus  the  historian,  son  of  Hegesander,  was  that  they 
should  set  out  for  neither  of  these  places,  but  that,  having 
built  a  fortress  in  the  island  of  Leros,  they  should  remain 
quiet  if  they  were  compelled  to  quit  Miletus ;  and  that  at  some 
future  time,  proceeding  from  thence,  they  might  return  to 
Miletus.  This  was  the  advice  of  Hecataeus.  But  Aristagoras 
himself  was  decidedly  in  favour  of  proceeding  to  Myrcinus ; 
he  therefore  intrusted  Miletus  to  Pythagoras,  a  citizen  of  dis- 
tinction, and  he  himself,  taking  with  him  all  who  were  will- 
ing, sailed  to  Thrace,  and  took  possession  of  the  region  to 
which  he  was  bound.  But  setting  out  from  thence,  both 
Aristagoras  himself  and  all  his  army  perished  by  the  hands  of 
Thracians  as  he  was  laying  siege  to  a  city,  and  the  Thracians 
were  willing  to  depart  on  terms  of  capitulation. 

1  The  two  others  were  Daurises  and  Hymees. 

*  The  reader  will  observe  that  the  sentence  is  broken  and  imperfect ;  it 
is  so  in  the  original. 


BOOK  VI 

ERATO 

ARISTAGORAS,  having  induced  the  Ionians  to  revolt, 
/\  thus  died;  and  Histiaeus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  having 
£  \.  been  dismissed  by  Darius,  repaired  to  Sardis.  When 
he  arrived  from  Susa,  Artaphernes,  governor  of 
Sardis,  asked  him  for  what  reason  he  supposed  the  Ionians 
had  revolted.  Histiaeus  said  he  did  not  know,  and  seemed 
surprised  at  what  had  happened,  as  if  he  in  truth  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  present  state  of  affairs.  But  Artaphernes,  perceiv- 
ing that  he  was  dissembling,  and  being  aware  of  the  exact 
truth  as  to  the  revolt,  said :  "  Histiaeus,  the  state  of  the  case 
is  this :  you  made  the  shoe  and  Aristagoras  has  put  it  on." 
Artaphernes  spoke  thus  concerning  the  revolt :  but  Histiaeus, 
fearing  Artaphernes,  as  being  privy  to  the  truth,  as  soon  as 
night  came  on  fled  to  the  coast,  having  deceived  King  Darius ; 
for  having  promised  to  reduce  the  great  island  of  Sardinia, 
he  insinuated  himself  into  the  command  of  the  Ionians  in  the 
war  against  Darius.  Having  crossed  over  to  Chios,  he  was 
put  in  chains  by  the  Chians,  being  suspected  by  them  of  plan- 
ning some  new  design  against  them  in  favour  of  Darius. 
However,  the  Chians,  having  learned  the  whole  truth,  and 
that  he  was  an  enemy  to  the  king,  released  him.*  At  that  time 
Histiaeus  being  questioned  by  the  Ionians  why  he  had  so  ear- 
nestly pressed  Aristagoras  to  revolt  from  the  king,  and  had 
wrought  so  much  mischief  to  the  Ionians,  he  by  no  means 
made  known  to  them  the  true  reason;  but  told  them  that 
King  Darius  had  resolved  to  remove  the  Phoenicians  and 
settle  them  in  Ionia,  and  the  Ionians  in  Phoenicia ;  and  for 
this  reason  he  had  pressed  him.  Although  the  king  had 
formed  no  resolution  of  the  kind,  he  terrified  the  Ionians. 
After  this,  Histiaeus,  corresponding  by  means  of  a  me'ssenger, 
Hermippus,  an  Atarnian,  sent  letters  to  certain  Persians  in 
Sardis,  as  if  they  had  before  conferred  with  him  on  the  subject 
of  a  revolt.  But  Hermippus  did  not  deliver  the  letters  to  the 
persons  to  whom  he  had  been  sent,  but  put  them  into  the 

319 


320  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [4-8 

hands  of  Artaphernes ;  he,  having  discovered  all  that  was 
going  on,  commanded  Hermippus  to  deliver  the  letters  of  His- 
tiaeus  to  the  persons  for  whom  he  brought  them,  and  to  de- 
liver to  him  the  answers  that  should  be  sent  back  to  Histiseus 
from  the  Persians.  Thus  they  being  discovered,  Artaphernes 
thereupon  put  many  of  the  Persians  to  death ;  and  in  conse- 
quence there  was  a  great  commotion  in  Sardis.  Histiseus 
being  disappointed  of  these  hopes,  the  Chians  conveyed  him 
to  Miletus  at  his  own  request ;  but  the  Milesians,  delighted  at 
being  rid  of  Aristagoras,  were  by  no  means  desirous  to  receive 
another  tyrant  into  their  country,  as  they  had  tasted  of  free- 
dom. Thereupon  Histiseus,  going  down  to  Miletus  by  night, 
endeavoured  to  enter  it  by  force,  but  was  wounded  in  the  thigh 
by  one  of  the  Milesians.  When  he  was  repulsed  from  his  own 
country,  he  went  back  to  Chios,  and  from  thence,  since  he 
could  not  persuade  the  Chians  to  furnish  him  with  ships,  he 
crossed  over  to  Mitylene,  and  prevailed  with  the  Lesbians  to 
furnish  him  with  ships ;  and  they,  having  manned  eight  tri- 
remes, sailed  with  Histiseus  to  Byzantium.  There  taking  up 
their  station,  they  took  all  the  ships  that  sailed  out  of  the  Pon- 
tus,  except  such  of  them  as  said  they  were  ready  to  submit  to 
Histiseus. 

Histiseus,  then,  and  the  Mitylenians  acted  as  above  de- 
scribed. But  a  large  naval  and  land  force  was  expected  against 
Miletus  itself.  For  the  Persian  generals,  having  united  their 
forces  and  formed  one  camp,  marched  against  Miletus,  deem- 
ing the  other  cities  of  less  consequence.  Of  the  maritime 
forces,  the  Phoenicians  were  the  most  zealous,  and  the  Cyprians, 
who  had  been  lately  subdued,  served  with  them,  and  the  Cili- 
cians,  and  Egyptians.  They  then  advanced  against  Miletus 
and  the  rest  of  Ionia;  but  the  Ionians,  having  heard  of  this, 
sent  their  respective  deputies  to  the  Panionium,  and  when 
they  arrived  at  that  place  and  consulted  together,  it  was  de- 
termined not  to  assemble  any  land  forces  to  oppose  the  Per- 
sians; but  that  the  Milesians  themselves  should  defend  the 
walls;  and  that  they  should  man  their  navy,  without  leaving 
a  single  ship  behind;  and  after  they  had  manned  them,  to 
assemble  as  soon  as  possible  at  Lade,  to  fight  in  defence  of 
Miletus.  Lade  is  a  small  island  lying  off  the  city  of  the  Mile- 
sians. After  this  the  Ionians  came  up  with  their  ships  manned, 
and  with  them  the  iEolians  who  inhabit  Lesbos ;  and  they 
formed  their  line  in  the  following  order :  The  Milesians  them- 
selves, who  furnished  eighty  ships,  occupied  the  east  wing; 
and  next  to  these  the  Prienians  with  twelve  ships,  and  the 
Myusians  with  three;  the  Teians  were  next  to  the  Myusians, 


8-1 1]  ASSEMBLY   OF   THE   IONIANS  32 1 

with  seventeen  ships ;  the  Chians  were  next  the  Teians,  with 
a  hundred  ships ;  next  to  these,  the  Erythrasans  and  the  Pho- 
caeans  were  drawn  up,  the  Erythraeans  furnishing  eight  ships, 
and  the  Phocaeans  three;  next  the  Phocaeans  were  the  Les- 
bians with  seventy  ships ;  last  of  all  the  Samians  were  drawn 
up,  occupying  the  western  wing  with  sixty  ships.  Of  all  these, 
the  whole  number  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  fifty-three 
triremes.  Such  was  the  fleet  of  the  Ionians.  On  the  side  of 
the  barbarians  the  number  of  ships  amounted  to  six  hundred : 
but  when  they  arrived  on  the  Milesian  coast,  and  all  their  land 
forces  were  come  up,  the  Persian  generals,  hearing  the  num- 
ber of  the  Ionian  fleet,  began  to  fear  they  should  not  be  strong 
enough  to  overcome  it,  and  so  should  be  also  unable  to  take 
Miletus,  since  they  were  not  masters  at  sea,  and  then  might 
be  in  danger  of  receiving  punishment  at  the  hands  of  Darius. 
Taking  these  things  into  consideration,  they  summoned  the 
tyrants  of  the  Ionians,  who,  having  been  deprived  of  their 
governments  by  Aristagoras,  had  fled  to  the  Medes,  and  hap- 
pened at  that  time  to  be  serving  in  the  army  against  Miletus ; 
having  called  together  such  of  these  men  as  were  at  hand, 
they  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  let  each  of 
you  now  show  his  zeal  for  the  king's  house.  For  let  each  of 
you  endeavour  to  detach  his  own  countrymen  from  the  rest 
of  the  confederacy,  and  hold  out  to  them  and  proclaim  this, 
that  they  shall  suffer  no  hurt  on  account  of  their  rebellion,  nor 
shall  their  buildings,  whether  sacred  or  profane,  be  burned, 
nor  shall  they  be  treated  with  more  severity  than  they  were 
before.  But  if  they  will  not  do  this,  and  will  at  all  events  come 
to  the  hazard  of  a  battle,  threaten  them  with  this  which  will 
surely  befall  them;  that  when  conquered  in  battle  they  shall 
be  enslaved ;  that  we  will  make  eunuchs  of  their  sons,  and 
transport  their  virgins  to  Bactra,  and  then  give  their  country 
to  others."  Thus  they  spoke ;  but  the  tyrants  of  the  Ionians 
sent  each  by  night  to  his  own  countrymen,  to  make  known 
the  warning.  But  the  Ionians  to  whom  these  messages  came 
continued  firm  to  their  purpose,  and  would  not  listen  to  treach- 
ery ;  for  each  thought  that  the  Persians  had  sent  this  message 
to  themselves  only.  This,  then,  took  place  immediately  after 
the  arrival  of  the  Persians  before  Miletus. 

Afterward,  when  the  Ionians  had  assembled  at  Lade,  coun- 
cils were  held,  and  on  occasion  others  addressed  them,  and 
among  the  rest  the  Phocaean  general  Dionysius,  who  spoke 
as  follows :  "  Our  affairs  are  in  a  critical x  state,  O  Ionians, 
whether  we  shall  be  freemen  or  slaves,  and  that  too  as  run- 

1  Literally,  "on  a  razor's  edge." 
21 


322  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [11-13 

away  slaves :  now,  then,  if  you  are  willing  to  undergo  hard- 
ships, for  the  present  you  will  have  toil,  but  will  be  enabled, 
by  overcoming  your  enemies,  to  be  free;  on  the  other  hand, 
if  you  abandon  yourselves  to  ease  and  disorder,  I  have  no 
hope  of  you  that  you  will  escape  punishment  at  the  hands 
of  the  king  for  your  revolt.  But  be  persuaded  by  me,  and  in- 
trust yourselves  to  my  guidance,  and  I  promise  you,  if  the 
gods  are  impartial,  either  that  our  enemies  will  not  fight  us 
at  all,  or  if  they  do  fight  with  us,  they  shall  be  completely 
beaten."  The  Ionians  having  heard  this,  intrusted  themselves 
to  the  guidance  of  Dionysius;  and  he,  daily  leading  out  the 
ships  into  a  line,  when  he  had  exercised  the  rowers,  by  prac- 
tising the  manoeuvre  of  cutting  through  one  another's  line, 
and  had  put  the  marines  under  arms,  kept  the  ships  at  anchor 
for  the  rest  of  the  day :  thus  he  subjected  the  Ionians  to  toil 
throughout  the  day.  Accordingly,  for  seven  days  they  con- 
tinued to  obey,  and  did  what  was  ordered ;  but  on  the  follow- 
ing day  the  Ionians,  unaccustomed  to  such  toil,  and  worn 
down  by  hardships  and  the  heat  of  the  sun,  spoke  one  to  an- 
other as  follows :  "  What  deity  having  offended,  do  we  fill  up 
this  measure  of  affliction  ?  we  who  being  beside  ourselves,  and 
having  lost  our  senses,  have  intrusted  ourselves  to  the  guid- 
ance of  a  presumptuous  Phocaean,  who  has  contributed  three 
ships ;  but  he,  having  got  us  under  his  control,  afflicts  us  with 
intolerable  hardships.  Many  of  us  have  already  fallen  into 
distempers,  and  many  must  expect  to  meet  with  the  same  fate. 
Instead  of  these  evils,  it  were  better  for  us  to  suffer  any- 
thing else,  and  to  endure  the  impending  servitude,  be  it  what 
it  may,  than  be  oppressed  by  the  present.  Come,  then,  let  us 
no  longer  obey  him."  Thus  they  spoke,  and  from  that  mo- 
ment no  one  would  obey;  but  having  pitched  tents  on  the 
island,  they  continued  under  the  shade,  and  would  not  go 
on  board  the  ships  or  perform  their  exercise.  The  generals 
of  the  Samians  observing  what  was  passing  among  the  Ioni- 
ans, and  at  the  same  time  seeing  great  disorder  among  them, 
thereupon  accepted  the  proposal  of  j^Eaces,  son  of  Syloson, 
which  he  had  before  sent  them  at  the  desire  of  the  Persians, 
exhorting  them  to  abandon  the  confederacy  of  the  Ionians ; 
and,  moreover,  it  was  clearly  impossible  for  them  to  overcome 
the  power  of  the  king,  because  they  were  convinced  that  if 
they  should  overcome  Darius  with  his  present  fleet  another 
five  times  as  large  would  come  against  them.  Therefore  lay- 
ing hold  of  this  pretext,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  Ionians  re- 
fusing to  behave  well  they  deemed  it  for  their  advantage  to 
preserve  their  own  buildings,  sacred  and  profane.  This  ^Eaces, 


i3-i7]  IONIAN   FLEET  DEFEATED  323 

from  whom  the  Samians  received  the  proposal,  was  son  of 
Syloson,  son  of  ^Eaces ;  and  being  tyrant  of  Samos,  had  been 
deprived  of  his  government  by  Aristagoras  the  Milesian,  as  the 
other  tyrants  of  Ionia. 

When,  therefore,  the  Phoenicians  sailed  against  them,  the 
Ionians  also  drew  out  their  ships  in  line  to  oppose  them ;  but 
when  they  came  near  and  engaged  each  other,  after  that  I  am 
unable  to  affirm  with  certainty  who  of  the  Ionians  proved 
themselves  cowards  or  brave  men  in  this  sea-fight;  for  they 
mutually  accuse  each  other.  The  Samians,  however,  are  said 
at  that  moment  to  have  hoisted  sail,  in  pursuance  of  their 
agreement  with  ^aces,  and  steered  out  of  the  line  to  Samos, 
with  the  exception  of  eleven  ships ;  the  captains  of  these  stayed 
and  fought,  refusing  to  obey  their  commanders ;  and  for  this 
action  the  commonwealth  of  the  Samians  conferred  upon  them 
the  honour  of  having  their  names  and  ancestry  engraved  on 
a  column,  as  having  proved  themselves  valiant  men ;  and  this 
column  now  stands  in  the  forum.  The  Lesbians  also,  seeing 
those  stationed  next  them  flee,  did  the  same  as  the  Samians ; 
and  in  like  manner  most  of  the  Ionians  followed  their  exam- 
ple. Of  those  that  persisted  in  the  battle,  the  Chians  were 
most  roughly  handled,  as  they  displayed  signal  proofs  of 
valour,  and  would  not  act  as  cowards.  They  contributed,  as 
has  been  before  mentioned,  one  hundred  ships,  and  on  board 
each  of  them  forty  chosen  citizens  serving  as  marines ;  and 
though  they  saw  most  of  the  confederates  abandoning  the 
common  cause,  they  disdained  to  follow  the  example  of  their 
treachery;  but  choosing  rather  to  remain  with  the  few  allies, 
they  continued  the  fight,  cutting  through  the  enemies'  line, 
until,  after  they  had  taken  many  of  the  enemies'  ships,  they 
lost  most  of  their  own.  The  Chians  then  fled  to  their  own 
country  with  the  remainder  of  their  fleet.  Those  Chians  whose 
ships  were  disabled  in  the  fight,  when  they  were  pursued,  took 
refuge  in  Mycale ;  and  having  run  their  ships  aground,  left 
them  there,  and  marched  overland  through  the  continent; 
but  when  the  Chians  on  their  return  entered  the  territory  of 
Ephesus,  and  arrived  near  the  city  by  night,  at  a  time  when 
the  women  there  were  celebrating  the  Thesmophoria ;  the 
Ephesians  thereupon,  not  having  before  heard  how  it  had 
fared  with  the  Chians,  and  seeing  an  army  enter  their  terri- 
tory, thinking  they  were  certainly  robbers,  and  were  come 
to  seize  their  women,  rushed  out  in  a  body  and  slew  the 
Chians.  Such  was  the  fate  they  met  with.  Dionysius  the 
Phocaean,  when  he  perceived  that  the  affairs  of  the  Ionians 
were  utterly  ruined,  having  taken  three  of  the  enemies'  ships, 


324  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [17-21 

sailed  away,  not  indeed  to  Phocsea,  well  knowing  that  it  would 
be  enslaved  with  the  rest  of  Ionia,  but  sailed  directly,  as  he 
was,  to  Phoenicia ;  and  there  having  disabled  some  merchant- 
men, and  obtained  great  wealth,  he  sailed  to  Sicily ;  and  sally- 
ing out  from  thence,  he  established  himself  as  a  pirate,  attack- 
ing none  of  the  Grecians,  but  only  the  Carthaginians  and 
Tyrrhenians. 

The  Persians,  when  they  had  conquered  the  Ionians  in  the 
sea-fight,  besieging  Miletus  both  by  land  and  sea,  and  under- 
mining the  walls,  and  bringing  up  all  kinds  of  military  engines 
against  it,  took  it  completely,  in  the  sixth  year  after  the  re- 
volt of  Aristagoras ;  and  they  reduced  the  city  to  slavery,  so 
that  the  event  coincided  with  the  oracle  delivered  concerning 
Miletus.  For  when  the  Argives  consulted  the  oracle  at  Delphi 
respecting  the  preservation  of  their  city,  a  double  answer  was 
given ;  part  concerning  themselves,  and  the  addition  the  Pyth- 
ian uttered  concerning  the  Milesians.  The  part  relating  to 
the  Argives  I  will  mention  when  I  come  to  that  part  of  the 
history ;  the  words  she  uttered  relative  to  the  Milesians,  who 
were  not  present,  were  as  follows :  "  Then  Miletus,  contriver 
of  wicked  deeds,  thou  shalt  become  a  feast  and  a  rich  gift  to 
many :  thy  wives  shall  wash  the  feet  of  many  long-haired  mas- 
ters, and  our  temple  at  Didymi  shall  be  tended  by  others." 
These  things  befell  the  Milesians  at  that  time,  for  most  of  the 
men  were  killed  by  the  Persians,  who  wear  long  hair;  and 
their  women  and  children  were  treated  as  slaves ;  and  the 
sacred  inclosure  at  Didymi,  both  the  temple  and  the  shrine, 
were  pillaged  and  burned.  Of  the  riches  in  this  temple  I  have 
frequently  made  mention  in  other  parts  of  my  history.  Such 
of  the  Milesians  as  were  taken  alive  were  afterward  conveyed 
to  Susa;  and  King  Darius,  without  having  done  them  any 
harm,  settled  them  on  that  which  is  called  the  Red  Sea,  in  the 
city  of  Ampe,  near  which  the  Tigris,  flowing  by,  falls  into 
the  sea.  Of  the  Milesian  territory,  the  Persians  themselves 
retained  the  parts  round  the  city,  and  the  plain;  the  moun- 
tainous parts  they  gave  to  the  Carians  of  Pedasus  to  occupy. 
When  the  Milesians  suffered  thus  at  the  hands  of  the  Per- 
sians, the  Sybarites,  who  inhabited  Laos  and  Scydrus,  hav- 
ing been  deprived  of  their  country,  did  not  show  equal  sym- 
pathy. For  when  Sybaris  was  taken  by  the  Crotonians,  all 
the  Milesians  of  every  age  shaved  their  heads  and  displayed 
marks  of  deep  mourning;  for  these  two  cities  had  been  more 
strictly  united  in  friendship  than  any  others  we  are  acquainted 
with.  The  Athenians  behaved  in  a  very  different  manner ;  for 
the  Athenians  made  it  evident  that  they  were  excessively 


21-23]  CAPTURE   OF   MILETUS  325 

grieved  at  the  capture  of  Miletus,  both  in  many  other  ways, 
and  more  particularly  when  Phrynichus  had  composed  a 
drama  of  the  capture  of  Miletus,  and  represented  it,  the  whole 
theatre  burst  into  tears,  and  fined  him  a  thousand  drachmas 
for  renewing  the  memory  of  their  domestic  misfortunes ;  and 
they  gave  order  that  henceforth  no  one  should  act  this  drama. 
Miletus  therefore  was  stripped  of  its  Milesian  population. 
But  the  Samians  who  had  property  were  by  no  means  pleased 
with  what  had  been  done  by  their  generals  in  favour  of  the 
Medes,  and  determined,  on  a  consultation  immediately  after 
the  sea-fight,  to  sail  away  to  a  colony  before  the  tyrant  ^aces 
should  arrive  in  their  country,  and  not  by  remaining  become 
slaves  to  the  Medes  and  ^aces.  For  the  Zanclaeans  of  Sicily 
at  this  very  time,  sending  messengers  to  Ionia,  invited  the 
Ionians  to  Cale  Acte,  wishing  them  to  found  a  city  of  Ionians 
there.  This  Cale  Acte,  as  it  is  called,  belongs  to  the  Sicilians, 
and  is  in  that  part  of  Sicily  that  faces  the  Tyrrhenians.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  they  invited  them,  the  Samians  alone  of  all 
the  Ionians  set  out,  and  with  them  such  Milesians  as  had 
escaped  by  flight.  During  this  time  the  following  incident 
occurred :  The  Samians,  on  their  way  to  Sicily,  touched  on 
the  country  of  the  Epizephyrian  Locrians,  and  the  Zanclaeans, 
both  they  and  their  king,  whose  name  was  Scythes,  were  em- 
ployed in  the  besieging  of  a  Sicilian  city,  desiring  to  take  it: 
and  Anaxilaus,  tyrant  of  Rhegium,  who  was  then  at  variance 
with  the  Zanclaeans,  understanding  this,  held  correspondence 
with  the  Samians,  and  persuaded  them  that  it  would  be  well 
not  to  trouble  themselves  about  Cale  Acte,  to  which  they  were 
sailing,  but  to  seize  the  city  of  Zancle,  which  was  destitute  of 
inhabitants.  The  Samians  were  persuaded,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  Zancle,  whereupon  the  Zanclaeans,  hearing  that 
their  city  was  occupied,  went  to  recover  it,  and  called  to  their 
assistance  Hippocrates,  tyrant  of  Gela,  for  he  was  their  ally. 
But  when  Hippocrates  came  with  his  army,  as  if  to  assist 
them,  he  having  thrown  into  chains  Scythes,  King  of  the  Zan- 
claeans, who  had  already  lost  his  city,  and  his  brother  Pytho- 
genes,  sent  them  away  to  the  city  of  Inycum :  after  having  con- 
ferred with  the  Samians,  and  given  and  received  oaths,  he 
betrayed  the  rest  of  the  Zanclaeans ;  and  this  was  the  reward 
agreed  upon  by  the  Samians,  that  he  should  have  one  half 
of  the  movables  and  slaves  in  the  city,  and  that  Hippocrates 
should  have  for  his  share  all  that  was  in  the  country.  Ac- 
cordingly, having  put  in  chains  the  greater  part  of  the  Zanc- 
laeans, he  treated  them  as  slaves;  and  three  hundred  of  the 
principal  citizens  he  delivered  to  the  Samians  to  be  put  to 


326  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [23-27 

death ;  the  Samians,  however,  would  not  do  this.  Scythes, 
King  of  the  Zanclaeans,  made  his  escape  from  Inycum  to 
Himera,  and  from  thence  passed  over  into  Asia,  and  went  up 
to  King  Darius.  Darius  considered  him  the  most  just  of  all 
the  men  who  had  come  up  to  him  from  Greece.  For  having 
asked  permission  of  the  king,  he  went  to  Sicily,  and  returned 
back  from  Sicily  to  the  king,  and  at  last,  being  very  rich,  died 
among  the  Persians  of  old  age.  Thus  the  Samians,  being 
freed  from  the  Medes,  gained  without  toil  the  very  beautiful 
city  of  Zancle.  After  the  sea-fight  which  took  place  off  Mile- 
tus, the  Phoenicians,  by  order  of  the  Persians,  conveyed 
yEaces,  son  of  Syloson,  to  Samos,  as  one  who  had  deserved 
much  at  their  hands  and  had  performed  great  services.  The 
Samians  were  the  only  people  of  those  that  revolted  from 
Darius  whose  city  and  sacred  buildings  were  not  burned,  on 
account  of  the  defection  of  their  ships  in  the  sea-fight.  Miletus 
being  taken,  the  Persians  immediately  got  possession  of  Caria ; 
some  of  the  cities  having  submitted  of  their  own  accord,  and 
others  they  reduced  by  force.  Now  these  things  happened 
thus. 

While  Histiaeus  the  Milesian  was  near  Byzantium,  inter- 
cepting the  trading  ships  of  the  Ionians  that  sailed  out  of  the 
Pontus,  news  was  brought  him  of  what  had  taken  place  at 
Miletus ;  he  therefore  intrusted  his  affairs  on  the  Hellespont 
to  Bisaltes,  son  of  Apollophanes,  of  Abydos ;  and  he  himself, 
having  taken  the  Lesbians  with  him,  sailed  to  Chios,  and  en- 
gaged with  a  garrison  of  Chians,  that  would  not  admit  him,  at 
a  place  called  Cceli  in  the  Chian  territory :  and  he  killed  great 
numbers  of  them;  and  the  rest  of  the  Chians,  as  they  had 
been  much  shattered  by  the  sea-fight,  Histiaeus,  with  the  Les- 
bians, got  the  mastery  of,  setting  out  from  Polichne  of  the 
Chians.  The  deity  is  wont  to  give  some  previous  warning 
when  any  great  calamities  are  about  to  befall  any  city  or  na- 
tion, and  before  these  misfortunes  great  warnings  happened 
to  the  Chians.  For,  in  the  first  place,  when  they  sent  to  Delphi 
a  band  of  one  hundred  youths,  only  two  of  them  returned 
home,  but  the  remaining  ninety-eight  a  pestilence  seized  and 
carried  off:  in  the  next  place,  about  the  same  time,  a  little 
before  the  sea-fight,  a  house  in  the  city  fell  in  upon  some  boys 
as  they  were  learning  to  read,  so  that  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  boys  only  one  escaped.  These  warnings  the  deity 
showed  them  beforehand.  After  this,  the  sea-fight  following, 
threw  the  city  prostrate ;  and  after  the  sea-fight  Histiaeus 
with  the  Lesbians  came  upon  them ;  and  as  the  Chians  had 
been  much  shattered,  he  easily  reduced  them  to  subjection. 


28-31]  DEATH   OF   HISTLEUS  327 

From  thence  Histiaeus  proceeded  to  attack  Thasus  with  a  large 
body  of  Ionians  and  ^Eolians ;  and  while  he  was  besieging 
Thasus  news  came  that  the  Phoenicians  were  sailing  from 
Miletus  against  the  rest  of  Ionia.  When  he  heard  this,  he 
left  Thasus  untaken,  and  himself  hastened  to  Lesbos  with  all 
his  forces;  and  from  Lesbos,  because  his  army  was  suffering 
from  want,  he  crossed  to  the  opposite  shore  for  the  purpose 
of  reaping  the  corn  of  Atarneus,  and  the  plain  of  Caicus  which 
belonged  to  the  Mysians.  But  Harpagus,  a  Persian,  general 
of  a  considerable  army,  happened  to  be  in  those  parts;  he 
engaged  with  him  after  his  landing,  took  Histiaeus  himself 
prisoner,  and  destroyed  the  greater  part  of  his  army. 

Histiaeus  was  thus  taken  prisoner :  When  the  Greeks  were 
fighting  with  the  Persians  at  Malene,  in  the  district  of  Atar- 
neus, they  maintained  their  ground  for  a  long  time,  but  the 
cavalry  at  length  coming  up,  fell  upon  the  Greeks ;  then  it 
was  the  work  of  the  cavalry ;  and  when  the  Greeks  had  be- 
taken themselves  to  flight,  Histiaeus,  hoping  that  he  should 
not  be  put  to  death  by  the  king  for  his  present  offence,  con- 
ceived such  a  desire  of  preserving  his  life  that  when  in  his 
flight  he  was  overtaken  by  a  Persian,  and  being  overtaken  was 
on  the  point  of  being  stabbed  by  him,  he  speaking  in  the  Per- 
sian language,  discovered  himself  to  be  Histiaeus  the  Milesian. 
Now  if,  when  he  was  taken  prisoner,  he  had  been  conducted 
to  King  Darius,  in  my  opinion,  he  would  have  suffered  no 
punishment,  and  the  king  would  have  forgiven  him  his  fault. 
But  now,  for  this  very  reason,  and  lest  by  escaping  he  should 
again  regain  his  influence  with  the  king,  Artaphernes,  gov- 
ernor of  Sardis,  and  Harpagus,  who  received  him  as  soon  as 
he  was  conducted  to  Sardis,  impaled  his  body  on  the  spot, 
and  having  embalmed  the  head,  sent  it  to  Darius  at  Susa. 
Darius  having  heard  of  this,  and  having  blamed  those  that 
had  done  it,  because  they  had  not  brought  him  alive  into  his 
presence,  gave  orders  that,  having  washed  and  adorned  the 
head  of  Histiaeus,  they  should  inter  it  honourably,  as  the  re- 
mains of  a  man  who  had  been  a  great  benefactor  to  himself 
and  the  Persians.    Such  was  the  fate  of  Histiaeus. 

The  naval  force  of  the  Persians  having  wintered  near  Mile- 
tus, when  it  set  sail  in  the  second  year,  easily  subdued  the 
islands  lying  near  the  continent,  Chios,  Lesbos,  and  Tenedos : 
and  when  they  took  any  one  of  these  islands,  the  barbarians, 
as  they  possessed  themselves  of  each,  netted  the  inhabitants. 
They  net  them  in  this  manner:  Taking  one  another  by  the 
hand,  they  extend  from  the  northern  to  the  southern  sea,  and 
so  march  over  the  island,  hunting  out  the  inhabitants.    They 


328  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,  ERATO  [31-35 

also  took  the  Ionian  cities  on  the  continent  with  the  same 
ease ;  but  they  did  not  net  the  inhabitants,  for  that  was  im- 
possible. Then  the  Persian  generals  did  not  belie  the  threats 
which  they  had  uttered  against  the  Ionians  when  arrayed 
against  them.  For  when  they  had  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  cities,  they  selected  the  handsomest  youths,  and  cas- 
trated them,  and  made  them  eunuchs  instead  of  men,  and  the 
most  beautiful  virgins  they  carried  away  to  the  king;  this 
they  did,  and  burned  the  cities  with  the  very  temples.  Thus 
the  Ionians  were  for  the  third  time  reduced  to  slavery:  first 
by  the  Lydians,  then  twice  successively  by  the  Persians.  The 
naval  force  departing  from  Ionia,  reduced  all  the  places  on 
the  left  of  the  Hellespont  as  one  sails  in ;  for  the  places  on 
the  right,  being  on  the  continent,  had  already  been  subdued 
by  the  Persians.  The  following  places  on  the  Hellespont  are 
in  Europe :  the  Chersonese,  in  which  are  many  cities,  Perin- 
thus,  and  the  fortified  towns  toward  Thrace,  and  Selybrie,  and 
Byzantium.  The  Byzantians,  however,  and  the  Chalcedoni- 
ans  on  the  opposite  side,  did  not  wait  the  coming  of  the  Phoe- 
nician fleet;  but  having  abandoned  their  country,  went  in- 
ward to  the  Euxine,  and  there  founded  the  city  of  Mesam- 
bria.  But  the  Phoenicians,  having  burned  down  the  places 
above  mentioned,  bent  their  course  to  Proconnesus,  and 
Artace,  and  having  devoted  these  also  to  flames,  sailed  back 
again  to  the  Chersonese,  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the 
rest  of  the  cities,  which,  when  they  passed  near  them  before, 
they  had  not  laid  waste.  Against  Cyzicus  they  did  not  sail  at 
all,  for  the  Cyzicenians  had  of  their  own  accord  submitted 
to  the  king  before  the  arrival  of  the  Phoenicians,  having  capitu- 
lated with  CEbares,  son  of  Megabyzus,  governor  of  Dascylium. 
All  the  other  cities  of  the  Chersonese,  except  Cardia,  the  Phoe- 
nicians subdued. 

Till  that  time  Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon,  son  of  Stesagoras, 
was  tyrant  of  these  cities,  Miltiades,  son  of  Cypselus,  having 
formerly  acquired  this  government  in  the  following  manner: 
The  Thracian  Dolonci  possessed  this  Chersonese;  these  Do- 
lonci,  then,  being  pressed  in  war  by  the  Apsynthians,  sent 
their  kings  to  Delphi  to  consult  the  oracle  concerning  the 
war;  the  Pythian  answered  them  that  they  should  take  that 
man  with  them  to  their  country  to  found  a  colony,  who  after 
their  departure  from  the  temple  should  first  offer  them  hos- 
pitality. Accordingly,  the  Dolonci,  going  by  the  sacred  way, 
went  through  the  territories  of  the  Phocians  and  Boeotians, 
and  when  no  one  invited  them,  turned  out  of  the  road  toward 
Athens.    At  that  time  Pisistratus  had  the  supreme  power  at 


35-38]  MILTIADES  329 

Athens;  but  Miltiades,  son  of  Cypselus,  had  considerable  in- 
fluence; he  was  of  a  family  that  maintained  horses  for  the 
chariot  races,  and  v/as  originally  descended  from  ^Eacus  and 
JEgina,  but  in  later  times  was  an  Athenian,  Philaeus,  son  of 
Ajax,  having  been  the  first  Athenian  of  that  family.  This 
Miltiades,  being  seated  in  his  own  portico,  and  seeing  the 
Dolonci  passing  by,  wearing  a  dress  not  belonging  to  the 
country,  and  carrying  javelins,  called  out  to  them ;  and  upon 
their  coming  to  him  he  offered  them  shelter  and  hospitality. 
They  having  accepted  his  invitation,  and  having  been  enter- 
tained by  him,  made  known  to  him  the  whole  oracle,  and  en- 
treated him  to  obey  the  deity.  Their  words  persuaded  Milti- 
ades as  soon  as  he  heard  them,  for  he  was  troubled  with  the 
government  of  Pisistratus,  and  desired  to  get  out  of  his  way, 
He  therefore  immediately  set  out  to  Delphi  to  consult  the 
oracle  whether  he  should  do  that  which  the  Dolonci  re- 
quested of  him.  The  Pythian  having  bade  him  do  so,  there- 
upon Miltiades,  son  of  Cypselus,  who  had  formerly  won  the 
Olympic  prize  in  the  chariot  race,  taking  with  him  all  such 
Athenians  as  were  willing  to  join  in  the  expedition,  set  sail 
with  the  Dolonci,  and  took  possession  of  the  country;  and 
they  who  introduced  him  appointed  him  tyrant.  He,  first  of 
all,  built  a  wall  on  the  isthmus  of  the  Chersonese,  from  the 
city  of  Cardia  to  Pactya,  in  order  that  the  Apsynthians  might 
not  be  able  to  injure  them  by  making  incursions  into  their 
country.  The  width  of  this  isthmus  is  thirty-six  stades ;  and 
from  this  isthmus  the  whole  Chersonese  inward  is  four  hun- 
dred and  twenty  stades  in  length.  Miltiades,  then,  having 
built  a  wall  across  the  neck  of  the  Chersonese,  and  by  that 
means  repelled  the  Apsynthians,  next  made  war  upon  the 
Lampsacenians ;  and  the  Lampsacenians,  having  laid  an  am- 
bush, took  him  prisoner.  But  Miltiades  was  well  known  to 
Croesus;  Crcesus,  therefore,  having  heard  of  this  event,  sent 
and  commanded  the  Lampsacenians  to  release  Miltiades ;  if 
not,  he  threatened  that  he  would  destroy  them  like  a  pine 
tree.  The  Lampsacenians  being  in  uncertainty  in  their  in- 
terpretations as  to  what  was  the  meaning  of  the  saying  with 
which  Crcesus  threatened  them,  that  he  would  destroy  them 
like  a  pine  tree,  at  length,  with  some  difficulty,  one  of  the 
elders  having  discovered  it,  told  the  real  truth,  that  the  pine 
alone  of  all  trees,  when  cut  down,  does  not  send  forth  any 
more  shoots,  but  perishes  entirely;  whereupon  the  Lampsa- 
cenians, dreading  the  power  of  Crcesus,  set  Miltiades  at  lib- 
erty. He  accordingly  escaped  by  means  of  Crcesus,  and  after- 
ward died  childless,  having  bequeathed  the  government  and 


330  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [38-41 

his  property  to  Stesagoras,  son  of  Cimon,  his  brother  by  the 
same  mother.  And  when  he  was  dead  the  Chersonesians  sacri- 
ficed to  him,  as  is  usual  to  a  founder,  and  instituted  eques- 
trian and  gymnastic  exercises,  in  which  no  Lampsacenian  is 
permitted  to  contend.  The  war  with  the  Lampsacenians  still 
continuing,  it  also  befell  Stesagoras  to  die  childless;  being 
stricken  on  the  head  with  an  axe  in  the  Prytaneum,  by  a  man 
who  in  pretence  was  a  deserter,  but  was  in  fact  an  enemy,  and 
that  a  very  vehement  one. 

Stesagoras  having  died  in  that  manner,  the  Pisistratidae 
thereupon  sent  Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon,  and  brother  of  Ste- 
sagoras who  had  died,  with  one  ship  to  the  Chersonese,  to  as- 
sume the  government;  they  had  also  treated  him  with  kind- 
ness at  Athens,  as  if  they  had  not  been  parties  to  the  death 
of  his  father  Cimon ;  the  particulars  of  which  I  will  relate  in 
another  place.  Miltiades  having  arrived  in  the  Chersonese, 
kept  himself  at  home  under  colour  of  honouring  the  memory 
of  his  brother  Stesagoras  ;  but  the  Chersonesians  having  heard 
of  this,  the  principal  persons  of  all  the  cities  assembled  to- 
gether from  every  quarter,  and  having  come  in  a  body,  with 
the  intention  of  condoling  with  him,  were  all  thrown  into 
chains  by  him.  Thus  Miltiades  got  possession  of  the  Cher- 
sonese, maintaining  five  hundred  auxiliaries,  and  married 
Hegesipyle,  daughter  of  Olorus,  King  of  the  Thracians.  This 
Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon,  had  lately  arrived  in  the  Chersonese ; 
and  after  his  arrival  other  difficulties,  greater  than  the  present, 
befell  him.  For  in  the  third  year  before  these  things  he  fled 
from  the  Scythians ;  for  the  Scythian  nomads,  having  been 
provoked  by  King  Darius,  had  assembled  their  forces  and 
marched  as  far  as  this  Chersonese:  Miltiades,  not  daring  to 
wait  their  approach,  fled  from  the  Chersonese,  until  the  Scyth- 
ians departed,  and  the  Dolonci  brought  him  back  again. 
These  things  happened  in  the  third  year  before  the  present 
affairs.  Miltiades,  having  heard  that  the  Phoenicians  were  at 
Tenedos,  loaded  five  triremes  with  the  property  he  had  at 
hand,  and  sailed  away  for  Athens ;  and  when  he  had  set  out 
from  the  city  of  Cardia,  he  sailed  through  the  Gulf  of  Melas, 
and  as  he  was  passing  by  the  Chersonese,  the  Phoenicians  fell 
in  with  his  ships.  Now  Miltiades  himself  escaped  with  four 
of  the  ships  to  Imbrus,  but  the  fifth  the  Phoenicians  pursued 
and  took :  of  this  ship,  Metiochus,  the  eldest  of  the  sons  of 
Miltiades,  not  by  the  daughter  of  Olorus  the  Thracian,  but 
by  another  woman,  happened  to  be  commander,  and  him  the 
Phoenicians  took  together  with  the  ship.  When  they  heard 
that  he  was  son  of  Miltiades,  they  took  him  up  to  the  king, 


41-44]  FIRST   INVASION   OF   GREECE  331 

thinking  that  they  should  obtain  great  favour  for  themselves, 
because  Miltiades  had  given  an  opinion  to  the  Ionians  advis- 
ing them  to  comply  with  the  Scythians,  when  the  Scythians 
requested  them  to  loose  the  bridge  and  return  to  their  own 
country.  But  Darius,  when  the  Phoenicians  had  taken  Metio- 
chus,  son  of  Miltiades,  up  to  him,  did  him  no  injury,  but 
many  favours ;  for  he  gave  him  a  house  and  estate,  and  a  Per- 
sian wife,  by  whom  he  had  children,  who  were  reckoned 
among  the  Persians.  But  Miltiades  arrived  at  Athens  from 
Imbros. 

During  this  year  nothing  more  was  done  by  the  Persians 
relative  to  the  war  with  the  Ionians ;  on  the  contrary,  the  fol- 
lowing things  were  done  in  this  year  which  were  advantageous 
to  the  Ionians :  Artaphernes,  governor  of  Sardis,  having  sent 
for  deputies  from  the  cities,  compelled  the  Ionians  to  enter 
into  engagements  among  themselves,  that  they  would  submit 
to  legal  decisions,  and  not  commit  depredations  one  upon  an- 
other. This  he  compelled  them  to  do,  and  having  measured 
their  lands  by  parasangs,  which  name  the  Persians  give  to 
thirty  stades ;  having  measured  them  into  these,  he  imposed 
tributes  on  each,  which  have  continued  the  same  from  that 
time  to  the  present,  as  they  were  imposed  by  Artaphernes  ;  and 
they  were  imposed  nearly  at  the  same  amount  as  they  had  been 
before.  These  things  then  tended  to  peace.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  spring,  the  other  generals  having  been  dismissed 
by  the  king,  Mardonius,  son  of  Gobryas,  went  down  to  the 
coast,  taking  with  him  a  very  large  land  army  and  a  numer- 
ous naval  force :  he  was  young  in  years,  and  had  lately  mar- 
ried King  Darius's  daughter  Artazostra.  Mardonius,  lead- 
ing this  army,  when  he  arrived  in  Cilicia,  having  gone  in 
person  on  board  ship,  proceeded  with  the  rest  of  the  fleet,  but 
the  other  generals  led  the  land  army  to  the  Hellespont.  When 
Mardonius,  sailing  by  Asia,  reached  Ionia,  there  he  did  a 
thing  which,  when  I  mention  it,  will  be  a  matter  of  very  great 
astonishment  to  those  Grecians  who  can  not  believe  that 
Otanes,  one  of  the  seven  Persians,  gave  an  opinion  that  it 
was  right  for  the  Persians  to  be  governed  by  a  democracy ;  for 
Mardonius,  having  deposed  the  tyrants  of  the  Ionians,  estab- 
lished democracies  in  the  cities.  Having  done  this,  he  hastened 
to  the  Hellespont.  And  when  a  vast  body  of  ships,  and  a  nu- 
merous land  army  was  assembled,  having  crossed  the  Helles- 
pont in  ships,  they  marched  through  Europe  and  directed 
their  march  against  Eretria  and  Athens.  These  cities,  in- 
deed, were  the  pretext  of  the  expedition ;  but  purposing  to 
subdue  as  many  Grecian  cities  as  they  could,  in  the  first  place 


332  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [44~47 

they  reduced  the  Thasians  with  their  fleet,  who  did  not  even 
raise  a  hand  to  resist  them ;  and  in  the  next  place  with  their 
land  forces  they  enslaved  the  Macedonians,  in  addition  to  those 
that  were  before  subject  to  them;  for  all  the  nations  on  this 
side  of  the  Macedonians  were  already  under  their  power.  Then 
crossing  over  from  Thasus,  they  coasted  along  the  continent 
as  far  as  Acanthus :  and  proceeding  from  Acanthus,  they  en- 
deavoured to  double  Mount  Athos,  but  a  violent  and  irre- 
sistible north  wind  falling  upon  them  as  they  were  sailing 
round,  very  roughly  dealt  with  a  great  number  of  the  ships  by 
driving  them  against  Athos :  for  it  is  said  that  as  many  as 
three  hundred  ships  were  destroyed,  and  upward  of  twenty 
thousand  men ;  for,  as  this  sea  around  Athos  abounds  in  mon- 
sters, some  of  them  were  seized  and  destroyed  by  these  mon- 
sters ;  and  others  were  dashed  against  the  rocks,  others  knew 
not  how  to  swim  and  so  perished,  and  others  from  cold.  Such, 
then,  was  the  fate  of  the  naval  force.  Mardonius  and  the  land 
forces,  while  encamped  in  Macedonia,  the  Thracian  Brygi 
attacked  in  the  night ;  and  the  Brygi  slew  many  of  them,  and 
wounded  Mardonius  himself.  Nevertheless,  even  they  did  not 
escape  slavery  at  the  hands  of  the  Persians ;  for  Mardonius 
did  not  quit  those  parts  before  he  had  reduced  them  to  subjec- 
tion. Having  subdued  them,  he  led  his  army  back  again, 
having  suffered  a  disaster  with  his  land  forces  from  the  Brygi, 
and  with  his  navy  a  greater  one  near  Athos.  Accordingly, 
this  armament,  having  met  with  such  disgraceful  reverses, 
retreated  into  Asia. 

In  the  second  year  after  these  events,  the  Thasians  having 
been  accused  by  their  neighbours  of  designing  a  revolt,  Darius 
sent  a  messenger  and  commanded  them  to  demolish  their 
walls,  and  to  transport  their  ships  to  Abdera.  For  the  Tha- 
sians, having  been  besieged  by  Histiaeus  the  Milesian,  and 
having  large  revenues,  applied  their  wealth  in  building  ships 
of  war  and  fortifying  their  city  with  a  stronger  wall.  Their 
revenues  arose  both  from  the  continent  and  from  their  mines : 
from  the  gold  mines  of  Scapte-Hyle  proceeded  in  all  eighty 
talents  yearly,  and  from  those  in  Thasus  less  indeed  than  that 
amount,  yet  so  much  that,  as  they  were  exempt  from  taxes 
on  the  produce  of  the  soil,  there  came  in  to  the  Thasians  in  all, 
from  the  continent  and  the  mines,  a  revenue  of  two  hundred 
talents  yearly ;  and  when  the  greatest  quantity  came  in,  three 
hundred  talents.  I  myself  have  seen  these  mines ;  and  by 
far  the  most  wonderful  of  them  are  those  which  the  Phoenicians 
discovered,  who  with  Thasus  colonized  this  island,  which  on 
that  occasion  took  its  name  from  this  Thasus  the  Phoenician. 


47-51]  TROUBLE  WITH  THE  iEGINET^E  333 

These  Phoenician  mines  are  in  that  part  of  Thasus  between 
a  place  called  yEnyra  and  Ccenyra,  opposite  Samothrace:  a 
large  mountain  has  been  thrown  upside  down  in  the  search. 
This,  then,  is  of  such  a  description.  The  Thasians,  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  king,  both  demolished  their  walls  and  transported 
all  their  ships  to  Abdera. 

After  this  Darius  made  trial  of  what  were  the  intentions  of 
the  Greeks,  whether  to  make  war  with  him  or  to  deliver  them- 
selves up.  He  therefore  despatched  heralds,  appointing  dif- 
ferent persons  to  go  to  different  parts  throughout  Greece, 
with  orders  to  demand  earth  and  water  for  the  king.  These 
accordingly  he  sent  to  Greece;  and  despatched  other  heralds 
to  the  tributary  cities  on  the  coast,  with  orders  to  build  ships 
of  war  and  transports  for  horses.  They  then  set  about  prepar- 
ing these  things ;  and  to  the  heralds  who  came  to  Greece 
many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  continent  gave  what  the  Per- 
sian demanded,  as  did  all  the  islanders  to  whom  they  came 
and  made  the  demand.  Indeed,  the  other  islanders  gave  earth 
and  water  to  Darius,  and,  moreover,  the  ^Eginetae :  but  when 
they  had  done  so,  the  Athenians  forthwith  threatened  them, 
thinking  that  the  ^Eginetse  had  given  earth  and  water  out  of 
ill  will  toward  themselves,  in  order  that  they  might  make 
war  on  them  in  conjunction  with  the  Persians :  they  therefore 
gladly  laid  hold  of  the  pretext,  and,  going  to  Sparta,  accused 
the  ^Eginetae  of  what  they  had  done,  as  betraying  Greece.  On 
this  accusation  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  who  was 
then  King  of  the  Spartans,  crossed  over  to  JEg'ma,  intending 
to  seize  the  most  culpable  of  the  ^ginetae;  but  when  he  at- 
tempted to  seize  them,  others  of  the  ^Eginetae  opposed  him, 
and  among  them  especially  Crius,  son  of  Polycritus,  who  said 
that  he  should  not  carry  off  any  one  of  the  ^ginetae  with  im- 
punity; for  that  he  was  acting  as  he  did  without  the  consent 
of  the  commonwealth  of  the  Spartans,  being  persuaded  by 
bribes  from  the  Athenians;  and  that  if  it  had  not  been  so, 
he  would  have  come  with  the  other  king  to  seize  them.  He 
said  this  in  consequence  of  a  message  from  Demaratus.  But 
Cleomenes,  being  driven  from  ^gina,  asked  Crius  what  his 
name  was ;  and  he  told  him  the  truth ;  whereupon  Cleomenes 
said  to  him,  "  Now  then  tip  your  horns  with  brass,  O  Crius,1 
as  you  will  have  to  contend  with  great  misfortunes."  Mean- 
while Demaratus,  son  of  Ariston,  who  was  likewise  King  of 
the  Spartans,  but  of  an  inferior  family,  remaining  in  Sparta, 
aspersed  the  conduct  of  Cleomenes :  he  was  in  no  other  re- 
spect inferior,  for  they  were  sprung  from  the  same  origin, 
1  Crius  signifies  "a  ram." 


334  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,  ERATO  [51-53 

but  somehow  the  family  of  Eurysthenes  was  more  honoured, 
on  account  of  seniority. 

For  the  Lacedaemonians,  agreeing  with  none  of  the  poets, 
affirm  that  Aristodemus  himself,  son  of  Aristomachus,  son 
of  Cleodaeus,  son  of  Hyllus,  being  king,  brought  them  to  the 
country  which  they  now  inhabit,  and  not  the  sons  of  Aris- 
todemus. And  that  after  no  long  time  Aristodemus's  wife, 
whose  name  was  Argia,  brought  forth :  they  say  that  she  was 
daughter  of  Autesion,  son  of  Tisamenes,  son  of  Thersander, 
son  of  Polynices ;  and  that  she  bore  twins ;  and  that  Aris- 
todemus, having  looked  on  the  children,  died  of  disease :  that 
the  Lacedaemonians  of  that  day  resolved,  according  to  cus- 
tom, to  make  the  eldest  of  the  children  king;  but  they  knew 
not  which  to  choose,  since  they  were  alike  and  of  equal  size. 
Being  unable  to  determine,  they  then,  or  perhaps  before,  asked 
the  mother;  she  replied  that  she  herself  was  unable  to  dis- 
tinguish. She  said  this,  although  she  knew  very  well,  but 
was  desirous,  if  it  were  possible,  that  both  should  be  made 
kings.  That  the  Lacedaemonians  were  consequently  in  doubt, 
and  being  in  doubt,  sent  to  Delphi  to  inquire  of  the  oracle 
what  they  should  do  in  the  matter.  They  add  that  the  Pythian 
bade  them  consider  both  the  children  as  kings ;  but  to  hon- 
our the  eldest  most :  this  answer  the  Pythian  gave  them ;  but 
the  Lacedaemonians,  being  still  in  doubt  how  they  should 
discover  the  eldest  of  them,  a  Messenian,  whose  name  was 
Panites,  made  a  suggestion  to  them :  this  Panites  made  the 
following  suggestion  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  to  observe  which 
of  the  two  children  the  mother  would  wash  and  feed  first ;  and 
if  she  should  be  found  constantly  doing  the  same,  they  would 
then  have  all  they  were  seeking  for  and  desired  to  know ;  but 
if  she  should  vary,  attending  to  them  interchangeably,  it  would 
be  evident  to  them  that  she  knew  no  more  than  they  did ;  and 
then  they  must  have  recourse  to  some  other  expedient.  There- 
upon the  Spartans,  in  pursuance  of  the  suggestion  of  the  Mes- 
senian, having  watched  the  mother  of  Aristodemus's  children, 
discovered  that  she  constantly  gave  one  the  preference  both 
in  feeding  and  washing,  she  not  knowing  why  she  was 
watched.  Therefore  considering  that  the  child  which  was 
honoured  by  its  mother  was  the  eldest,  they  educated  it  in 
the  palace ;  and  to  him  the  name  of  Eurysthenes  was  given, 
and  to  the  younger,  Procles.  They  say  that  both  these,  though 
brothers,  when  they  had  reached  manhood,  were  at  variance 
with  each  other  throughout  the  whole  course  of  their  lives; 
and  that  their  descendants  continued  to  be  so.  The  Lacedae- 
monians alone  of  the  Greeks  give  this  account:  but  I  now 


53-57]  THE   KINGS  OF  SPARTA  335 

describe  these  things  in  the  way  they  are  told  by  the  rest  of 
the  Grecians.  For  they  say  that  these  kings  of  the  Dorians 
up  to  Perseus,  son  of  Danae,  the  deity  being  omitted,  are 
rightly  enumerated  by  the  Greeks,  and  are  proved  to  have 
been  Greeks ;  for  even  at  that  time  they  were  ranked  among 
the  Greeks :  I  have  said  up  to  Perseus,  for  this  reason,  and 
have  not  carried  it  any  higher,  because  no  surname  of  any 
mortal  father  is  attributed  to  Perseus,  as  Amphitryon  to  Her- 
cules. I  have  therefore  with  good  reason,  and  correctly,  said 
up  to  Perseus ;  but  if  we  reckon  their  progenitors  upward 
from  Danae,  daughter  of  Acrisius,  the  leaders  of  the  Dorians 
will  prove  to  have  been  originally  Egyptians.  Such  is  the 
genealogy  according  to  the  account  of  the  Greeks.  But  as 
the  account  of  the  Persians  is  given,  Perseus  himself,  being  an 
Assyrian,  became  a  Greek,  though  the  ancestors  of  Perseus 
had  not  been  so ;  but  that  the  progenitors  of  Acrisius,  being 
in  no  way  related  to  Perseus,  were  Egyptians,  as  the  Greeks 
also  say.  Let  this  then  suffice  for  this  subject.  But  why, 
being  Egyptians,  and  by  what  exploits,  they  obtained  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Dorians,  I  will  omit  to  mention,  as  others 
have  spoken  of  these  matters.  But  such  particulars  as  others 
have  not  taken  in  hand,  of  these  I  will  make  mention. 

The  Spartans  have  given  the  following  privileges  to  their 
kings :  two  priesthoods,  that  of  the  Lacedaemonian  Jupiter, 
and  that  of  the  Celestial  Jupiter ;  and  to  levy  war  against  what- 
ever country  they  please;  and  no  one  of  the  Spartans  may 
impede  this,  otherwise  he  falls  under  a  curse :  when  they 
march  out  to  war,  the  kings  go  first,  and  retire  last;  and  a 
hundred  chosen  men  guard  them  in  the  field :  during  the  ex- 
peditions, they  sacrifice  as  many  cattle  as  they  please,  and 
take  as  their  own  share  the  skins  and  chines  of  all  the  victims. 
These  are  their  privileges  in  time  of  war.  The  others,  those 
during  peace,  have  been  given  them  as  follows:  If  any  one 
make  a  public  sacrifice,  the  kings  sit  first  at  the  feast,  and 
are  first  served,  each  receiving  double  of  whatever  is  given 
to  the  other  guests.  They  have  the  right  of  beginning  the 
libations,  and  are  entitled  to  the  skins  of  the  cattle  that  are 
sacrificed.  At  every  new  moon,  and  on  the  seventh  day  of 
the  current  month,  a  perfect  victim  is  presented  to  each  of 
them,  at  the  public  charge,  for  the  Temple  of  Apollo;  and  a 
medimnus  of  meal,  and  a  Laconian  quart  of  wine.  At  all 
public  games  they  have  seats  appointed  by  way  of  distinction ; 
and  it  is  their  prerogative  to  appoint  such  citizens  as  they 
please  to  be  Proxeni ; *  and  also  to  choose  each  two  Pythii. 

1  Officers  appointed  to  receive  and  entertain  foreign  ambassadors. 


336  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [57-59 

The  Pythii  are  persons  who  are  sent  to  consult  the  oracle  at 
Delphi,  and  are  maintained  with  the  kings  at  the  public 
charge.  When  the  kings  do  not  come  to  the  banquet,  two 
choenices  of  flour  and  a  cotyle  of  wine  are  sent  home  to  each 
of  them;  but  when  they  are  present,  a  double  portion  of 
everything  is  given  them ;  and  when  invited  to  a  banquet  by 
private  persons,  they  are  honoured  in  the  same  manner.  They 
have  the  keeping  of  the  oracles  that  are  pronounced,  but  the 
Pythii  are  also  privy  to  them.  The  kings  alone  have  to  de- 
termine the  following  matters  only :  With  respect  to  a  virgin 
heiress,  who  is  to  marry  her,  if  her  father  has  not  betrothed 
her ;  and  with  respect  to  the  public  highways ;  and  if  any  one 
desires  to  adopt  a  son,  it  must  be  done  in  presence  of  the 
kings.  They  assist  at  the  deliberations  of  the  senators,  who 
are  twenty-eight  in  number;  and  if  they  do  not  attend,  those 
of  the  senators  who  are  most  nearly  connected  with  them  enjoy 
the  privileges  of  the  kings,  giving  two  votes,  and  a  third, 
their  own.  These  privileges  are  given  to  the  kings  by  the 
commonwealth  of  the  Spartans  during  life;  and  when  they 
die,  the  following:  Horsemen  announce  through  all  Laconia 
what  has  happened ;  and  women,  going  through  the  city,  beat 
a  caldron;  when  this  accordingly  is  done,  it  is  necessary 
for  two  free  people  of  each  house,  a  man  and  a  woman,  to 
make  themselves  squalid  in  token  of  grief;  and  if  they  neg- 
lect to  do  so,  heavy  fines  are  imposed  on  them.  The  Lace- 
daemonians have  the  same  custom  with  regard  to  the  deaths 
of  their  kings,  as  the  barbarians  in  Asia ;  for  most  of  the  bar- 
barians observe  the  same  custom  with  respect  to  the  deaths 
of  their  kings.  For  when  a  king  of  the  Lacedaemonians  dies 
it  is  required  that  from  the  whole  territory  of  Lacedaemon, 
besides  the  Spartans,  a  certain  number  of  the  neighbouring 
inhabitants  should  of  necessity  attend  the  funeral :  when,  ac- 
cordingly, many  thousands  of  these,  and  of  the  Helots  and 
of  the  Spartans  themselves,  have  assembled  together  in  one 
place,  they  promiscuously  with  the  women  strike  their  fore- 
heads vehemently,  and  give  themselves  up  to  unbounded 
lamentation,  affirming  that  the  king  who  died  last  was  the 
best  they  ever  had.  Should  one  of  their  kings  die  in  war, 
having  prepared  his  effigy,  they  expose  it  to  public  view  on  a 
couch  richly  ornamented;  and  when  they  have  buried  him, 
no  assembly  takes  place  for  ten  days,  nor  is  a  meeting  held 
for  the  election  of  magistrates,  but  they  mourn  during  those 
days.  They  also  resemble  the  Persians  in  this  other  respect: 
when  on  the  death  of  a  king  another  king  is  appointed,  he, 
on  his  accession,  releases  whatever  debts  may  be  due  from  any 


59-61]  CLEOMENES   AND   DEMARATUS  337 

Spartan  to  the  king  or  the  public  ;  and  so  among  the  Persians, 
a  newly  appointed  king  remits  to  all  the  cities  the  arrears  of 
tribute  then  due.  In  this  respect  also  the  Lacedaemonians 
resemble  the  Egyptians:  their  heralds,  musicians,  and  cooks 
succeed  to  their  fathers'  professions ;  so  that  a  musician  is 
son  of  a  musician,  a  cook  of  a  cook,  and  a  herald  of  a  herald ; 
nor  do  others  on  account  of  the  clearness  of  their  voice  apply 
themselves  to  this  profession  and  exclude  others ;  but  they 
continue  to  practise  it  after  their  fathers.  These  things,  then, 
are  so. 

At  that  time,  therefore,  while  Cleomenes  was  at  yEgina, 
and  co-operating  for  the  common  good  of  Greece,  Demaratus 
accused  him ;  not  so  much  caring  for  the  /Eginetse  as  moved 
by  envy  and  hatred.  But  Cleomenes,  having  returned  from 
/Egina,  formed  a  plan  to  deprive  Demaratus  of  the  sover- 
eignty, getting  a  handle  against  him  by  means  of  the  follow- 
ing circumstance:  When  Ariston  reigned  in  Sparta,  and  had 
married  two  wives,  he  had  no  children;  and  as  he  did  not 
acknowledge  himself  to  be  the  cause  of  this,  he  married  a 
third  wife ;  and  he  married  her  in  this  manner :  He  had  a 
friend,  who  was  a  Spartan,  to  whom  he  was  more  attached 
than  to  any  other  of  the  citizens.  The  wife  of  this  man  hap- 
pened to  be  by  far  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  women  in 
Sparta,  and  this,  moreover,  having  become  the  most  beauti- 
ful from  being  the  most  ugly.  For  her  nurse  perceiving  that 
she  was  misshapen,  and  knowing  her  to  be  the  daughter  of 
opulent  persons,  and  deformed,  and  seeing,  moreover,  that 
her  parents  considered  her  form  a  great  misfortune,  consider- 
ing these  several  circumstances,  devised  the  following  plan : 
She  carried  her  every  day  to  the  Temple  of  Helen,  which  is 
in  the  place  called  Therapne,  above  the  Temple  of  Phoebus. 
When  the  nurse  brought  the  child  there,  she  stood  before  the 
image  and  entreated  the  goddess  to  free  the  child  from  its  de- 
formity. And  it  is  related  that  one  day,  as  the  nurse  was 
going  out  of  the  temple,  a  woman  appeared  to  her,  and  hav- 
ing appeared,  asked  what  she  was  carrying  in  her  arms ;  and 
she  answered  that  she  was  carrying  an  infant;  whereupon 
she  bade  her  show  it  to  her,  but  the  nurse  refused,  for  she  had 
been  forbidden  by  the  parents  to  show  the  child  to  any  one; 
the  woman,  however,  urged  her  by  all  means  to  show  it  to 
her,  and  the  nurse,  seeing  that  the  woman  was  so  very  anx- 
ious to  see  the  child,  at  length  showed  it ;  upon  which  she, 
stroking  the  head  of  the  child  with  her  hands,  said  that  she 
would  surpass  all  the  women  of  Sparta  in  beauty;  and  from 
that  day  her  appearance  began  to  change.  When  she  reached 
22 


338  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI.   ERATO  [61-65 

the  age  for  marriage,  Agetus,  son  of  Alcides,  married  her; 
this,  then,  was  the  friend  of  Ariston.  Now  love  for  this 
woman  excited  Ariston ;  he  therefore  had  recourse  to  the  fol- 
lowing stratagem :  He  promised  he  would  give  his  friend, 
whose  wife  this  woman  was,  a  present  of  any  one  thing  he 
should  choose  out  of  all  his  possessions,  and  required  his 
friend  in  return  to  do  the  like  to  him.  He,  having  no  appre- 
hension on  account  of  his  wife,  seeing  that  Ariston  already 
had  a  wife,  assented  to  the  proposal ;  and  they  imposed  oaths 
on  each  other  on  these  terms.  Accordingly,  Ariston  himself 
gave  the  thing,  whatever  it  was,  which  Agetus  chose  out  of 
all  his  treasures;  and  himself  claiming  to  obtain  the  same 
compliance  from  him,  thereupon  attempted  to  carry  off  his 
wife  with  him.  Agetus  said  that  he  had  assented  to  anything 
but  this  only ;  nevertheless,  being  compelled  by  his  oath,  and 
circumvented  by  deceit,  he  suffered  him  to  take  her  away 
with  him.  Thus,  then,  Ariston  took  to  himself  a  third  wife, 
having  put  away  the  second.  But  in  too  short  a  time,  and 
before  she  had  completed  her  ten  months,  this  woman  bore 
Demaratus ;  and  as  he  was  sitting  on  the  bench  with  the 
Ephori,  one  of  his  servants  announced  to  him  that  a  son  was 
born  to  him;  but  he,  knowing  the  time  at  which  he  married 
the  woman,  and  reckoning  the  months  on  his  fingers,  said 
with  an  oath,  "  It  can  not  be  mine."  This  the  Ephori  heard. 
However,  at  the  time,  they  took  no  notice.  The  child  grew 
up,  and  Ariston  repented  of  what  he  had  said,  for  he  was  fully 
persuaded  that  Demaratus  was  his  son.  He  gave  him  the 
name  of  Demaratus  for  this  reason :  before  this  the  Spartans 
had  made  public  supplications  that  Ariston,  whom  they  es- 
teemed the  most  illustrious  of  all  the  kings  that  had  ever 
reigned  in  Sparta,  might  have  a  son.  For  this  reason  the 
name  of  Demaratus  x  was  given  to  him.  In  process  of  time 
Ariston  died,  and  Demaratus  obtained  the  sovereignty.  But 
it  was  fated,  as  it  appears,  that  these  things,  when  made  known, 
should  occasion  the  deposition  of  Demaratus  from  the  sover- 
eignty, for  Demaratus  had  incurred  the  hatred  of  Cleomenes, 
because  he  had  before  led  away  the  army  from  Eleusis,  and 
now  more  particularly  when  Cleomenes  had  crossed  over 
against  those  yEginetae,  who  were  inclined  to  Medism.  Cle- 
omenes, then,  being  eager  to  avenge  himself,  made  a  compact 
with  Leutychides,  son  of  Menares,  son  of  Agis,  who  was  of 
the  same  family  with  Demaratus,  on  condition  that  if  he 
should  make  him  king  instead  of  Demaratus  he  should  ac- 
company him  against  the  ^ginetae.  Leutychides  had  become 
1  Demaratus  means  "  granted  to  the  prayers  of  the  people." 


65-67]  DEMARATUS  DEPOSED  339 

an  enemy  to  Demaratus,  chiefly  for  this  reason.  When  Leu- 
tychides  was  affianced  to  Percalus,  daughter  of  Chilon,  son 
of  Demarmenes,  Demaratus,  having  plotted  against  him,  dis- 
appointed Leutychides  of  his  marriage ;  having  himself  an- 
ticipated him  by  seizing  Percalus  and  retaining  her  as  his 
wife.  In  this  manner  the  enmity  of  Leutychides  to  Demaratus 
originated,  and  now,  at  the  instigation  of  Cleomenes,  Leu- 
tychides made  oath  against  Demaratus,  affirming  that  he  did 
not  legitimately  reign  over  the  Spartans,  not  being  the  son 
of  Ariston ;  and  after  making  oath  against  him,  he  prosecuted 
him,  recalling  the  words  which  Ariston  spoke  when  the  serv- 
ant announced  that  a  son  was  born  to  him,  whereupon  he, 
reckoning  the  months,  denied  with  an  oath,  saying  that  it 
was  not  his.  Leutychides,  insisting  on  this  declaration,  main- 
tained that  Demaratus  was  neither  the  son  of  Ariston  nor 
rightful  King  of  Sparta;  and  he  adduced  as  witnesses  those 
Ephori,  who  were  then  sitting  by  the  king,  and  heard  these 
words  of  Ariston.  At  length,  the  matter  coming  to  trial,  the 
Spartans  determined  to  inquire  of  the  oracle  at  Delphi  whether 
Demaratus  was  the  son  of  Ariston.  But  the  matter  being 
referred  to  the  Pythian  at  the  instance  of  Cleomenes,  Cle- 
omenes thereupon  gained  over  one  Cobon,  son  of  Aristo- 
phantus,  a  man  of  very  great  influence  at  Delphi :  and  Cobon 
prevailed  with  Perialla,  the  prophetess,  to  say  what  Cleomenes 
wished  to  be  said.  The  Pythian  accordingly,  when  the  per- 
sons sent  to  consult  the  oracle  made  the  inquiry,  decided  that 
Demaratus  was  not  the  son  of  Ariston.  In  after  time  this 
came  to  be  known,  and  Cobon  fled  from  Delphi,  and  Perialla, 
the  prophetess,  was  deposed  from  her  office. 

Thus,  then,  it  happened  with  respect  to  the  deposition  of 
Demaratus  from  the  sovereignty.  But  Demaratus  fled  from 
Sparta  to  the  Medes  on  account  of  the  following  insult :  After 
his  deposition  from  the  sovereignty,  he  was  chosen  to  and 
held  the  office  of  magistrate.  The  Gymnopaediae  *  were  being 
celebrated;  and,  when  Demaratus  was  looking  on,  Leuty- 
chides, who  had  been  appointed  king  in  his  place,  sent  a  serv- 
ant and  asked  him,  by  way  of  ridicule  and  mockery,  what 
kind  of  thing  it  was  to  be  a  magistrate  after  having  been  a 
king.  But  he,  being  vexed  with  the  question,  answered  that 
he  indeed  had  tried  both,  but  Leutychides  had  not ;  however, 
that  this  question  would  be  the  beginning  either  of  infinite 
calamity  or  infinite  prosperity  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  Hav- 
ing spoken  thus  and  covered  his  face,  he  went  out  of  the  thea- 

1  An  annual  festival  at  Sparta,  at  which  boys  danced  naked  and  per- 
formed various  athletic  exercises. 


340  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [67-69 

tre  to  his  own  house ;  and  having  immediately  made  prepara- 
tion, he  sacrificed  an  ox  to  Jupiter,  and,  having  sacrificed, 
called  for  his  mother.  When  his  mother  came,  he  placed 
part  of  the  entrails  in  her  hands,  and  supplicated  her,  speak- 
ing as  follows :  "  Mother,  I  beseech  you,  calling  to  witness 
both  the  rest  of  the  gods  and  this  Hercaean  Jupiter,  to  tell  me 
the  truth,  who  is  in  reality  my  father?  For  Leutychides  af- 
firmed at  the  trial  that  you,  being  pregnant  by  your  former 
husband,  so  came  to  Ariston;  others  tell  even  a  more  idle 
story,  and  say  you  kept  company  with  one  of  the  servants,  a 
feeder  of  asses,  and  that  I  am  his  son.  I  adjure  you,  there- 
fore, by  the  gods  to  speak  the  truth :  for  even  if  you  have  done 
anything  of  what  is  said,  you  have  not  done  it  alone,  but 
with  many  others ;  moreover,  the  report  is  common  in  Sparta 
that  Ariston  was  incapable  of  begetting  children,  for  that 
otherwise  his  former  wives  would  have  had  offspring."  Thus 
he  spoke.  She  answered  as  follows :  "  Son,  since  you  implore 
me  with  supplications  to  speak  the  truth,  the  whole  truth  shall 
be  told  you.  When  Ariston  had  taken  me  to  his  own  house, 
on  the  third  night  from  the  first,  a  spectre  resembling  Ariston 
came  to  me;  and  having  lain  with  me,  put  on  me  a  crown 
that  it  had :  it  departed,  and  afterward  Ariston  came ;  but 
when  he  saw  me  with  the  crown,  he  asked  who  it  was  that 
gave  it  me.  I  said  he  did  ;  but  he  would  not  admit  it ;  where- 
upon I  took  an  oath,  and  said  that  he  did  not  well  to  deny 
it,  for  that  having  come  shortly  before  and  lain  with  me,  he 
had  given  me  the  crown.  Ariston,  seeing  that  I  affirmed  with 
an  oath,  discovered  that  the  event  was  superhuman :  and  in 
the  first  place,  the  crown  proved  to  have  come  from  the  shrine 
situated  near  the  palace  gates,  which  they  call  Astrabacus's ; 
and,  in  the  next  place,  the  seers  pronounced  that  it  was  the 
hero  himself.  Thus,  then,  my  son,  you  have  all  that  you 
wish  to  know :  for  you  are  sprung  either  from  that  hero,  and 
the  hero  Astrabacus  is  your  father,  or  Ariston;  for  I  con- 
ceived you  in  that  night.  As  to  that  with  which  your  enemies 
most  violently  attack  you,  affirming  that  Ariston  himself, 
when  your  birth  was  announced  to  him,  in  the  presence  of 
many  persons,  denied  you  were  his,  for  that  the  time,  ten 
months,  had  not  yet  elapsed ;  he  threw  out  those  words 
through  ignorance  of  such  matters ;  for  women  bring  forth 
at  nine  months  and  at  seven,  and  not  all  complete  ten  months. 
But  I  bore  you,  my  son,  at  seven  months :  and  Ariston  him- 
self knew,  not  long  after,  that  he  had  uttered  those  words 
thoughtlessly.  Do  not  listen  to  any  other  stories  respecting 
your  birth;  for  you  have  heard  the  whole  truth.    And  from 


69-73]  DEMARATUS  FLEES  TO  DARIUS  341 

feeders  of  asses  may  their  wives  bring  forth  children  to  Leu- 
tychides,  and  such  as  spread  such  reports."  Thus  she  spoke. 
But  he,  having  learned  what  he  wished,  and  having  taken 
provisions  for  his  journey,  proceeded  to  Elis ;  pretending  that 
he  was  going  to  Delphi  to  consult  the  oracle.  But  the  Lace- 
daemonians, suspecting  that  he  was  attempting  to  make  his 
escape,  pursued  him :  and  by  some  means  Demaratus  got 
the  start  of  them,  crossing  over  from  Elis  to  Zacynthus :  but 
the  Lacedaemonians,  having  crossed  over  after  him,  laid  hands 
on  him  and  took  away  his  attendants.  But  afterward,  for  the 
Zacynthians  would  not  give  him  up,  he  crossed  over  from 
thence  to  Asia,  to  King  Darius ;  and  he  received  him  honour- 
ably, and  gave  him  land  and  cities.  Thus  Demaratus  arrived 
in  Asia,  having  met  with  such  fortune;  being  renowned  in 
many  other  respects  among  the  Lacedaemonians,  both  by  his 
deeds  and  counsels,  and,  moreover,  having  obtained  an  Olym- 
pic victory  with  a  four-horsed  chariot,  he  procured  this  hon- 
our for  his  native  city,  being  the  only  one  of  all  the  kings 
of  Sparta  who  had  done  this. 

Leutychides,  son  of  Menares,  when  Demaratus  was  de- 
posed, succeeded  to  the  kingdom.  A  son  was  born  to  him 
named  Zeuxidemus,  whom  some  of  the  Spartans  called  Cynis- 
cus.  This  Zeuxidemus  was  never  King  of  Sparta,  for  he 
died  before  Leutychides,  leaving  a  son,  Archidamus.  Leu- 
tychides being  bereaved  of  Zeuxidemus,  married  a  second 
wife,  Eurydame,  who  was  sister  of  Menius,  and  daughter  of 
Diactorides ;  by  her  he  had  no  male  offspring,  but  a  daughter, 
Lampito ;  her,  Archidamus,  son  of  Zeuxidemus,  married,  Leu- 
tychides having  bestowed  her  upon  him.  However,  Leuty- 
chides did  not  grow  old  in  Sparta,  but  made  the  following 
reparation,  as  it  were,  to  Demaratus :  He  commanded  the 
Lacedaemonian  army  in  Thessaly,  and  when  it  was  in  his 
power  to  have  reduced  the  whole  country  to  subjection,  he 
accepted  a  large  sum  of  money  as  a  bribe ;  and  being  caught 
in  the  very  act,  sitting  there  in  the  camp  on  a  sleeve  full  of 
silver,  he  was  banished  from  Sparta,  having  been  brought 
before  a  court  of  justice.  His  house  was  razed,  and  he  fled 
to  Tegea,  where  he  died.  These  events  happened  some  time 
after. 

When  Cleomenes  had  succeeded  in  his  design  against 
Demaratus,  he  immediately  took  Leutychides  with  him,  and 
went  against  the  ^Eginetae,  bearing  a  deep  grudge  against 
them  on  account  of  the  insult  he  had  received.  The  ^ginetae 
accordingly  thought  proper  to  make  no  further  resistance :  as 
both  kings  were  coming  against  them,  they  therefore,  having 


342  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [73-76 

selected  ten  of  the  JEgmetze,  the  most  eminent  both  in  wealth 
and  birth,  and  among  them  Crius,  son  of  Polycritus,  and 
Casambus,  son  of  Aristocrates,  who  had  the  chief  authority, 
and  having  carried  them  away  to  Attica,  they  delivered  them 
as  a  pledge  to  the  Athenians,  the  greatest  enemies  of  the 
iEginetae.  After  this,  fear  of  the  Spartans  seized  upon  Cle- 
omenes,  when  discovered  to  have  employed  wicked  artifices 
against  Demaratus,  and  he  withdrew  secretly  to  Thessaly ;  and 
from  thence  passing  into  Arcadia,  he  began  to  form  new  de- 
signs, rousing  the  Arcadians  against  Sparta,  and  engaging 
them  both  by  other  oaths  to  follow  him  wherever  he  should 
lead  them;  and,  moreover,  he  was  desirous  of  leading  the 
chief  men  of  the  Arcadians  to  the  city  of  Nonacris,  to  make 
them  swear  by  the  water  of  the  Styx,  for  in  that  city  the  water 
of  the  Styx  is  by  the  Arcadians  said  to  be.  And  it  is  of  the 
following  description:  A  small  quantity  of  water  is  seen  and 
drops  from  a  rock  into  a  hollow,  and  a  fence  of  masonry  sur- 
rounds the  hollow.  Nonacris,  in  which  this  fountain  happens 
to  be,  is  a  city  of  Arcadia  near  Pheneum.  The  Lacedaemoni- 
ans, being  informed  that  Cleomenes  was  acting  thus,  through 
fear,  restored  him  to  Sparta  on  the  same  terms  as  those  on 
which  he  had  reigned  before.  But  as  soon  as  he  had  returned 
madness  seized  him,  though  he  was  before  somewhat  crazed ; 
for  whenever  he  met  any  one  of  the  Spartans,  he  used  to  thrust 
the  sceptre  into  his  face.  When  he  was  found  to  do  this, 
and  to  be  clearly  out  of  his  mind,  his  relatives  confined  him 
in  wooden  fetters :  but  he  being  so  confined,  and  seeing  a 
single  guard  left  alone  by  the  rest,  asked  for  a  knife ;  and 
when  the  guard  at  first  refused  to  give  it,  he  threatened  what 
he  would  do  to  him  hereafter;  till  at  last  the  guard,  fearing 
his  threats,  for  he  was  one  of  his  Helots,  gave  him  a  knife. 
Then  Cleomenes,  having  got  hold  of  the  blade,  began  to 
mutilate  himself  from  the  legs,  for  having  cut  the  flesh  length- 
wise, he  proceeded  from  the  legs  to  the  thighs ;  and  from 
the  thighs  to  the  hips  and  loins ;  at  last  he  came  to  the  belly, 
and  having  gashed  this,  in  that  manner  he  died :  as  most  of 
the  Grecians  say,  because  he  persuaded  the  Pythian  to  say 
what  she  did  concerning  Demaratus ;  but  as  the  Athenians 
alone  say,  because  when  he  invaded  Eleusis  he  cut  down  the 
grove  of  the  goddesses ;  *  but  as  the  Argives  say,  because  he, 
having  called  out  those  Argives  who  had  fled  from  battle, 
from  their  sacred  precincts  of  Argus,  he  massacred  them, 
and  holding  the  grove  itself  in  contempt,  set  it  on  fire. 

For  when  Cleomenes  consulted  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  an 

1  Ceres  and  Proserpine. 


76-79]  DEATH   OF  CLEOMENES  343 

answer  was  given  him  that  he  should  take  Argus.  When, 
therefore,  leading  the  Spartans,  he  arrived  at  the  river  Era- 
sinus,  which  is  said  to  flow  from  the  Stymphalian  Lake,  for 
that  this  lake,  discharging  itself  into  an  unseen  chasm,  re- 
appears in  Argos,  and  from  that  place  this  water  is,  by  the 
Argives,  called  Erasinus :  Cleomenes,  therefore,  having  ar- 
rived at  this  river,  offered  sacrifice  to  it;  but  as  the  victims 
by  no  means  gave  a  favourable  omen  for  his  passing  over,  he 
said  that  he  admired  the  Erasinus  for  not  betraying  its  people, 
yet  the  Argives  should  not  even  thus  escape  with  impunity. 
After  this,  having  retired,  he  marched  his  forces  to  Thyrea; 
and  having  sacrificed  a  bull  to  the  sea,  he  conveyed  them  in 
ships  to  the  Tirynthian  territory  and  Nauplia.  The  Argives, 
being  informed  of  this,  went  out  to  meet  them  on  the  coast: 
and  when  they  were  near  Tiryns,  at  that  place  to  which  the 
name  of  Sepia  is  given,  they  encamped  opposite  the  Lacedae- 
monians, leaving  no  great  space  between  the  two  armies. 
There,  then,  they  were  not  afraid  of  coming  to  a  pitched  bat- 
tle, but  lest  they  should  be  taken  by  stratagem ;  for  it  was  to 
this  event  the  oracle  had  reference,  which  the  Pythian  pro- 
nounced in  common  to  them  and  the  Milesians,  running  thus : 
"  When  the  female,  having  conquered  the  male,  shall  drive 
him  out,  and  obtain  glory  among  the  Argives,  then  shall  she 
make  many  of  the  Argive  women  rend  their  garments ;  so 
that  one  of  future  generations  shall  say  a  terrible  triple-coiled 
serpent  has  perished,  overcome  by  the  spear."  All  these 
things  concurring,  spread  alarm  among  the  Argives,  therefore 
they  resolved  to  avail  themselves  of  the  herald  of  the  enemy; 
and  having  so  resolved,  they  did  as  follows :  When  the  Spar- 
tan herald  gave  any  signal  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  the  Argives 
did  the  same.  Cleomenes,  having  observed  that  the  Argives 
did  whatever  his  herald  gave  the  signal  for,  ordered  his  troops, 
when  the  herald  should  give  the  signal  for  going  to  dinner, 
then  to  seize  their  arms  and  advance  against  the  Argives. 
This,  accordingly,  was  accomplished  by  the  Lacedaemonians, 
for  they  fell  upon  the  Argives  as  they  were  taking  their  dinner, 
according  to  the  herald's  signal;  and  they  killed  many  of 
them,  and  a  far  greater  number,  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  grove  of  Argus,  they  surrounded  and  kept  watch  over. 
Cleomenes  then  adopted  the  following  course :  Having  some 
deserters  with  him,  and  having  received  information  from 
them,  he  sent  a  herald  and  called  them  out,  summoning  by 
name  those  Argives  who  were  shut  up  in  the  sacred  precinct ; 
and  he  called  them  out,  saying  that  he  had  received  their 
ransom ;  but  the  ransom  among  the  Peloponnesians  is  a  fixed 


344  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [79-83 

sum  of  two  minae  to  be  paid  for  each  prisoner.  Cleomenes, 
therefore,  having  called  them  out  severally,  put  to  death  about 
fifty  of  the  Argives ;  and  somehow  this  went  on  unknown  to 
the  rest  who  were  within  the  precinct;  for  as  the  grove  was 
thick,  those  within  did  not  see  those  without,  or  what  they 
were  doing,  until  at  last  one  of  them,  getting  up  into  a  tree, 
saw  what  was  being  done.  They  therefore  no  more  went 
out  when  called  for.  Thereupon  Cleomenes  ordered  all  the 
Helots  to  heap  up  wood  around  the  grove,  and  when  they 
had  executed  his  orders,  he  set  fire  to  the  grove.  When  all 
was  in  a  flame,  he  asked  one  of  the  deserters  to  which  of  the 
gods  the  grove  belonged;  he  said  that  it  belonged  to  Argus. 
Cleomenes,  when  he  heard  this,  uttering  a  deep  groan,  said : 
"  O  prophetic  Apollo !  thou  hast  indeed  greatly  deceived  me, 
in  saying  that  I  should  take  Argos.  I  conjecture  thy  prophecy 
is  accomplished."  After  this  Cleomenes  sent  away  the  greater 
part  of  his  army  to  Sparta;  and  he  himself,  taking  a  thou- 
sand chosen  men  with  him,  went  to  offer  sacrifice  at  the  Tem- 
ple of  Juno.  But  when  he  wished  himself  to  offer  sacrifice 
on  the  altar,  the  priest  forbade  him,  saying  that  it  was  not 
lawful  for  a  stranger  to  offer  sacrifice  there ;  upon  which 
Cleomenes  commanded  the  Helots  to  drag  the  priest  from 
the  altar  and  scourge  him,  while  he  himself  sacrificed;  and 
having  done  this,  he  went  away  to  Sparta.  On  his  return,  his 
enemies  accused  him  before  the  Ephori,  alleging  that  he  had 
been  bribed  not  to  take  Argos,  when  he  might  easily  have 
taken  it.  He  said  to  them,  whether  speaking  falsely  or  truly 
I  am  unable  to  say  for  certain ;  he  affirmed,  however,  that 
when  he  had  taken  the  sacred  precinct  of  Argus,  he  thought 
that  the  oracle  of  the  god  was  accomplished,  and  therefore 
he  did  not  think  it  right  to  attempt  the  city  before  he  had 
had  recourse  to  victims,  and  ascertained  whether  the  god 
would  favour  or  obstruct  him ;  and  that  while  he  was  sacri- 
ficing favourably  in  the  Temple  of  Juno,  a  flame  of  fire  shone 
forth  from  the  breast  of  the  image;  and  thus  he  learned  for 
certain  that  he  should  not  take  Argos :  for  if  it  had  shone 
forth  from  the  head  of  the  image,  he  should  have  taken  the 
city  completely;  but  as  it  shone  forth  from  the  breast,  he 
thought  that  everything  had  been  done  by  him  which  the 
deity  wished  to  happen.  In  saying  this  he  appeared  to  the 
Spartans  to  say  what  was  credible  and  reasonable,  and  was 
acquitted  by  a  large  majority.  Argos,  however,  was  left  so 
destitute  of  men  that  their  slaves  had  the  management  of 
affairs,  ruling  and  administering  them,  until  the  sons  of  those 
who  had  been  killed  grew  up.    Then  they,  having  recovered 


83-85]  MADNESS   OF   CLEOMENES  345 

Argos,  expelled  the  slaves ;  and  the  slaves,  being  driven  out, 
took  Tiryns  by  assault.  For  a  time  concord  subsisted  be- 
tween them,  but  then  there  came  to  the  slaves  one  Cleander, 
a  prophet,  who  was  by  birth  a  Phigalean  of  Arcadia;  he 
persuaded  the  slaves  to  attack  their  masters.  From  this  cir- 
cumstance there  was  war  between  them  for  a  long  time,  till 
at  last  the  Argives  with  difficulty  got  the  upper  hand. 

Now  the  Argives  say  that  on  this  account  Cleomenes  be- 
came mad  and  perished  miserably.  But  the  Spartans  them- 
selves say  that  Cleomenes  became  mad  from  no  divine  influ- 
ence, but  that  by  associating  with  the  Scythians  he  became 
a  drinker  of  unmixed  wine,  and  from  that  cause  became  mad. 
For  that  the  Scythian  nomads,  since  Darius  had  invaded  their 
country,  were  afterward  desirous  to  take  vengeance  on  him, 
and  having  sent  to  Sparta  to  make  an  alliance,  and  agree  that 
the  Scythians  themselves  should  endeavour  to  make  an  irrup- 
tion into  Media  near  the  river  Phasis,  and  to  urge  the  Spar- 
tans to  set  out  from  Ephesus,  and  march  upward;  and  then 
for  both  armies  to  meet  at  the  same  place.  They  say  that 
Cleomenes,  when  the  Scythians  came  for  this  purpose,  asso- 
ciated with  them  too  intimately;  and  being  more  intimate 
with  them  than  was  proper,  contracted  from  them  a  habit  of 
drinking  unmixed  wine;  and  the  Spartans  think  that  he  be- 
came mad  from  this  cause.  And  from  that  time,  as  they  them- 
selves say,  when  they  wish  to  drink  stronger  drink,  they  say, 
"  Pour  out  like  a  Scythian."  Thus,  then,  the  Spartans  speak 
concerning  Cleomenes.  But  Cleomenes  appears  to  me  to 
have  suffered  this  retribution  on  account  of  Demaratus. 

When  the  yEginetse  were  informed  of  the  death  of  Cle- 
omenes, they  sent  ambassadors  to  Sparta  to  complain  loudly 
against  Leutychides,  on  account  of  the  hostages  detained  at 
Athens:  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  having  assembled  a  court 
of  judicature,  determined  that  the  /Eginetae  had  been  very 
much  injured  by  Leutychides,  and  condemned  him  to  be  de- 
livered up  and  taken  to  /Egina,  in  the  place  of  the  men  who 
were  detained  at  Athens.  But  when  the  /Eginetae  were  about 
to  take  Leutychides  away,  Theasides,  son  of  Leoprepes,  an 
eminent  man  in  Sparta,  said  to  them :  "  Men  of  /Egina,  what 
are  you  going  to  do,  to  take  away  the  King  of  the  Spartans, 
who  has  been  delivered  into  your  hands  by  the  citizens?  If 
the  Spartans,  yielding  to  anger,  have  so  decided,  take  care 
lest,  if  you  do  these  things,  they  hereafter  pour  into  your  coun- 
try a  calamity  which  will  utterly  destroy  you."  The  /Eginetae 
having  heard  this,  refrained  from  taking  him  away ;  and  came 
to  this  agreement,  that  Leutychides  should  accompany  them 


346  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,  ERATO  [85-86 

to  Athens,  and  restore  the  men  to  the  vEginetae.  When  Leu- 
tychides,  on  his  arrival  at  Athens,  demanded  back  the  pledges, 
the  Athenians  had  recourse  to  evasion,  not  wishing  to  give 
them  up ;  and  said  that  two  kings  had  deposited  them,  and  it 
would  not  be  right  to  deliver  them  up  to  one  without  the 
other.  When  the  Athenians  refused  to  give  them  up,  Leuty- 
chides  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  O  Athenians,  do  which- 
ever you  yourselves  wish ;  for  if  you  deliver  them  up,  you 
will  do  what  is  just,  and  if  you  do  not  deliver  them  up,  the 
contrary.  I  will,  however,  tell  you  what  once  happened  in 
Sparta  respecting  a  deposit.  We  Spartans  say  that  about 
three  generations  before  my  time  there  lived  in  Lacedaemon 
one  Glaucus,  son  of  Epicydes :  we  relate  that  this  man  both 
attained  to  the  first  rank  in  all  other  respects,  and  also  bore 
the  highest  character  for  justice  of  all  who  at  that  time  dwelt 
at  Lacedaemon.  We  say  that  in  due  time  the  following  events 
befell  him :  A  certain  Milesian,  having  come  to  Sparta,  wished 
to  have  a  conference  with  him,  and  made  the  following  state- 
ment :  '  I  am  a  Milesian,  and  am  come,  Glaucus,  with  the 
desire  of  profiting  by  your  justice.  For  since  throughout  all 
the  rest  of  Greece,  and  particularly  in  Ionia,  there  was  great 
talk  of  your  justice,  I  considered  with  myself  that  Ionia  is  con- 
tinually exposed  to  great  dangers,  and  that,  on  the  contrary, 
Peloponnesus  is  securely  situated,  and  consequently  that  with 
us  one  can  never  see  the  same  persons  retaining  property. 
Having,  therefore,  reflected  and  deliberated  on  these  things, 
I  have  determined  to  change  half  of  my  whole  substance  into 
silver  and  deposit  it  with  you,  being  well  assured  that,  being 
placed  with  you,  it  will  be  safe.  Do  you,  then,  take  this 
money,  and  preserve  these  tokens ;  and  whosoever  possessing 
these  shall  demand  it  back  again,  restore  it  to  him.'  The 
stranger  who  came  from  Miletus  spoke  thus.  And  Glaucus 
received  the  deposit,  on  the  condition  mentioned.  After  a 
long  time  had  elapsed,  the  sons  of  this  man  who  had  deposited 
the  money  came  to  Sparta,  and  having  addressed  themselves 
to  Glaucus,  and  shown  the  tokens,  demanded  back  the  money. 
Glaucus  repulsed  them,  answering  as  follows :  '  I  neither  re- 
member the  matter,  nor  does  it  occur  to  me  that  I  know  any 
of  the  circumstances  you  mention ;  but  if  I  can  recall  it  to  my 
mind,  I  am  willing  to  do  everything  that  is  just ;  and  if  indeed 
I  have  received  it,  I  wish  to  restore  it  correctly ;  but  if  I  have 
not  received  it  at  all,  I  shall  have  recourse  to  the  laws  of  the 
Greeks  against  you.  I  therefore  defer  settling  this  matter  with 
you  for  four  months  from  the  present  time.'  The  Milesians, 
accordingly,   considering  it  a   great   calamity,   departed,   as 


86-89]  ATHENIANS  ATTACK  ^GINA  347 

being  deprived  of  their  money.  But  Glaucus  went  to  Delphi 
to  consult  the  oracle;  and  when  he  asked  the  oracle  whether 
he  should  make  a  booty  of  the  money  by  an  oath,  the  Pythian 
assailed  him  in  the  following  words :  '  Glaucus,  son  of  Epi- 
cydes,  thus  to  prevail  by  an  oath,  and  to  make  a  booty  of 
the  money,  will  be  a  present  gain :  swear,  then ;  for  death 
even  awaits  the  man  who  keeps  his  oath.  But  there  is  a  name- 
less son  of  Perjury,  who  has  neither  hands  nor  feet;  he  pur- 
sues swiftly,  until,  having  seized,  he  destroys  the  whole  race, 
and  all  the  house.  But  the  race  of  a  man  who  keeps  his  oath 
is  afterward  more  blessed.'  Glaucus,  having  heard  this,  en- 
treated the  god  to  pardon  the  words  he  had  spoken.  But  the 
Pythian  said  that  to  tempt  the  god,  and  to  commit  the  crime, 
were  the  same  thing.  Glaucus,  therefore,  having  sent  for  the 
Milesian  strangers,  restored  to  them  the  money.  With  what 
design  this  story  has  been  told  you,  O  Athenians,  shall  now  be 
mentioned.  There  is  at  present  not  a  single  descendant  of 
Glaucus,  nor  any  house  which  is  supposed  to  have  belonged  to 
Glaucus ;  but  he  is  utterly  extirpated  from  Sparta.  Thus  it 
is  right  to  have  no  other  thought  concerning  a  deposit  than 
to  restore  it  when  it  is  demanded."  Leutychides  having  said 
this,  but  finding  the  Athenians  did  not  even  then  listen  to 
him,  departed. 

But  the  ^ginetae,  before  they  received  punishment  for  the 
injuries  they  had  done  to  the  Athenians,  to  gratify  the  The- 
bans,  acted  as  follows :  Being  offended  with  the  Athenians, 
and  thinking  themselves  injured,  they  prepared  to  revenge 
themselves  on  the  Athenians :  and  as  the  Athenians  happened 
to  have  a  five-benched  galley  at  Sunium,  they  formed  an  am- 
buscade and  took  the  ship  Theoris,1  filled  with  the  principal 
Athenians ;  and  having  taken  the  men,  they  put  them  in 
chains.  The  Athenians,  having  been  treated  thus  by  the 
^Eginetae,  no  longer  delayed  to  devise  all  sorts  of  plans  against 
them.  Now  there  was  in  iEgina  an  eminent  man  named  Nico- 
dromus,  son  of  Cncethus ;  he  being  incensed  against  the 
^Eginetse  on  account  of  his  former  banishment  from  the  island, 
and  now  hearing  that  the  Athenians  were  preparing  to  do  a 
mischief  to  the  ^Eginetse,  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the 
Athenians  for  the  betrayal  of  ^gina,  mentioning  on  what  day 
he  would  make  the  attempt,  and  on  what  it  would  be  neces- 
sary for  them  to  come  to  his  assistance.  After  this  Nico- 
dromus,  according  to  his  agreement  with  the  Athenians,  seized 
that  which  is  called  the  old  town.    The  Athenians,  however, 

1  The  Theoris  was  a  vessel  which  was  sent  every  year  to  Delos  to  offer 
sacrifice  to  Apollo. 


348  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [89-92 

did  not  arrive  at  the  proper  time,  for  they  happened  not  to 
have  a  sufficient  number  of  ships  to  engage  with  the  ^Eginetse ; 
and  while  they  were  entreating  the  Corinthians  to  furnish  them 
with  ships,  their  plan  was  ruined.  The  Corinthians,  for  they 
were  then  on  very  friendly  terms  with  them,  at  their  request 
supplied  the  Athenians  with  twenty  ships ;  and  they  furnished 
them,  letting  them  to  hire  for  five  drachmae  each ;  because 
by  their  laws  they  were  forbidden  to  give  them  for  nothing. 
The  Athenians,  therefore,  having  taken  these  and  their  own, 
manned  seventy  ships  in  all,  and  sailed  to  ^gina,  and  arrived 
one  day  after  that  agreed  upon.  Nicodromus,  when  the  Athe- 
nians did  not  arrive  at  the  proper  time,  embarked  on  ship- 
board and  made  his  escape  from  iEgina ;  and  others  of  the 
^Eginetse  accompanied  him,  to  whom  the  Athenians  gave 
Sunium  for  a  habitation  ;  and  they,  sallying  from  thence,  plun- 
dered the  iEginetae  in  the  island.  /This,  however,  happened 
subsequently.  In  the  meantime  the  most  wealthy  of  the 
^Eginetae  overpowered  the  common  people,  who,  together 
with  Nicodromus,  had  revolted  against  them,  and  afterward, 
having  subdued  them,  they  led  them  out  to  execution.  And 
on  this  occasion  they  incurred  a  guilt,  which  they  were  un- 
able to  expiate  by  any  contrivance;  but  they  were  ejected 
out  of  the  island,  before  the  goddess  became  propitious  to 
them.  For  having  taken  seven  hundred  of  the  common  peo- 
ple prisoners,  they  led  them  out  to  execution ;  and  one  of 
them,  having  escaped  from  his  bonds,  fled  to  the  porch  of 
Ceres,  the  lawgiver,  and,  seizing  the  door  handle,  held  it  fast ; 
but  they,  when  they  were  unable  by  dragging  to  tear  him 
away,  cut  off  his  hands,  and  so  took  him  away ;  and  the  hands 
were  left  sticking  on  the  door  handles.  Thus,  then,  the 
^Eginetse  treated  their  own  people.  But  when  the  Athenians 
arrived  with  their  seventy  ships,  they  came  to  an  engagement, 
and  being  conquered  in  the  sea-fight,  they  called  on  the  same 
persons  as  before  for  assistance — that  is,  on  the  Argives.  They, 
however,  would  not  any  longer  succour  them,  but  complained 
that  the  ships  of  the  ^ginetse,  having  been  forcibly  seized 
by  Cleomenes,  had  touched  on  the  territory  of  Argos,  and  the 
crews  had  disembarked  with  the  Lacedaemonians.  Some  men 
had  also  disembarked  from  Sicyonian  ships  in  the  same  in- 
vasion ;  and  a  penalty  was  imposed  upon  them  by  the  Argives 
to  pay  a  thousand  talents,  five  hundred  each.  The  Sicyonians, 
accordingly,  acknowledging  that  they  had  acted  unjustly, 
made  an  agreement  to  pay  one  hundred  talents,  and  be  free 
from  the  rest;  but  the  ^Eginetae  would  not  own  themselves 
in  the  wrong,  and  were  very  obstinate.     On  this  account, 


92-96]  INVASION   OF   GREECE  349 

therefore,  none  of  the  Argives  were  sent  by  the  common- 
wealth to  assist  them;  but,  on  their  request,  volunteers  went 
to  the  number  of  a  thousand :  a  general,  whose  name  was 
Eurybates,  and  who  had  practised  for  the  pentathlon,  led 
them :  the  greater  number  of  these  never  returned  home,  but 
were  slain  by  the  Athenians  in  JEg'ma..  The  general,  Eury- 
bates, engaging  in  single  combat,  killed  three  several  antag- 
onists in  that  manner,  but  was  slain  by  the  fourth,  Sophanes 
of  Decelea.  The  ^Eginetse,  however,  having  attacked  the  fleet 
of  the  Athenians,  when  they  were  in  disorder,  obtained  a  vic- 
tory, and  took  four  of  their  ships  with  the  men  on  board. 

War  was  accordingly  kindled  between  the  Athenians  and 
^Eginetse.  But  the  Persian  pursued  his  own  design,  for  the 
servant  continually  reminded  him  to  remember  the  Athenians, 
and  the  Pisistratidae  constantly  importuned  him  and  accused 
the  Athenians;  and  at  the  same  time  Darius,  laying  hold  of 
this  pretext,  was  desirous  of  subduing  those  people  of  Greece 
who  had  refused  to  give  him  earth  and  water.  He  therefore 
dismissed  Mardonius  from  his  command,  because  he  had  suc- 
ceeded ill  in  his  expedition ;  and  having  appointed  other  gen- 
erals, he  sent  them  against  Eretria  and  Athens — namely, 
Datis,  who  was  a  Mede  by  birth,  and  Artaphernes,  son  of 
Artaphernes,  his  own  nephew;  and  he  despatched  them  with 
strict  orders,  having  enslaved  Athens  and  Eretria,  to  bring 
the  bondsmen  into  his  presence.  When  these  generals  who 
were  appointed  left  the  king,  and  reached  the  Aleian  plain 
of  Cilicia,  bringing  with  them  a  numerous  and  well-equipped 
army,  while  they  were  there  encamped  the  whole  naval  force 
required  from  each  people  came  up :  the  horse  transports 
were  also  present,  which  Darius  in  the  preceding  year  had 
commanded  his  tributaries  to  prepare.  Having  put  the  horses 
on  board  of  these,  and  having  embarked  the  land  forces  in  the 
ships,  they  sailed  for  Ionia  with  six  hundred  triremes.  From 
thence  they  did  not  steer  their  ships  along  the  continent  di- 
rect toward  the  Hellespont  and  Thrace;  but  parting  from 
Samos  they  directed  their  course  across  the  Icarian  Sea,  and 
through  the  islands ;  as  appears  to  me,  chiefly,  dreading  the 
circumnavigation  of  Athos,  because  in  the  preceding  year,  in 
attempting  a  passage  that  way,  they  had  sustained  great  loss ; 
and,  besides,  Naxos  compelled  them,  not  having  been  before 
captured.  When,  being  carried  out  of  the  Icarian  Sea,  they 
arrived  off  Naxos  (for  the  Persians,  bearing  in  mind  what 
had  formerly  happened,  purposed  to  attack  this  place  first), 
the  Naxians  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  did  not  await  their 
approach:  the   Persians,   therefore,   having  seized   as   many 


35o  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [96-99 

of  them  as  they  could  lay  hold  of  as  slaves,  set  fire  to  both 
the  sacred  buildings  and  the  city ;  and  having  done  this,  they 
proceeded  against  the  rest  of  the  islands. 

While  they  were  doing  this,  the  Delians  also,  abandoning 
Delos,  fled  to  Tenos ;  but  as  the  fleet  was  sailing  down  to- 
ward it,  Datis,  having  sailed  forward,  would  not  permit  the 
ships  to  anchor  near  the  island,  but  farther  on,  off  Rhenea; 
and  he,  having  ascertained  where  the  Delians  were,  sent  a 
herald  and  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  Sacred  men,  why 
have  you  fled,  forming  an  unfavourable  opinion  of  me?  For 
both  I  myself  have  so  much  wisdom,  and  am  so  ordered  by 
the  king,  that  in  the  region  where  the  two  deities  *  were  born 
no  harm  should  be  done  either  to  the  country  itself  or  to  its 
inhabitants.  Return,  therefore,  to  your  houses,  and  resume 
possession  of  the  island."  This  message  he  sent  to  the  Delians 
by  means  of  a  herald ;  and  afterward  having  heaped  up  three 
hundred  talents  of  frankincense  upon  the  altar,  he  burned 
it.  Datis,  accordingly,  having  done  this,  sailed  with  the  army 
first  against  Eretria,  taking  with  him  both  Ionians  and  iEoli- 
ans.  But  after  he  had  put  out  to  sea  from  thence,  Delos  was 
shaken  by  an  earthquake,  as  the  Delians  say,  the  first  and 
last  time  that  it  was  so  affected  to  my  time.  And  the  deity 
assuredly  by  this  portent  intimated  to  men  the  evils  that  were 
about  to  befall  them.  For  during  the  reigns  of  Darius,  son 
of  Hystaspes,  of  Xerxes,  son  of  Darius,  and  of  Artaxerxes, 
son  of  Xerxes ;  during  these  three  successive  generations, 
more  disasters  befell  Greece  than  during  the  twenty  genera- 
tions that  preceded  the  time  of  Darius;  partly  brought  upon 
it  by  the  Persians,  and  partly  by  the  chief  men  among  them 
contending  for  power.  So  that  it  is  nothing  improbable  that 
Delos  should  be  moved  at  that  time,  having  been  until  then 
unmoved :  and  in  an  oracle  respecting  it,  it  had  been  thus 
written :  "  I  will  move  even  Delos,  although  hitherto  un- 
moved." And  in  the  Grecian  language  these  names  mean — 
Darius,  "  one  who  restrains  "  ;  Xerxes,  "  a  warrior  "  ;  and 
Artaxerxes,  "  a  mighty  warrior."  Thus,  then,  the  Greeks  may 
rightly  designate  these  kings  in  their  language. 

The  barbarians,  after  they  had  parted  from  Delos,  touched 
at  the  islands ;  and  from  thence  they  took  with  them  men  to 
serve  in  the  army,  and  carried  away  the  sons  of  the  islanders 
for  hostages.  And  when,  having  sailed  round  the  islands, 
they  touched  at  Carystus,  as  the  Carystians  would  not  give 
hostages,  and  refused  to  bear  arms  against  their  neighbour- 
ing cities,  meaning  Eretria  and  Athens,  they  thereupon  be- 
1  Apollo  and  Diana. 


99-103]  PERSIANS  SUBDUE  ERETRIA  351 

sieged  them,  and  ravaged  their  country,  until  at  last  the  Carys- 
tians  also  submitted  to  the  will  of  the  Persians.  The  Ere- 
trians,  being  informed  that  the  Persian  armament  was  sailing 
against  them,  entreated  the  Athenians  to  assist  them ;  and 
the  Athenians  did  not  refuse  their  aid,  but  gave  them  as  auxil- 
iaries those  four  thousand  men  to  whom  had  been  allotted  the 
territory  of  the  horse-feeding  Chalcidians.  But  the  councils 
of  the  Eretrians  were  not  at  all  sound :  they  sent  for  the  Athe- 
nians, indeed,  but  held  divided  opinions ;  for  some  of  them 
proposed  to  abandon  the  city,  and  to  retire  to  the  fastnesses 
of  Eubcea;  but  others  of  them,  hoping  that  they  should  de- 
rive gain  to  themselves  from  the  Persians,  were  planning  to 
betray  their  country.  But  ^Eschines,  son  of  Nothon,  a  man 
of  rank  among  the  Eretrians,  being  informed  of  the  views 
of  both  parties,  communicated  to  the  Athenians,  who  had 
come,  the  whole  state  of  their  affairs ;  and  entreated  them  to 
return  to  their  own  country,  lest  they  too  should  perish.  The 
Athenians  followed  this  advice  of  iEschines,  and  having 
crossed  over  to  Oropus,  saved  themselves.  In  the  meantime 
the  Persians,  sailing  on,  directed  their  ships'  course  to  Tamy- 
nae,  Chcerea,  and  ^gilia,  of  the  Eretrian  territory;  and  hav- 
ing taken  possession  of  these  places,  they  immediately  dis- 
embarked the  horses,  and  made  preparations  to  attack  the 
enemy.  But  the  Eretrians  had  no  thoughts  of  going  out 
against  them  and  fighting,  but  since  that  opinion  had  pre- 
vailed, that  they  should  not  abandon  the  city,  their  only  care 
now  was,  if  by  any  means  they  could  defend  the  walls.  A 
violent  attack  on  the  walls  ensuing,  for  six  days  many  fell 
on  both  sides;  but  on  the  seventh,  Euphorbus,  son  of  Alci- 
machus,  and  Philargus,  son  of  Cyneus,  men  of  rank  among 
the  citizens,  betrayed  the  city  to  the  Persians.  And  they, 
having  gained  entrance  into  the  city,  in  the  first  place  pillaged 
and  set  fire  to  the  temples,  in  revenge  for  those  that  had  been 
burned  at  Sardis ;  and  in  the  next,  they  enslaved  the  inhab- 
itants, in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  Darius. 
»G^Having  subdued  Eretria,  and  rested  a  few  days,  they  sailed 
*  to  Attica,  pressing  them  very  close,  and  expecting  to  treat 
the  Athenians  in  the  same  way  as  they  had  the  Eretrians. 
Now  as  Marathon  was  the  spot  in  Attica  best  adapted  for 
cavalry,  and  nearest  to  Eretria,  Hippias,  son  of  Pisistratus, 
conducted  them  there.  But  the  Athenians,  when  they  heard 
of  this,  also  sent  their  forces  to  Marathon ;  and  ten  generals 
led  them,  of  whom  the  tenth  was  Miltiades,  whose  father, 
Cimon,  son  of  Stesagoras,  had  been  banished  from  Athens 
by  Pisistratus,  son  of  Hippocrates.     During  his  exile  it  was 


352  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [103-105 

his  good  fortune  to  obtain  the  Olympic  prize  in  the  four- 
horse  chariot  race,  and  having  gained  this  victory,  he  trans- 
ferred the  honour  to  Miltiades,  his  brother  by  the  same 
mother;  and  afterward,  in  the  next  Olympiad,  being  victori- 
ous with  the  same  mares,  he  permitted  Pisistratus  to  be  pro- 
claimed victor;  and  having  conceded  the  victory  to  him,  he 
returned  home  under  terms.  And  after  he  had  gained  an- 
other Olympic  prize  with  these  same  mares,  it  happened  that 
he  died  by  the  hands  of  the  sons  of  Pisistratus,  when  Pisistra- 
tus himself  was  no  longer  alive :  they  slew  him  near  the  Pry- 
taneum,  having  placed  men  to  waylay  him  by  night.  Cimon 
was  buried  in  front  of  the  city,  beyond  that  which  is  called 
the  road  through  Ccela,  and  opposite  him  these  same  mares 
were  buried,  which  won  the  three  Olympic  prizes.  Other 
mares  also  had  already  done  the  same  thing,  belonging  to 
Evagoras  the  Lacedaemonian ;  but  besides  these,  none  others. 
Stesagoras,  the  elder  of  the  sons  of  Cimon,  was  at  that  time 
being  educated  by  his  paternal  uncle  Miltiades,  in  the  Cher- 
sonese, but  the  younger  by  Cimon  himself  at  Athens,  and  he 
had  the  name  of  Miltiades,  from  Miltiades,  the  founder  of 
the  Chersonese.  At  that  time,  then,  this  Miltiades,  coming 
from  the  Chersonese,  and  having  escaped  a  twofold  death, 
became  general  of  the  Athenians :  for,  in  the  first  place,  the 
Phoenicians,  having  pursued  him  as  far  as  Imbros,  were  ex- 
ceedingly desirous  of  seizing  him,  and  carrying  him  up  to  the 
king;  and  in  the  next,  when  he  had  escaped  them,  and  had 
returned  to  his  own  country,  and  thought  himself  in  safety, 
his  enemies  thereupon,  having  attacked  him,  and  brought  him 
before  a  court  of  justice,  prosecuted  him  for  tyranny  in  the 
Chersonese.  But  having  escaped  these  also,  he  was  at  length 
appointed  general  of  the  Athenians,  being  chosen  by  the 
people. 

'  And  first,  while  the  generals  were  yet  in  the  city,  they 
despatched  a  herald  to  Sparta,  one  Phidippides,  an  Athenian, 
who  was  a  courier  by  profession,  one  who  attended  to  this 
very  business.  This  man,  then,  as  Phidippides  himself  said 
and  reported  to  the  Athenians,  Pan  met  near  Mount  Par- 
thenion,  above  Tegea ;  and  Pan,  calling  out  the  name  of  Phi- 
dippides, bade  him  ask  the  Athenians  why  they  paid  no  at- 
tention to  him,  who  was  well  inclined  to  the  Athenians,  and 
had  often  been  useful  to  them,  and  would  be  so  hereafter. 
The  Athenians,  therefore,  as  their  affairs  were  then  in  a  pros- 
perous condition,  believed  that  this  was  true,  and  erected  a 
temple  to  Pan  beneath  the  Acropolis,  and  in  consequence  of 
that  message  they  propitiate  Pan  with  yearly  sacrifices  and 


105-108]  MARATHON  353 

the  torch  race.  This  Phidippides,  being  sent  by  the  generals 
at  that  time  when  he  said  Pan  appeared  to  him,  arrived  in 
Sparta  on  the  following  day  after  his  departure  from  the  city 
of  the  Athenians,  and  on  coming  in  presence  of  the  magis- 
trates, he  said :  "  Lacedaemonians,  the  Athenians  entreat  you 
to  assist  them,  and  not  to  suffer  the  most  ancient  city  among 
the  Greeks  to  fall  into  bondage  to  barbarians :  for  Eretria  is 
already  reduced  to  slavery,  and  Greece  has  become  weaker 
by  the  loss  of  a  renowned  city."  He  accordingly  delivered  the 
message  according  to  his  instructions,  and  they  resolved  in- 
deed to  assist  the  Athenians;  but  it  was  out  of  their  power 
to  do  so  immediately,  as  they  were  unwilling  to  violate  the 
law :  for  it  was  the  ninth  day  of  the  current  month ;  and  they 
said  they  could  not  march  out  on  the  ninth  day,  the  moon's 
circle  not  being  full.  They,  therefore,  waited  for  the  full 
moon. 

Meanwhile  Hippias,  son  of  Pisistratus,  had  led  the  bar- 
barians to  Marathon,  having  the  preceding  night  seen  the 
following  vision  in  his  sleep :  Hippias  fancied  that  he  lay  with 
his  own  mother;  he  inferred,  therefore,  from  the  dream,  that 
having  returned  to  Athens  and  recovered  the  sovereignty, 
he  should  die  an  old  man  in  his  own  country.  He  drew  this 
inference  from  the  vision.  At  that  time,  as  he  was  leading 
the  way,  he  first  of  all  landed  the  slaves  from  Eretria  on  the 
island  of  the  Styreans,  called  ^gilia ;  and  next  he  moored  the 
ships  as  they  came  to  Marathon,  and  drew  up  the  barbarians 
as  they  disembarked  on  land :  and  as  he  was  busied  in  doing 
this,  it  happened  that  he  sneezed  and  coughed  more  violently 
than  he  was  accustomed ;  and  as  he  was  far  advanced  in  years, 
several  of  his  teeth  were  loose,  so  that  through  the  violence 
of  his  cough  he  threw  out  one  of  these  teeth ;  and  as  it  fell 
on  the  sand,  he  used  every  endeavour  to  find  it,  but  when  the 
tooth  could  nowhere  be  found,  he  drew  a  deep  sigh,  and  said 
to  the  bystanders :  "  This  country  is  not  ours,  nor  shall  we 
be  able  to  subdue  it ;  whatever  share  belongeth  to  me,  my 
tooth  possesses."  Hippias  accordingly  inferred  that  his  vision 
had  been  thus  fulfilled. 

When  the  Athenians  were  drawn  up  in  a  place  sacred  to 
Hercules,  the  Plataeans  came  to  their  assistance  with  all  their 
forces.  For  the  Plataeans  had  given  themselves  up  to  the 
Athenians,  and  the  Athenians  had  already  undergone  many 
toils  on  their  account :  and  they  gave  themselves  up  on  the 
following  occasion :  The  Plataeans,  being  hard  pressed  by  the 
Thebans,  first  offered  themselves  to  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anax- 
andrides,  and  to  the  Lacedaemonians  who  happened  to  be 
23 


354  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [108-109 

present.  They  would  not  receive  them,  but  addressed  them 
as  follows :  "  We  live  at  too  great  a  distance,  and  such  assist- 
ance would  be  of  little  value  to  you ;  for  you  would  often  be 
enslaved  before  any  of  us  could  be  informed  of  it.  We  ad- 
vise you,  therefore,  to  give  yourselves  up  to  the  Athenians, 
who  are  your  neighbours,  and  are  not  backward  in  assisting." 
The  Lacedaemonians  gave  this  advice,  not  so  much  from  any 
good-will  to  the  Plataeans,  as  from  a  desire  that  the  Athenians 
might  be  subject  to  toil,  by  being  set  at  variance  with  the 
Boeotians.  The  Lacedaemonians,  accordingly,  gave  this  ad- 
vice to  the  Plataeans,  and  they  did  not  disregard  it,  but  when 
the  Athenians  were  performing  the  sacred  rites  to  the  twelve 
gods,  they  sat  down  at  the  altar  as  suppliants,  and  delivered 
themselves  up.  But  the  Thebans,  having  heard  of  this, 
marched  against  the  Plataeans,  and  the  Athenians  went  to 
assist ;  and  as  they  were  about  to  engage  in  battle,  the  Corin- 
thians interfered ;  for  happening  to  be  present,  and  mediating 
between  them,  at  the  request  of  both  parties,  they  prescribed 
the  limits  to  the  country  in  the  following  manner :  that  the 
Thebans  should  leave  alone  those  of  the  Boeotians  who  did 
not  wish  to  be  ranked  among  the  Boeotians.  The  Corinthians, 
having  made  this  decision,  returned  home ;  but  the  Boeotians 
attacked  the  Athenians  as  they  were  departing,  and  having 
attacked  them  were  worsted  in  the  battle.  The  Athenians, 
therefore,  passing  beyond  the  limits  which  the  Corinthians 
had  fixed  for  the  Plataeans — passing  beyond  these,  they  made 
the  Asopus  and  Hysiae  to  be  the  boundary  between  the  The- 
bans and  Plataeans.  The  Plataeans,  therefore,  gave  themselves 
up  to  the  Athenians  in  the  manner  above  described;  and  at 
that  time  came  to  assist  them  at  Marathon. 

The  opinions  of  the  Athenian  generals  were  divided,  one 
party  not  consenting  to  engage,  "  because  they  were  too  few 
to  engage  with  the  army  of  the  Medes  " ;  and  the  others, 
among  whom  was  Miltiades,  urging  them  to  give  battle. 
When,  therefore,  they  were  divided,  and  the  worst  opinion 
was  likely  to  prevail,  thereupon,  for  there  was  an  eleventh 
voter  who  was  appointed  minister  of  war  among  the  Athe- 
nians, for  the  Athenians  in  ancient  times  gave  the  minister 
of  war  an  equal  vote  with  the  generals,  and  at  that  time  Cal- 
limachus  of  Aphidnae  was  minister  of  war ;  to  him,  therefore, 
Miltiades  came  and  spoke  as  follows :  "  It  now  depends  on 
you,  Callimachus,  either  to  enslave  Athens,  or,  by  preserving 
its  liberty,  to  leave  a  memorial  of  yourself  to  every  age,  such 
as  not  even  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton  have  left.  For  the 
Athenians  were  never  in  so  great  danger  from  the  time  they 


I09-112]  MARATHON  355 

were  first  a  people.  And  if  they  succumb  to  the  Medes,  it 
has  been  determined  what  they  are  to  suffer  when  delivered 
up  to  Hippias ;  but  if  the  city  survives,  it  will  become  the  first 
of  the  Grecian  cities.  How,  then,  this  can  be  brought  to  pass, 
and  how  the  power  of  deciding  this  matter  depends  on  you, 
I  will  now  proceed  to  explain.  The  opinions  of  us  generals, 
who  are  ten,  are  divided :  the  one  party  urging  that  we  should 
engage;  the  other,  that  we  should  not  engage.  Now  if  we 
do  not  engage,  I  expect  that  some  great  dissension  arising 
among  us  will  shake  the  minds  of  the  Athenians,  so  as  to  in- 
duce them  to  a  compliance  with  the  Medes.  But  if  we  engage 
before  any  dastardly  thought  arises  in  the  minds  of  some  of 
the  Athenians,  if  the  gods  are  impartial,  we  shall  be  able  to 
get  the  better  in  the  engagement.  All  these  things,  there- 
fore, are  now  in  your  power,  and  entirely  depend  on  you. 
For  if  you  will  support  my  opinion,  your  country  will  be  free, 
and  the  city  the  first  in  Greece ;  but  if  you  join  with  those 
who  would  dissuade  us  from  an  engagement,  the  contrary  of 
the  advantages  I  have  enumerated  will  fall  to  your  lot."  Mil- 
tiades,  by  these  words,  gained  over  Callimachus,  and  the  opin- 
ion of  the  minister  of  war  being  added,  it  was  determined 
to  engage.  Afterward  the  generals  whose  opinions  had  been 
given  to  engage,  as  the  command  for  the  day  devolved  upon 
each  of  them,  gave  it  up  to  Miltiades ;  but  he,  having  ac- 
cepted it,  would  not  come  to  an  engagement  before  his  own 
turn  to  command  came. 

When  it  came  round  to  his  turn,  then  the  Athenians  were 
drawn  out  in  the  following  order  for  the  purpose  of  engaging : 
The  war  minister,  Callimachus,  commanded  the  right  wing, 
for  the  law  at  that  time  was  so  settled  among  the  Athenians 
that  the  war  minister  should  have  the  right  wing.  He  having 
this  command,  the  tribes  succeeded  as  they  were  usually  reck- 
oned, adjoining  one  another;  but  the  Platseans  were  drawn 
out  last  of  all,  occupying  the  left  wing.  Now,  ever  since  that 
battle,  when  the  Athenians  offer  sacrifices  and  celebrate  the 
public  festivals  which  take  place  every  five  years,  the  Athe- 
nian herald  prays,  saying,  May  blessings  attend  both  the 
Athenians  and  the  Plataeans !  "  At  that  time,  when  the  Athe- 
nians were  drawn  out  at  Marathon,  the  following  was  the 
case:  their  line  was  equal  in  extent  to  the  Medic  line,  but 
the  middle  of  it  was  but  few  deep,  and  there  the  line  was  weak- 
est ;  but  each  wing  was  strong  in  numbers.  When  they  were 
thus  drawn  out,  and  the  victims  were  favourable,  thereupon 
the  Athenians,  as  soon  as  they  were  ordered  to  charge,  ad- 
vanced against  the  barbarians  in  double-quick  time,  and  the 


356  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [112-116 

space  between  them  was  not  less  than  eight  stades.  But  the 
Persians,  seeing  them  charging  at  full  speed,  prepared  to  re- 
ceive them ;  and  they  imputed  madness  to  them,  and  that 
utterly  destructive,  when  they  saw  that  they  were  few  in  num- 
ber, and  that  they  rushed  on  at  full  speed,  though  they  had 
no  cavalry  nor  archers.  So  the  barbarians  surmised.  The 
Athenians,  however,  when  they  engaged  in  close  ranks  with 
the  barbarians,  fought  in  a  manner  worthy  of  record.  For 
they,  the  first  of  all  the  Greeks  whom  we  know  of,  charged 
the  enemy  at  full  speed,  and  they  first  endured  the  sight  of 
the  Medic  garb,  and  the  men  that  wore  it ;  but  until  that  time 
the  very  name  of  the  Medes  was  a  terror  to  the  Greeks.  The 
battle  at  Marathon  lasted  a  long  time;  and  in  the  middle  of 
the  line,  where  the  Persians  themselves  and  the  Sacae  were 
arrayed,  the  barbarians  were  victorious ;  in  this  part,  then, 
the  barbarians  conquered,  and  having  broken  the  line,  pur- 
sued to  the  interior;  but  in  both  wings  the  Athenians  and 
the  Plataeans  were  victorious ;  and  having  gained  the  victory, 
they  allowed  the  defeated  portion  of  the  barbarians  to  flee; 
and  having  united  both  wings,  they  fought  with  those  that 
had  broken  their  centre,  and  the  Athenians  were  victorious. 
They  followed  the  Persians  in  their  flight,  cutting  them  to 
pieces,  till,  reaching  the  shore,  they  called  for  fire  and  attacked 
the  ships. 

And  in  the  first  place,  in  this  battle  the  war  minister,  Cal- 
limachus,  was  killed,  having  proved  himself  a  brave  man ; 
and  among  the  generals,  Stesilaus,  son  of  Thrasylas,  perished ; 
and  in  the  next  place  Cynsegeirus,  son  of  Euphorion,  having 
laid  hold  of  a  ship's  poop,  had  his  hand  severed  by  an  axe 
and  fell :  and,  besides,  many  other  distinguished  Athenians 
were  slain.  In  this  manner  the  Athenians  made  themselves 
masters  of  seven  ships :  but  with  the  rest  the  barbarians  row- 
ing rapidly  back,  and  after  taking  off  the  Eretrian  slaves  from 
the  island  in  which  they  had  left  them,  sailed  round  Sunium, 
wishing  to  anticipate  the  Athenians  in  reaching  the  city.  The 
charge  prevailed  among  the  Athenians  that  they  formed  this 
design  by  the  contrivance  of  the  Alcmseonidae ;  for  that  they, 
having  agreed  with  the  Persians,  held  up  a  shield  to  them 
when  they  were  on  board  their  ships.  They  then  sailed  round 
Sunium.  But  the  Athenians  marched  with  all  speed  to  the 
assistance  of  the  city,  and  were  beforehand  in  reaching  it  be- 
fore the  barbarians  arrived ;  and  having  come  from  the  pre- 
cinct of  Hercules  at  Marathon,  they  took  up  their  station  in 
another  precinct  of  Hercules  at  Cynosarges :  but  the  bar- 
barians, having  laid  to  with  their  fleet  off  Phalerum,  for  this 


116-119]  MARATHON  357 

was  at  that  time  the  port  of  the  Athenians,  having  anchorecjf  /  / 
their  ships  there  for  a  time,  they  sailed  away  for  Asia^clry/ 
this  battle  at  Marathon  there  died  of  the  barbarians  about''' 
sixty-four  hundred  men ;  and  of  the  Athenians,  one  hundred 
and  ninety-two :  so  many  fell  on  both  sides.  The  following 
prodigy  occurred  there:  An  Athenian,  Epizelus,  son  of  Cu- 
phagoras,  while  fighting  in  the  medley,  and  behaving  val- 
iantly, was  deprived  of  sight,  though  wounded  in  no  part  of 
his  body,  nor  struck  from  a  distance;  and  he  continued  to 
be  blind  from  that  time  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.  I  have 
heard  that  he  used  to  give  the  following  account  of  his  loss : 
He  thought  that  a  large  heavy  armed  man  stood  before  him, 
whose  beard  shaded  the  whole  of  his  shield ;  that  this  spectre 
passed  by  him,  and  killed  the  man  that  stood  by  his  side. 
Such  is  the  account,  I  have  been  informed,  Epizelus  used  to 
give. 

Datis,  on  his  way  back  with  the  armament  to  Asia,  when 
he  came  to  Myconus,  saw  a  vision  in  his  sleep  :  what  the  vision 
was  is  not  related;  but  he,  as  soon  as  day  appeared,  caused 
a  search  to  be  made  through  the  ships ;  and  having  found  in 
a  Phoenician  ship  a  gilded  image  of  Apollo,  he  inquired  whence 
it  had  been  taken ;  and  having  learned  from  what  temple  it 
was,  he  sailed  in  his  own  ship  to  Delos,  and,  as  at  that  time 
the  Delians  had  come  back  to  the  island,  he  deposited  the 
image  in  the  temple,  and  charged  the  Delians  to  convey  the 
image  to  Delium  of  the  Thebans ;  that  place  is  on  the  coast, 
opposite  Chalcis :  Datis,  accordingly,  having  given  this  charge, 
sailed  away.  The  Delians,  however,  did  not  convey  back  this 
statue,  but  the  Thebans  themselves,  twenty  years  afterward, 
carried  it  to  Delium,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle.  Those  of  " 
the  Eretrians  who  had  been  enslaved,  Datis  and  Artaphernes, 
as  soon  as  they  reached  Asia,  took  up  to  Susa.  But  King 
Darius,  before  the  Eretrians  were  made  captive,  harboured 
deep  resentment  against  them,  as  the  Eretrians  had  been  the 
first  to  begin  acts  of  injustice :  but  when  he  saw  them  brought 
into  his  presence,  and  subject  to  his  power,  he  did  them  no 
other  harm,  but  settled  them  in  the  Cissian  territory  at  a  sta- 
tion of  his  own,  the  name  of  which  is  Ardericca;  it  is  two 
hundred  and  ten  stades  distant  from  Susa,  and  forty  from  the 
well  which  produces  three  different  substances ;  for  asphalt, 
salt,  and  oil  are  drawn  up  from  it  in  the  following  manner :  It 
is  pumped  up  by  means  of  a  swipe,  and  instead  of  a  bucket 
half  of  a  wine  skin  is  attached  to  it;  having  dipped  down 
with  this,  a  man  draws  it  up  and  then  pours  the  contents  into 
a  receiver;  and  being  poured  from  this  into  another,  it  as- 


358  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [i  19-123 

sumes  three  different  forms :  the  asphalt  and  the  salt  immedi- 
ately become  solid,  but  the  oil  they  collect,  and  the  Persians 
call  it  rhadinace ;  it  is  black  and  emits  a  strong  odour.  Here 
King  Darius  settled  the  Eretrians;  who,  even  to  my  time, 
occupied  this  territory,  retaining  their  ancient  language.  Such 
things  took  place  with  regard  to  the  Eretrians.  Two  thousand 
of  the  Lacedaemonians  came  to  Athens  after  the  full  moon, 
making  such  haste  to  be  in  time  that  they  arrived  in  Attica 
on  the  third  day  after  leaving  Sparta.  But  having  come  too 
late  for  the  battle,  they,  nevertheless,  desired  to  see  the  Medes ; 
and  having  proceeded  to  Marathon,  they  saw  the  slain ;  and 
afterward,  having  commended  the  Athenians  and  their  achieve- 
ment, they  returned  home. 

It  is  a  marvel  to  me,  and  I  can  not  credit  the  report,  that 
the  Alcmaeonidae  ever  held  up  a  shield  to  the  Persians  by 
agreement,  wishing  that  the  Athenians  should  be  subject  to 
the  barbarians  and  to  Hippias ;  for  they  were  evidently  haters 
of  tyrants  more  than,  or  equally  with,  Callias,  son  of  Phoenip- 
pus,  and  father  of  Hipponicus.  For  Callias  was  the  only  one 
of  all  the  Athenians  who,  when  Pisistratus  was  driven  from 
Athens,  dared  to  purchase  his  goods  when  put  up  to  sale  by 
the  public  crier,  and  he  devised  everything  else  that  was  most 
hostile  to  him.  This  Callias  deserves  to  have  frequent  men- 
tion made  of  him  by  every  one:  first  of  all,  on  account  of 
what  has  been  already  mentioned,  as  being  a  man  ardent  in 
asserting  the  freedom  of  his  country ;  and  in  the  next  place, 
on  account  of  what  he  did  at  Olympia,  having  been  victorious 
in  the  horse-race,  and  second  in  the  chariot  race,  and  having 
before  won  the  prize  in  the  Pythian  games,  he  was  distin- 
guished among  all  the  Greeks  for  the  greatest  munificence: 
moreover,  with  regard  to  his  daughters,  who  were  three  in 
number,  he  behaved  in  the  following  manner:  When  they 
were  of  fit  age  for  marriage  he  gave  them  a  most  magnificent 
present,  and  gratified  their  wishes ;  for  he  gave  each  to  that 
man  of  all  the  Athenians  whom  she  wished  to  select  for  her 
own  husband.  And  the  Alcmseonidae  were  haters  of  tyrants, 
equally  with,  or  not  at  all  less  than  him.  It  is  therefore  a 
marvel  to  me,  and  I  can  not  admit  the  charge,  that  they  held 
up  a  shield,  who  at  all  times  shunned  the  tyrants,  and  by 
whose  contrivance  the  Pisistratidse  abandoned  the  tyranny. 
Thus,  in  my  judgment,  these  were  the  persons  who  liberated 
Athens  much  more  than  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  for  they, 
by  slaying  Hipparchus,  exasperated  the  survivors  of  the  Pisis- 
tratidse,  but  did  not  any  the  more  put  an  end  to  the  tyranny 
of  the   rest;  whereas   the   Alcmseonidae   manifestly   liberated 


123-126]  THE   ALCM^ONID^E  359 

their  country,  if  indeed  they  were  the  persons  who  persuaded 
the  Pythian  to  enjoin  the  Lacedaemonians  to  liberate  Athens, 
as  I  have  already  shown.  But  perhaps,  having  some  grudge 
against  the  Athenian  people,  they  betrayed  their  country? 
There  were  not,  however,  any  other  men  who  were  more 
highly  esteemed  among  the  Athenians  than  them,  or  who 
were  more  honoured :  so  that  it  is  not  consistent  with  reason 
that  a  shield  was  held  up  by  them  from  such  a  motive.  Still 
a  shield  was  held  up ;  and  this  can  not  be  denied,  for  so  it 
was;  but  who  it  was  that  held  it  up  I  am  not  able  to  say 
further  than  this. 

The  Alcmaeonidae  were  even  from  a  very  early  period  dis- 
tinguished at  Athens;  for  through  Alcmason,  and  again 
through  Megacles,  they  became  very  distinguished.  For,  in 
the  first  place,  Alcmseon,  son  of  Megacles,  was  coadjutor  to 
the  Lydians  from  Sardis,  who  came  on  the  part  of  Croesus  to 
consult  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  and  he  assisted  them  zealously: 
and  Croesus  being  informed  by  the  Lydians,  who  had  gone 
to  consult  the  oracle  that  he  had  done  him  good  service,  sent 
for  him  from  Sardis ;  and  when  he  arrived,  presented  him  with 
so  much  gold  as  he  could  carry  away  at  once  on  his  own  per- 
son. Alcmaeon,  for  the  purpose  of  such  a  present,  had  re- 
course to  the  following  expedient :  Having  put  on  a  large 
cloak,  and  having  left  a  deep  fold  in  the  cloak,  and  having 
drawn  on  the  widest  boots  he  could  find,  he  went  into  the 
treasury  to  which  they  conducted  him ;  and  meeting  with  a 
heap  of  gold  dust,  he  first  stuffed  around  his  legs  as  much 
gold  as  the  boots  would  contain ;  and  then,  having  filled  the 
whole  fold  with  gold,  and  having  sprinkled  the  gold-dust  over 
the  hair  of  his  head,  and  put  more  into  his  mouth,  he  went 
out  of  the  treasury,  dragging  his  boots  with  difficulty,  and 
resembling  anything  rather  than  a  man ;  for  his  mouth  was 
stuffed,  and  he  was  all  over  swollen.  Croesus,  when  he  saw 
him,  burst  into  laughter;  and  he  gave  him  all  that,  and,  be- 
sides, presented  him  with  other  things  not  of  less  value  than 
it.  Thus  this  family  became  extremely  rich ;  and  this  Ale- 
mason,  having  by  these  means  bred  horses,  won  the  prize  in 
the  Olympic  games.  In  the  second  generation  after,  Clis- 
thenes,  tyrant  of  Sicyon,  raised  the  family,  so  that  it  became 
far  more  celebrated  among  the  Greeks  than  it  had  been  before. 
For  Clisthenes,  son  of  Aristonymus,  son  of  Myron,  son  of 
Andreas,  had  a  daughter  whose  name  was  Agarista :  her  he 
resolved  to  give  in  marriage  to  the  man  whom  he  should  find 
the  most  accomplished  of  all  the  Greeks.  When,  therefore, 
the  Olympian  games  were  being  celebrated,  Clisthenes,  being 


360  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,   ERATO  [126-128 

victorious  in  them  in  the  chariot  race,  made  a  proclamation 
that  whoever  of  the  Greeks  deemed  himself  worthy  to  become 
the  son-in-law  of  Clisthenes  should  come  to  Sicyon  on  the 
sixtieth  day,  or  even  before;  since  Clisthenes  had  determined 
on  the  marriage  in  a  year,  reckoning  from  the  sixtieth  day. 
Thereupon  such  of  the  Greeks  as  were  puffed  up  with  them- 
selves and  their  country  came  as  suitors ;  and  Clisthenes,  hav- 
ing made  a  racecourse  and  palaestra  for  them,  kept  it  for  this 
very  purpose.  From  Italy,  accordingly,  came  Smindyrides, 
son  of  Hippocrates,  a  Sybarite,  who  more  than  any  other  man 
reached  the  highest  pitch  of  luxury  (and  Sybaris  was  at  that 
time  in  a  most  flourishing  condition) ;  and  Damasus  of  Siris, 
son  of  Amyris,  called  the  Wise  :  these  came  from  Italy.  From 
the  Ionian  Gulf,  Amphimnestus,  son  of  Epistrophus,  an  Epi- 
damnian ;  he  came  from  the  Ionian  Gulf.  An  ^Etolian  came, 
Males,  brother  of  that  Titormus  who  surpassed  the  Greeks  in 
strength,  and  fled  from  the  society  of  men  to  the  extremity 
of  the  ^Etolian  territory.  And  from  Peloponnesus,  Leocedes, 
son  of  Pheidon,  tyrant  of  the  Argives,  a  descendant  of  that 
Pheidon  who  introduced  measures  among  the  Peloponnesians, 
and  was  the  most  insolent  of  all  the  Greeks,  who  having  re- 
moved the  Elean  empires,  himself  regulated  the  games  at 
Olympia;  his  son  accordingly  came.  And  Amiantus,  son  of 
Lycurgus,  an  Arcadian  from  Trapezus ;  and  an  Azenian  from 
the  city  of  Paeos,  Laphanes,  son  of  Euphorion,  who,  as  the 
story  is  told  in  Arcadia,  received  the  Dioscuri  in  his  house, 
and  after  that  entertained  all  men ;  and  an  Elean,  Onomastus, 
son  of  Agaeus :  these  accordingly  came  from  the  Pelopon- 
nesus itself.  From  Athens  there  came  Megacles,  son  of  Alc- 
maeon,  the  same  who  had  visited  Croesus,  and  another,  Hippo- 
elides,  son  of  Tisander,  who  surpassed  the  Athenians  in  wealth 
and  beauty.  From  Eretria,  which  was  flourishing  at  that 
time,  came  Lysanias ;  he  was  the  only  one  from  Eubcea.  And 
from  Thessaly  there  came,  of  the  Scopades,  Diactorides,  a 
Cranonian ;  and  from  the  Molossi,  Alcon.  So  many  were  the 
suitors.  When  they  had  arrived  on  the  appointed  day,  Clis- 
thenes made  inquiries  of  their  country  and  the  family  of  each ; 
then  detaining  them  for  a  year,  he  made  trial  of  their  manly 
qualities,  their  dispositions,  learning,  and  morals ;  holding 
familiar  intercourse  with  each  separately,  and  with  all  to- 
gether, and  leading  out  to  the  gymnasia  such  of  them  as  were 
younger ;  but  most  of  all  he  made  trial  of  them  at  the  banquet ; 
for  as  long  as  he  detained  them,  he  did  this  throughout,  and 
at  the  same  time  entertained  them  magnificently.  And  some- 
how of  all  the  suitors  those  that  had  come  from  Athens  pleased 


128-131]  THE   ALCMy£ONID,E  361 

him  most,  and  of  these  Hippoclides,  son  of  Tisander,  was  pre- 
ferred both  on  account  of  his  manly  qualities  and  because  he 
was  distantly  related  to  the  Cypselidae  in  Corinth.  When  the 
day  appointed  for  the  consummation  of  the  marriage  arrived, 
and  for  the  declaration  of  Clisthenes  himself,  whom  he  would 
choose  of  them  all,  Clisthenes,  having  sacrificed  a  hundred 
oxen,  entertained  both  the  suitors  themselves  and  all  the  Sicy- 
onians ;  and  when  they  had  concluded  the  feast,  the  suitors 
had  a  contest  about  music,  and  any  subject  proposed  for  con- 
versation. As  the  drinking  went  on,  Hippoclides,  who  much 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  rest,  ordered  the  flute-player  to 
play  a  dance;  and  when  the  flute-player  obeyed,  he  began  to 
dance :  and  he  danced,  probably,  so  as  to  please  himself ;  but 
Clisthenes,  seeing  it,  beheld  the  whole  matter  with  suspicion. 
Afterward  Hippoclides,  having  rested  awhile,  ordered  some 
one  to  bring  in  a  table ;  and  when  the  table  came  in,  he  first 
danced  Laconian  figures  on  it,  and  then  Attic  ones;  and  in 
the  third  place,  having  leaned  his  head  on  the  table,  he  ges- 
ticulated with  his  legs.  But  Clisthenes,  when  he  danced  the 
first  and  second  time,  revolted  from  the  thought  of  having 
Hippoclides  for  a  son-in-law,  on  account  of  his  dancing  and 
want  of  decorum,  yet  restrained  himself,  not  wishing  to  burst 
out  against  him ;  but  when  he  saw'him  gesticulating  with  his 
legs,  he  was  no  longer  able  to  restrain  himself,  and  said,  "  Son 
of  Tisander,  you  have  danced  away  your  marriage/'  But  Hip- 
poclides answered,  "  No  matter  to  Hippoclides."  Hence  this 
answer  became  a  proverb.  Clisthenes,  having  commanded 
silence,  thus  addressed  the  assembled  company :  "  Gentle- 
men, suitors  of  my  daughter,  I  commend  you  all,  and,  if  it 
were  possible,  would  gratify  you  all,  not  selecting  one  of  you 
above  the  others,  nor  rejecting  the  rest.  But  as  it  is  not 
possible,  since  I  have  to  determine  about  a  single  damsel,  to 
indulge  the  wishes  of  all ;  to  such  of  you  as  are  rejected  from 
the  marriage  I  present  a  talent  of  silver  to  each,  on  account 
of  your  condescending  to  take  a  wife  from  my  family,  and 
of  your  absence  from  home ;  but  to  Megacles,  son  of  Alcmaeon, 
I  betroth  my  daughter  Agarista,  according  to  the  laws  of  the 
Athenians."  When  Megacles  said  that  he  accepted  the  be- 
trothal, the  marriage  was  celebrated  by  Clisthenes.  This  hap- 
pened respecting  the  decision  between  the  suitors,  and  thus 
the  Alcmaeonidae  became  celebrated  throughout  Greece.  From 
this  marriage  sprang  Clisthenes,  who  established  the  tribes 
and  a  democracy  among  the  Athenians,  taking  his  name  from 
his  maternal  grandfather  the  Sicyonian ;  he  was  born  to  Mega- 
cles, as  was  also  Hippocrates :  and  from  Hippocrates,  another 


362  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VI,  ERATO  [i3»-i34 

Megacles,  and  another  Agarista,  who  took  her  name  from 
Agarista,  daughter  of  Clisthenes;  she  having  married  Xan- 
thippus,  son  of  Ariphron,  and  being  with  child,  saw  a  vision 
in  her  sleep,  and  fancied  that  she  brought  forth  a  lion;  and 
after  a  few  days  she  bore  Pericles  to  Xanthippus. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Marathon,  Miltiades, 
who  was  before  highly  esteemed  among  the  Athenians,  then 
still  more  increased  his  reputation.  Having  therefore  asked 
of  the  Athenians  seventy  ships,  and  troops  and  money,  with- 
out telling  them  what  country  he  purposed  to  invade,  but 
saying  that  he  would  make  them  rich  if  they  would  follow 
him,  for  that  he  would  take  them  to  such  a  country  from 
whence  they  would  easily  bring  abundance  of  gold;  speak- 
ing thus,  he  asked  for  the  ships ;  and  the  Athenians,  elated  by 
these  hopes,  granted  them.  Miltiades,  accordingly,  having 
taken  with  him  the  troops,  sailed  against  Paros,  alleging  as 
a  pretext  that  the  Parians  had  first  begun  hostilities  by  send- 
ing a  trireme  with  the  Persians  to  Marathon.  This  was  his 
pretended  reason ;  but,  in  fact,  he  had  a  grudge  against  the 
Parians  on  account  of  Lysagoras,  son  of  Tisias,  who  was  a 
Parian  by  birth,  and  had  calumniated  him  to  Hydarnes  the 
Persian.  Miltiades,  having  arrived  with  his  forces  at  the  place 
to  which  he  was  sailing,  besieged  the  Parians,  who  were  driven 
within  their  walls  ;  and  sending  a  herald  to  them,  he  demanded 
a  hundred  talents,  saying  that  if  they  did  not  give  him  that 
sum  he  would  not  draw  off  his  army  until  he  had  destroyed 
them.  The  Parians  never  entertained  the  thought  whether 
they  should  give  Miltiades  any  money,  but  devised  means  by 
which  they  might  defend  the  city;  and  in  addition  to  other 
plans,  they  also,  in  the  several  parts  where  the  wall  was  most 
exposed  to  attack,  there  raised  it,  during  the  night,  to  double 
its  former  height.  Up  to  this  point  of  the  story  all  the  Greeks 
agree;  but  after  this  the  Parians  themselves  say  that  it  hap- 
pened as  follows :  That  when  Miltiades  was  in  a  state  of  per- 
plexity a  captive  woman,  who  was  by  birth  a  Parian,  and  her 
name  was  Timo,  conferred  with  him ;  she  was  an  inferior 
priestess  of  the  infernal  goddesses.  When  she  came  into  the 
presence  of  Miltiades,  she  advised  him,  if  he  deemed  it  of 
great  consequence  to  take  Paros,  to  act  as  she  should  sug- 
gest. She  then  made  some  suggestion ;  and  he,  coming  to 
the  mound  that  is  before  the  city,  leaped  over  the  fence  of 
Ceres  Thesmophora,  as  he  was  unable  to  open  the  door ;  and 
having  leaped  over,  he  went  to  the  temple  for  the  purpose  of 
doing  something  within,  either  to  move  some  of  the  things 
that  may  not  be  moved  or  to  do  something  or  other.     And 


134-137]  DEATH  OF  MILTIADES  363 

he  was  just  at  the  door  when  suddenly  a  thrill  of  horror  came 
over  him,  and  he  went  back  by  the  same  way ;  and  in  leap- 
ing over  the  fence  his  thigh  was  dislocated ;  others  say  that 
he  hurt  his  knee.  Miltiades  accordingly,  being  in  a  bad  plight, 
sailed  back  home,  neither  bringing  money  to  the  Athenians 
nor  having  reduced  Paros,  but  having  besieged  it  for  six-and- 
twenty  days,  and  ravaged  the  island.  The  Parians,  being  in- 
formed that  Timo,  the  priestess  of  the  goddesses,  had  directed 
Miltiades,  and  desiring  to  punish  her  for  so  doing,  sent  depu- 
ties to  the  oracle  at  Delphi  as  soon  as  they  were  relieved  from 
the  siege :  they  sent  to  inquire  whether  they  should  put  to 
death  the  priestess  of  the  goddesses,  for  having  made  known 
to  the  enemy  the  means  of  capturing  her  country,  and  for 
having  discovered  to  Miltiades  sacred  things,  which  ought 
not  to  be  revealed  to  the  male  sex.  But  the  Pythian  did  not 
allow  them,  saying  that  Timo  was  not  to  blame  for  this, 
but  that  it  was  fated  Miltiades  should  come  to  a  miserable 
end,  and  she  had  appeared  to  him  as  a  guide  to  misfortunes. 
The  Pythian  gave  this  answer  to  the  Parians.  When  Miltiades 
returned  from  Paros,  the  Athenians  were  loud  in  their  com- 
plaints against  him,  both  all  others,  and  especially  Xanthip- 
pus,  son  of  Ariphron,  who,  bringing  a  capital  charge  against 
Miltiades  before  the  people,  prosecuted  him  on  a  charge  of 
deceiving  the  Athenians.  Miltiades,  though  present  in  per- 
son, made  no  defence;  for  he  was  unable,  as  his  thigh  had 
begun  to  mortify.  But  while  he  lay  on  a  couch,  his  friends 
made  a  defence  for  him,  dwelling  much  on  the  battle  that  had 
been  fought  at  Marathon,  and  on  the  capture  of  Lemnos; 
since,  having  taken  Lemnos,  and  inflicted  vengeance  on  the 
Pelasgians,  he  had  given  it  up  to  the  Athenians.  The  people 
so  far  favouring  him  as  to  acquit  him  of  the  capital  offence, 
and  having  fined  him  fifty  talents  for  the  injury  he  had  done, 
Miltiades  soon  afterward  ended  his  life  by  the  putrefaction 
and  mortification  of  his  thigh.  His  son  Cimon  paid  the  fifty 
talents. 

Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon,  had  possessed  himself  of  Lemnos 
in  the  following  manner :  The  Pelasgians,  when  they  had  been 
driven  out  of  Attica  by  the  Athenians,  whether  justly  or  un- 
justly (for  this  I  am  unable  to  determine,  except  so  far  as  is 
related).  Hecataeus,  however,  son  of  Hegesander,  says  in  his 
history  that  it  was  "  unjustly,  for  that,  when  the  Athenians 
saw  the  lands  under  Hymettus,  which  they  had  given  to  the 
Pelasgians  in  payment  for  the  wall  they  had  formerly  built 
about  the  Acropolis ;  when  the  Athenians  saw  this  well  culti- 
vated, which  was  before  barren  and  of  no  value,  jealousy  and 


364  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VI,   ERATO  [137-139 

a  desire  of  the  land  took  possession  of  them,  and  so  the  Athe- 
nians drove  them  out,  without  alleging  any  other  pretence 
whatever."  But,  as  the  Athenians  say,  they  justly  expelled 
them;  for  that  the  Pelasgians,  while  settled  under  Mount 
Hymettus,  made  incursions  from  thence,  and  committed  the 
following  injuries:  For  that  their  daughters  and  sons  used 
constantly  to  go  for  water  to  the  Nine  Springs,  because  at 
that  time  neither  they  nor  the  other  Greeks  had  domestic 
servants :  and  whenever  the  young  women  went  there,  the 
Pelasgians  used,  out  of  insolence  and  contempt,  to  offer  vio- 
lence to  them ;  nor  were  they  satisfied  with  doing  this,  but  at 
last  they  were  discovered  in  the  very  act  of  plotting  to  attack 
the  city.  They  add  that  they  themselves  showed  themselves 
so  much  better  men  than  them  in  that,  when  it  was  in  their 
power  to  put  the  Pelasgians  to  death,  since  they  had  found 
them  plotting  against  them,  they  would  not  do  so,  but  warned 
them  to  depart  the  country ;  and  that  they,  accordingly,  with- 
drawing, possessed  themselves  of  other  places,  and  among 
them  of  Lemnos.  Hecataeus  has  given  the  former  account, 
and  the  Athenians  give  the  latter.  But  these  Pelasgians,  who 
then  inhabited  Lemnos,  and  desired  to  be  revenged  on  the 
Athenians,  being  well  acquainted  with  the  festivals  of  the 
Athenians,  stationed  fifty-oared  galleys  and  laid  an  ambus- 
cade for  the  Athenian  women,  as  they  celebrated  the  festival 
of  Diana  in  Brauron,  and  having  carried  many  of  them  away 
from  thence,  they  sailed  off,  and  taking  them  to  Lemnos,  kept 
them  as  concubines.  But  when  these  women  were  fully  sup- 
plied with  children,  they  instructed  their  sons  in  the  Attic 
language  and  the  manners  of  the  Athenians ;  they,  therefore, 
would  not  hold  any  intercourse  with  the  sons  of  the  Pelasgian 
women,  but  if  any  one  of  their  number  was  beaten  by  one  of 
them  they  all  immediately  assisted,  and  revenged  one  another ; 
moreover,  these  boys  thought  they  had  a  right  to  govern  the 
other  boys,  and  proved  far  superior  to  them.  But  the  Pelas- 
gians, observing  this,  consulted  together,  and,  on  considera- 
tion, considerable  alarm  came  over  them  as  to  what  these  boys 
would  do  when  they  were  grown  up,  if  they  already  deter- 
mined to  assist  each  other  against  the  sons  of  their  lawful 
wives,  and  even  now  endeavoured  to  rule  over  them.  There- 
upon they  resolved  to  murder  the  children  they  had  by  the 
Attic  women ;  and,  accordingly,  they  did  so,  and,  moreover, 
put  their  mothers  to  death.  From  this  crime,  and  that  which 
the  women  perpetrated  before  this,  who  with  the  assistance 
of  Thoas,  killed  their  own  husbands,  all  enormous  actions  are 
wont  to  be  called  Lemnian  throughout  Greece.    But  when  the 


139-14°]  SUBJUGATION   OF  LEMNOS  365 

Pelasgians  had  murdered  their  own  children  and  women,  nei- 
ther did  their  land  yield  fruit,  nor  were  their  wives  and  flocks 
equally  prolific  as  before ;  being,  therefore,  afflicted  by  famine 
and  childlessness,  they  sent  to  Delphi  to  seek  for  some  deliv- 
erance from  their  present  distresses.  But  the  Pythian  bade 
them  give  such  satisfaction  to  the  Athenians  as  the  Athenians 
themselves  should  impose.  The  Pelasgians,  therefore,  went 
to  Athens,  and  professed  themselves  ready  to  give  satisfaction 
for  the  whole  injury.  But  the  Athenians,  having  spread  a 
couch  in  the  Prytaneum  in  the  handsomest  way  they  were 
able,  and  having  placed  by  it  a  table  full  of  all  sorts  of  good 
things,  commanded  the  Pelasgians  to  surrender  their  coun- 
try to  them  in  such  a  condition.  But  the  Pelasgians  said,  in 
answer,  "  When  a  ship  shall  perform  the  voyage  in  one  day 
by  the  north  wind  from  your  country  to  ours,  we  will  then 
deliver  it  up."  This  they  said,  supposing  that  it  was  impos- 
sible the  thing  should  happen,  because  Attica  lies  far  to  the 
south  of  Lemnos.  This  took  place  at  that  time.  But  very 
many  years  after  this,  when  the  Chersonese  in  the  Hellespont 
became  subject  to  the  Athenians,  Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon, 
at  a  time  when  the  Etesian  winds  prevailed,  having  performed 
the  voyage  in  a  ship  from  Elaeus,  on  the  Hellespont,  to  Lem- 
nos, required  the  Pelasgians  to  quit  the  island,  reminding 
them  of  the  oracle,  which  the  Pelasgians  expected  could  never 
be  accomplished.  The  Hephsestians  accordingly  obeyed ;  but 
the  Myrinaeans,  not  acknowledging  the  Chersonese  to  be  At- 
tica, were  besieged  until  they  also  surrendered.  Thus  the 
Athenians  and  Miltiades  got  possession  of  Lemnos. 


BOOK  VII 

POLYMNIA 

WHEN  the  news  of  the  battle  fought  at  Marathon 
reached  Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  who  was  before 
much  exasperated  with  the  Athenians  on  account 
of  the  attack  upon  Sardis,  he  then  became  much 
more  incensed,  and  was  still  more  eager  to  prosecute  the  war 
against  Greece.  Having  therefore  immediately  sent  messen- 
gers to  the  several  cities,  he  enjoined  them  to  prepare  an  army, 
imposing  on  each  a  much  greater  number  than  they  had  fur- 
nished before,  and  ships,  horses,  corn,  and  transports.  When 
these  orders  were  proclaimed  round  about,  Asia  was  thrown 
into  agitation  during  the  space  of  three  years,  the  bravest  men 
being  enrolled  and  prepared  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
Greece.  But  in  the  fourth  year  the  Egyptians,  who  had  been 
subdued  by  Cambyses,  revolted  from  the  Persians ;  where- 
upon Darius  only  became  more  eager  to  march  against  both. 
When  Darius  was  preparing  for  his  expeditions  against  Egypt 
and  Athens,  a  violent  dissension  arose  between  his  sons  con- 
cerning the  sovereignty ;  for  by  the  customs  of  the  Persians 
he  was  obliged  to  nominate  his  successor  before  he  marched 
out  on  any  expedition.  Now  Darius,  even  before  he  became 
king,  had  three  sons  born  to  him  by  his  former  wife,  the 
daughter  of  Gobryas;  and  after  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
four  others  by  Atossa,  daughter  of  Cyrus.  Of  the  former, 
Artabazanes  was  the  eldest ;  of  those  born  afterward,  Xerxes : 
and  these  two  not  being  of  the  same  mother,  were  at  variance. 
Artabazanes  urged  that  he  was  the  eldest  of  all  the  sons,  and 
that  it  was  the  established  usage  among  all  men  that  the  eldest 
son  should  succeed  to  the  sovereignty :  on  the  other  hand, 
Xerxes  alleged  that  he  was  son  of  Atossa,  daughter  of  Cyrus, 
and  that  it  was  Cyrus  who  had  acquired  freedom  for  the  Per- 
sians. When  Darius  had  not  yet  declared  his  opinion,  at  this 
very  conjuncture  Demaratus,  son  of  Ariston,  happened  to 
come  up  to  Susa,  having  been  deprived  of  the  kingly  office  at 
Sparta,  and  having  imposed  on  himself  a  voluntary  exile  from 

366 


3-6]  DEATH   OF   DARIUS  367 

Lacedaemon.  This  man,  having  heard  of  the  difference  be- 
tween the  sons  of  Darius,  went  to  Xerxes,  as  report  says,  and 
advised  him  to  say,  in  addition  to  what  he  had  already  said, 
that  he  was  born  to  Darius  after  he  had  become  king,  and 
was  possessed  of  the  empire  of  the  Persians ;  whereas  Arta- 
bazanes  was  born  to  Darius  while  he  was  yet  a  private  per- 
son; wherefore  it  was  not  reasonable  or  just  that  any  other 
should  possess  that  dignity  in  preference  to  himself,  since  in 
Sparta  also,  Demaratus  continued  to  suggest,  this  custom  pre- 
vailed, that  if  some  children  were  born  before  their  father 
became  king,  and  one  was  born  subsequently  when  he  had 
now  come  to  the  throne,  this  last-born  son  should  succeed  to 
the  kingdom.  Xerxes  having  availed  himself  of  the  sug- 
gestion of  Demaratus,  Darius,  acknowledging  that  he  said 
what  was  just,  declared  him  king.  But  it  appears  to  me  that 
even  without  this  suggestion  Xerxes  would  have  been  made 
king;  for  Atossa  had  unbounded  influence.  Darius,  having 
appointed  Xerxes  to  be  king  over  the  Persians,  prepared  to 
march.  However,  after  these  things,  and  in  the  year  after 
the  revolt  of  Egypt,  it  happened  that  Darius  himself,  while 
he  was  making  preparations,  died,  having  reigned  thirty-six 
years  in  all ;  nor  was  he  able  to  avenge  himself  either  on  the 
Egyptians,  who  had  revolted,  or  on  the  Athenians.  When 
Darius  was  dead,  the  kingdom  devolved  on  his  son  Xerxes. 

Xerxes,  however,  was  at  first  by  no  means  inclined  to  make 
war  against  Greece,  but  he  levied  forces  for  the  reduction  of 
Egypt.  But  Mardonius,  son  of  Gobryas,  who  was  cousin  to 
Xerxes,  and  son  of  Darius's  sister,  being  present,  and  having 
the  greatest  influence  with  him  of  all  the  Persians,  constantly 
held  the  following  language,  saying :  "  Sir,  it  is  not  right  that 
the  Athenians,  having  already  done  much  mischief  to  the  Per- 
sians, should  go  unpunished  for  what  they  have  done.  How- 
ever, for  the  present,  finish  the  enterprise  you  have  in  hand ; 
and  when  you  have  quelled  the  insolence  of  Egypt,  lead  your 
army  against  Athens ;  that  you  may  acquire  a  good  reputa- 
tion among  men,  and  any  one  for  the  future  may  be  cautious 
of  marching  against  your  territory."  This  language  was  used 
by  him  for  the  purposes  of  revenge,  but  he  frequently  made 
the  following  addition  to  it,  that  Europe  was  a  very  beauti- 
ful country,  and  produced  all  kinds  of  cultivated  trees,  and 
was  very  fertile,  and  worthy  to  be  possessed  by  the  king  alone 
of  all  mortals.  He  spake  thus,  because  he  was  desirous  of 
new  enterprises,  and  wished  to  be  himself  governor  of  Greece : 
in  time  he  effected  his  purpose,  and  persuaded  Xerxes  to  do 
as  he  advised ;  for  other  things  happening  favourably  assisted 


368  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [6-8 

him  in  persuading  Xerxes.  In  the  first  place,  messengers 
coming  from  Thessaly  on  the  part  of  the  Aleuadae,  invited 
the  king,  with  earnest  importunity,  to  invade  Greece:  these 
Aleuadae  were  Kings  of  Thessaly.  And  in  the  next  place, 
those  of  the  Pisistratidae,  who  had  gone  up  to  Susa,  holding 
the  same  language  as  the  Aleuadae,  still  more  eagerly  pressed 
him,  having  with  them  Onomacritus,  an  Athenian,  a  sooth- 
sayer and  dispenser  of  the  oracles  of  Musaeus.  For  they  went 
up  to  Susa,  having  first  reconciled  their  former  enmity  with 
him.  For  Onomacritus  had  been  banished  from  Athens  by 
Hipparchus,  son  of  Pisistratus,  having  been  detected  by  Lasus 
the  Hermionian  in  the  very  act  of  interpolating  among  the 
oracles  of  Musaeus,  one  importing  that  the  islands  lying  off 
Lemnos  would  disappear  beneath  the  sea:  wherefore  Hip- 
parchus banished  him,  although  he  had  before  been  very 
familiar  with  him.  But  at  that  time  having  gone  up  with 
them,  whenever  he  came  into  the  presence  of  the  king,  as  the 
Pisistratidae  spoke  of  him  in  very  high  terms,  he  recited  some 
of  the  oracles ;  if,  however,  there  were  among  them  any  that 
portended  misfortune  to  the  barbarians,  of  these  he  made  no 
mention ;  but  selecting  such  as  were  most  favourable,  he  said 
it  was  fated  that  the  Hellespont  should  be  bridged  over  by  a 
Persian,  describing  the  march.  Thus  he  continually  assailed  * 
the  king,  rehearsing  oracles,  as  did  the  Pisistratidae  and  Aleu- 
adae, by  declaring  their  opinions.  When  Xerxes  was  per- 
suaded to  make  war  against  Greece,  he  then,  in  the  second 
year  after  the  death  of  Darius,  first  made  an  expedition  against 
those  who  had  revolted ;  and,  having  subdued  them  and  re- 
duced all  Egypt  to  a  worse  state  of  servitude  than  it  had  been 
under  Darius,  he  committed  the  government  to  Achaemenes, 
his  own  brother,  and  son  of  Darius.  Some  time  after,  Inarus, 
son  of  Psammitichus,  a  Libyan,  slew  Achaemenes,  to  whom 
the  government  of  Egypt  was  committed. 

Xerxes,  after  the  reduction  of  Egypt,  when  he  was  about 
to  take  in  hand  the  expedition  against  Athens,  convoked  an 
assembly  of  the  principal  Persians,  that  he  might  both  hear 
their  opinions  and  himself  make  known  his  intentions  before 
them  all.  When  they  were  assembled  Xerxes  addressed  them 
as  follows :  "  Men  of  Persia,  I  shall  not  be  the  first  to  intro- 
duce this  custom  among  you,  but  shall  adopt  it,  having  re- 
ceived it  from  my  forefathers.  For,  as  I  learn  from  older 
men,  we  have  never  remained  inactive  since  we  wrested  the 
sovereign  power  from  the  Medes,  and  Cyrus  overthrew  Asty- 
ages :  but  the  deity  thus  leads  the  way,  and  to  us  who  follow 
1  Or  "conducted  himself." 


8]  XERXES   ADDRESSES   THE   PERSIANS  369 

his  guidance  many  things  result  to  our  advantage.  What 
deeds  Cyrus,  and  Cambyses,  and  my  father  Darius  have 
achieved,  and  what  nations  they  have  added  to  our  empire, 
no  one  need  mention  to  you  who  know  them  well.  But  I, 
since  I  have  succeeded  to  the  throne,  have  carefully  consid- 
ered in  what  way  I  may  not  fall  short  of  my  predecessors 
in  this  honour,  nor  acquire  less  additional  power  for  the 
Persians.  And  on  mature  consideration,  I  find  that  we  may 
at  once  acquire  an  increase  of  glory,  and  a  country  not  inferior 
nor  poorer,  but  even  more  productive  than  that  we  now  pos- 
sess ;  and  at  the  same  time  that  satisfaction  and  vengeance 
will  accrue  to  us.  Wherefore  I  have  now  called  you  together, 
that  I  may  communicate  to  you  what  I  purpose  to  do.  I  in- 
tend to  throw  a  bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  and  to  march 
an  army  through  Europe  against  Greece,  that  I  may  punish 
the  Athenians  for  the  injuries  they  have  done  to  the  Persians 
and  to  my  father.  You  have  already  seen  Darius  preparing 
to  make  war  against  those  people ;  but  he  died,  and  had  it 
not  in  his  power  to  avenge  himself.  But  I,  in  his  cause  and 
that  of  the  other  Persians,  will  not  rest  till  I  have  taken  and 
burned  Athens ;  for  they  first  began  by  doing  acts  of  injus- 
tice against  my  father  and  me.  First  of  all  having  come  to 
Sardis,  with  Aristagoras  the  Milesian,  our  servant,  on  their 
arrival  they  burned  down  both  the  groves  and  the  temples. 
And,  secondly,  how  they  treated  us  on  our  making  a  descent 
on  their  territory,  when  Datis  and  Artaphernes  led  our  forces, 
you  all  know  well  enough.  For  these  reasons,  therefore,  I 
have  resolved  to  make  war  upon  them.  And  on  reflection,  I 
find  the  following  advantages  in  this  course :  If  we  shall  sub- 
due them,  and  their  neighbours,  who  inhabit  the  country  of 
Pelops  the  Phrygian,  we  shall  make  the  Persian  territory  co- 
extensive with  the  air  of  heaven ;  nor  will  the  sun  look  down 
upon  any  land  that  borders  on  ours ;  but  I,  with  your  assist- 
ance, will  make  them  all  one  territory,  marching  through  the 
whole  of  Europe.  For  I  am  informed  that  such  is  the  case; 
and  that  no  city  or  nation  of  the  world  will  remain,  which 
will  be  able  to  come  to  a  battle  with  us,  when  those  whom  I 
have  mentioned  have  been  brought  into  subjection.  Thus, 
both  those  who  are  guilty  and  those  who  are  not  guilty  must 
equally  submit  to  the  yoke  of  servitude.  But  you,  by  doing 
what  I  require,  will  gratify  me  exceedingly ;  when  I  shall  have 
informed  you  of  the  time,  it  will  be  the  duty  of  each  of  you 
to  come  promptly.  And  whosoever  shall  appear  with  the  best- 
appointed  troops,  to  him  I  will  give  such  presents  as  are  ac- 
counted most  honourable  in  our  country.  But  that  I  may 
24 


370  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [8-9 

not  appear  to  follow  my  own  counsel  only,  I  lay  the  matter 
before  you,  bidding  any  one  of  you  who  wishes  to  declare  his 
opinion."    Having  said  this,  he  ceased. 

After  him  Mardonius  spoke :  "  Sir,  not  only  are  you  the 
most  excellent  of  all  the  Persians  that  have  yet  been,  but  even 
of  all  that  ever  shall  be;  you  also,  in  other  respects,  have  in 
speaking  touched  upon  the  most  important  topics  and  the 
most  exact  truth,  and  especially  will  not  suffer  the  Ionians, 
who  dwell  in  Europe,  to  mock  us,  worthless  as  they  are.  For 
it  would  indeed  be  a  great  indignity  if,  having  subdued  the 
Sacse,  Indians,  Ethiopians,  and  Assyrians,  and  other  nations, 
many  and  powerful,  which  never  did  the  Persians  any  wrong, 
but,  in  order  only  to  enlarge  our  dominions,  we  hold  them  in 
servitude;  and  yet  shall  not  avenge  ourselves  on  the  Greeks, 
who  were  the  first  to  commit  injustice.  Having  what  to  fear  ? 
what  confluence  of  numbers?  what  power  of  wealth?  We 
are  acquainted  with  their  manner  of  fighting;  and  we  are 
acquainted  with  their  power,  that  it  is  weak.  We  hold 
their  children  in  subjection,  those  who  dwell  within  our  ter- 
ritories, and  are  called  Ionians,  ^Eolians,  and  Dorians.  I 
myself  have  made  trial  of  these  men  already,  marching  against 
them  at  the  command  of  your  father;  and  when  I  advanced 
as  far  as  Macedonia,  and  was  within  a  short  distance  of  reach- 
ing Athens  itself,  no  one  opposed  me  in  battle.  And  yet  the 
Greeks  are  accustomed,  as  I  am  informed,  to  undertake  wars 
without  deliberation,  from  obstinacy  and  folly.  For  when 
they  have  declared  war  against  one  another,  having  found 
out  the  fairest  and  most  level  spot,  they  go  down  to  it  and 
fight;  so  that  the  conquerors  depart  with  great  loss,  and  of 
the  conquered  I  say  nothing  at  all,  for  they  are  utterly  de- 
stroyed. Whereas,  being  of  the  same  language,  they  ought, 
by  the  intervention  of  heralds  and  ambassadors,  to  adjust 
their  differences,  and  in  any  way  rather  than  by  fighting.  But 
if  they  must  needs  go  to  war  with  each  other,  they  ought  to 
find  out  where  they  are  each  least  likely  to  be  conquered,  and 
there  try  the  issue  of  a  battle.  The  Greeks,  accordingly, 
adopting  a  disadvantageous  method,  when  I  marched  as  far 
as  Macedonia,  never  ventured  so  far  as  to  come  to  a  battle. 
Will  any  one,  then,  O  king,  have  recourse  to  war,  and  oppose 
you,  when  you  lead  the  multitudes  of  Asia,  and  all  her  ships? 
In  my  opinion,  indeed,  the  Grecians  will  never  proceed  to 
such  a  degree  of  audacity.  But  if  I  should  happen  to  be  de- 
ceived in  my  opinion,  and  they,  elated  by  folly,  should  come 
to  battle  with  us,  they  will  learn  that  of  all  men  we  are  the 
most  skilled  in  war.    Let  nothing  then  be  untried;  for  noth- 


9-io]  ADVICE   OF   ARTABANUS  37 1 

ing  is  accomplished  of  its  own  self,  but  all  things  are  achieved 
by  men  through  endeavours."  Mardonius,  having  thus 
smoothed  over  the  opinion  of  Xerxes,  ceased  to  speak. 

The  rest  of  the  Persians  remaining  silent,  not  daring  to  de- 
clare an  opinion  contrary  to  the  one  proposed,  Artabanus,  son 
of  Hystaspes,  being  uncle  to  Xerxes,  and  relying  on  this, 
spoke  as  follows :  "  O  king,  unless  opinions  opposite  to  each 
other  are  spoken,  it  is  impossible  to  choose  the  better,  but  it 
becomes  necessary  to  adopt  that  which  has  been  advanced ; 
whereas,  when  various  opinions  have  been  given,  it  is  pos- 
sible: just  as  with  unalloyed  gold,  we  can  not  distinguish  it 
by  itself,  but  when  we  have  rubbed  it  by  the  side  of  other  gold, 
we  do  distinguish  the  better.  I  warned  your  father  and  my 
brother  not  to  make  war  upon  the  Scythians,  a  people  who 
have  no  city  in  any  part  of  their  territory;  but  he,  hoping  to 
subdue  the  Scythian  nomads,  heeded  not  my  advice,  and  hav- 
ing led  an  army  against  them,  returned  with  the  loss  of  many 
brave  men  of  his  army.  But  you,  O  king,  are  about  to  make 
war  on  men  far  superior  to  the  Scythians ;  who  are  said  to  be 
most  valiant  both  by  sea  and  land ;  it  is,  therefore,  right  that 
I  should  inform  you  of  the  danger  we  have  to  fear.  You  say 
that,  having  thrown  a  bridge  over  the  Hellespont,  you  will 
march  an  army  through  Europe  into  Greece;  now,  it  may 
happen  that  we  shall  be  worsted  either  by  land  or  by  sea,  or 
even  by  both ;  for  the  people  are  said  to  be  valiant,  and  this 
we  may  infer,  since  the  Athenians  alone  destroyed  so  great 
an  army  that  invaded  the  Attic  territory,  under  Datis  and  Arta- 
phernes.  They  were  not,  however,  successful  in  both;  but 
if  they  should  attack  us  with  their  fleet,  and  having  obtained 
a  naval  victory,  should  sail  to  the  Hellespont,  and  destroy 
the  bridge,  this  surely,  O  king,  were  a  great  danger.  Nor 
do  I  found  this  conjecture  on  any  wisdom  of  my  own,  but 
from  the  calamity  that  once  all  but  befell  us  when  your  father, 
having  joined  the  shores  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorus,  and 
thrown  a  bridge  over  the  Ister,  crossed  over  to  attack  the 
Scythians ;  then  the  Scythians  used  every  means  to  induce 
the  Ionians,  to  whom  the  guard  of  the  passage  over  the  Ister 
had  been  intrusted,  to  break  up  the  bridge :  and  if,  at  that 
time,  Histiaeus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  had  assented  to  the  opin- 
ion of  the  other  tyrants,  and  had  not  opposed  it,  the  power 
of  the  Persians  would  have  been  utterly  ruined.  It  is  dread- 
ful even  to  hear  it  said  that  the  whole  power  of  the  king  de- 
pended on  a  single  man.  Do  not,  therefore,  willingly  expose 
yourself  to  any  such  danger,  when  there  is  no  necessity ;  but 
be  persuaded  by  me;  dismiss  this  assembly;  and  hereafter, 


372  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [10 

whenever  it  shall  seem  fit  to  you,  having  considered  with 
yourself,  proclaim  what  appears  to  you  to  be  most  advan- 
tageous. For  to  deliberate  well,  I  find  is  the  greatest  gain. 
For  if  the  result  prove  unfortunate,  the  matter  has,  neverthe- 
less, been  well  deliberated  on,  but  our  deliberation  is  de- 
feated by  fortune;  but  he  who  has  deliberated  badly,  if  for- 
tune attend  him,  has  met  with  a  success  he  had  no  right  to 
expect,  but  has,  nevertheless,  formed  bad  plans.  Do  you  see 
how  the  deity  strikes  with  his  thunder  the  tallest  animals,  and 
suffers  them  not  to  be  ostentatious,  but  the  smaller  ones  do 
not  at  all  offend  him  ?  Do  you  see  how  he  ever  hurls  his  bolts 
against  the  loftiest  buildings,  and  trees  of  the  like  kind  ?  For 
the  deity  is  wont  to  cut  off  everything  that  is  too  highly  ex- 
alted. Thus,  even  a  large  army  is  often  defeated  by  a  small 
one,  in  such  manner  as  this :  when  the  deity,  through  jealousy, 
strikes  them  with  terror  or  lightning,  whereby  they  perish  in 
a  manner  unworthy  of  themselves ;  for  the  deity  will  not  suf- 
fer any  one  but  himself  to  have  high  thoughts.  Again,  to 
hasten  any  matter  produces  failures,  from  whence  great  losses 
are  wont  to  follow ;  but  in  delay  there  are  advantages,  which, 
though  not  immediately  apparent,  yet  one  may  discover  after 
a  time.  This,  then,  O  king,  is  the  advice  I  give  you.  But 
do  you,  Mardonius,  son  of  Gobryas,  cease  to  speak  vain  words 
of  the  Grecians,  who  do  not  deserve  to  be  lightly  spoken  of. 
For  by  calumniating  the  Greeks  you  urge  the  king  himself  to 
lead  an  army  against  them ;  and  to  this  end  you  appear  to  me 
to  exert  all  your  efforts.  But  may  it  not  so  be.  For  calumny 
is  the  worst  of  evils :  in  it  there  are  two  who  commit  injus- 
tice, and  one  who  is  injured :  for  he  who  calumniates  another, 
acts  unjustly  by  accusing  one  that  is  not  present ;  and  he  acts 
unjustly,  who  is  persuaded  before  he  has  learned  the  exact 
truth ;  and  he  that  is  absent  when  the  charge  is  made  is  thus 
doubly  injured,  being  calumniated  by  the  one,  and  by  the 
other  deemed  to  be  base.  But  if,  at  all  events,  it  must  needs 
be,  that  war  must  be  made  on  these  people,  come,  let  the  king 
himself  remain  in  the  abodes  of  the  Persians ;  let  both  of  us 
risk  our  children,  and  do  you  lead  the  expedition,  having  se- 
lected what  men  you  choose,  and  taken  with  you  as  large  a 
force  as  you  think  fit;  and  if  matters  succeed  to  the  king 
in  the  manner  you  say,  let  my  children  be  put  to  death,  and 
me  also  with  them.  But  if  the  event  prove  such  as  I  foretell, 
then  let  your  children  suffer  the  same,  and  you  also  with  them, 
if  ever  you  return.  If,  however,  you  are  unwilling  to  submit 
to  these  terms,  and  will  at  all  events  lead  an  army  against 
Greece,  I  affirm  that  some  of  those  who  are  left  in  this  country 


IO-I2]  XERXES'   DREAM  373 

will  hear  that  Mardonius,  having  brought  some  great  dis- 
aster upon  the  Persians,  and  being  torn  in  pieces  by  dogs 
and  birds,  either  in  the  territory  of  the  Athenians  or  in  that 
of  the  Lacedaemonians,  if  not  sooner  on  his  march,  has  dis- 
covered against  what  sort  of  men  you  now  persuade  the  king 
to  make  war." 

Artabanus  thus  spoke,  but  Xerxes,  inflamed  with  anger, 
answered  as  follows :  "  Artabanus,  you  are  my  father's  broth- 
er; this  will  protect  you  from  receiving  the  just  recompense 
of  your  foolish  words.  However,  I  inflict  this  disgrace  upon 
you,  base  and  cowardly  as  you  are,  not  to  accompany  me  in 
my  expedition  against  Greece,  but  to  remain  here  with  the 
women;  and  I,  without  your  assistance,  will  accomplish  all 
that  I  have  said.  For  I  should  not  be  sprung  from  Darius, 
son  of  Hystaspes,  son  of  Arsames,  son  of  Ariaramnes,  son  of 
Teispes,  son  of  Cyrus,  son  of  Cambyses,  son  of  Achaemenes, 
if  I  did  not  avenge  myself  on  the  Athenians,  knowing  full 
well  that  if  we  continue  quiet,  yet  they  will  not,  but  will  even 
invade  our  territories,  if  we  may  conjecture  from  what  has 
been  already  done  by  them,  who  have  both  burned  Sardis  and 
advanced  into  Asia.  Wherefore  it  is  not  possible  for  either 
party  to  retreat,  but  the  alternative  lies  before  us  to  do  or  to 
suffer:  so  that  all  these  dominions  must  fall  under  the  power 
of  the  Grecians,  or  all  theirs  under  that  of  the  Persians ;  for 
there  is  no  medium  in  this  enmity.  It  is  therefore  honour- 
able for  us,  who  have  first  suffered,  to  take  revenge,  that  I 
may  also  be  informed  of  the  danger  to  which  I  shall  expose 
myself,  by  marching  against  those  men,  whom  Pelops  the 
Phrygian,  who  was  a  slave  of  my  ancestors,  so  completely 
subdued,  that  even  to  this  day  the  people  themselves  and  their 
country  are  called  after  the  name  of  the  conqueror." 

These  things  were  said  so  far :  but  afterward  night  came 
on,  and  the  opinion  of  Artabanus  occasioned  uneasiness  to 
Xerxes,  and,  deliberating  with  himself  during  the  night,  he 
clearly  discovered  that  it  would  not  be  to  his  interest  to  make 
war  on  Greece:  having  thus  altered  his  resolution,  he  fell 
asleep ;  and  some  time  in  the  night  he  saw  the  following 
vision,  as  is  related  by  the  Persians:  Xerxes  imagined  that 
a  tall  and  handsome  man  stood  by  him  and  said :  "  Do  you 
then  change  your  mind,  O  Persian,  and  resolve  not  to  lead 
an  army  against  Greece,  after  having  ordered  the  Persians 
to  assemble  their  forces?  You  do  not  well  to  change  your 
resolution,  nor  is  there  any  man  who  will  agree  with  you. 
Therefore  pursue  that  course  which  you  resolved  upon  in  the 
day."    Xerxes  thought  that  the  man,  having  pronounced  these 


374  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [12-16 

words,  flew  away.  When  day  dawned,  he  paid  no  attention 
to  this  dream,  but  having  assembled  those  Persians  whom  he 
had  before  convened,  he  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  Pardon 
me,  O  Persians,  that  I  suddenly  change  my  plans ;  for  I  have 
not  yet  attained  to  the  highest  perfection  of  judgment,  and 
they  who  persuade  me  to  this  enterprise  are  never  absent 
from  me.  When,  therefore,  I  heard  the  opinion  of  Artabanus, 
my  youth  immediately  boiled  with  rage  against  him,  so  that 
I  threw  out  words  more  unbecoming  than  I  ought  to  a  per- 
son of  his  years.  But  now,  conscious  of  my  error,  I  will  follow 
his  advice :  since,  therefore,  I  have  changed  my  resolution, 
and  determined  not  to  make  war  against  Greece,  do  you  re- 
main quiet."  The  Persians,  when  they  heard  this,  being  trans- 
ported with  joy,  did  him  homage.  When  night  came,  the 
same  dream,  again  standing  by  Xerxes  as  he  slept,  said :  "  Son 
of  Darius,  you  have  then  openly  renounced,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Persians,  the  intended  expedition ;  and  make  no 
account  of  my  words,  as  if  you  had  not  heard  them  from  any 
one.  Be  well  assured,  however,  of  this,  that  unless  you  im- 
mediately undertake  this  expedition,  this  will  be  the  conse- 
quence to  you :  as  you  have  become  great  and  powerful  in 
a  short  time,  so  you  shall  become  low  again  in  an  equally 
short  space."  Xerxes,  being  alarmed  by  this  vision,  rushed 
from  his  bed,  and  sent  a  messenger  to  call  Artabanus ;  and 
when  he  came,  Xerxes  spoke  to  him  as  follows :  "  Artabanus, 
I  on  the  moment  was  not  in  my  senses  when  I  used  hasty 
words  to  you  in  return  for  your  good  advice;  however,  after 
no  long  time  I  repented,  and  acknowledged  that  those  meas- 
ures which  you  suggested  ought  to  be  adopted  by  me.  I  am 
not,  however,  able  to  perform  them,  though  desirous  of  doing 
so;  for  after  I  had  altered  my  resolution,  and  acknowledged 
my  error,  a  dream  frequently  presents  itself  to  me,  by  no 
means  approving  of  my  so  doing;  and  it  has  just  now  van- 
ished, after  threatening  me.  If,  then,  it  is  a  deity  who  sends 
this  dream,  and  it  is  his  pleasure  that  an  expedition  against 
Greece  should  at  all  events  take  place,  this  same  dream  will 
also  flit  before  you,  and  give  the  same  injunction  as  to  me. 
This  I  think  will  happen  if  you  should  take  all  my  apparel, 
and  having  put  it  on,  should  afterward  sit  on  my  throne,  and 
then  go  to  sleep  in  my  bed."  Xerxes  thus  addressed  him ; 
but  Artabanus,  not  obeying  the  first  order,  as  he  did  not 
think  himself  worthy  to  sit  on  the  royal  throne,  when  he  was 
at  last  compelled,  did  as  he  was  desired,  after  he  had  spoken 
as  follows :  "  I  deem  it  an  equal  merit,  O  king,  to  form  good 
plans,  and  to  be  willing  to  yield  to  one  who  gives  good  ad- 


I6-I7]  ARTABANUS   SEES   THE   VISION  375 

vice;  and  though  both  of  these  qualities  attach  to  you,  the 
converse  of  wicked  men  leads  you  astray;  just  as  blasts  of 
wind  falling  on  the  sea,  which  of  all  things  is  the  most  useful 
to  mankind,  do  not  suffer  it  to  follow  its  proper  nature.  As 
for  me,  grief  did  not  so  much  vex  me  at  hearing  your  re- 
proaches as  that  when  two  opinions  were  proposed  by  the 
Persians,  one  tending  to  increase  their  arrogance,  the  other 
to  check  it,  and  to  show  how  hurtful  it  is  to  teach  the  mind 
to  be  constantly  seeking  for  more  than  we  already  possess ; 
that,  when  these  two  opinions  were  proposed,  you  should 
choose  that  which  is  more  dangerous  both  to  yourself  and 
the  Persians.  Now,  however,  after  you  have  changed  to 
the  better  resolution,  you  say  that  since  you  have  given  up 
the  expedition  against  the  Greeks  a  dream  has  come  to  you, 
sent  by  some  god,  which  forbids  you  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise. But  these  things,  my  son,  are  not  divine,  for  dreams 
which  wander  among  men  are  such  as  I  will  explain  to  you, 
being  many  years  older  than  you  are.  Those  visions  of  dreams 
most  commonly  hover  around  men,  respecting  things  which 
one  has  thought  of  during  the  day ;  and  we,  during  the  pre- 
ceding days,  have  been  very  much  busied  about  this  expedi- 
tion. If,  however,  this  is  not  such  as  I  judge,  but  has  some- 
thing divine  in  it,  you  have  correctly  summed  up  the  whole 
in  few  words ;  then  let  it  appear  and  give  the  same  injunc- 
tion to  me  as  to  you:  and  it  ought  not  to  appear  to  me  any 
the  more  for  my  having  your  apparel  than  my  own;  nor  the 
more  because  I  go  to  sleep  on  your  bed  than  on  my  own ; 
if,  indeed,  it  will  appear  at  all.  For  that  which  has  appeared 
to  you  in  your  sleep,  whatever  it  be,  can  never  arrive  to  such 
a  degree  of  simplicity  as  to  suppose  that  when  it  sees  me  it 
is  you,  conjecturing  from  your  apparel.  But  if  it  shall  hold 
me  in  contempt,  and  not  deign  to  appear  to  me,  whether  I 
be  clothed  in  your  robes  or  in  my  own ;  and  if  it  shall  visit 
you  again,  this  indeed  would  deserve  consideration :  for  if 
it  should  repeatedly  visit  you,  I  should  myself  confess  it  to 
be  divine.  If,  however,  you  have  resolved  that  so  it  should 
be,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  avert  this,  but  I  must  needs  sleep 
in  your  bed,  well,  when  this  has  been  done,  let  it  appear  also 
to  me.  But  till  that  time  I  shall  persist  in  my  present  opin- 
ion." Artabanus,  having  spoken  thus,  and  hoping  to  show 
that  Xerxes  had  said  nothing  of  any  moment,  did  what  was 
ordered :  and  having  put  on  the  apparel  of  Xerxes  and  sat  in 
the  royal  throne,  when  he  afterward  went  to  bed,  the  same 
dream  which  had  appeared  to  Xerxes  came  to  him  when  he 
was  asleep,  and,  standing  over  Artabanus,  spoke  as  follows: 


376  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [17-20 

"Art  thou,  then,  the  man  who  dissuadeth  Xerxes  from  in- 
vading Greece,  as  if  thou  wert  very  anxious  for  him?  But 
neither  hereafter  nor  at  present  shalt  thou  escape  unpunished 
for  endeavouring  to  avert  what  is  fated  to  be.  What  Xerxes 
must  suffer  if  he  continues  disobedient  has  been  declared 
to  him  himself."  Artabanus  imagined  that  the  dream  ut- 
tered these  threats,  and  was  about  to  burn  out  his  eyes  with 
hot  irons.  He  therefore,  having  uttered  a  loud  shriek,  leaped 
up,  and  seating  himself  by  Xerxes,  when  he  had  related  all 
the  particulars  of  the  vision  in  the  dream,  spoke  to  him  in 
this  manner :  "  I,  O  king,  being  a  man  who  have  seen  already 
many  and  great  powers  overthrown  by  inferior  ones,  would 
not  suffer  you  to  yield  entirely  to  youth ;  knowing  how  mis- 
chievous it  is  to  desire  much,  calling  to  mind  the  expedition 
of  Cyrus  against  the  Massagetae,  how  it  fared,  and  calling 
to  mind  also  that  of  Cambyses  against  the  Ethiopians,  and 
having  accompanied  Darius  in  the  invasion  of  Scythia,  know- 
ing all  these  things,  I  was  of  opinion  that  if  you  remained 
quiet  you  must  be  pronounced  happy  by  all  men.  But  since 
some  divine  impulse  has  sprung  up,  and,  as  it  seems,  some 
Heaven-sent  destruction  impends  over  the  Greeks,  I  myself 
am  converted,  and  change  my  opinion.  Do  you,  then,  make 
known  to  the  Persians  the  intimation  sent  by  the  deity,  and 
command  them  to  follow  the  orders  first  given  by  you  for 
the  preparations;  and  act  so  that,  since  the  deity  permits, 
nothing  on  your  part  may  be  wanting."  When  he  had  thus 
spoken,  both  being  carried  away  by  the  vision,  as  soon  as  it 
was  day  Xerxes  acquainted  the  Persians  with  what  had  hap- 
pened ;  and  Artabanus,  who  before  was  the  only  man  who 
greatly  opposed  the  expedition,  now  as  openly  promoted  it. 

After  this,  when  Xerxes  was  resolved  to  undertake  the 
expedition,  another  vision  appeared  to  him  in  his  sleep,  which 
the  magi,  when  they  heard  it,  interpreted  to  relate  to  the 
whole  world,  and  to  signify  that  all  mankind  should  serve 
him.  The  vision  was  as  follows :  Xerxes  imagined  that  he 
was  crowned  with  the  sprig  of  an  olive  tree,  and  that  branches 
from  this  olive  covered  the  whole  earth ;  and  that  afterward 
the  crown  that  was  placed  on  his  head  disappeared.  The  magi 
having  given  this  interpretation,  every  one  of  the  Persians, 
who  were  then  assembled,  departed  immediately  to  his  own 
government,  and  used  all  diligence  to  execute  what  had  been 
ordered ;  every  man  hoping  to  obtain  the  proposed  reward : 
Xerxes  thus  levied  his  army,  searching  out  every  region  of 
the  continent.  For  from  the  reduction  of  Egypt,  he  was  em- 
ployed four  whole  years  in  assembling  his  forces,  and  pro- 


20-23]  THE   MARCH   BEGINS  377 

viding  things  necessary  for  the  expedition.  In  the  course 
of  the  fifth  year  he  began  his  march  with  a  vast  multitude 
of  men.  For  of  the  expeditions  with  which  we  are  acquainted, 
this  was  by  far  the  greatest,  so  that  that  of  Darius  against  the 
Scythians  appears  nothing  in  comparison  with  this,  nor  the 
Scythian,  when  the  Scythians,  pursuing  the  Cimmerians,  and 
invading  the  Medic  territory,  subdued  almost  the  whole  of 
the  upper  part  of  Asia,  on  account  of  which  Darius  afterward 
attempted  to  inflict  vengeance  on  them;  nor,  according  to 
what  is  related,  that  of  the  Atridae  against  Ilium ;  nor  that 
of  the  Mysians  and  Teucrians,  which  took  place  before  the 
Trojan  war,  who  having  passed  over  into  Europe  by  the  Bos- 
phorus,  subdued  all  the  Thracians,  and  went  down  to  the 
Ionian  Sea,  and  marched  southward  as  far  as  the  river  Peneus. 
All  these  expeditions,  and  any  others,  if  there  have  been  any 
besides  them,  are  not  to  be  compared  with  this  one.  For 
what  nation  did  not  Xerxes  lead  out  of  Asia  against  Greece? 
what  stream,  being  drunk,  did  not  fail  him,  except  that  of 
great  rivers  ?  Some  supplied  ships ;  others  were  ordered  to 
furnish  men  for  the  infantry,  from  others  cavalry  were  re- 
quired, from  others  transports  for  horses,  together  with  men 
to  serve  in  the  army;  others  had  to  furnish  long  ships  for 
the  bridges,  and  others  provisions  and  vessels. 

And  first  of  all,  as  those  who  had  first  attempted  to  double 
Mount  Athos  had  met  with  disasters,  preparations  were  being 
made  for  nearly  three  years  about  Athos.  For  triremes  were 
stationed  at  Eleus  in  the  Chersonese,  and  proceeding  from 
thence,  men  of  every  nation  from  the  army  dug  under  the 
lash ;  and  they  went  in  succession ;  and  the  people  who  dwelt 
around  Athos  also  dug.  Bubares,  son  of  Megabyzus,  and 
Artachseus,  son  of  Artaeus,  both  Persians,  presided  over  the 
work.  Athos  is  a  vast  and  celebrated  mountain,  stretching 
into  the  sea,  and  inhabited  by  men.  Where  the  mountain 
terminates  toward  the  continent,  it  is  in  the  form  of  a  penin- 
sula, and  is  an  isthmus  of  about  twelve  stades :  this  is  a  plain 
with  hills  of  no  great  height  from  the  sea  of  the  Acanthians 
to  the  sea  which  is  opposite  Torone.  On  this  isthmus,  in 
which  Mount  Athos  terminates,  stands  Sana,  a  Grecian  city; 
but  those  within  Sana  and  situated  on  Athos  itself,  which  the 
Persian  then  was  proceeding  to  make  insular  instead  of  con- 
tinental, are  the  following:  Dion,  Olophyxus,  Acrothoon, 
Thyssus,  and  Cleonae.  These  are  the  cities  which  occupy 
Mount  Athos.  They  made  the  excavation  as  follows:  The 
barbarians  divided  the  ground  among  the  several  nations,  hav- 
ing drawn  a  straight  line  near  the  city  of  Sana;  and  when 


378  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [23-26 

the  trench  was  deep,  some  standing  at  the  bottom  continued 
to  dig,  and  others  handed  the  soil  that  was  dug  out  to  men 
who  stood  above  on  ladders ;  they  again  in  turn  handed  it 
to  others,  until  they  reached  those  that  were  at  the  top ;  these 
last  carried  it  off  and  threw  it  away.  To  all  the  rest,  except 
the  Phoenicians,  the  brink  of  the  excavation  falling  in  gave 
double  labour,  for  as  they  made  the  upper  opening  and  the 
lower  of  equal  dimensions,  this  must  necessarily  happen.  But 
the  Phoenicians  show  their  skill  in  other  works,  and  especially 
did  so  in  this ;  for  having  received  the  portion  that  fell  to  their 
share,  they  dug  it,  making  the  upper  opening  of  the  trench 
twice  as  large  as  it  was  necessary  for  the  trench  itself  to  be; 
and  as  the  work  proceeded  they  contracted  it  gradually,  so 
that  when  they  came  to  the  bottom  the  work  was  equal  in 
width  to  the  rest:  near  adjoining  is  a  meadow,  where  they 
had  a  market  and  bazaar,  and  great  abundance  of  meal  was 
brought  to  them  from  Asia.  According  to  my  deliberate 
opinion,1  Xerxes  ordered  this  excavation  to  be  made  from 
motives  of  ostentation,  wishing  to  display  his  power  and  to 
leave  a  memorial  of  himself.  For  though  it  was  possible, 
without  any  great  labour,  to  have  drawn  the  ships  over  the 
isthmus,  he  commanded  them  to  dig  a  channel  for  the  sea  of 
such  a  width  that  two  triremes  might  pass  through  rowed 
abreast.  And  the  same  persons,  to  whom  the  excavation  was 
committed,  were  ordered  also  to  throw  a  bridge  over  the  river 
Strymon.  These  things,  then,  he  thus  contrived :  he  also 
caused  cables  of  papyrus  and  of  white  flax  to  be  prepared  for 
the  bridges,  having  ordered  the  Phoenicians  and  Egyptians 
also  to  lay  up  provisions  for  the  army,  that  neither  the  men 
nor  the  beasts  of  burden  might  suffer  from  famine  on  their 
march  toward  Greece ;  and  having  informed  himself  of  the 
situations  of  the  places,  he  ordered  them  to  lay  up  the  pro- 
visions where  it  was  most  convenient,  conveying  them  to 
various  quarters  in  merchant  ships  and  transports  from  all 
parts  of  Asia.  Of  these  provisions  the  largest  quantity  they 
conveyed  to  a  place  called  Leuce-Acte,  in  Thrace ;  some  were 
ordered  to  Tyrodiza  of  the  Perinthians,  others  to  Doriscus, 
others  to  Eion  on  the  Strymon,  and  others  to  Macedonia. 

While  these  men  were  employed  in  their  appointed  task, 
the  whole  land  force,  having  been  assembled,  marched  with 
Xerxes  to  Sardis,  having  set  out  from  Critalla  in  Cappadocia, 
for  it  was  ordered  that  all  the  troops  throughout  the  conti- 
nent, that  were  to  march  with  Xerxes  himself,  should  be  as- 
sembled at  that  place.     Now  which  of  the  generals,  bringing 

1  Literally,  "as  I  conjecturing  discover." 


26-29]  XERXES  AND   PYTHIUS  379 

the  best  appointed  troops,  received  the  gifts  promised  by  the 
king,  I  am  unable  to  mention ;  for  I  am  not  at  all  aware  that 
they  came  to  any  decision  on  this  point.  They  then,  when 
having  crossed  the  river  Halys  they  entered  Phrygia,  march- 
ing through  that  country,  arrived  at  Celaense,  where  rise  the 
springs  of  the  Maeander,  and  of  another  river  not  less  than 
the  Maeander,  which  is  called  the  Catarractes,  which,  spring- 
ing up  in  the  very  forum  of  the  Celaenians,  discharges  itself 
into  the  Mseander;  in  this  city  also  the  skin  of  Silenus  Mar- 
syas  is  suspended,  which,  as  the  Phrygians  report,  was  stripped 
off  and  suspended  by  Apollo.  In  this  city  Pythius,  son  of  Atys. 
a  Lydian,  being  in  waiting,  entertained  the  whole  army  of 
the  king  and  Xerxes  himself,  with  most  sumptuous  feasts; 
and  he  offered  money,  wishing  to  contribute  toward  the  ex- 
pense of  the  war.  When  Pythius  offered  money,  Xerxes  asked 
the  Persians  near  him  who  this  Pythius  was,  and  what  riches 
he  possessed,  that  he  made  such  an  offer.  They  answered : 
"  O  king,  this  is  the  person  who  presented  your  father  Darius 
with  the  golden  plane  tree  and  the  vine ;  and  he  is  now  the 
richest  man  we  know  of  in  the  world,  next  to  yourself/'  Xerx- 
es, surprised  with  these  last  words,  next  asked  Pythius  what 
might  be  the  amount  of  his  wealth.  He  said :  "  O  king,  I 
will  not  conceal  it  from  you,  nor  will  I  pretend  to  be  ignorant 
of  my  own  substance,  but  as  I  know  it  perfectly  I  will  tell 
you  the  exact  truth.  As  soon  as  I  heard  you  were  coming 
down  to  the  Grecian  sea,  wishing  to  present  you  with  money 
for  the  war,  I  made  inquiry,  and  found  by  computation  that 
I  had  two  thousand  talents  of  silver,  and  of  gold  four  millions 
of  Daric  staters,  all  but  seven  thousand.  These  I  freely  give 
you;  for  myself  I  have  sufficient  subsistence  from  my  slaves 
and  lands."  Thus  he  spoke ;  but  Xerxes,  delighted  with  his 
offer,  replied :  "  My  Lydian  friend,  since  I  left  the  Persian 
country  I  have  met  with  no  man  to  the  present  moment  who 
was  willing  to  entertain  my  army,  or  who,  having  come  into 
my  presence,  has  voluntarily  offered  to  contribute  money  to- 
ward the  war.  But  you  have  entertained  my  army  magnifi- 
cently, and  have  offered  me  vast  sums;  therefore,  in  return 
for  this,  I  confer  on  you  the  following  rewards :  I  make  you 
my  friend,  and  will  make  up  the  sum  of  four  millions  of  staters 
from  my  own  treasures,  by  adding  the  seven  thousand;  so 
that  the  four  millions  may  not  be  short  of  seven  thousand, 
but  the  full  sum  may  be  completed  by  me.  Do  you  retain 
what  you  have  required,  and  be  careful  always  to  continue 
such  as  you  are ;  for,  if  you  do  this,  you  shall  never  repent, 
either  now  or  hereafter." 


380  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [30-34 

Having  said  this,  and  performed  his  promise,  he  continued 
his  march :  and  passing  by  a  city  of  the  Phrygians,  called 
Anaua,  and  a  lake  from  which  salt  is  obtained,  he  arrived 
at  Colossse,  a  considerable  city  of  Phrygia,  in  which  the  river 
Lycus,  falling  into  a  chasm  of  the  earth,  disappears;  then 
reappearing  after  a  distance  of  about  five  stades,  it  also  dis- 
charges itself  into  the  Mseander.  From  Colossse  the  army, 
advancing  toward  the  boundaries  of  the  Phrygians  and  Lydi- 
ans,  arrived  at  the  city  of  Cydrara,  where  a  pillar,  planted  in 
the  ground,  and  erected  by  Crcesus,  indicates  the  boundaries 
by  an  inscription.  When  from  Phrygia  he  entered  Lydia, 
the  way  dividing  into  two,  that  on  the  left  leading  to  Caria, 
the  other  on  the  right  to  Sardis,  by  which  latter  a  traveller 
is  compelled  to  cross  the  river  Mseander,  and  to  pass  by  the 
city  of  Callatebus,  in  which  confectioners  make  honey  with 
tamarisk  and  wheat;  Xerxes,  going  by  this  way,  met  with 
a  plane  tree,  which,  on  account  of  its  beauty,  he  presented 
with  golden  ornaments,  and  having  committed  it  to  the  care 
of  one  of  the  immortals,1  on  the  next  day  he  arrived  at  Sardis, 
the  capital  of  the  Lydians.  On  his  arrival  at  Sardis,  he  first 
of  all  sent  heralds  to  Greece  to  demand  earth  and  water,  and 
to  require  them  to  provide  entertainment  for  the  king;  ex- 
cept that  he  did  not  send  either  to  Athens  or  Lacedsemon, 
but  he  did  to  every  other  place.  And  he  sent  the  second  time 
for  earth  and  water,  for  the  following  reason :  such  as  had 
not  given  them  before  when  Darius  sent,  he  thought  would 
then  certainly  do  so  through  fear ;  wishing,  therefore,  to  know 
this  for  certain,  he  sent.  And  after  this  he  prepared  to  march 
to  Abydos. 

In  the  meanwhile  those  who  were  appointed  had  joined 
the  Hellespont  from  Asia  to  Europe.  There  is  in  the  Cher- 
sonese on  the  Hellespont,  between  the  city  of  Sestos  and 
Madytus,  a  craggy  shore  extending  into  the  sea,  directly  op- 
posite Abydos :  there,  not  long  after  these  events,  under  Xan- 
thippus,  son  of  Ariphron,  a  general  of  the  Athenians,  having 
taken  Artayctes,  a  Persian,  governor  of  Sestos,  they  impaled 
him  alive  against  a  plank ;  for  he,  having  brought  women  into 
the  Temple  of  Protesilaus  at  Elaeus,  committed  atrocious 
crimes.  To  this  shore,  then,  beginning  at  Abydos,  they,  on 
whom  this  task  was  imposed,  constructed  bridges,  the  Phoe- 
nicians one  with  white  flax,  and  the  Egyptians  the  other  with 
papyrus.  The  distance  from  Abydos  to  the  opposite  shore  is 
seven  stades.    When  the  strait  was  thus  united,  a  violent  storm 

'"One  of  the  ten  thousand  chosen  men  called  immortals,  of  whom  we 
shall  hear  more  hereafter. 


34-36]  BRIDGING   THE   HELLESPONT  38 1 

arising,  broke  in  pieces  and  scattered  the  whole  work.  When 
Xerxes  heard  of  this,  being  exceeding  indignant,  he  com- 
manded that  the  Hellespont  should  be  stricken  with  three 
hundred  lashes  with  a  scourge,  and  that  a  pair  of  fetters  should 
be  let  down  into  the  sea.  I  have,  moreover,  heard  that  with 
them  he  likewise  sent  branding  instruments  to  brand  the 
Hellespont.  He  certainly  charged  those  who  flogged  the 
waters  to  utter  these  barbarous  and  impious  words :  "  Thou 
bitter  water!  thy  master  inflicts  this  punishment  upon  thee, 
because  thou  hast  injured  him,  although  thou  hadst  not  suf- 
fered any  harm  from  him.  And  King  Xerxes  will  cross  over 
thee,  whether  thou  wilt  or  not ;  it  is  with  justice  that  no  man 
sacrifices  to  thee,  because  thou  art  both  a  deceitful  and  briny 
river !  "  He  accordingly  commanded  them  to  chastise  the  sea 
in  this  manner,  and  to  cut  off  the  heads  of  those  who  had  to 
superintend  the  joining  of  the  Hellespont.  They  on  whom 
this  thankless  office  was  imposed  carried  it  into  execution ; 
and  other  engineers  constructed  bridges ;  and  they  constructed 
them  in  the  following  manner :  They  connected  together  pen- 
teconters  and  triremes,  under  that  toward  the  Euxine  Sea, 
three  hundred  and  sixty ;  and  under  the  other,  three  hundred 
and  fourteen,  obliquely  in  respect  to  the  Pontus,  but  in  the 
direction  of  the  current  in  respect  to  the  Hellespont,  that  it 
might  keep  up  the  tension  of  the  cables.  Having  connected 
them  together,  they  let  down  very  long  anchors,  some  on  the 
one  bridge  toward  the  Pontus,  on  account  of  the  winds  that 
blew  from  it  within ;  others  on  the  other  bridge  toward  the 
west  and  the  ^Egean,  on  account  of  the  south  and  southeast 
winds.  They  left  an  opening  as  a  passage  through  between 
the  penteconters,  and  that  in  three  places,  that  any  one  who 
wished  might  be  able  to  sail  into  the  Pontus  in  light  vessels, 
and  from  the  Pontus  outward.  Having  done  this,  they 
stretched  the  cables  from  the  shore,  twisting  them  with  wooden 
capstans,  not  as  before  using  the  two  kinds  separately,  but 
assigning  to  each  two  of  white  flax  and  four  of  papyrus.  The 
thickness  and  quality  was  the  same,  but  those  of  flax  were 
stronger  in  proportion,  every  cubit  weighing  a  full  talent. 
When  the  passage  was  bridged  over,  having  sawn  up  trunks 
of  trees,  and  having  made  them  equal  to  the  width  of  the 
bridge,  they  laid  them  regularly  upon  the  extended  cables ; 
and  having  laid  them  in  regular  order,  they  then  fastened 
them  together.  And  having  done  this,  they  put  brush-wood 
on  the  top ;  and  having  laid  the  brush-wood  in  regular  order, 
they  put  earth  over  the  whole ;  and  having  pressed  down  the 
earth,  they  drew  a  fence  on  each  side,  that  the  beasts  of  burden 


382  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [36-39 

and  horses  might  not  be  frightened  by  looking  down  upon 
the  sea. 

When  the  works  at  the  bridges  were  completed,  and  those 
at  Mount  Athos,  as  well  as  the  mounds  at  the  mouths  of  the 
canal,  which  had  been  made  on  account  of  the  tide,  in  order 
that  the  mouths  of  the  trench  might  not  be  choked  up,  and 
news  was  brought  that  the  canal  was  entirely  completed; 
thereupon  the  army,  having  wintered  at  Sardis,  and  being  fully 
prepared,  set  out,  at  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  from  thence 
toward  Abydos.  But  as  it  was  on  the  point  of  setting  out, 
the  sun,  quitting  his  seat  in  the  heavens,  disappeared,  though 
there  were  no  clouds,  and  the  air  was  perfectly  serene,  and 
night  ensued  in  the  place  of  day.  When  Xerxes  saw  and  per- 
ceived this,  it  occasioned  him  much  uneasiness ;  he,  there- 
fore, inquired  of  the  magi  what  the  prodigy  might  portend. 
They  answered  that  "  the  deity  foreshows  to  the  Greeks  the 
extinction  of  their  cities  " ;  adding,  that  "  the  sun  is  the  por- 
tender  of  the  future  to  the  Greeks,  and  the  moon  to  the  Per- 
sians." Xerxes,  having  heard  this,  was  much  delighted,  and 
set  out  upon  his  march.  As  he  was  leading  his  army  away, 
Pythius  the  Lydian,  terrified  by  the  prodigy  in  the  heavens, 
and  emboldened  by  the  gifts,  went  to  Xerxes,  the  king,  and 
spoke  thus :  "  Sire,  would  you  indulge  me  by  granting  a  boon 
I  should  wish  to  obtain,  which  is  easy  for  you  to  grant,  and 
of  great  importance  to  me  ? "  Xerxes,  expecting  that  he 
would  wish  for  anything  rather  than  what  he  did  ask,  said 
that  he  would  grant  his  request,  and  bade  him  declare  what 
he  wanted;  whereupon  he,  when  he  heard  this,  spoke  confi- 
dently as  follows :  Sire,  I  have  five  sons ;  and  it  happens 
that  they  are  all  attending  you  in  the  expedition  against 
Greece.  But  do  you,  O  king,  pity  me,  who  am  thus  advanced 
in  years,  and  release  one  of  my  sons  from  the  service,  that  he 
may  take  care  of  me  and  my  property.  Take  the  other  four 
with  you,  and,  having  accomplished  your  designs,  may  you 
return  home."  Xerxes  was  highly  incensed,  and  answered 
as  follows :  "  Base  man !  hast  thou  dared,  when  I  am  march- 
ing in  person  against  Greece,  and  taking  with  me  my  children, 
and  brothers,  and  kinsmen,  and  friends,  to  make  mention  of 
thy  son  ?  thou,  who  art  my  slave,  and  who  wert  bound  in  duty 
to  follow  me  with  all  thy  family,  even  with  thy  wife.  Now 
learn  this  well,  that  the  spirit  of  man  dwells  in  his  ears ;  which 
when  it  hears  pleasing  things,  fills  the  whole  body  with  de- 
light, but  when  it  hears  the  contrary,  swells  with  indignation. 
When,  therefore,  you  did  well,  and  gave  promise  of  the  like, 
you  can  not  boast  of  having  surpassed  the  king  in  generosity. 


39-40  THE   ARMY   LEAVES   SARDIS  383 

But  now  that  you  have  adopted  a  more  shameless  conduct, 
you  shall  not  receive  your  deserts,  but  less  than  your  deserts : 
for  your  hospitality  preserves  four  of  your  children,  but  you 
shall  be  punished  with  the  loss  of  the  one  whom  you  cherish 
most."  When  he  had  given  this  answer,  he  immediately  com- 
manded those  whose  office  it  was  to  execute  such  orders,  to 
find  out  the  eldest  of  the  sons  of  Pythius,  and  to  cut  his  body 
in  two ;  and  having  so  done,  to  deposit  the  halves,  one  on  the 
right  of  the  road,  the  other  on  the  left;  and  that  the  army 
should  pass  between  them. 

When  they  had  done  this,  the  army  afterward  passed  be- 
tween. The  baggage-bearers  and  beasts  of  burden  first  led 
the  way ;  after  them  came  a  host  of  all  nations  promiscuously, 
not  distinguished:  after  more  than  one  half  of  the  army  had 
passed,  an  interval  was  left,  that  they  might  not  mix  with 
the  king's  troops.  Before  him  a  thousand  horsemen  led  the 
van,  chosen  from  among  all  the  Persians ;  and  next  to  them 
a  thousand  spearmen,  these  also  chosen  from  among  all,  carry- 
ing their  lances  turned  downward  to  the  earth.  After  these 
came  ten  sacred  horses  called  Nisaean,  gorgeously  caparisoned. 
These  horse  are  called  Nisaean  on  the  following  account :  there 
is  a  large  plain  in  the  Medic  territory,  which  is  called  the 
Nisaean ;  now  this  plain  produces  these  large  horses.  Behind 
these  ten  horses  was  placed  the  sacred  chariot  of  Jupiter, 
drawn  by  eight  white  horses ;  behind  the  horses  followed  a 
charioteer  on  foot,  holding  the  reins ;  because  no  mortal  ever 
ascends  this  seat.  Behind  this  came  Xerxes  himself  on  a 
chariot  drawn  by  Nisaean  horses ;  and  a  charioteer  walked  at 
his  side,  whose  name  was  Patiramphes,  son  of  Otanes,  a  Per- 
sian. In  this  manner,  then,  Xerxes  marched  out  of  Sardis, 
and  whenever  he  thought  right,  he  used  to  pass  from  the 
chariot  to  a  covered  carriage.  Behind  him  marched  a  thou- 
sand spearmen,  the  bravest  and  most  noble  of  the  Persians, 
carrying  their  spears  in  the  usual  manner ;  and  after  them  an- 
other body  of  a  thousand  horse,  chosen  from  among  the  Per- 
sians :  after  the  cayalry  came  ten  thousand  men  chosen  from 
the  rest  of  the  Persians;  these  were  infantry;  and  of  these, 
one  thousand  had  golden  pomegranates  on  their  spears  in- 
stead of  ferules,  and  they  inclosed  the  others  all  round;  but 
the  nine  thousand,  being  within  them,  had  silver  pomegran- 
ates. Those  also  that  carried  their  spears  turned  to  the  earth, 
had  golden  pomegranates,  and  those  that  followed  nearest 
to  Xerxes  had  golden  apples.  Behind  the  ten  thousand  foot 
were  placed  ten  thousand  Persian  cavalry ;  and  after  the  cav- 
alry was  left  an  interval  of  two  stades;  and  then  the  rest  of 


384  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [41-46 

the  throng  followed  promiscuously.  The  army  directed  its 
march  from  Lydia  to  the  river  Caicus  and  the  Mysian  terri- 
tory; and  proceeding  from  the  Caicus,  leaving  Mount  Canae 
on  the  left,  passed  through  Atarneus  to  the  city  Carina.  From 
thence  it  marched  through  the  plain  of  Thebes,  and  passing 
by  the  city  of  Adramyttium  and  the  Pelasgian  Antrandus,  and 
keeping  Mount  Ida  on  the  left,  it  entered  the  territory  of  Ilium. 
But  before  this,  as  the  army  halted  during  the  night  under 
Mount  Ida,  thunder  and  lightning  fell  upon  them,  and  de- 
stroyed a  considerable  number  of  the  troops  on  the  spot. 
When  the  army  arrived  at  the  Scamander,  which  was  the  first 
river  since  they  had  set  out  on  their  march  from  Sardis,  whose 
stream  failed  and  did  not  afford  sufficient  drink  for  the  army 
and  beasts  of  burden ;  when,  accordingly,  Xerxes  arrived  at 
this  river,  he  went  up  to  the  Pergamus  1  of  Priam,  being  de- 
sirous of  seeing  it ;  and  having  seen  it,  and  inquired  into  every 
particular,  he  sacrificed  a  thousand  oxen  to  the  Ilian  Minerva, 
and  the  magi  poured  out  libations  in  honour  of  the  heroes. 
After  they  had  done  this,  a  panic  fell  on  the  camp  during  the 
night,  and  at  the  dawn  of  day  they  marched  from  thence,  on 
the  left  skirting  the  city  of  Rhaetium,  and  Ophrynium,  and 
Dardanus,  which  borders  on  Abydos ;  and  on  the  right  the 
Gergithse  Teucrians. 

When  they  were  at  Abydos,  Xerxes  wished  to  behold  the 
whole  army.  A  lofty  throne  of  white  marble  had  been  pre- 
viously erected  on  a  hill  at  this  place  for  his  express  use ;  the 
people  of  Abydos  had  made  it,  in  obedience  to  a  previous 
order  of  the  king.  When  he  was  seated  there,  looking  down 
toward  the  shore,  he  beheld  both  the  land  army  and  the  fleet ; 
and  when  he  beheld  them,  he  desired  to  see  a  contest  take 
place  between  the  ships ;  and  when  it  had  taken  place,  and 
the  Sidonian  Phoenicians  were  victorious,  he  showed  himself 
exceedingly  gratified  both  with  the  contest  and  the  army. 
When  he  saw  the  whole  Hellespont  covered  with  the  ships,  and 
all  the  shores  and  the  plains  of  Abydos  full  of  men,  Xerxes 
thereupon  pronounced  himself  happy ;  but  afterward  shed 
tears.  Artabanus,  his  paternal  uncle,  having  observed  him, 
the  same  who  had  before  freely  declared  his  opinion  and  ad- 
vised Xerxes  not  to  invade  Greece ;  this  man,  having  per- 
ceived Xerxes  shedding  tears,  addressed  him  thus :  "  O  king, 
how  very  different  from  each  other  are  what  you  are  now 
doing,  and  what  you  did  a  little  while  ago !  for  having  pro- 
nounced yourself  happy,  now  you  weep."  He  answered, 
"  Commiseration  seized  me  when  I  considered  how  brief  all 

1  That  is,  "  the  citadel." 


46-49]  XERXES   AT   THE   HELLESPONT  385 

human  life  is,  since  of  these,  numerous  as  they  are,  not  one 
shall  survive  to  the  hundredth  year."  But  Artabanus  replied, 
saying :  "  We  suffer  during  life  other  things  more  pitiable 
than  this;  for  in  this  so  brief  life  there  is  not  one,  either  of 
these  or  of  others,  born  so  happy  that  it  will  not  occur  to  him, 
not  only  once  but  oftentimes,  to  wish  rather  to  die  than  to 
live.  For  calamities  befalling  him,  and  diseases  disturbing 
him,  make  life,  though  really  short,  appear  to  be  long;  so 
that  death,  life  being  burdensome,  becomes  the  most  desirable 
refuge  for  man;  and  the  deity,  having  given  us  to  taste  of 
sweet  existence,  is  found  to  be  jealous  of  his  gift."  Xerxes 
answered,  saying :  "  Artabanus,  of  human  life,  which  is  such 
as  you  have  described  it,  let  us  say  no  more,  nor  let  us  call 
evils  to  mind,  now  that  we  have  good  things  before  us.  But 
tell  me  this.  If  the  vision  of  the  dream  had  not  appeared  so 
clearly,  would  you  have  retained  your  former  opinion,  and 
dissuaded  me  from  making  war  against  Greece,  or  would  you 
have  changed  your  opinion?  Come,  tell  me  this  explicitly." 
He  answered,  saying :  "  O  king,  may  the  vision  of  the  dream 
that  appeared  terminate  as  we  both  desire :  but  I  am  still  full 
of  alarm  and  not  master  of  myself,  when  I  consider  many  other 
circumstances,  and,  moreover,  perceive  two  things  of  the 
greatest  importance,  most  hostile  to  you."  To  this  Xerxes 
answered  as  follows :  "  Strange  man !  what  are  these  two 
things  which  you  say  are  most  hostile  to  me  ?  whether  do  you 
find  fault  with  the  land  army  on  account  of  numbers,  and  do 
you  think  that  the  Grecian  army  will  be  much  more  numerous 
than  ours?  or  that  our  navy  will  fall  short  of  theirs?  or  both 
these  together?  For  if  you  think  our  forces  deficient  in  this 
respect,  we  can  quickly  assemble  another  army."  He  an- 
swered, saying :  "  O  king,  no  man  of  common  understanding 
can  find  fault  either  with  this  army  or  the  number  of  the 
ships.  But  even  if  you  should  muster  more,  the  two  things 
which  I  mean  would  become  still  more  hostile.  These  two 
things  are  land  and  sea.  For,  as  I  conjecture,  there  is  nowhere 
any  harbour  of  the  sea  so  large  as  to  be  capable,  in  case  a 
storm  should  arise,  of  receiving  this  your  navy  and  shelter- 
ing the  ships.  And  yet  there  is  need,  not  only  that  there  be 
one  such  harbour,  but  others  along  the  whole  continent,  by 
which  you  are  about  to  coast.  Since  there  are  not  harbours 
sufficiently  capacious,  remember,  that  accidents  rule  men,  not 
men  accidents.  One  of  the  two  things  having  thus  been  men- 
tioned, I  now  proceed  to  mention  the  other.  The  land  will 
be  hostile  to  you  in  this  way :  if  nothing  else  should  stand  in 
your  way,  it  will  become  more  hostile  to  you  the  farther  you 
25 


386  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [49-51 

advance,  as  you  are  continually  drawn  on  unawares ;  for  men 
are  never  satiated  with  success.  And  even  if  I  should  grant 
that  no  one  will  oppose  you,  I  say  that  the  country,  becoming 
more  extensive  in  process  of  time,  will  produce  a  famine.  A 
man  would  therefore  thus  prove  himself  most  wise  if  in  de- 
liberation he  should  be  apprehensive  and  consider  himself 
likely  to  suffer  every  misfortune,  but  in  action  should  be  bold." 
Xerxes  answered  in  these  words :  "  Artabanus,  you  have  dis- 
cussed each  of  these  particulars  plausibly;  but  do  not  fear 
everything,  nor  weigh  every  circumstance  with  equal  strict- 
ness. For  if  in  every  matter  that  is  proposed  you  should 
weigh  everything  with  equal  care,  you  would  never  do  any- 
thing at  all ;  it  is  better,  being  confident  on  all  occasions,  to 
suffer  half  the  evils  than,  fearing  everything  beforehand,  never 
suffer  anything  at  all.  But  if  you  oppose  everything  that  is 
proposed,  and  do  not  advance  something  certain,  you  must  fail 
in  your  plans  equally  with  the  person  who  has  given  a  con- 
trary opinion.  This,  therefore,  comes  to  the  same.  Can  any 
one  who  is  a  man  know  for  a  certainty  what  ought  to  be 
done?1  I  think,  certainly  not.  To  those,  however,  who  are 
ready  to  act,  gain  for  the  most  part  is  wont  to  accrue ;  but  to 
those  that  weigh  everything  and  are  timid,  it  seldom  does. 
You  see  to  what  a  degree  of  power  the  empire  of  the  Persians 
has  advanced;  if,  then,  they  who  were  kings  before  me  had 
entertained  such  opinions  as  you  do,  or  not  entertaining  such 
opinions,  had  such  counsellors,  you  would  never  have  seen 
their  power  advanced  to  this  pitch.  But  now,  by  hazarding 
dangers,  they  carried  it  to  this  height.  For  great  undertak- 
ings are  wont  to  be  accomplished  at  great  hazards.  We,  there- 
fore, emulating  them,  set  out  at  the  most  favourable  season 
of  the  year,  and  having  subdued  all  Europe,  will  return  home, 
without  having  met  with  famine  anywhere,  or  suffered  any 
other  reverses.  For,  in  the  first  place,  we  march,  carrying  with 
us  abundant  provisions,  and,  in  the  next  place,  whatever  land 
and  nation  we  invade,  we  shall  have  their  corn;  and  we  are 
making  war  on  men  who  are  husbandmen,  and  not  feeders 
of  cattle."  After  this  Artabanus  said :  "  O  king,  since  you 
will  not  allow  us  to  fear  anything,  yet  hearken  to  my  advice ; 
for  it  is  necessary,  when  speaking  on  many  topics,  to  extend 
one's  discourse.  Cyrus,  son  of  Cambyses,  subdued  all  Ionia 
except  the  Athenians,  so  as  to  be  tributary  to  the  Persians. 
I  advise  you,  therefore,  on  no  account  to  lead  these  men 

1  I  have  followed  the  reading  and  punctuation  of  Matthiae  and  Baehr. 
The  latter,  though  he  approves  the  mark  of  interrogation,  omits  it  in  his 
version  of  this  passage. 


51-54]  XERXES  AT  THE   HELLESPONT  387 

against  their  fathers;  for  even  without  them  we  are  able  to 
get  the  better  of  our  enemies.  For  if  they  accompany  you, 
they  must  either  be  most  unjust,  in  assisting  to  enslave  their 
mother  city,  or  most  just  in  endeavouring  to  maintain  its  free- 
dom. Now  if  they  should  be  most  unjust,  they  will  not  add 
any  great  pain  to  us ;  but  if  just,  they  are  able  to  damage  your 
army  to  a  great  degree.  Consider,  therefore,  this  ancient 
saying,  since  it  has  been  well  said  that  the  termination  is  not 
always  evident  at  the  beginning.  To  this  Xerxes  answered : 
"  Artabanus,  of  all  the  opinions  you  have  given,  you  are  de- 
ceived most  in  this,  in  fearing  lest  the  Ionians  should  desert 
us ;  of  whom  we  have  the  strongest  proofs,  and  of  whom  you 
are  a  witness,  as  well  as  all  the  rest  who  accompanied  Darius 
in  his  expedition  against  the  Scythians,  that  the  whole  Persian 
army  was  in  their  power  to  destroy  or  to  save,  yet  they  evinced 
justice  and  fidelity,  and  committed  nothing  ungrateful.  Besides 
this,  since  they  have  left  their  children,  and  wives,  and  pos- 
sessions in  our  territories,  we  must  not  expect  that  they  will 
form  any  new  design.  Do  not  therefore  fear  this,  but  be  of 
good  courage,  and  preserve  my  house  and  my  government; 
for  to  you  alone,  of  all  men,  I  intrust  my  sceptre." 

Having  spoken  thus,  and  despatched  Artabanus  to  Susa, 
Xerxes  again  summoned  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  when  they  were  assembled  he  addressed  them  as 
follows :  "  O  Persians,  I  have  called  you  together  to  desire 
this  of  you,  that  you  would  acquit  yourselves  like  brave  men, 
and  not  disgrace  the  former  exploits  of  the  Persians,  which 
are  great  and  memorable.  But  let  each  and  all  of  us  together 
show  our  zeal ;  for  this  which  we  are  endeavouring  to  accom- 
plish is  a  good  common  to  all.  On  this  account,  then,  I  call 
on  you  to  apply  yourselves  earnestly  to  the  war ;  for,  as  I  am 
informed,  we  are  marching  against  brave  men ;  and  if  we  con- 
quer them,  no  other  army  in  the  world  will  dare  to  oppose 
us.  Now,  then,  let  us  cross  over,  having  first  offered  up 
prayers  to  the  gods  who  protect  the  Persian  territory."  That 
day  they  made  preparations  for  the  passage  over ;  and  on  the 
following  they  waited  for  the  sun,  as  they  wished  to  see  it 
rising,  in  the  meantime  burning  all  sorts  of  perfumes  on  the 
bridges,  and  strewing  the  road  with  myrtle  branches.  When 
the  sun  rose,  Xerxes,  pouring  a  libation  into  the  sea  out  of  a 
golden  cup,  offered  up  a  prayer  to  the  sun  that  no  such  acci- 
dent might  befall  him  as  would  prevent  him  from  subduing 
Europe  until  he  had  reached  its  utmost  limits.  After  having 
prayed,  he  threw  the  cup  into  the  Hellespont,  and  a  golden 
bowl,  and  a  Persian  sword,  which  they  call  acinace.     But  I 


388  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [54-58 

can  not  determine  with  certainty  whether  he  dropped  these 
things  into  the  sea  as  an  offering  to  the  sun  or  whether  he 
repented  of  having  scourged  the  Hellespont,  and  presented 
these  gifts  to  the  sea  as  a  compensation.  When  these  cere- 
monies were  finished,  the  infantry  and  all  the  cavalry  crossed 
over  by  that  bridge  which  was  toward  the  Pontus;  and  the 
beasts  of  burden  and  attendants  by  that  toward  the  JEgean. 
First  of  all  the  ten  thousand  Persians  led  the  van,  all  wearing 
crowns;  and  after  them  the  promiscuous  host  of  all  nations. 
These  crossed  on  that  day.  On  the  following,  first  the  horse- 
men, and  those  who  carried  their  lances  downward,  these  also 
wore  crowns;  next  came  the  sacred  horses  and  the  sacred 
chariot ;  afterward  Xerxes  himself,  and  the  spearmen,  and  the 
thousand  horsemen;  after  them  the  rest  of  the  army  closed 
the  march ;  and  at  the  same  time  the  ships  got  under  way 
to  the  opposite  shore.  I  have  also  heard  that  Xerxes  crossed 
over  last  of  all.  Xerxes,  when  he  had  crossed  over  into  Eu- 
rope, saw  the  army  crossing  over  under  the  lash :  his  army 
crossed  over  in  seven  days  and  seven  nights  without  halting 
at  all.  On  this  occasion  it  is  related  that  when  Xerxes  had 
crossed  over  the  Hellespont,  a  certain  Hellespontine  said  :  "  O 
Jupiter,  why,  assuming  the  form  of  a  Persian,  and  taking  the 
name  of  Xerxes,  do  you  wish  to  subvert  Greece,  bringing 
all  mankind  with  you?  since  without  them  it  was  in  your 
power  to  do  this." 

When  all  had  crossed  over,  and  were  proceeding  on  their 
march,  a  great  prodigy  appeared  to  them,  which  Xerxes  took 
no  account  of,  although  it  was  easy  to  be  interpreted.  A  mare 
foaled  a  hare:  this,  then,  might  easily  have  been  interpreted 
thus,  that  Xerxes  was  about  to  lead  an  army  into  Greece  with 
exceeding  pomp  and  magnificence,  but  would  return  to  the 
same  place  running  for  his  life.  Another  prodigy  had  also 
happened  while  he  was  at  Sardis ;  a  mule  brought  forth  a  colt, 
with  double  parts,  both  those  of  a  male  and  those  of  a  female ; 
those  of  the  male  were  uppermost.  But  taking  no  account 
of  either  of  these,  he  proceeded  forward,  and  with  him  the  land 
forces.  But  the  fleet,  sailing  out  of  the  Hellespont,  stood  along 
by  the  land,  taking  a  contrary  course  to  that  of  the  army.  For 
it  sailed  toward  the  west,  steering  for  Cape  Sarpedon,  where, 
on  its  arrival,  it  was  ordered  to  wait :  but  the  army  on  the  con- 
tinent marched  toward  the  east  and  the  rising  sun,  through 
the  Chersonese,  having  on  the  right  hand  the  sepulchre  of 
Helle,  daughter  of  Athamas,  and  on  the  left  the  city  of  Cardia, 
and  going  through  the  middle  of  a  city,  the  name  of  which 
happened  to  be  Agora:  and  from  thence,  bending  round  a 


ANCIENT  GREECE,  INCLUDING  EPIRUS  AND 
THESSALIA. 


^><iSf. 


of  havir 
gifts  to 
monies  were  fii 
over  by  that  brid. 


and  pre 


and  the  sacred 


crossed  over  nt,  a  ce 

<ter,  wh; 

Xerxes,  do  you  v  ubvert  Greece,  brim 

>u?  since  without  t  ;vas  in  your 


^vith 


force 

by  the  land,  ta 

toward  the 
arrival,  it  w; 

d  toward  the 
onese,  having  on 
Hellc,  daughter  of  Athamas, 


he 


on  the 
the  rising  sun,  thrv 
it  hand  the 

city,  th< 
om  thence,  b 


58-61]  THE  TROOPS  REVIEWED  389 

bay  called  Melas,  and  having  come  to  the  river  Melas,  whose 
stream  did  not  suffice  for  the  army,  but  failed — having  crossed 
this  river,  from  which  the  bay  derives  its  name,  they  marched 
westward,  passing  by  .^Enos,  an  iEolian  city,  and  the  lake 
Stentoris,  until  they  reached  Doriscus.  Doriscus  is  a  shore 
and  extensive  plain  of  Thrace.  Through  it  flows  a  large 
river,  the  Hebrus.  On  it  a  royal  fort  had  been  built,  the  same 
that  is  now  called  Doriscus,  and  a  Persian  garrison  had  been 
established  in  it  by  Darius  from  the  time  that  he  marched 
against  the  Scythians.  This  place,  therefore,  appeared  to 
Xerxes  to  be  convenient  for  reviewing  and  numbering  his 
army ;  this  he  accordingly  did.  All  the  ships,  therefore,  hav- 
ing arrived  at  Doriscus,  the  captains,  at  the  command  of 
Xerxes,  brought  them  to  the  shore  adjoining  Doriscus.  On 
this  coast  stood  Sala,  a  Samothracian  city,  and  Zona;  and  at 
its  extremity  Serrhium,  a  celebrated  promontory :  this  region 
formerly  belonged  to  the  Ciconians.  Having  steered  to  this 
shore,  they  hauled  up  the  ships  and  repaired  them;  and  in 
the  meantime  Xerxes  numbered  his  army  at  Doriscus.  How 
great  a  number  of  men  each  contributed,  I  am  unable  to  say 
with  certainty;  for  it  is  not  mentioned  by  any  one;  but  the 
amount  of  the  whole  land  forces  was  found  to  be  seventeen 
hundred  thousand.  They  were  computed  in  this  manner: 
Having  drawn  together  ten  thousand  men  in  one  place,  and 
having  crowded  them  as  close  together  as  it  was  possible, 
they  traced  a  circle  on  the  outside ;  and  having  traced  it,  and 
removed  the  ten  thousand,  they  threw  up  a  stone  fence  on  the 
circle,  reaching  to  the  height  of  a  man's  navel.  Having  done 
this,  they  made  others  enter  within  the  inclosed  space,  until 
they  had  in  this  manner  computed  all ;  and  having  numbered 
them,  they  drew  out  according  to  nations. 

Those  who  served  in  this  expedition  were  the  following: 
The  Persians,  equipped  as  follows :  on  their  heads  they  wore 
loose  coverings,  called  tiaras;  on  the  body  various  coloured 
sleeved  breastplates,  with  iron  scales  like  those  of  fish;  and 
on  their  legs,  loose  trousers ;  and  instead  of  shields,  bucklers 
made  of  osiers;  and  under  them  their  quivers  were  hung. 
They  had  short  spears,  long  bows,  and  arrows  made  of  cane ; 
and,  besides,  daggers  suspended  from  the  girdle  on  the  right 
thigh.  They  had  for  their  general  Otanes,  father  of  Amestris, 
wife  of  Xerxes.  They  were  formerly  called  Cephenes  by  the 
Grecians,  but  by  themselves  and  neighbours  Artaeans;  but 
when  Perseus,  son  of  Danae  and  Jupiter,  came  to  Cepheus, 
son  of  Belus,  and  married  his  daughter  Andromeda,  he  had  a 
son  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  of  Perses;  and  him  he  left 


390  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII.   POLYMNIA  [61-67 

in  the  country,  for  Cepheus  had  no  male  offspring ;  from  him 
therefore  they  derived  their  appellation.  The  Medes  marched 
equipped  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Persians ;  for  the  above 
is  a  Medic  and  not  a  Persian  costume.  The  Medes  had  for 
their  general  Tigranes,  of  the  family  of  the  Achaemenidae ;  they 
were  formerly  called  Arians  by  all  nations ;  but  when  Medea 
of  Colchis  came  from  Athens  to  these  Arians,  they  also 
changed  their  names :  the  Medes  themselves  give  this  account 
of  their  nation.  The  Cissians,  who  served  in  the  army,  were 
in  other  respects  accoutred  like  the  Persians,  except  that,  in- 
stead of  turbans,  they  wore  mitres.  Anaphes,  son  of  Otanes, 
commanded  the  Cissians.  The  Hyrcanians  were  also  armed 
like  the  Persians,  and  had  for  their  general  Megapanus,  who 
was  afterward  governor  of  Babylon.  The  Assyrians  who 
served  in  the  army  had  helmets  of  brass,  twisted  in  a  bar- 
barous fashion,  not  easy  to  be  described ;  and  they  had  shields 
and  spears,  and  daggers  similar  to  those  of  the  Egyptians ; 
and,  besides,  wooden  clubs  knotted  with  iron,  and  linen 
cuirasses.  By  the  Greeks  they  were  called  Syrians,  but  by 
the  barbarians  Assyrians.  Among  them  were  the  Chaldeans ; 
and  Otaspes,  son  of  Artachaeus,  commanded  them.  The  Bac- 
trians  joined  the  army,  having  turbans  on  their  heads,  very 
much  like  those  of  the  Medes,  and  bows  made  of  cane  pecul- 
iar to  their  country,  and  short  spears.  The  Sacse,  who  are 
Scythians,  had  on  their  heads  caps,  which  came  to  a  point  and 
stood  erect :  they  also  wore  loose  trousers,  and  carried  bows 
peculiar  to  their  country,  and  daggers,  and  also  battle-axes, 
called  sagares.  These,  though  they  are  Amyrgian  Scythians, 
they  called  Sacse,  for  the  Persians  call  all  the  Scythians  Sacae. 
Hystaspes,  son  of  Darius  and  Atossa,  daughter  of  Cyrus,  com- 
manded the  Bactrians  and  Sacae.  The  Indians,  clad  with  gar- 
ments made  of  cotton,  had  bows  of  cane,  and  arrows  of  cane 
tipped  with  iron.  Thus  the  Indians  were  equipped ;  and  they 
were  marshalled  under  the  command  of  Phanazathres,  son  of 
Artabates.  The  Arians  were  furnished  with  Medic  bows ;  and 
in  other  respects  were  accoutred  like  the  Bactrians.  Sisamnes, 
son  of  Hydarnes,  commanded  the  Arians.  The  Parthians, 
Chorasmians,  Sogdians,  Gandarians,  and  Dadicae,  joined  the 
army,  having  the  same  accoutrements  as  the  Bactrians.  The 
following  leaders  commanded  them :  Artabazus,  son  of  Phar- 
naces,  commanded  the  Parthians  and  Chorasmians ;  Azanes, 
son  of  Artaeus,  the  Sogdians ;  and  Artyphius,  son  of  Arta- 
banus,  the  Gandarians  and  Dadicae.  The  Caspians,  clothed 
in  goat-skin  mantles,  and  carrying  bows  made  of  cane  peculiar 
to  their  country,  and  scimetars,  joined  the  expedition.    These 


67-72]  CATALOGUE   OF   THE   TROOPS  391 

were  thus  equipped,  having  for  their  general  Ariomardus, 
brother  of  Artyphius.  The  Sarangae  were  conspicuous  by 
having  dyed  garments ;  they  also  wore  buskins  reaching  up 
to  the  knee,  and  had  bows  and  Medic  javelins.  Pherendates, 
son  of  Megabyzus,  commanded  the  Sarangae.  The  Pactyes 
wore  goat-skin  mantles,  and  had  bows,  peculiar  to  the  coun- 
try, and  daggers.  The  Pactyes  had  for  their  general  Artyn- 
tes,  son  of  Ithamatres.  The  Utians,  Mycians,  and  Parican- 
ians  were  equipped  like  the  Pactyes.  The  following  leaders 
commanded  them :  Arsamenes,  son  of  Darius,  led  the  Utians 
and  Mycians ;  and  Siromitres,  son  of  CEobazus,  the  Pari- 
canians.  The  Arabians  wore  cloaks  fastened  by  a  girdle ;  and 
carried  on  their  right  sides  long  bows  which  bent  backward. 
The  Ethiopians  were  clothed  in  panthers'  and  lions'  skins,  and 
carried  long  bows,  not  less  than  four  cubits  in  length,  made 
from  branches  of  the  palm  tree ;  and  on  them  they  placed  short 
arrows  made  of  cane ;  instead  of  iron,  tipped  with  a  stone, 
which  was  made  sharp,  and  of  that  sort  on  which  they  engrave 
seals.  Besides  they  had  javelins,  and  at  the  tip  was  an  ante- 
lope's horn,  made  sharp,  like  a  lance ;  they  had  also  knotted 
clubs.  When  they  were  going  to  battle,  they  smeared  one 
half  of  their  body  with  chalk,  and  the  other  half  with  red  ochre. 
The  Arabians  and  Ethiopians  who  dwell  above  Egypt  were 
commanded  by  Arsames,  son  of  Darius  and  Artystone,  daugh- 
ter of  Cyrus,  whom  Darius  loved  more  than  all  his  wives,  and 
whose  image  he  had  made  of  beaten  gold.  The  Ethiopians 
from  the  sunrise  (for  two  kinds  served  in  the  expedition)  were 
marshalled  with  the  Indians,  and  did  not  at  all  differ  from  the 
others  in  appearance,  but  only  in  their  language  and  their  hair. 
For  the  eastern  Ethiopians  are  straight-haired;  but  those  of 
Libya  have  hair  more  curly  than  that  of  any  other  people. 
These  Ethiopians  from  Asia  were  accoutred  almost  the  same 
as  the  Indians ;  but  they  wore  on  their  heads  skins  of  horses' 
heads,  as  masks,  stripped  off  with  the  ears  and  mane ;  and  the 
mane  served  instead  of  a  crest,  and  the  horses'  ears  were  fixed 
erect ;  and  as  defensive  armour  they  used  the  skins  of  cranes 
instead  of  shields.  The  Libyans  marched,  clad  in  leathern 
garments,  and  made  use  of  javelins  hardened  by  fire.  They 
had  for  their  general  Massages,  son  of  Oarizus.  The  Paph- 
lagonians  joined  the  expedition,  wearing  on  their  heads  plaited 
helmets,  and  carried  small  shields,  and  not  large  spears ;  and 
besides,  javelins  and  daggers :  and  on  their  feet  they  wore 
boots,  peculiar  to  their  country,  reaching  up  to  the  middle 
of  the  leg.  The  Ligyes  and  the  Matienians,  the  Mariandynians 
and  Syrians,  marched  in  the  same  dress  as  the  Paphlagonians. 


392  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [72-78 

These  Syrians  are  called  by  the  Persians  Cappadocians.  Now 
Dotus,  son  of  Megasidrus,  commanded  the  Paphlagonians  and 
Matienians ;  and  Gobryas,  son  of  Darius  and  Artystone,  the 
Mariandynians,  Ligyes,  and  Syrians.  The  Phrygians  had 
very  nearly  the  same  dress  as  that  of  Paphlagonia,  varying 
it  a  little.  The  Phrygians,  as  the  Macedonians  say,  were  called 
Briges,  as  long  as  they  were  Europeans,  and  dwelt  with  the 
Macedonians  ;  but  having  passed  over  into  Asia,  they  changed 
their  name  with  their  country,  into  that  of  Phrygians.  The 
Armenians,  being  colonists  of  the  Phrygians,  were  equipped 
like  the  Phrygians.  Artochmes,  who  had  married  a  daughter 
of  Darius,  commanded  both  these.  The  Lydians'  arms  were 
very  like  the  Grecian.  The  Lydians  were  formerly  called 
Meionians,  but  took  their  appellation  from  Lydus,  the  son  of 
Atys,  having  changed  their  name.  The  Mysians  wore  on  their 
heads  a  helmet  peculiar  to  their  country ;  and  small  shields ; 
and  they  used  javelins  hardened  by  fire.  They  are  colonists 
of  the  Lydians,  and  from  the  mountain  Olympus  are  called 
Olympieni.  Artaphernes,  son  of  Artaphernes,  who  invaded 
Marathon  with  Datis,  commanded  the  Lydians  and  Mysians. 
The  Thracians  joined  the  expedition,  having  fox-skins  on 
their  heads  and  tunics  around  their  body,  and  over  them  they 
were  clothed  with  various  coloured  cloaks,  and  on  their  feet 
and  legs  they  had  buskins  of  fawn-skin,  and,  besides,  they  had 
javelins,  light  bucklers,  and  small  daggers.  These  people 
having  crossed  over  into  Asia,  were  called  Bithynians ;  but 
formerly,  as  they  themselves  say,  were  called  Strymonians, 
as  they  dwelt  on  the  river  Strymon :  they  say  that  they  were 
removed  from  their  original  settlements  by  the  Teucrians  and 
Mysians.  Bassaces,  son  of  Artabanus,  commanded  the  Thra- 
cians of  Asia.  The  .  .  .*  had  small  shields  made  of  raw-hides, 
and  each  had  two  javelins  used  for  hunting  wolves,  and  on 
their  heads  brazen  helmets ;  and  in  addition  to  the  helmets 
they  wore  the  ears  and  horns  of  an  ox  in  brass.  And  over 
these  were  crests ;  and  as  to  their  legs,  they  were  enwrapped 
in  pieces  of  purple  cloth.  Among  these  people  there  is  an 
oracle  of  Mars.  The  Cabalian  Meionians,  who  are  also  called 
Lasonians,  had  the  same  dress  as  the  Cilicians ;  which  I  shall 
describe  when  I  come  to  speak  of  the  army  of  the  Cilicians. 
The  Milyae  had  short  lances,  and  their  garments  were  fastened 
by  clasps.  Some  of  them  had  Lycian  bows,  and  on  their  heads 
helmets  made  of  tanned  skins.  Badres,  son  of  Hystanes, 
commanded  all  these.     The  Moschians  had  on  their  heads 

1  There  is  an  hiatus  in  the  manuscripts,  which  the  ingenuity  of  anno- 
tators  and  editors  has  been  unable  to  supply. 


78-83]  CATALOGUE   OF   THE   TROOPS  393 

wooden  helmets,  and  small  bucklers,  and  spears ;  but  there 
were  large  points  on  the  spears.  The  Tibarenians,  Macrones, 
and  Mosynceci  joined  the  expedition  equipped  as  the  Mos- 
chians.  The  following  generals  marshalled  these:  The  Mos- 
chians  and  Tibarenians,  Ariomardus,  son  of  Darius  and 
Parmys,  daughter  of  Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus ;  the  Macrones 
and  Mosynceci,  Artayctes,  son  of  Cherasmis,  who  was  in- 
trusted with  the  government  of  Sestos  on  the  Hellespont.  The 
Mares  wore  helmets  on  their  heads,  painted  after  the  manner 
of  their  country;  and  carried  small  shields  made  of  skin,  and 
javelins.  The  Colchians  had  about  their  heads  wooden  hel- 
mets, and  small  shields  of  raw-hide,  and  short  lances ;  and, 
besides,  they  had  swords.  Pherendates,  son  of  Teaspes,  com- 
manded the  Mares  and  Colchians.  The  Alarodi  and  the  Sas- 
pires  marched  armed  like  the  Colchians ;  Masistius,  son  of 
Siromitres,  commanded  them.  The  insular  nations  that  came 
from  the  Erythraean  Sea,  and  from  the  islands  in  which  the 
king  makes  those  dwell  who  are  called  "  the  banished,"  had 
clothing  and  arms  very  similar  to  the  Medic.  Mardontes, 
son  of  Bagaeus,  who,  when  commanding  the  army  at  Mycale, 
two  years  after  this,  died  in  battle,  commanded  these  islanders. 
These  were  the  nations  that  marched  on  the  continent,  and 
composed  the  infantry.  They,  then,  who  have  been  mentioned 
commanded  this  army,  and  these  were  they  who  set  in  order, 
and  numbered  them,  and  appointed  commanders  of  thou- 
sands and  of  ten  thousands.  But  the  commanders  of  ten  thou- 
sands appointed  the  captains  of  hundreds  and  captains  of  tens. 
There  were  other  subaltern  officers  over  the  troops  and  na- 
tions, but  those  who  have  been  mentioned  were  the  com- 
manders. Over  these  and  the  whole  infantry  were  appointed 
as  generals  Mardonius,  son  of  Gobryas ;  Tritantsechmes,  son 
of  Artabanus,  who  gave  his  opinion  against  the  invasion  of 
Greece;  Smerdomenes,  son  of  Otanes  (both  these  were  sons 
to  brothers  of  Darius,  and  cousins  to  Xerxes) ;  Masistes,  son 
of  Darius  and  Atossa ;  Gergis,  son  of  Arizus  ;  and  Megabyzus, 
son  of  Zopyrus.  These  were  generals  of  the  whole  land  forces, 
except  the  ten  thousand ;  of  these  ten  thousand  chosen  Per- 
sians, Hydarnes,  son  of  Hydarnes,  was  general.  These  Per- 
sians were  called  Immortal,  for  the  following  reason :  if  any 
one  of  them  made  a  deficiency  in  the  number,  compelled  either 
by  death  or  disease,  another  was  ready  chosen  to  supply  his 
place ;  so  that  they  were  never  either  more  or  less  than  ten 
thousand.  The  Persians  displayed  the  greatest  splendour  of 
all,  and  were  also  the  bravest ;  their  equipment  was  such  as 
has  been  described;  but,  besides  this,  they  were  conspicuous 


394  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA  [83-88 

from  having  a  great  profusion  of  gold.  They  also  brought 
with  them  covered  chariots,  and  concubines  in  them,  and  a 
numerous  and  well-equipped  train  of  attendants.  Camels  and 
other  beasts  of  burden  conveyed  their  provisions,  apart  from 
that  of  the  rest  of  the  soldiers. 

All  these  nations  have  cavalry;  they  did  not,  however,  all 
furnish  horse,  but  only  the  following:  First,  the  Persians, 
equipped  in  the  same  manner  as  their  infantry,  except  that 
on  their  heads  some  of  them  wore  brazen  and  wrought-steel 
ornaments.  There  is  a  certain  nomadic  race,  called  Sagar- 
tians,  of  Persian  extraction  and  language:  they  wear  a  dress 
fashioned  between  the  Persian  and  the  Pactyan  fashion ;  they 
furnished  eight  thousand  horse,  but  they  are  not  accustomed 
to  carry  arms  either  of  brass  or  iron,  except  daggers :  they 
use  ropes  made  of  twisted  thongs ;  trusting  to  these,  they  go 
to  war.  The  mode  of  fighting  of  these  men  is  as  follows: 
When  they  engage  with  the  enemy,  they  throw  out  the  ropes, 
which  have  nooses  at  the  end,  and  whatever  any  one  catches, 
whether  horse  or  man,  he  drags  toward  himself ;  and  they  that 
are  entangled  in  the  coils  are  put  to  death.  This  is  their  mode 
of  fighting ;  and  they  were  marshalled  with  the  Persians.  The 
Medes  had  the  same  equipment  as  that  used  in  the  infantry, 
and  the  Cissians  in  like  manner.  The  Indians  were  also 
equipped  like  their  infantry,  but  they  used  saddle  horses  and 
chariots :  and  in  their  chariots  they  yoked  horses  and  wild 
asses.  The  Bactrians  were  equipped  in  the  same  manner  as 
their  infantry,  and  the  Caspians  likewise.  The  Libyans,  too, 
were  accoutred  like  their  infantry ;  but  they  all  drove  chariots. 
In  like  manner  the  Caspiri  and  Paricanii  were  equipped  in  the 
same  way  as  their  infantry.  And  the  Arabians  had  the  same 
dress  as  their  infantry,  but  all  rode  camels  not  inferior  to 
horses  in  speed.  These  nations  only  furnished  cavalry.  The 
number  of  the  horse  amounted  to  eighty  thousand,  besides 
the  camels  and  chariots.  All  the  rest  of  the  cavalry  were  mar- 
shalled in  troops ;  but  the  Arabians  were  stationed  in  the  rear : 
for  as  horses  can  not  endure  camels,  they  were  stationed  be- 
hind, that  the  horses  might  not  be  frightened.  Armamithres 
and  Tithseus,  sons  of  Datis,  were  generals  of  the  cavalry. 
Their  third  colleague  in  command,  Pharnuches,  had  been  left 
at  Sardis  sick.  For  as  they  were  setting  out  from  Sardis  he 
met  with  a  sad  accident.  For  when  he  was  mounted,  a  dog 
ran  under  the  legs  of  his  horse,  and  the  horse,  not  being  aware 
of  it,  was  frightened,  and  rearing  up,  threw  Pharnuches ;  upon 
which  he,  having  fallen,  vomited  blood,  and  the  disease  turned 
into  consumption.     With  respect  to  the  horse,  his  servants 


88-93]  CATALOGUE  OF  THE   SHIPS  395 

immediately  did  as  he  ordered ;  for  leading  him  to  the  place 
where  he  had  thrown  his  master,  they  cut  off  his  legs  at  the 
knees.     Thus  Pharnuches  was  deprived  of  the  command. 

The  number  of  the  triremes  amounted  to  twelve  hundred 
and  seven ;  the  following  nations  furnished  them :  The  Phoe- 
nicians, with  the  Syrians  of  Palestine,  furnished  three  hun- 
dred, being  thus  equipped :  on  their  heads  they  had  helmets, 
made  very  nearly  after  the  Grecian  fashion ;  and  clothed  in 
linen  breastplates,  they  carried  shields  without  rims,  and 
javelins.  These  Phoenicians,  as  they  themselves  say,  anciently 
dwelt  on  the  Red  Sea;  and  having  crossed  over  from  thence, 
they  settled  on  the  sea-coast  of  Syria ;  this  part  of  Syria,  and 
the  whole  as  far  as  Egypt,  is  called  Palestine.  The  Egyptians 
contributed  two  hundred  ships.  These  had  on  their  heads 
plaited  helmets,  and  carried  hollow  shields,  with  large  rims, 
and  pikes  fit  for  a  sea-fight,  and  large  hatchets.  The  greater 
part  of  them  had  breastplates,  and  carried  large  swords.  The 
Cyprians  contributed  a  hundred  and  fifty  ships,  and  were 
equipped  as  follows :  their  kings  had  their  heads  wrapped  in 
turbans ;  the  rest  wore  tunics,  and  were  in  other  respects  at- 
tired like  the  Greeks.  Of  these  there  are  the  following  na- 
tions, some  from  Salamis  and  Athens ;  others  from  Arcadia ; 
others  from  Cythnus ;  others  from  Phoenicia ;  and  others  from 
Ethiopia,  as  the  Cyprians  themselves  say.  The  Cilicians  con- 
tributed a  hundred  ships.  These,  again,  wore  on  their  heads 
helmets  peculiar  to  their  country,  and  had  bucklers  instead  of 
shields,  made  of  raw-hides,  and  were  clothed  in  woollen 
tunics ;  every  one  had  two  javelins,  and  a  sword  made  very 
much  like  the  Egyptian  scimetar.  They  were  anciently  called 
Hypachaeans,  and  took  their  present  name  from  Cilix,  son  of 
Agenor,  a  Phoenician.  The  Pamphylians  contributed  thirty 
ships,  and  were  equipped  in  Grecian  armour.  These  Pam- 
phylians are  descended  from  those  who,  in  their  return  from 
Troy,  were  dispersed  with  Amphilochus  and  Calchas.  The 
Lycians  contributed  fifty  ships,  and  wore  breastplates  and 
greaves.  They  had  bows  made  of  cornel-wood,  and  cane 
arrows  without  feathers,  and  javelins ;  and,  besides,  goat-skins 
were  suspended  over  their  shoulders;  and  round  their  heads 
caps  encircled  with  feathers;  they  had  also  daggers  and  fal- 
chions. The  Lycians  were  called  Termilae,  being  sprung  from 
Crete,  but  took  their  present  name  from  Lycus,  son  of  Pan- 
dion,  an  Athenian.  The  Dorians  of  Asia  contributed  thirty 
ships,  wearing  Grecian  armour,  and  sprung  from  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  Carians  contributed  seventy  ships,  and  were  in 
other  respects  accoutred  like  the  Greeks,  but  had  falchions 


396  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII.   POLYMNIA  [93-98 

and  daggers.  What  these  were  formerly  called  I  have  men- 
tioned in  the  first  part  of  my  history.  The  Ionians  contributed 
a  hundred  ships,  and  were  equipped  as  Greeks.  The  Ionians, 
as  long  as  they  inhabited  that  part  of  the  Peloponnesus  which 
is  now  called  Achaia,  and  before  Danaus  and  Xuthus  arrived 
in  the  Peloponnesus,  as  the  Greeks  say,  were  called  Pelasgian 
iEgialees ;  but  Ionians  from  Ion,  son  of  Xuthus.  The  island- 
ers contributed  seventeen  ships,  and  were  armed  like  the 
Greeks.  This  race  is  also  Pelasgic,  but  was  afterward  called 
Ionian  for  the  same  reason  as  the  Ionians  of  the  twelve  cities 
who  came  from  Athens.  The  yEolians  contributed  sixty  ships, 
and  were  equipped  like  the  Greeks  ;  they  were  anciently  called 
Pelasgians,  as  the  Grecians  say.  The  Hellespontines,  except 
those  of  Abydos,  for  the  people  of  Abydos  were  ordered  by  the 
king  to  stay  at  home  and  guard  the  bridges — the  rest,  how- 
ever, who  joined  the  expedition  from  the  Pontus,  contributed 
a  hundred  ships ;  they  were  equipped  like  the  Greeks :  these 
are  colonists  of  the  Ionians  and  Dorians. 

Persians,  Medes,  and  Sacae  served  as  marines  on  board  all 
the  ships.  Of  these  the  Phoenicians  furnished  the  best  sail- 
ing ships,  and  of  the  Phoenicians  the  Sidonians.  Over  all 
these,  as  well  as  over  those  that  formed  the  land  army,  native 
officers  were  appointed  to  each ;  but  I  do  not  mention  their 
names,  for  I  am  not  necessarily  constrained  to  do  so  for  the 
purpose  of  the  history;  nor  were  the  officers  of  each  nation 
worthy  of  mention ;  and  in  each  nation,  as  many  as  the  cities 
were,  so  many  were  the  leaders.  They  did  not,  however,  fol- 
low in  the  quality  of  generals,  but  like  the  other  subjects  who 
joined  the  expedition.  Moreover,  the  generals,  who  had  all 
the  power,  and  were  the  commanders  of  the  several  nations, 
such  of  them  as  were  Persians  have  been  already  mentioned 
by  me.  The  following  were  admirals  of  the  navy :  Ariabignes, 
son  of  Darius ;  Prexaspes,  son  of  Aspathines ;  Magabyzus, 
son  of  Megabates ;  and  Achsemenes,  son  of  Darius ;  of  the 
Ionian  and  Carian  force,  Ariabignes,  son  of  Darius  and  the 
daughter  of  Gobryas  ;  Achaemenes,  who  was  brother  to  Xerxes 
on  both  sides,  commanded  the  Egyptians ;  and  the  other 
two  commanded  the  rest  of  the  fleet.  Trieconters,  pentecon- 
ters,  light  boats,  and  long  horse  transports  were  found  to  as- 
semble to  the  number  of  three  thousand.  Of  those  who  served 
in  the  fleet,  the  following,  next  to  the  admirals,  were  the  most 
illustrious  :  Tetramnestus,  son  of  Anysus,  a  Sidonian  ;  Mapen, 
son  of  Siromus,  a  Tyrian;  Merbalus,  son  of  Agbalus,  an 
Aridian ;  Syennesis,  son  of  Oromedon,  a  Cilician ;  Cybernis- 
cus,  son  of  Sicas,  a  Lycian;    Gorgus,  son  of  Chersis,  and 


98-101]  THE   REVIEW  COMPLETED  397 

Timonax,  son  of  Timagoras,  Cyprians ;  and  of  the  Carians, 
Histiseus,  son  of  Tymnes;  Pygres,  son  of  Seldomus,  and 
Damasithymus,  son  of  Candaules.  Of  the  other  captains  I 
make  no  mention,  as  I  deem  it  unnecessary,  except  of  Arte- 
misia, whom  I  most  admire,  as  having,  though  a  woman, 
joined  this  expedition  against  Greece;  who,  her  husband 
being  dead,  herself  holding  the  sovereignty  while  her  son  was 
under  age,  joined  the  expedition  from  a  feeling  of  courage  and 
manly  spirit,  though  there  was  no  necessity  for  her  doing  so. 
Her  name  was  Artemisia,  and  she  was  the  daughter  of  Lyg- 
damis,  and  by  birth  she  was  of  Halicarnassus  on  her  father's 
side,  and  on  her  mother's  a  Cretan.  She  commanded  the  Hali- 
carnassians,  the  Coans,  the  Nisyrians,  and  the  Calydnians,  hav- 
ing contributed  five  ships :  and  of  the  whole  fleet,  next  to  the 
Sidonians,  she  furnished  the  most  renowned  ships,  and  of  all 
the  allies,  gave  the  best  advice  to  the  king.  The  cities  which 
I  have  mentioned  as  being  under  her  command  I  pronounce 
to  be  all  of  Doric  origin ;  the  Halicarnassians  being  Trceze- 
nians,  and  the  rest  Epidaurians.  Thus  far  the  naval  arma- 
ment has  been  spoken  of. 

Xerxes,  when  he  had  numbered  his  forces,  and  the  army 
was  drawn  up,  desired  to  pass  through  and  inspect  them  in 
person.  Accordingly,  he  did  so,  and  driving  through  on  a 
chariot,  by  each  separate  nation,  he  made  inquiries,  and  his 
secretaries  wrote  down  the  answers ;  until  he  had  gone  from 
one  extremity  to  the  other,  both  of  the  horse  and  foot.  When 
he  had  finished  this,  and  the  ships  had  been  launched  into  the 
sea,  Xerxes  thereupon  removing  from  his  chariot  to  a 
Sidonian  ship,  sat  under  a  gilded  canopy,  and  then  sailed  by 
the  prows  of  the  ships,  asking  questions  of  each,  as  he  had 
done  with  the  land  forces,  and  having  the  answers  written 
down.  The  captains  of  the  ships  having  drawn  their  vessels 
about  four  plethra  from  the  beach,  lay  to,  all  having  turned 
their  ships  frontwise  to  land,  and  having  armed  the  marines 
as  if  for  a  battle ;  but  Xerxes,  sailing  between  the  prows  and 
the  beach,  inspected  them. 

When  he  had  sailed  through  them,  and  had  landed  from 
the  ship,  he  sent  for  Demaratus,  son  of  Ariston,  who  accom- 
panied him  in  his  expedition  against  Greece ;  and  having 
called  him,  he  addressed  him  thus :  "  Demaratus,  it  is  now 
my  pleasure  to  ask  of  you  certain  questions  that  I  wish.  You 
are  a  Greek,  and,  as  I  am  informed  by  you,  and  other  Greeks 
who  have  conversed  with  me,  of  a  city  neither  the  least  nor  the 
weakest.  Now,  therefore,  tell  me  this,  whether  the  Grecians 
will  venture  to  lift  their  hands  against  me:  for,  as  I  think, 


398  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [101-103 

if  all  the  Grecians,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  nations  that  dwell 
toward  the  west,  were  collected  together,  they  would  not  be 
able  to  withstand  my  attack,  unless  they  were  united  together. 
However,  I  am  desirous  to  know  what  you  say  on  this  sub- 
ject." Such  was  the  question  he  asked;  but  Demaratus  an- 
swering said,  "  O  king,  whether  shall  I  speak  truth  to  you, 
or  what  is  pleasing?"  He  bade  him  speak  truth,  assuring 
him  that  he  would  not  be  at  all  less  agreeable  than  he  was 
before.  When  Demaratus  heard  this,  he  spoke  thus :  "  O 
king,  since  you  positively  require  me  to  speak  truth,  I  will 
say  such  things  as  whoever  should  utter  them  would  not  here- 
after be  convicted  of  falsehood.  Poverty  has  ever  been  famil- 
iar to  Greece,  but  virtue  has  been  acquired,  having  been  ac- 
complished by  wisdom  and  firm  laws;  by  the  aid  of  which 
Greece  has  warded  off  poverty  and  tyranny.  I  commend, 
indeed,  all  those  Greeks  who  dwell  round  those  Doric  lands; 
but  I  shall  now  proceed  to  speak,  not  of  all,  but  of  the  Lace- 
daemonians only.  In  the  first  place,  I  say  it  is  not  possible 
that  they  should  ever  listen  to  your  proposals,  which  bring 
slavery  on  Greece ;  secondly,  that  they  will  meet  you  in  battle, 
even  if  all  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  should  side  with  you.  With 
respect  to  their  number,  you  need  not  ask  how  many  they 
are,  that  they  are  able  to  do  this ;  for  whether  a  thousand  men, 
or  more,  or  even  less,  should  have  marched  out,  they  will 
certainly  give  you  battle."  Xerxes,  having  heard  this,  re- 
plied :  "  Demaratus,  what  have  you  said  ?  that  a  thousand  men 
will  fight  with  such  an  army  as  this  ?  Come,  tell  me,  you  say 
that  you  were  yourself  king  of  these  men?  Are  you,  then, 
willing  on  the  spot  to  fight  with  ten  men?  And  yet  if  all 
your  citizens  are  such  as  you  represent,  you,  who  are  their 
king,  ought  by  your  own  institutions  to  be  matched  against 
twice  that  number;  for  if  each  of  them  is  a  match  for  ten 
men  in  my  army,  I  expect  that  you  should  be  a  match  for 
twenty,  so  the  opinion  you  have  given  utterance  to  would 
prove  correct.  But  if,  being  such  as  yourself,  and  of  the  same 
stature  as  you  and  other  Greeks  who  have  conversed  with  me, 
ye  boast  so  much,  beware  that  the  opinion  you  have  uttered 
be  not  an  idle  vaunt.  For  come,  let  us  consider  every  prob- 
ability :  how  could  a  thousand  men,  or  even  ten  thousand,  or 
even  fifty  thousand,  being  all  equally  free,  and  not  subject  to 
the  command  of  a  single  person,  resist  such  an  army  as  this? 
for  if  they  are  five  thousand,  we  are  more  than  a  thousand 
against  one.  Were  they,  indeed,  according  to  our  custom, 
subject  to  the  command  of  a  single  person,  they  might, 
through  fear  of  him,  prove  superior  to  their  natural  courage ; 


103-106J  XERXES   AND   DEMARATUS  399 

and,  compelled  by  the  lash,  might,  though  fewer,  attack  a 
greater  number:  but  now,  being  left  to  their  own  free  will, 
they  will  do  nothing  of  the  kind.  And  I  am  of  opinion  that 
even  if  they  were  equal  in  numbers  the  Grecians  would  hardly 
contend  with  the  Persians  alone.  For  the  valour  that  you 
speak  of  exists  among  us ;  it  is  not,  however,  common,  but 
rare.  For  there  are  Persians  among  my  body-guards  who 
would  readily  encounter  three  Greeks  at  once ;  and  you,  hav- 
ing no  experience  of  these  men,  talk  very  idly."  To  this 
Demaratus  replied :  "  O  king,  I  knew  from  the  first  that,  by 
adhering  to  the  truth,  I  should  not  say  what  would  be  agree- 
able to  you ;  but  since  you  constrained  me  to  speak  the  exact 
truth,  I  told  you  the  real  character  of  the  Spartans.  However, 
you  yourself  well  know  how  tenderly  I  must  love  them,  who, 
after  they  had  deprived  me  of  my  paternal  honours  and  dig- 
nity, have  made  me  citiless  and  an  exile ;  but  your  father, 
having  received  me,  gave  me  maintenance  and  a  home:  it  is 
not  probable,  therefore,  that  a  prudent  man  should  repel  mani- 
fest benevolence,  but  should  by  all  means  cherish  it.  For  my 
part,  I  do  not  pretend  to  be  able  to  fight  with  ten  men,  nor 
with  two ;  nor  would  I  willingly  fight  with  one.  But  if  there 
was  any  necessity,  or  any  great  stake  to  rouse  me,  I  would 
most  willingly  fight  with  one  of  those  men  who  pretend  to 
be  singly  a  match  for  three  Grecians.  In  like  manner  the 
Lacedaemonians  in  single  combat  are  inferior  to  none ;  but 
together  are  the  bravest  of  all  men.  For  though  free,  they 
are  not  absolutely  free;  for  they  have  a  master  over  them, 
the  law,  which  they  fear  much  more  than  your  subjects  do 
you.  They  do,  accordingly,  whatever  it  enjoins ;  and  it  ever 
enjoins  the  same  thing,  forbidding  them  to  fly  from  battle 
before  any  number  of  men,  but  to  remain  in  their  ranks,  and 
conquer  or  die.  If  I  appear  to  you,  in  saying  this,  to  talk  idly, 
I  will  for  the  future  observe  silence  on  this  subject,  and  now 
I  have  spoken  through  compulsion ;  however,  may  events, 
O  king,  turn  out  according  to  your  wish !  " 

Such  was  the  reply  he  made.  But  Xerxes  turned  it  into 
ridicule,  and  evinced  no  anger,  but  dismissed  him  kindly. 
Xerxes,  having  held  this  conversation,  and  appointed  Mas- 
cames,  son  of  Megadostes,  to  be  governor  of  this  Doriscus, 
and  having  deposed  the  person  placed  there  by  Darius, 
marched  his  army  through  Thrace  toward  Greece.  Mascames, 
whom  he  left,  proved  so  excellent  a  man  that  Xerxes  used 
to  send  presents  every  year  to  him  alone,  as  being  the  best 
of  all  the  governors  whom  either  he  or  Darius  had  appointed ; 
and  he  used  to  send  them  every  year ;  as  did  also  Artaxerxes, 


400  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [106-109 

son  of  Xerxes,  to  the  descendants  of  Mascames.  For  even 
before  this  expedition  governors  had  been  appointed  in 
Thrace,  and  throughout  the  Hellespont.  Now  all  these,  both 
in  Thrace  and  on  the  Hellespont,  except  the  one  in  Doriscus, 
were  driven  out  by  the  Greeks  after  this  invasion;  but  none 
were  able  to  drive  out  Mascames,  who  was  in  Doriscus,  though 
many  made  the  attempt.  On  this  account  presents  are  sent 
to  his  family  by  the  reigning  King  of  Persia.  But  of  all  those 
who  were  driven  out  by  the  Greeks,  King  Xerxes  thought  no 
one  had  behaved  himself  with  courage  except  Boges,  who 
was  governor  of  Eion.  Him  he  never  ceased  praising,  and 
conferred  the  highest  honours  on  his  sons  who  survived  in 
Persia.  And  indeed  Boges  deserved  great  praise ;  for  when 
he  was  besieged  by  the  Athenians  under  Cimon,  son  of  Mil- 
tiades,  and  might  have  marched  out  by  capitulation  and  re- 
turned to  Asia,  he  would  not  do  so,  lest  the  king  should  think 
he  saved  his  life  through  cowardice;  but  he  held  out  to  the 
last.  And  when  there  was  no  longer  any  food  in  the  fort, 
having  raised  a  great  pile,  he  slew  his  children  and  wife,  and 
concubines  and  servants,  and  then  threw  their  bodies  into 
the  fire ;  after  this  he  cast  all  the  gold  and  silver  that  was  in 
the  tower  from  the  fort  into  the  Strymon ;  and  having  done 
this,  he  threw  himself  into  the  fire.  So  that  he  is  with  justice 
commended  by  the  Persians  even  to  this  day. 

Xerxes  set  out  from  Doriscus  toward  Greece,  and  com- 
pelled such  nations  as  he  met  with  to  join  his  army.  For,  as  I 
before  observed,  the  whole  country  as  far  as  Thessaly  had 
been  brought  to  subjection,  and  made  tributary  to  the  king, 
Megabyzus,  and  afterward  Mardonius,  having  subdued  it.  In 
his  march  from  Doriscus,  he  first  passed  the  Samothracian 
fortresses ;  the  last  of  which  is  situated  toward  the  west,  and 
is  a  city  called  Mesambria ;  near  this  is  Stryme,  a  city  of  the 
Thasians.  Between  these  two  places  the  river  Lissus  flows ; 
which  did  not  supply  sufficient  water  for  the  army  of  Xerxes, 
but  failed.  This  country  was  anciently  called  Gallaica,  but  now 
Briantica :  in  strict  right,  however,  it  belongs  to  the  Ciconians. 

Xerxes  having  crossed  the  dried-up  channel  of  the  river 
Lissus,  passed  by  the  following  Grecian  cities :  Maronea, 
Dicaea,  and  Abdera;  he  accordingly  went  by  these,  and  near 
them,  the  following  celebrated  lakes :  the  Ismaris,  situated  be- 
tween Maronea  and  Stryme;  and  Bistonis,  near  Dicaea,  into 
which  two  rivers  empty  their  water,  the  Travus  and  Comp- 
satus.  Near  Abdera  Xerxes  passed  by  no  celebrated  lake, 
but  the  river  Nestus,  which  flows  into  the  sea.  After  these 
places  he  passed  in  his  march  by  several  continental  cities; 


109-115]  THE   MARCH   OF   XERXES  401 

in  one  of  which  is  a  lake  about  thirty  stades  in  circumference ; 
it  abounds  in  fish,  and  is  very  brackish.  The  beasts  of  burden 
alone,  being  watered  there,  dried  this  up.  The  name  of  this 
city  is  Pistyrus.  These  cities,  then,  maritime  and  Grecian,  he 
passed  by,  leaving  them  on  the  left  hand.  The  nations  of 
Thrace,  through  whose  country  he  marched,  are  these:  the 
Paeti,  Ciconians,  Bistonians,  Sapaei,  Dersaei,  Edoni,  and  Satrae. 
Of  these,  such  as  dwelt  near  the  sea  attended  him  with  their 
ships;  and  such  as  dwelt  inland,  who  have  been  enumerated 
by  me,  all,  except  the  Satrae,  were  compelled  to  follow  by  land. 
The  Satrae,  as  far  as  we  are  informed,  were  never  subject  to 
any  man,  but  alone,  of  all  the  Thracians,  have  continued  free 
to  this  day.  For  they  inhabit  lofty  mountains,  covered  with 
all  kinds  of  wood  and  snow,  and  are  courageous  in  war.  These 
are  the  people  that  possess  an  oracle  of  Bacchus ;  this  oracle 
is  on  the  highest  range  of  their  mountains.  The  Bessi  are 
those  among  the  Satrae  who  interpret  the  oracles  of  the  tem- 
ple ;  a  priestess  delivers  them,  as  in  Delphi,  and  they  are  not 
at  all  more  ambiguous.  Xerxes,  having  traversed  the  coun- 
try that  has  been  mentioned,  after  this  passed  by  the  forts  of 
the  Pierians,  one  of  which  is  called  Phagres,  and  the  other 
Pergamus :  here  he  marched  close  to  the  very  forts,  keeping 
on  his  right  hand  Mount  Pangaeus,  which  is  vast  and  lofty, 
and  in  it  are  gold  and  silver  mines,  which  the  Pierians  and 
Odomanti,  and  especially  the  Satrae,  work.  Passing  by  the 
Paeonians,  Doberes,  and  Paeoplae,  who  dwell  above  Pangaeus 
to  the  north,  he  went  westward,  till  he  arrived  at  the  river 
Strymon,  and  the  city  of  Eion,  of  which  Boges,  whom  I  have 
lately  mentioned,  being  still  alive,  was  governor.  The  land 
itself,  which  is  about  Mount  Pangaeus,  is  called  Phillis,  ex- 
tending westward  to  the  river  Angites,  which  falls  into  the 
Strymon;  and  on  the  south,  reaching  to  the  Strymon  itself, 
which  the  magi  propitiated  by  sacrificing  white  horses  to  it. 
Having  used  these  enchantments  to  the  river,  and  many  others 
besides,  they  marched  by  the  Nine  Ways  of  the  Edonians  to 
the  bridges,  and  found  the  banks  of  the  Strymon  united  by 
a  bridge.  But  being  informed  that  this  place  was  called  the 
Nine  Ways,  they  buried  alive  in  it  so  many  sons  and  daughters 
of  the  inhabitants.  It  is  a  Persian  custom  to  bury  people 
alive ;  for  I  have  heard  that  Amestris,  wife  of  Xerxes,  having 
grown  old,  caused  fourteen  children  of  the  best  families  in 
Persia  to  be  buried  alive,  to  show  her  gratitude  to  the  god 
who  is  said  to  be  beneath  the  earth. 

When  the  army  marched  from  the  Strymon.  there  is  a 
shore  toward  the  sunset  on  which  it  passed  by  a  Grecian  city 
26 


402  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA        [115-119 

called  Argilus ;  this  and  the  country  above  it  is  called  Bisaltia ; 
from  thence  keeping  the  bay  near  the  Temple  of  Neptune  on 
the  left  hand,  it  went  through  what  is  called  the  plain  of 
Syleus;  and  passing  by  Stagirus,  a  Grecian  city,  arrived  at 
Acanthus;  taking  with  them  each  of  the  above  nations,  and 
those  that  dwell  round  Mount  Pangaeus,  as  well  as  those  which 
I  have  before  enumerated;  having  those  that  dwelt  near  the 
sea  to  serve  on  shipboard,  and  those  above  the  sea  to  follow 
on  foot.  This  road,  along  which  King  Xerxes  marched  his 
army,  the  Thracians  neither  disturb  nor  sow,  but  regard  it 
with  great  veneration  even  to  my  time.  When  he  arrived 
at  Acanthus,  the  Persian  enjoined  the  Acanthians  to  show 
them  hospitality,  and  presented  them  with  a  Medic  dress,  and 
commended  them,  seeing  them  ready  for  the  war,  and  hearing 
of  the  excavation  at  Mount  Athos.  While  Xerxes  was  at 
Acanthus,  it  happened  that  Artachaees,  who  had  superintended 
the  canal,  died  of  disease ;  he  was  much  esteemed  by  Xerxes, 
and  was  of  the  race  of  the  Achaemenidae,  and  in  stature  the 
tallest  of  the  Persians,  for  he  wanted  only  four  fingers  of  five 
royal  cubits;  and  he  had  the  loudest  voice  of  any  man,  so 
that  Xerxes,  considering  his  loss  very  great,  had  him  carried 
to  the  grave  and  buried  him  with  great  pomp ;  and  the  whole 
army  raised  up  a  mound  for  his  sepulchre.  To  this  Artachaees 
the  Acanthians,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle,  offer  sacrifice  as 
to  a  hero,  invoking  him  by  name.  King  Xerxes,  therefore, 
when  Artachaees  died,  considered  it  a  great  loss.  Those  of 
the  Grecians  who  received  the  army  and  entertained  Xerxes 
were  reduced  to  extreme  distress,  so  that  they  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  homes;  since  Antipater,  son  of  Orges,  one 
of  the  most  distinguished  citizens,  being  selected  by  the  Tha- 
sians,  who  received  and  entertained  the  army  of  Xerxes  on 
behalf  of  the  cities  on  the  continent,  showed  that  four  hun- 
dred talents  of  silver  had  been  expended  on  the  banquet.  In 
like  manner  those  who  superintended  in  the  other  cities  gave 
in  their  accounts.  For  the  banquet  was  of  the  following  kind, 
as  being  ordered  long  beforehand,  and  considered  of  great 
importance:  In  the  first  place,  as  soon  as  they  heard  the 
heralds  proclaiming  it  all  around,  the  citizens,  having  dis- 
tributed the  corn  that  was  in  the  cities,  all  made  flour  and 
meal  for  many  months ;  and  in  the  next  place,  they  fatted 
cattle,  finding  the  best  they  could  for  money,  and  fed  land 
and  water  fowl  in  coops  and  ponds,  for  the  entertainment  of 
the  army :  moreover,  they  made  gold  and  silver  cups  and  ves- 
sels, and  all  such  things  as  are  placed  on  a  table.  But  these 
things  were  made  for  the  king  himself,  and  those  who  sat  at 


1 19-123]  THE   MARCH   OF   XERXES  403 

table  with  him ;  for  the  rest  of  the  army  provisions  only  were 
required.  Wherever  the  army  arrived,  a  tent  was  readily 
pitched,  in  which  Xerxes  himself  lodged;  but  the  rest  of  the 
army  remained  in  the  open  air.  When  meal  time  came,  those 
who  received  them  had  all  the  trouble ;  but  the  guests,  when 
they  had  been  satisfied  and  passed  the  night  there,  on  the 
following  day,  having  torn  up  the  tent  and  taken  all  the  furni- 
ture, went  away,  leaving  nothing,  but  carrying  away  every- 
thing. On  this  occasion  a  clever  remark  was  made  by  Maga- 
creon  of  Abdera,  who  advised  the  Abderites  to  go  in  a  body, 
themselves  and  their  wives,  to  their  own  temples,  and  to  seat 
themselves  as  suppliants  of  the  gods,  beseeching  them  also 
for  the  future  to  avert  one  half  of  the  evils  that  were  coming 
upon  them ;  and  to  express  their  hearty  thanks  for  what  was 
passed,  that  King  Xerxes  was  not  accustomed  to  take  food 
twice  every  day:  for  if  they  had  been  ordered  to  prepare  a 
dinner  as  well  as  a  supper,  they,  the  Abderites,  would  have 
been  compelled  either  not  to  await  the  arrival  of  Xerxes,  or, 
if  they  had  awaited  him,  they  must  have  been  worn  down  the 
most  miserably  of  all  men.  They,  however,  though  hard  put 
to  it,  executed  the  order  imposed  upon  them. 

At  Acanthus  Xerxes  dismissed  the  ships  from  his  presence 
to  proceed  on  their  voyage,  having  given  orders  to  the  ad- 
mirals that  the  fleet  should  await  his  arrival  at  Therma;  at 
Therma,  which  is  situated  on  the  Thermsean  Gulf,  and  from 
which  that  gulf  derives  its  name;  for  he  had  heard  that  that 
was  the  shortest  way.  As  far  as  Acanthus  the  army  marched 
from  Doriscus  in  the  following  order :  Xerxes,  having  divided 
the  whole  land  forces  into  three  bodies,  ordered  one  of  them 
to  accompany  the  fleet  along  the  coast :  of  this  division  Mar- 
donius  and  Masistes  were  commanders.  Another  of  the  three 
divisions  of  the  army  marched  inland,  commanded  by  Trin- 
tantaechmes  and  Gersis.  But  the  third  division,  with  which 
Xerxes  himself  went,  marched  between  the  other  two,  and 
had  for  generals  Smerdomenes  and  Megabyzus.  The  fleet 
accordingly,  when  it  had  been  dismissed  by  Xerxes,  and  had 
passed  through  the  canal  which  was  at  Athos  extending  to 
the  bay  on  which  the  cities  of  Assa,  Pilorus,  Singus,  and  Sarta 
are  situated,  after  that,  when  it  had  taken  troops  on  board  from 
those  cities,  sailed  with  all  speed  to  the  Thermaean  Bay. 
Doubling  Ampelus,  the  Toronaean  foreland,  it  passed  by  the 
following  Greek  cities,  from  which  it  took  ships  and  men : 
Torone,  Galepsus,  Sermyla,  Mecyberna,  and  Olynthus ;  all  of 
which  country  is  now  called  Sithonia.  Xerxes's  fleet,  stretch- 
ing across  from  the  Cape  of  Ampelus  to  the  Cape  of  Canas- 


404  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [123-127 

traeum,  which  is  the  most  prominent  point  of  all  Pallene, 
thence  took  ships  and  men  from  Potidaea,  Aphytis,  Neapolis, 
Mga,  Therambus,  Scione,  Menda,  and  Sana,  for  these  are  the 
cities  that  belong  to  what  is  now  Pallene,  but  was  formerly 
called  Phlegra.  Coasting  along  this  country,  it  sailed  to  the 
appointed  place,  taking  with  it  troops  also  from  the  cities 
near  Pallene  and  bordering  on  the  Thermaean  Gulf;  their 
names  are  as  follows :  Lipaxus,  Combrea,  Lisse,  Gigonus, 
Campsa,  Smila,  and  -dinea.  The  country  in  which  these  cities 
are  situated  is  to  the  present  time  called  by  the  name  of  Cros- 
saea.  From  ^Enea,  with  which  I  ended  my  enumeration  of 
the  cities,  the  course  of  the  fleet  was  direct  to  the  Thermaean 
Gulf  and  the  Mygdonian  territory :  and  sailing  on,  it  reached 
the  appointed  place,  Therma,  and  Sindus  and  Chalestra,  on 
the  river  Axius,  which  divides  the  territories  of  Mygdonia  and 
Bottiaeis ;  on  a  narrow  tract  of  which,  near  the  sea,  stand  the 
cities  of  Ichnae  and  Pella. 

The  naval  force  encamped  there  near  the  river  Axius,  and 
the  city  of  Therma,  and  the  intermediate  places,  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  the  king.  But  Xerxes  and  the  land  army  marched 
from  Acanthus,  taking  the  road  through  the  interior,  wishing 
to  reach  Therma.  And  he  marched  through  the  Paeonian  and 
Crestonian  territories  toward  the  river  Echidorus,  which,  be- 
ginning from  the  Crestonians,  flows  through  the  Mygdonian 
territory,  and  discharges  itself  into  the  marsh  which  is  above 
the  river  Axius.  While  he  was  marching  in  this  direction, 
lions  fell  upon  his  camels,  that  carried  provisions :  for  the  lions 
coming  down  by  night  and  leaving  their  usual  haunts,  seized 
nothing  else,  whether  beast  of  burden  or  man ;  but  they  at- 
tacked the  camels  only.  And  I  wonder  what  the  reason  could 
be  that  induced  the  lions  to  abstain  from  all  the  rest  and  set 
upon  the  camels ;  a  beast  which  they  had  never  before  seen 
or  made  trial  of.  But  in  those  parts  lions  are  numerous,  and 
wild  bulls,  which  have  very  large  horns  that  are  brought  into 
Greece.  The  boundaries  of  the  lions  are  the  river  Nestus, 
which  flows  through  Abdera,  and  the  Achelous,  which  flows 
through  Acarnania.  For  no  one  would  ever  see  a  lion  any- 
where eastward  of  the  Nestus,  throughout  the  fore  part  of 
Europe,  nor  to  the  west  of  the  Achelous,  in  the  rest  of  the 
continent,  but  they  breed  in  the  tract  between  these  two  rivers. 
When  Xerxes  arrived  at  Therma,  he  there  ordered  his  army 
to  halt.  And  his  army,  when  encamped,  occupied  the  fol- 
lowing district  along  the  coast:  extending  from  the  city  of 
Therma,  and  from  Mygdonia,  to  the  rivers  Lydias  and  Haliac- 
mon,  which  divide  the  territories  of  Bottiaeis  and  Macedonia, 


127-129]  THE  MARCH   OF  XERXES  405 

uniting  their  waters  in  the  same  channel.  In  these  countries, 
then,  the  barbarians  encamped.  Of  the  rivers  above  men- 
tioned, the  Echidorus,  which  flows  from  the  Crestonians,  was 
the  only  one  that  was  not  sufficient  for  the  army,  but  failed. 

Xerxes,  seeing  from  Therma  the  Thessalonian  mountains, 
Olympus  and  Ossa,  which  are  of  vast  size,  and  having  learned 
that  there  was  a  narrow  pass  between  them,  through  which 
the  river  Peneus  runs,  and  hearing  that  at  that  spot  there  was 
a  road  leading  to  Thessaly,  very  much  wished  to  sail  and  see 
the  mouth  of  the  Peneus ;  because  he  designed  to  march  by 
the  upper  road  through  the  country  of  the  Macedonians,  who 
dwell  higher  up,  to  the  territory  of  the  Perrhsebi,  near  the  city 
of  Gonnus ;  for  he  was  informed  that  this  was  the  safest  way. 
Accordingly,  as  he  wished,  so  he  did.  Having  gone  on  board 
a  Sidonian  ship,  in  which  he  always  embarked  whenever  he 
wished  to  do  anything  of  this  kind,  he  made  a  signal  for  all 
the  rest  of  the  fleet  to  get  under  way,  leaving  the  land  forces 
where  they  were.  When  Xerxes  arrived,  and  beheld  the 
mouth  of  the  Peneus,  he  was  struck  with  great  astonishment ; 
and  having  called  his  guides,  asked  if  it  would  be  possible 
to  turn  the  river  and  conduct  it  by  another  channel  into  the 
sea.  It  is  said  that  Thessaly  was  anciently  a  lake,  since  it  is 
inclosed  on  all  sides  by  lofty  mountains.  For  the  side  next  the 
east  Mount  Pelion  and  Ossa  shut  in,  mingling  their  bases 
with  each  other ;  and  the  side  toward  the  north  Olympus  shuts 
in;  and  the  west,  Pindus;  and  the  side  toward  the  midday 
and  the  south  wind,  Othrys:  the  space  in  the  midst  of  the 
above-mentioned  mountains  is  Thessaly,  which  is  hollow. 
Since,  then,  several  other  rivers  flow  into  it,  and  these  five 
most  noted  ones,  the  Peneus,  the  Apidanus,  the  Onochonus, 
the  Enipeus,  and  the  Pamisus ;  these  that  have  been  named, 
accordingly,  meeting  together  in  this  plain  from  the  moun- 
tains that  inclose  Thessaly,  discharge  themselves  into  the  sea 
through  one  channel,  and  that  a  narrow  one,  having  all  before 
mingled  their  waters  into  the  same  stream  ;  but  as  soon  as  they 
have  mingled  together,  from  that  spot  the  names  of  the  other 
rivers  merge  in  that  of  the  Peneus.1  It  is  said  that  formerly 
when  the  pass  and  outlet  did  not  yet  exist,  these  rivers,  and 
besides  them  the  lake  Bcebeis,  were  not  called  by  the  names 
they  now  bear,  though  they  flowed  not  less  than  they  do  now ; 
but  that  by  their  stream  they  made  all  Thessaly  a  lake.  How- 
ever, the  Thessalians  themselves  say  that  Neptune  made  the 
pass  through  which  the  Peneus  flows  ;  and  their  story  is  prob- 

1  Literally,   "  the-  river  Peneus  gaining  the  victory  as  to  the  name, 
causes  the  others  to  be  nameless." 

f 


406  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA  [129-133 

able.  For  whoever  thinks  that  Neptune  shakes  the  earth,  and 
that  rents  occasioned  by  earthquakes  are  the  works  of  this 
god,  on  seeing  this,  would  say  that  Neptune  formed  it.  For  it 
appears  evident  to  me  that  the  separation  of  these  mountains 
is  the  effect  of  an  earthquake.  The  guides,  when  Xerxes 
asked  if  there  was  any  other  exit  for  the  Peneus  to  the  sea, 
being  accurately  acquainted  with  the  country,  said :  "  O  king, 
this  river  has  no  other  outlet  that  extends  to  the  sea,  except 
this  one;  for  all  Thessaly  is  surrounded  by  mountains." 
Xerxes  is  reported  to  have  said  to  this :  "  The  Thessalians  are 
prudent  men,  and  therefore  they  long  ago  took  precautions, 
and  altered  their  minds,  both  on  other  accounts,  and  because 
they  possessed  a  country  which  might  be  easily  subdued,  and 
quickly  taken.  For  it  would  only  be  necessary  to  turn  the 
river  on  to  their  territory,  by  forcing  it  back  by  a  mound  at 
the  pass,  and  diverting  it  from  the  channels  through  which 
it  now  flows,  so  that  all  Thessaly,  except  the  mountains,  would 
be  inundated."  Xerxes  expressed  himself  thus,  in  reference 
to  the  sons  of  Aleuas,  because  they,  being  Thessalians,  were 
the  first  of  the  Greeks  who  gave  themselves  up  to  the  king; 
Xerxes  supposing  that  they  promised  alliance  in  behalf  of  the 
whole  nation.  Having  thus  spoken,  and  viewed  the  spot,  he 
sailed  back  to  Therma. 

He  remained  several  days  about  Pieria,  for  a  third  division 
of  his  army  was  employed  in  felling  the  trees  on  the  Mace- 
donian range,  that  the  whole  army  might  pass  in  that  direc- 
tion to  the  Perrhsebi.  In  the  meantime  the  heralds,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Greece  to  demand  earth,  returned  to  Xerxes  ;  some 
empty,  and  others  bringing  earth  and  water.  Of  those  who 
gave  them  were  the  following:  the  Thessalians,  the  Dolopes, 
the  Enienes,  the  Perrhaebi,  the  Locrians,  the  Magnetes,  the 
Melians,  the  Achgeans  of  Pthiotis,  and  the  Thebans,  and  all 
the  rest  of  the  Boeotians,  except  the  Thespians  and  Plataeans. 
Against  these  the  Greeks  who  engaged  in  war  with  the  bar- 
barians made  a  solemn  oath.  The  oath  ran  as  follows : 
"  Whatever  Greeks  have  given  themselves  up  to  the  Persian, 
without  compulsion,  so  soon  as  their  affairs  are  restored  to 
order,  these  shall  be  compelled  to  pay  a  tithe  to  the  god 
at  Delphi."  Such  was  the  oath  taken  by  the  Greeks.  To 
Athens  and  Sparta  he  did  not  send  heralds  to  demand  earth, 
for  the  following  reasons :  On  a  former  occasion  when  Darius 
sent  for  the  same  purpose,  the  former  having  thrown  those 
who  made  the  demand  into  the  barathrum,1  and  the  latter 

1  The  barathrum  was  a  deep  pit  at  Athens,  into  which  certain  criminals 
who  were  sentenced  to  death,  were  thrown. 


133-136J  FATE   OF  THE   PERSIAN   HERALDS  407 

into  a  well,  bade  them  carry  earth  and  water  to  the  king  from 
those  places.  For  that  reason  Xerxes  did  not  send  persons 
to  make  the  demand.  What  calamity  befell  the  Athenians  in 
consequence  of  their  having  treated  the  heralds  in  this  man- 
ner, I  can  not  say,  except  that  their  territory  and  city  were 
ravaged;  but  I  do  not  think  that  happened  in  consequence 
of  that  crime.  On  the  Lacedaemonians,  however,  the  anger 
of  Talthybius,  Agamemnon's  herald,  alighted.  For  Talthyb- 
ius  has  a  temple  in  Sparta ;  and  there  are  descendants  of  Tal- 
thybius, called  Talthybiadae,  to  whom  all  embassies  from  Sparta 
are  given  as  a  privilege.  After  these  events  the  Spartans  were 
unable,  when  they  sacrificed,  to  get  favourable  omens;  and 
this  continued  for  a  long  time.  The  Lacedaemonians  being 
grieved,  and  considering  it  a  great  calamity,  and  having  fre- 
quently held  assemblies,  and  at  length  made  inquiry  by  public 
proclamation,  whether  any  Lacedaemonian  was  willing  to  die 
for  Sparta,  Sperthies,  son  of  Aneristus,  and  Bulis,  son  of 
Nicolaus,  both  Spartans  of  distinguished  birth,  and  eminent 
for  their  wealth,  voluntarily  offered  to  give  satisfaction  to 
Xerxes  for  the  heralds  of  Darius  who  had  perished  at  Sparta. 
Accordingly,  the  Spartans  sent  them  to  the  Medes,  for  the 
purpose  of  being  put  to  death.  And  both  the  courage  of  these 
men  deserves  admiration,  and  also  the  following  words  on 
this  occasion.  For  on  their  way  to  Susa  they  came  to  Hy- 
darnes ;  but  Hydarnes  was  a  Persian  by  birth,  and  governor 
of  the  maritime  people  in  Asia ;  he  having  offered  them  hos- 
pitality, entertained  them,  and  while  he  was  entertaining  them 
he  questioned  them  as  follows,  saying :  "  Men  of  Lacedaemon, 
why  do  you  refuse  to  be  friendly  with  the  king  ?  For  you  may 
see  how  well  the  king  knows  how  to  honour  brave  men,  by 
looking  at  me  and  my  condition.  So  also,  if  you  would  sur- 
render yourselves  to  the  king,  for  you  are  deemed  by  him  to 
be  brave  men,  each  of  you  would  obtain  a  government  in  some 
part  of  Greece,  at  the  hands  of  the  king."  To  this  they  an- 
swered as  follows :  "  Hydarnes,  the  advice  you  hold  out  to 
us  is  not  impartial ;  for  you  advise  us,  having  tried  the  one 
state,  but  being  inexperienced  in  the  other:  what  it  is  to  be 
a  slave  you  know  perfectly  well,  but  you  have  never  tried  lib- 
erty, whether  it  is  sweet  or  not.  For  if  you  had  tried  it  you 
would  advise  us  to  fight  for  it,  not  with  spears,  but  even  with 
hatchets."  Thus  they  answered  Hydarnes.  Afterward,  when 
they  went  up  to  Susa,  and  were  come  into  the  king's  presence, 
in  the  first  place,  when  the  guards  commanded  and  endeav- 
oured to  compel  them  to  prostrate  themselves  and  worship 
the  king,  they  said  they  would  by  no  means  do  so,  although 


40$  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [136-139 

they  were  thrust  by  them  on  their  heads ;  for  that  it  was  not 
their  custom  to  worship  a  man,  nor  had  they  come  for  that 
purpose.  When  they  had  fought  off  this,  and  on  their  address- 
ing Xerxes  in  words  to  the  following  effect,  "  King  of  the 
Medes,  the  Lacedaemonians  have  sent  us  in  return  for  the 
heralds  who  were  killed  at  Sparta,  to  make  satisfaction  for 
them  " ;  on  their  saying  this,  Xerxes  answered  with  magna- 
nimity that  he  would  not  be  like  the  Lacedaemonians,  for 
that  they  had  violated  the  law  of  all  nations  by  murdering 
his  heralds ;  but  he  would  not  do  the  very  thing  which  he 
blamed  in  them ;  nor  by  killing  them  in  return,  would  relieve 
the  Lacedaemonians  from  guilt.  Thus  the  wrath  of  Talthyb- 
ius,  when  the  Spartans  acted  in  this  manner,  ceased  for  the 
time,  although  Sperthies  and  Bulis  returned  to  Sparta.  But 
some  time  afterward  it  was  again  aroused,  during  the  war 
between  the  Peloponnesians  and  Athenians,  as  the  Lacedae- 
monians say;  and  this  appears  to  me  to  have  happened  in  a 
most  extraordinary  manner :  for  that  the  wrath  of  Talthybius 
alighted  on  the  messengers,  and  did  not  cease  until  it  was  satis- 
fied, justice  allowed ;  but  that  it  should  fall  on  the  sons  of  the 
men  who  went  up  to  the  king  on  account  of  that  wrath,  on 
Nicolaus,  son  of  Bulis,  and  on  Aneristus,  son  of  Sperthies, 
who,  sailing  in  a  merchant  vessel  fully  manned,  captured  some 
fishermen  from  Tiryns,  makes  it  clear  to  me  that  the  occur- 
rence was  extraordinary  in  consequence  of  that  wrath.  For 
they,  being  sent  by  the  Lacedaemonians  as  ambassadors  to 
Asia,  and  being  betrayed  by  Sitalces,  son  of  Teres,  King  of 
the  Thracians,  and  by  Nymphodorus,  son  of  Pytheas  of  Ab- 
dera,  were  taken  near  Bisanthe  on  the  Hellespont,  and  being 
carried  to  Attica,  were  put  to  death  by  the  Athenians ;  and 
with  them  Aristeas,  son  of  Adimantus,  a  Corinthian.  These 
things,  however,  happened  many  years  after  the  expedition  of 
the  king. 

But  I  return  to  my  former  subject.  This  expedition  of  the 
king  was  nominally  directed  against  Athens,  but  was  really 
sent  against  all  Greece.  The  Greeks,  however,  though  they 
had  heard  of  it  long  beforehand,  were  not  all  affected  alike. 
For  those  who  had  given  earth  and  water  to  the  Persians  felt 
confident  that  they  should  suffer  no  harm  from  the  barbarians ; 
but  those  who  had  refused  to  give  them  were  in  great  con- 
sternation, since  the  ships  in  Greece  were  not  sufficient  in  num- 
ber to  resist  the  invader,  and  many  were  unwilling  to  engage 
in  the  war,  and  were  much  inclined  to  side  with  the  Medes. 
And  here  I  feel  constrained  by  necessity  to  declare  my  opin- 
ion, although  it  may  excite  the  envy  of  most  men;  however, 


I39-HO  PREDICTIONS   OF   THE   PYTHIAN  409 

I  will  not  refrain  from  expressing  how  the  truth  appears  to 
me  to  be.  If  the  Athenians,  terrified  with  the  impending  dan- 
ger, had  abandoned  their  country ;  or  not  having  abandoned 
it,  but  remaining  in  it,  had  given  themselves  up  to  Xerxes, 
no  other  people  would  have  attempted  to  resist  the  king  at 
sea.  If,  then,  no  one  had  opposed  Xerxes  by  sea,  the  follow- 
ing things  must  have  occurred  on  land :  Although  many  lines 
of  walls  had  been  built  by  the  Peloponnesians  across  the  isth- 
mus, yet  the  Lacedaemonians,  being  abandoned  by  the  allies 
(not  willingly,  but  by  necessity,  they  being  taken  by  the  bar- 
barians city  by  city),  would  have  been  left  alone;  and  being 
left  alone,  after  having  displayed  noble  deeds,  would  have  died 
nobly.  They  would  either  have  suffered  thus,  or  before  that, 
seeing  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  siding  with  the  Medes,  would 
have  made  terms  with  Xerxes ;  and  so,  in  either  case,  Greece 
would  have  become  subject  to  the  Persians ;  for  I  am  unable 
to  discover  what  would  have  been  the  advantage  of  the  walls 
built  across  the  isthmus  if  the  king  had  been  master  of  the 
sea.  Any  one,  therefore,  who  should  say  that  the  Athenians 
were  the  saviours  of  Greece  would  not  deviate  from  the  truth ; 
for  to  whichever  side  they  turned,  that  must  have  prepon- 
derated. But  having  chosen  that  Greece  should  continue  free, 
they  were  the  people  who  roused  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  who 
did  not  side  with  the  Medes,  and  who,  next  to  the  gods,  re- 
pulsed the  king.  Neither  did  alarming  oracles  that  came  from 
Delphi,  and  inspired  them  with  terror,  induce  them  to  abandon 
Greece ;  but,  standing  their  ground,  they  had  courage  to  await 
the  invader  of  their  country. 

For  the  Athenians,  having  sent  deputies  to  Delphi,  were 
anxious  to  consult  the  oracle :  and  after  they  had  performed 
the  usual  ceremonies  about  the  temple,  when  they  entered 
the  sanctuary  and  sat  down,  the  Pythian,  whose  name  was 
Aristonica,  uttered  the  following  warning :  "  O  wretched  men, 
why  sit  ye  here?  fly  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  leaving  your 
houses  and  the  lofty  summits  of  your  wheel-shaped  city.  For 
neither  does  the  head  remain  firm  nor  the  body,  nor  the  lowest 
feet  nor  the  hands,  nor  is  aught  of  the  middle  left,  but  they 
are  all  fallen  to  ruin.  For  fire  and  fleet  Mars,  driving  the 
Syrian  chariot,  destroys  it.  And  he  will  destroy  many  other 
turrets,  and  not  yours  alone ;  and  he  will  deliver  many  tem- 
ples of  the  immortals  to  devouring  fire,  which  now  stand  drip- 
ping with  sweat,  shaken  with  terror;  and  from  the  topmost 
roofs  trickles  black  blood,  pronouncing  inevitable  woe.  But 
go  from  the  sanctuary,  and  infuse  your  mind  with  courage  to 
meet  misfortunes."     The  deputies  of  the  Athenians,  having 


4io  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [141-H3 

heard  this,  deemed  it  a  very  great  calamity;  and  when  they 
were  dejected  at  the  predicted  evil,  Timon,  son  of  Androbulus, 
a  man  reputed  at  Delphi  equally  with  the  best,  advised  them 
to  take  supplicatory  branches  and  go  again  and  consult  the 
oracle  as  suppliants.  The  Athenians  yielding  to  this  advice, 
and  saying :  O  king,  vouchsafe  to  give  us  a  more  favour- 
able answer  concerning  our  country,  having  regard  to  these 
supplicatory  branches  which  we  have  brought  with  us ;  other- 
wise we  will  never  depart  from  thy  sanctuary,  but  will  remain 
here  till  we  die."  When  they  had  said  this,  the  priestess  gave 
a  second  answer,  in  these  terms :  "  Pallas  is  unable  to  pro- 
pitiate Olympian  Jove,  entreating  him  with  many  a  prayer 
and  prudent  counsel.  But  to  you  again  I  utter  this  speech, 
making  it  like  adamant;  for  when  all  is  taken  that  the  limit 
of  Cecrops  contains  within  it,  and  the  recesses  of  divine  Cithae- 
ron,  wide-seeing  Jupiter  gives  a  wooden  wall  to  the  Triton- 
born  goddess,  to  be  alone  impregnable,  which  shall  preserve 
you  and  your  children.  Nor  do  you  quietly  wait  for  the  cav- 
alry and  infantry  advancing  in  multitudes  from  the  continent, 
but  turn  your  back  and  withdraw.  You  will  still  be  able  to 
face  them.  O  divine  Salamis,  thou  shalt  cause  the  sons  of 
women  to  perish,  whether  Ceres  is  scattered  or  gathered  in." 
Having  written  this  answer  down,  for  it  appeared  to  them 
to  be  of  milder  import  than  the  former  one,  they  departed 
for  Athens :  and  when  the  deputies,  on  their  return,  reported 
it  to  the  people,  many  different  opinions  were  given  by  per- 
sons endeavouring  to  discover  the  meaning  of  the  oracle,  and 
among  them  the  two  following  most  opposed  each  other. 
Some  of  the  old  men  said  they  thought  the  god  foretold  that 
the  Acropolis  should  be  saved ;  for  formerly  the  Acropolis 
was  defended  by  a  hedge ;  they  therefore  on  account  of  the 
hedge  conjectured  that  this  was  the  wooden  wall.  Others,  on 
the  other  hand,  said  that  the  god  alluded  to  their  ships,  and 
therefore  advised  that,  abandoning  everything  else,  they  should 
get  them  ready.  However,  the  last  two  lines  uttered  by  the 
Pythian  perplexed  those  who  said  that  the  wooden  wall  meant 
the  ships :  "  O  divine  Salamis,  thou  shalt  cause  the  sons  of 
women  to  perish,  whether  Ceres  is  scattered  or  gathered  in." 
By  these  words  the  opinions  of  those  who  said  that  the  ships 
were  the  wooden  wall  were  disturbed :  for  the  interpreters  of 
oracles  took  them  in  this  sense,  that  they  should  be  defeated 
off  Salamis  if  they  prepared  for  a  sea-fight.  There  was  a  cer- 
tain Athenian  who  had  lately  risen  to  eminence,  whose  name 
was  Themistocles,  but  he  was  commonly  called  the  son  of 
Neocles;  this  man  maintained  that  the  interpreters  had  not 


143-145]  ASSEMBLING  THE  GREEKS  411 

rightly  understood  the  whole,  saying  thus:  If  the  word  that 
had  been  uttered  really  did  refer  to  the  Athenians,  he  did  not 
think  that  it  would  have  been  expressed  so  mildly,  but  thus, 
"  O  unhappy  Salamis,"  instead  of  "  O  divine  Salamis,"  if  the 
inhabitants  were  about  to  perish  on  its  shores ;  therefore  who- 
ever understood  them  rightly  would  conclude  that  the  oracle 
was  pronounced  by  the  god  against  their  enemies,  and  not 
against  the  Athenians.  He  advised  them,  therefore,  to  make 
preparations  for  fighting  by  sea,  since  that  was  the  wooden 
wall.  When  Themistocles  thus  declared  his  opinion,  the  Athe- 
nians considered  it  preferable  to  that  of  the  interpreters  who 
dissuaded  them  from  making  preparations  for  a  sea-fight,  and 
in  short  advised  them  not  to  make  any  resistance  at  all,  but 
to  abandon  the  Attic  territory  and  settle  in  some  other.  An- 
other opinion  of  Themistocles  had  before  this  opportunely  pre- 
vailed. When  the  Athenians,  having  great  riches  in  the  treas- 
ury, which  came  in  from  the  mines  of  Laureum,  were  about 
to  share  them  man  by  man,  to  each  ten  drachmas;  then 
Themistocles  persuaded  them  to  refrain  from  this  distribution, 
and  to  build  two  hundred  ships  with  this  money,  meaning 
for  the  war  with  the  ^Eginetse.  For  that  war  springing  up, 
at  this  time  saved  Greece,  by  compelling  the  Athenians  to 
apply  themselves  to  maritime  affairs.  The  ships,  however, 
were  used  for  the  purpose  for  which  they  were  built,  but  were 
thus  very  serviceable  to  Greece.  These,  therefore,  were  al- 
ready built  for  the  Athenians,  and  it  was  necessary  to  con- 
struct others  besides.  And  it  was  resolved,  on  their  consult- 
ing after  the  receipt  of  the  oracle,  to  await  the  barbarian,  who 
was  invading  Greece,  with  their  whole  people  on  shipboard, 
in  obedience  to  the  god,  together  with  such  Greeks  as  would 
join  them.  Such,  then,  were  the  oracles  delivered  to  the 
Athenians. 

When  the  Greeks  who  were  better  affected  toward  Greece 
were  assembled  together,  and  consulted  with  each  other,  and 
gave  pledges  of  mutual  fidelity,  it  was  thereupon  determined, 
on  deliberation,  that,  before  all  things,  they  should  reconcile 
all  existing  enmities  and  wars  with  each  other.  For  there 
were  wars  in  hand  between  several  others,  but  the  most  con- 
siderable was  that  between  the  Athenians  and  ^ginetae.  After 
this,  being  informed  that  Xerxes  was  with  his  army  at  Sardis, 
they  determined  to  send  spies  into  Asia,  in  order  to  discover 
the  true  state  of  the  king's  affairs;  and  to  send  ambassadors 
to  Argos  to  conclude  an  alliance  against  the  Persians,  and 
others  to  Sicily,  to  Gelon,  son  of  Dinomenes,  and  to  Corcyra, 
and  others  to  Crete,  begging  them  to  come  to  the  assistance 


4I2  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [145-148 

of  Greece;  purposing,  if  possible,  that  Greece  should  be 
united,  and  that  all  should  combine  in  adopting  the  same  plan, 
in  dangers  which  threatened  all  the  Greeks  alike;  but  the 
power  of  Gelon  was  said  to  be  very  great,  being  far  superior 
to  that  of  any  other  Grecian  states.  When  these  things  were 
determined  on  by  them,  having  reconciled  their  enmities,  they 
first  of  all  sent  three  men  as  spies  into  Asia;  and  they  hav- 
ing arrived  at  Sardis,  and  endeavoured  to  get  intelligence  of 
the  king's  forces,  when  they  were  discovered  were  examined 
by  the  generals  of  the  land  army,  and  led  out  to  execution, 
for  sentence  of  death  had  been  passed  upon  them.  But  when 
Xerxes  heard  of  this,  disapproving  of  the  decision  of  the  gen- 
erals, he  sent  some  of  his  guards  with  orders  to  bring  the 
spies  to  him  if  they  should  find  them  still  alive.  And  when 
they  found  them  yet  living,  and  brought  them  into  the  king's 
presence,  he  thereupon,  having  inquired  for  what  purpose 
they  came,  commanded  the  guards  to  conduct  them  round, 
and  show  them  all  the  infantry  and  cavalry,  and  when  they 
should  be  satisfied  with  seeing  them,  to  send  them  away  un- 
harmed, to  whatever  country  they  should  choose.  He  issued 
these  orders,  alleging  the  following  reason,  that  if  the  spies 
were  put  to  death,  the  Greeks  would  neither  be  informed 
beforehand  of  his  power,  that  it  was  greater  than  could  be 
described;  nor  would  he  do  any  great  harm  to  his  enemies 
by  putting  three  men  to  death ;  whereas,  if  they  returned  to 
Greece,  it  was  his  opinion,  he  said,  that  the  Greeks,  having 
heard  of  his  power,  would,  of  their  own  accord,  surrender 
their  liberty,  before  the  expedition  should  take  place,  and  so 
it  would  not  be  necessary  to  have  the  trouble  of  marching 
against  them.  This  opinion  of  his  was  like  this  other  one. 
When  Xerxes  was  at  Abydos,  he  saw  certain  ships  laden  with 
corn  from  the  Pontus,  sailing  through  the  Hellespont,  on  their 
way  to  iEgina  and  the  Peloponnesus.  Those  who  sat  near  him, 
having  heard  that  the  ships  belonged  to  the  enemy,  were  ready 
to  capture  them,  and,  fixing  their  eyes  on  the  king,  watched 
when  he  would  give  the  order.  But  Xerxes  asked  his  attend- 
ants where  they  were  sailing ;  they  answered,  "  To  your  ene- 
mies, sire,  carrying  corn."  He  answering,  said :  "  Are  not 
we  also  sailing  to  the  same  place  to  which  these  men  are,  and 
provided  with  other  things,  and  with  corn  ?  What  hurt,  then, 
can  they  do  us  by  carrying  corn  thither  for  us  ?  "  The  spies, 
accordingly,  having  seen  the  army,  and  being  sent  away,  re- 
turned to  Europe. 

But  the  Greeks  who  had  engaged  in  a  confederacy  against 
the  Persian,  after  the  despatch  of  the  spies,  next  sent  ambas- 


148-150]  ATTITUDE   OF   THE   ARGIVES  413 

sadors  to  Argos.  But  the  Argives  say  that  what  concerned 
them  occurred  as  follows :  That  they  heard  from  the  very 
first  of  the  design  of  the  barbarian  against  Greece,  and  having 
heard  of  it,  and  learned  that  the  Greeks  would  endeavour  to 
obtain  their  assistance  against  the  Persian,  they  sent  persons 
to  consult  the  oracle  of  Delphi,  and  inquire  of  the  god  what 
course  it  would  be  best  for  them  to  adopt;  for  six  thousand 
of  their  number  had  recently  been  slain  by  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians, and  by  Cleomenes,  son  of  Anaxandrides :  for  this  rea- 
son they  sent,  and  the  Pythian  gave  the  following  answer 
to  their  inquiries :  "  Hated  by  your  neighbours,  beloved  by 
the  immortal  gods,  holding  your  lance  at  rest,  keep  on  the 
watch,  and  guard  your  head ;  the  head  shall  save  the  body." 
They  say  that  the  Pythian  gave  this  answer  first,  and  after- 
ward, when  the  ambassadors  came  to  Argos,  they  were  intro- 
duced to  the  council,  and  delivered  their  message ;  and  they 
answered  to  what  was  said,  that  the  Argives  were  ready  to 
comply,  having  first  made  a  thirty  years'  truce  with  the  Lace- 
daemonians, and  provided  they  might  have  an  equal  share  of 
the  command  of  the  allied  forces ;  though  in  justice  the  whole 
command  belonged  to  them,  yet  they  would  be  content  with 
the  command  over  half.  This,  they  say,  was  the  answer  of 
their  senate,  although  the  oracle  had  forbidden  them  to  enter 
into  any  alliance  with  the  Grecians ;  and  that  they  were  anx- 
ious to  make  a  thirty  years'  truce,  although  they  feared  the 
oracle,  in  order  that  their  children  might  become  men  during 
that  time ;  but  if  a  truce  was  not  made,  they  were  apprehen- 
sive lest  if,  in  addition  to  their  present  calamity,  another  fail- 
ure should  befall  them  in  the  Persian  war,  they  might  in 
future  become  subject  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  Those  of  the 
ambassadors  who  came  from  Sparta  gave  the  following  an- 
swer to  what  was  said  by  the  council :  That  with  respect  to  a 
truce,  it  should  be  referred  to  the  people;  but  with  respect 
to  the  command,  they  were  instructed  to  answer,  and  say, 
that  they  had  two  kings,  but  the  Argives  only  one ;  and  there- 
fore it  was  not  possible  to  deprive  either  of  their  kings  of  his 
command;  but  that  there  was  nothing  to  hinder  the  Argive 
king  from  having  an  equal  vote  with  their  two.  Thus  the 
Argives  say  that  they  could  not  put  up  with  the  arrogance  of 
the  Spartans,  but  that  they  rather  chose  to  be  subject  to  the 
barbarians,  than  to  yield  to  the  Lacedaemonians;  and  that 
they  ordered  the  ambassadors  to  quit  the  territories  of  the 
Argives  before  sunset,  otherwise  they  would  treat  them  as 
enemies. 

Such  is  the  account  which  the  Argives  themselves  give  of 


414  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII.   POLYMNIA         [150-152 

this  affair.  But  another  report  is  prevalent  throughout  Greece 
that  Xerxes  sent  a  herald  to  Argos  before  he  set  out  on  his 
expedition  against  Greece;  and  it  is  related  that  he,  on  his 
arrival,  said :  "  Men  of  Argos,  King  Xerxes  speaks  thus  to 
you.  We  are  of  opinion  that  Perses,  from  whom  we  are 
sprung,  was  son  of  Perseus,  son  of  Danae,  born  of  Andromeda, 
daughter  of  Cepheus.  Thus,  then,  we  must  be  your  descend- 
ants: it  is,  therefore,  neither  right  that  we  should  lead  an 
army  against  our  progenitors,  nor  that  you  should  assist 
others,  and  be  opposed  to  us;  but  should  remain  quiet  by 
yourselves :  and  if  I  succeed  according  to  my  wish,  I  shall 
esteem  none  greater  than  you."  It  is  said  that  the  Argives, 
when  they  heard  this,  considered  it  a  great  thing,  and  at  once 
determined  neither  to  promise  anything  nor  demand  any- 
thing in  return ;  but  when  the  Greeks  wished  to  take  them 
into  the  confederacy,  they  then,  knowing  that  the  Lacedae- 
monians would  not  share  the  command  with  them,  made  the 
demand  in  order  that  they  might  have  a  pretext  for  remain- 
ing quiet.  Some  of  the  Greeks  also  say  that  the  following 
circumstance,  which  occurred  many  years  after,  accords  with 
this :  Callias,  son  of  Hipponicus,  and  those  who  went  up  with 
him  as  ambassadors  of  the  Athenians,  happened  to  be  at  the 
Memnonian  Susa  on  some  other  business ;  and  the  Argives 
at  the  same  time  having  sent  ambassadors  to  Susa,  asked 
Artaxerxes,  son  of  Xerxes,  whether  the  alliance  which  they 
had  formed  with  Xerxes  still  subsisted,  or  whether  they  were 
considered  by  him  as  enemies.  King  Artaxerxes  answered 
that  it  certainly  subsisted,  and  that  he  considered  no  city 
more  friendly  than  Argos.  Now  whether  Xerxes  did  send 
a  herald  to  Argos  with  such  a  message,  and  whether  am- 
bassadors of  the  Argives,  having  gone  up  to  Susa,  asked  Arta- 
xerxes about  the  alliance,  I  can  not  affirm  with  certainty ;  nor 
do  I  declare  any  other  opinion  on  the  subject  than  what  the 
Argives  themselves  say.  But  this  much  I  know,  that  if  all 
men  were  to  bring  together  their  own  faults  into  one  place, 
for  the  purpose  of  making  an  exchange  with  their  neighbours, 
when  they  had  looked  closely  into  their  neighbours'  faults, 
each  would  gladly  take  back  those  which  they  brought  with 
them.  Thus  the  conduct  of  the  Argives  was  not  the  most  base. 
But  I  am  bound  to  relate  what  is  said,  though  I  am  not  by  any 
means  bound  to  believe  everything :  and  let  this  remark  apply 
to  the  whole  history.  For  even  this  is  reported,  that  the 
Argives  were  the  people  who  invited  the  Persian  to  invade 
Greece,  since  their  war  with  the  Lacedaemonians  went  on 
badly,  wishing  that  anything  might  happen  to  them  rather 


152-155]  GELON  415 

than  continue  in  their  present  troubles.    This  is  sufficient  con- 
cerning the  Argives. 

Other  ambassadors  went  from  the  allies  to  Sicily  to  con- 
fer with  Gelon ;  and  among  them  Syagrus  on  the  part  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  An  ancestor  of  this  Gelon,  who  was  an 
inhabitant  of  Gela,  came  from  the  island  of  Telus,  which  lies 
off  Triopium ;  when  Gela  was  founded  by  the  Lindians  from 
Rhodes  and  by  Antiphemus,  he  was  not  left  behind;  and  in 
course  of  time  his  descendants,  becoming  priests  of  the  in- 
fernal deities,  continued  to  be  so,  Telines,  one  of  their  an- 
cestors, having  acquired  that  dignity  in  the  following  manner : 
Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Gela  being  worsted  in  a  sedition, 
had  fled  to  Mactorium,  a  city  situated  above  Gela ;  these  men, 
then,  Telines  conducted  back  again,  without  the  assistance 
of  any  human  force,  but  with  the  sacred  things  to  those  dei- 
ties; though  whence  he  got  them,  or  how  he  became  pos- 
sessed of  them,  I  am  unable  to  say.  However,  relying  on 
these,  he  brought  back  the  fugitives,  on  condition  that  his 
descendants  should  be  priests  of  the  deities.  From  what  I 
hear,  I  am  much  astonished  that  Telines  should  have  achieved 
such  an  action;  for  I  have  ever  thought  that  such  actions 
are  not  in  the  reach  of  every  man,  but  proceed  from  a  brave 
spirit  and  manly  vigour.  Whereas,  on  the  contrary,  he  is 
reported  by  the  inhabitants  of  Sicily  to  have  been  an  effemi- 
nate and  delicate  man.  Thus,  however,  he  acquired  this  dig- 
nity. On  the  death  of  Cleander,  son  of  Pantares,  who  reigned 
seven  years  over  Gela,  but  was  killed  by  Sabyllus,  a  citizen 
of  Gela,  thereupon  Hippocrates,  who  was  brother  to  Cleander, 
succeeded  to  the  sovereignty.  While  Hippocrates  held  the 
tyranny,  Gelon,  who  was  a  descendant  of  Telines,  the  priest, 
was  with  many  others,  and  with  ^Enesidemus,  son  of  Pataicus, 
one  of  the  guards  of  Hippocrates ;  and  soon  after  was  made 
commander  of  the  whole  cavalry  on  account  of  his  valour. 
For  when  Hippocrates  besieged  the  Callipolitse,  the  Naxians, 
the  Zanclseans,  the  Leontines,  and  besides  the  Syracusans, 
and  divers  of  the  barbarians,  Gelon  signalized  himself  in  these 
several  wars ;  and  of  the  cities  that  I  have  mentioned,  not 
one,  except  the  Syracusans,  escaped  servitude  at  the  hands 
of  Hippocrates.  But  the  Corinthians  and  Corcyraeans  saved 
the  Syracusans,  after  they  had  been  defeated  in  battle  on  the 
river  Elorus ;  and  they  saved  them,  having  reconciled  them 
on  the  following  terms :  that  the  Syracusans  should  give  up 
Camarina  to  Hippocrates ;  but  Camarina  originally  belonged 
to  the  Syracusans.  When  Hippocrates,  having  reigned  the 
same  number  of  years  as  his  brother  Cleander,  met  with  his 


4i6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [155-157 

death  before  Hybla,  while  carrying  on  the  war  against  the 
Sicilians,  Gelon  thereupon,  under  colour  of  defending  the 
rights  of  Euclides  and  Cleander,  sons  of  Hippocrates,  the 
citizens  refusing  to  be  any  longer  subject  to  them — in  fact, 
when  he  had  defeated  the  Geloans  in  battle,  possessed  himself 
of  the  sovereignty,  and  deposed  the  son  of  Hippocrates.  After 
this  success,  Gelon  leading  back  those  Syracusans  who  were 
called  Gamori,1  and  had  been  expelled  by  the  people,  and 
by  their  own  slaves,  called  Cyllyrii,  leading  them  back  from 
the  city  of  Casmene  to  Syracuse,  got  possession  of  this  also. 
For  the  people  of  the  Syracusans  gave  up  the  city  and  them- 
selves to  Gelon  on  his  first  approach.  When  he  had  made 
himself  master  of  Syracuse,  he  took  less  account  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Gela,  and  intrusted  it  to  his  brother  Hiero ;  but 
he  strengthened  Syracuse,  and  Syracuse  was  everything  to 
him ;  and  it  grew  up  rapidly  and  flourished.  For,  first  of  all, 
he  removed  all  the  Camarinaeans  to  Syracuse,  and  made  them 
citizens,  and  destroyed  the  city  of  Camarina ;  and  in  the  next 
place  he  did  with  more  than  half  the  Geloans  the  same  that  he 
had  done  with  the  Camarinseans.  Moreover,  the  Megarians 
in  Sicily,  when  being  besieged  they  came  to  terms,  the  more 
opulent  of  them,  who  had  raised  the  war  against  him,  and, 
therefore,  expected  to  be  put  to  death,  he  took  to  Syracuse 
and  made  citizens;  but  the  populace  of  the  Megarians,  who 
had  no  part  in  promoting  this  war,  nor  expected  to  suffer 
any  harm,  he  also  took  to  Syracuse,  and  sold  them  for  ex- 
portation from  Sicily.  He  treated  the  Euboeans  in  Sicily  in 
the  same  manner,  and  made  the  same  distinction ;  and  he 
treated  them  both  in  this  way,  from  an  opinion  that  a  populace 
is  a  most  disagreeable  neighbour.  By  such  means  Gelon  be- 
came a  powerful  tyrant. 

At  this  time,  when  the  ambassadors  of  the  Grecians  ar- 
rived at  Syracuse,  having  come  to  a  conference  with  him,  they 
spoke  as  follows :  "  The  Lacedaemonians,  the  Athenians,  and 
their  allies  have  sent  us  to  invite  you  to  join  with  them  against 
the  barbarian ;  for  doubtless  you  have  heard  that  he  is  march- 
ing against  Greece,  and  that  a  Persian,  having  thrown  a  bridge 
over  the  Hellespont,  and  bringing  with  him  all  the  eastern 
host  out  of  Asia,  is  about  to  invade  Greece,  holding  out  as  a 
pretence  that  he  is  advancing  against  Athens,  but  really  de- 
signing to  reduce  all  Greece  under  his  own  power.  But  you 
have  attained  to  great  power,  and  possess  not  the  least  part 
of  Greece,  since  you  rule  Sicily ;  assist,  therefore,  those  who 
are  asserting  the  liberty  of  Greece,  and  join  them  in  main- 

1  Landholders. 


157-160]  GELON   AND  THE  AMBASSADORS  417 

taining  its  liberty.  For  if  all  Greece  is  assembled,  a  large 
force  is  collected,  and  we  become  able  to  resist  the  invaders. 
But  if  some  of  us  should  betray  the  common  cause,  and  others 
refuse  to  assist,  so  that  the  sound  part  of  Greece  should  be 
small,  then  there  is  great  danger  that  the  whole  of  Greece 
will  fall.  For  you  must  not  expect  that  if  the  Persian  should 
subdue  us,  having  conquered  in  battle,  he  will  not  proceed 
also  against  you,  but  take  precautions  beforehand;  for  by 
I  assisting  us,  you  protect  yourself.  "A  favourable  result  is  gen- 
erally wont  to  attend  a  well-devised  plan."  Thus  they  spoke. 
Gelon  was  very  vehement,  speaking  as  follows :  "  Men  of 
Greece,  holding  arrogant  language,  you  have  dared  to  invite 
me  to  come  to  your  assistance  against  the  barbarians.  And 
yet  you  yourselves,  when  I  formerly  besought  you  to  assist 
me  in  attacking  a  barbarian  army  when  a  quarrel  was  on  foot 
between  me  and  the  Carthaginians,  and  when  I  exhorted  you 
to  avenge  the  death  of  Dorieus,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  upon 
the  vEgestaeans,  and  promised  that  I  would  join  in  freeing 
the  ports,  from  whence  great  advantages  and  profits  accrued 
to  you ;  neither  for  my  sake  did  you  come  to  assist  me,  nor 
to  avenge  the  death  of  Dorieus.  So  that  as  far  as  you  are 
concerned,  all  this  country  is  subject  to  barbarians.  How- 
ever, matters  turned  out  well  with  me,  and  prospered ;  and 
now,  when  the  war  has  come  round  and  reached  you,  at  length 
you  remember  Gelon.  But  though  I  met  with  disgraceful 
treatment  from  you,  I  shall  not  imitate  your  example,  but  am 
ready  to  assist  you,  furnishing  two  hundred  triremes,  twenty 
thousand  heavy  armed  troops,  two  thousand  horse,  two  thou- 
sand bowmen,  two  thousand  slingers,  and  two  thousand  light- 
horse;  I  likewise  undertake  to  supply  corn  for  the  whole 
Grecian  army  until  we  have  finished  the  war.  But  I  promise 
these  things  on  this  condition,  that  I  shall  be  general  and 
leader  of  the  Greeks  against  the  barbarians :  on  no  other  con- 
dition will  I  come  myself,  or  send  others."  Syagrus,  when  he 
heard  this,  could  not  contain  himself,  but  spoke  as  follows: 
"  Agamemnon,  the  descendant  of  Pelops,  would  indeed  groan 
aloud  if  he  heard  that  the  Spartans  had  been  deprived  of  the 
supreme  command  by  a  Gelon  and  by  Syracusans.  Never 
mention  this  proposition  again,  that  we  should  give  up  the 
command  to  you;  but  if  you  are  willing  to  succour  Greece, 
know  that  you  must  be  commanded  by  Lacedaemonians,  or, 
if  you  will  not  deign  to  be  commanded,  you  need  not  assist 
us."  Upon  this  Gelon,  when  he  observed  the  indignant  lan- 
guage of  Syagrus,  made  this  last  proposal :  "  Spartan  stranger, 
reproaches  uttered  against  a  man  are  wont  to  rouse  his  indig- 
27 


4l8  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [160-163 

nation.  Yet,  though  you  have  used  insulting  words  in  your 
speech,  you  have  not  provoked  me  to  be  unseemly  in  return. 
Nevertheless,  since  you  are  so  exceedingly  anxious  for  the 
supreme  command,  it  is  reasonable  that  I  also  should  be  more 
anxious  for  it  than  you,  since  I  am  leader  of  a  far  greater 
army,  and  many  more  ships.  However,  since  my  proposal 
is  so  repugnant  to  you,  I  will  abate  something  of  my  first 
demand.  If,  then,  you  choose  to  command  the  army,  I  will 
command  the  fleet ;  or  if  it  please  you  rather  to  have  the  com- 
mand at  sea,  I  will  lead  the  land  forces.  And  you  must  either 
be  content  with  these  terms,  or  return  destitute  of  such  allies." 
Gelon,  then,  proposed  these  terms ;  but  the  ambassador  of  the 
Athenians,  anticipating  that  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  answered 
him  in  these  words :  "  King  of  the  Syracusans,  the  Grecians 
sent  us  to  you,  not  to  ask  for  a  general,  but  an  army.  You 
declare  that  you  will  not  send  an  army  unless  you  have  the 
command  of  Greece,  and  you  are  anxious  to  be  made  general 
of  it :  as  long  as  you  require  to  command  all  the  forces  of  the 
Grecians,  we  Athenians  were  contented  to  remain  silent,  as 
we  knew  that  the  Spartan  would  be  sufficient  to  answer  for  us 
both ;  but  since,  being  excluded  from  the  whole  command, 
you  require  to  govern  the  navy,  the  matter  stands  thus.  Even 
if  the  Lacedaemonians  should  allow  you  to  govern  it,  we  shall 
not  allow  it,  for  that  is  ours,  unless  the  Lacedaemonians  wish 
to  take  it  themselves.  If  they,  indeed,  wish  to  have  the  com- 
mand, we  shall  not  oppose  them,  but  we  will  never  cede  to 
any  one  else  the  command  of  the  navy.  For  in  vain  should 
we  possess  the  greatest  naval  power  of  the  Greeks  if  we,  being 
Athenians,  should  yield  the  command  to  the  Syracusans,  we 
who  are  the  most  ancient  nation,  and  the  only  people  of  the 
Greeks  who  have  never  changed  their  country ;  from  whom 
also  Homer,  the  epic  poet,  said  the  best  man  went  to  Troy, 
both  for  arraying  and  marshalling  an  army.  So  that  it  is  no 
disgrace  to  us  to  speak  as  we  do."  To  this  Gelon  answered : 
"  Athenian  stranger,  you  seem  to  have  commanders,  but  as  if 
you  would  not  have  men  to  be  commanded.  Since,  therefore, 
you  are  resolved  to  concede  nothing,  but  to  retain  the  whole 
power,  you  can  not  be  too  quick  in  returning  back  again,  and 
informing  Greece  that  the  spring  of  the  year  has  been  taken 
from  her."  The  meaning  of  this  saying  is,  which  he  wished 
to  intimate,  that  as  the  spring  is  evidently  the  most  valuable 
season  in  the  year,  so  of  the  army  of  the  Grecians,  his  was 
the  best:  Greece,  therefore,  deprived  of  his  alliance,  he  com- 
pared to  a  year  from  which  the  spring  should  be  taken  away. 
The  ambassadors  of  the  Greeks,  having  thus  negotiated 


163-165]  GELON   AND   THE   AMBASSADORS  419 

with  Gelon,  sailed  away.  But  Gelon,  upon  this,  fearing  for 
the  Grecians,  that  they  would  not  be  able  to  withstand  the 
barbarians,  but  deeming  it  an  intolerable  disgrace  that  he  who 
was  tyrant  of  Sicily  should  go  to  Peloponnesus,  and  be  sub- 
ject to  the  Lacedaemonians,  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  that  course 
and  adopted  another.  As  soon  as  he  was  informed  that  the 
Persian  had  crossed  the  Hellespont,  he  despatched  Cadmus, 
son  of  Scythes,  a  Coan,  to  Delphi,  with  three  penteconters, 
taking  with  him  much  treasure  and  friendly  messages,  for  the 
purpose  of  watching  the  contest,  in  what  way  it  would  termi- 
nate ;  and  if  the  barbarian  should  conquer,  he  was  to  present 
him  with  the  treasure,  and  earth  and  water  for  the  countries 
which  Gelon  ruled  over;  but  if  the  Greeks  should  be  victori- 
ous, he  was  to  bring  back  the  treasure.  This  Cadmus,  having 
before  these  events  received  from  his  father  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Coans,  firmly  established,  of  his  own  accord,  when  no 
danger  threatened  him,  but  from  a  sense  of  justice,  surrendered 
the  government  into  the  hands  of  the  Coans,  and  retired  into 
Sicily;  there,  with  the  Samians,  he  possessed  and  inhabited 
the  city  of  Zancle,  which  changed  its  name  to  Messana.  This 
Cadmus,  therefore,  who  had  in  this  manner  come  to  Sicily, 
Gelon  sent  on  account  of  other  proofs  which  he  had  of  his 
uprightness ;  and  he,  in  addition  to  other  instances  of  up- 
rightness that  had  been  given  by  him,  left  this  not  the  least 
monument  of  them :  for  having  in  his  possession  vast  treas- 
ures, which  Gelon  had  intrusted  to  him,  when  it  was  in  his 
power  to  appropriate  them,  he  would  not;  but  when  the 
Greeks  conquered  in  the  sea-fight,  and  Xerxes  had  retired,  he 
returned  to  Sicily,  and  took  back  all  the  treasures. 

However,  the  following  account  is  given  by  those  who 
inhabit  Sicily,  that  Gelon,  notwithstanding  that  he  must  be 
governed  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  would  have  assisted  the 
Greeks,  had  not  Terillus,  son  of  Crinippus,  who  was  tyrant 
of  Himera,  being  expelled  from  Himera  by  Theron,  son  of 
^nesidemus,  King  of  the  Agrigentines,  at  that  time  brought 
in  an  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  consisting  of 
Phoenicians,  Libyans,  Iberians,  Ligyans,  Elisycians,  Sar- 
dinians, and  Cyrnians,  under  the  conduct  of  Amilcar,  son  of 
Hanno,  King  of  the  Carthaginians.  Terillus  persuaded  him 
by  the  hospitality  which  existed  between  them,  and  especially 
by  the  zeal  of  Anaxilaus,  son  of  Critines,  who  being  tyrant 
of  Rhegium,  and  having  given  his  children  as  hostages  into 
the  hands  of  Amilcar,  induced  him  to  enter  Sicily,  in  order  to 
revenge  the  injury  done  to  his  father-in-law.  For  Anaxilaus 
had  married  a  daughter  of  Terillus,  whose  name  was  Cydippe. 


42o  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII.   POLYMNIA         [165-168 

Thus,  as  Gelon  was  not  able  to  assist  the  Greeks,  he  sent  the 
treasures  to  Delphi.  In  addition  to  this,  they  say  that  it  hap- 
pened on  the  same  day  that  Gelon  and  Theron  conquered  Amil- 
car  the  Carthaginian  in  Sicily,  and  the  Greeks  conquered  the 
Persian  at  Salamis.  I  am  informed  that  Amilcar,  who  was  a 
Carthaginian  by  his  father,  and  a  Syracusan  by  his  mother,  and 
chosen  King  of  Carthage  for  his  virtue,  when  the  engage- 
ment took  place,  and  he  was  defeated  in  battle,  vanished  out 
of  sight;  for  he  was  seen  nowhere  on  the  earth,  either  alive 
or  dead,  though  Gelon  had  search  made  for  him  everywhere. 
The  following  story  is  also  related  by  the  Carthaginians  them- 
selves, who  endeavour  to  give  a  probable  account,  that  the 
barbarians  fought  with  the  Grecians  in  Sicily  from  the  morn- 
ing till  late  in  the  evening,  for  it  is  said  that  the  conflict  lasted 
so  long;  and  during  this  time  Amilcar,  continuing  in  the 
camp,  offered  sacrifices,  and  observed  the  omens,  burning 
whole  victims  upon  a  large  pile ;  and  when  he  saw  the  defeat 
of  his  own  army,  as  he  happened  to  be  pouring  libations  on 
the  victims,  he  threw  himself  into  the  flames,  and  thus,  being 
burned  to  ashes,  disappeared.  But  whether  Amilcar  disap- 
peared in  such  manner  as  the  Phoenicians  relate,  or  in  another 
manner,  as  the  Syracusans,  the  Carthaginians  in  the  first  place 
offer  sacrifices  to  him,  and  in  the  next  have  erected  monu- 
ments to  his  memory  in  all  the  cities  inhabited  by  colonists, 
and  the  most  considerable  one  in  Carthage  itself.  So  much 
for  the  affairs  of  Sicily. 

The  Corcyraeans,  having  given  the  following  answer  to  the 
ambassadors,  acted  as  I  shall  relate.  For  the  same  ambassa- 
dors who  went  to  Sicily  invited  them  to  join  the  league,  using 
the  same  language  to  them  as  they  had  done  to  Gelon.  They 
indeed  immediately  promised  to  send  and  give  assistance, 
adding  that  they  could  not  look  on  and  see  the  ruin  of  Greece, 
for  if  it  should  be  overthrown  nothing  else  would  remain 
for  them  than  to  become  slaves  on  the  very  first  day ;  there- 
fore they  would  assist  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  Thus 
speciously  they  answered;  but  when  they  ought  to  have 
assisted,  with  different  intentions,  they  manned  sixty  ships, 
and  having  put  to  sea,  after  great  delays,  drew  near  to  the 
Peloponnesus,  and  anchored  about  Pylus  and  Taenarus,  of  the 
Lacedaemonian  territory ;  they  also  carefully  watched  the  war, 
in  what  way  it  would  terminate ;  having  no  expectation  that 
the  Grecians  would  get  the  better,  but  thinking  that  the  Per- 
sian, having  gained  a  decided  superiority,  would  become  mas- 
ter of  all  Greece.  They  therefore  acted  thus  purposely,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  able  to  say  to  the  Persian :  "  O  king, 


168-170]        TREACHERY   OF   THE   CORCYR^ANS  421 

when  the  Greeks  invited  us  to  take  part  in  the  war,  we,  who 
have  a  considerable  force,  and  were  able  to  supply  not  the 
least  number  of  ships,  but  the  greatest  number,  next  to  the 
Athenians,  would  not  oppose  you,  nor  do  anything  displeas- 
ing to  you."  By  saying  this  they  hoped  to  get  better  terms 
than  the  rest;  which  would  have  been  the  case,  as  appears 
to  me;  and  toward  the  Greeks  their  excuse  was  ready  pre- 
pared, which  indeed  they  did  make  use  of.  For  when  the 
Greeks  accused  them  of  not  having  sent  assistance,  they  said 
that  they  had  manned  sixty  ships,  but  were  unable  to  double 
Malea  by  reason  of  the  Etesian  winds ;  and  so  they  could 
not  reach  Salamis,  and  were  absent  from  the  sea-fight  from 
no  bad  motive.  In  this  manner  they  attempted  to  elude  the 
charge  of  the  Greeks. 

The  Cretans,  when  those  Greeks  who  were  appointed  for 
that  purpose  invited  them  to  join  the  league,  acted  as  follows : 
Having  sent,  in  the  name  of  the  commonwealth,  persons  to 
consult  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  they  inquired  of  the  god  whether 
it  would  be  to  their  advantage  to  assist  Greece.  The  Pythian 
answered :  "  Fools,  you  complain  of  all  the  woes  which  Minos 
in  his  anger  sent  you,  for  aiding  Menelaus,  because  they  would 
not  assist  you  in  avenging  his  death  at  Camicus,  and  yet  you 
assisted  them  in  avenging  a  woman  who  was  carried  off  from 
Sparta  by  a  barbarian."  When  the  Cretans  heard  this  answer 
reported,  they  refrained  from  sending  assistance.  For  it  is 
said  that  Minos,  having  come  to  Sicania,  which  is  now  called 
Sicily,  in  search  of  Daedalus,  met  with  a  violent  death :  that 
after  some  time  the  Cretans,  at  the  instigation  of  a  deity,  all 
except  the  Polichnitae  and  the  Praesians,  went  with  a  large 
force  to  Sicania,  and  during  five  years  besieged  the  city  of 
Camicus,  which  in  my  time  the  Agrigentines  possessed ;  and 
at  last,  not  being  able  either  to  take  it  or  to  continue  the  siege, 
because  they  were  oppressed  by  famine,  they  abandoned  it 
and  went  away :  and  when  they  were  sailing  along  the  coast 
of  Iapygia,  a  violent  storm  overtook  them,  and  drove  them 
ashore.  And  as  their  ships  were  broken  to  pieces,  and  there 
appeared  no  means  of  their  returning  to  Crete,  they  thereupon 
founded  the  city  of  Hyria,  and  settled  there,  changing  their 
name  from  Cretans  to  Messapian  Iapygians,  and  becoming, 
instead  of  islanders,  inhabitants  of  the  continent.  From  the 
city  of  Hyria  they  founded  other  cities,  which  a  long  time  after- 
ward the  Tarentines  endeavouring  to  destroy,  signally  failed ; 
so  that  this  was  the  greatest  Grecian  slaughter  of  all  that  we 
know  of,  both  of  the  Tarentines  themselves  and  of  the  Rhe- 
gians,  who  being  compelled  by  Micythus,  son  of  Chcerus,  and 


422  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [170-173 

coming  to  assist  the  Tarentines,  thus  perished  to  the  number 
of  three  thousand ;  but  of  the  Tarentines  themselves  no  num- 
ber was  given.  This  Micythus  was  a  servant  of  Anaxilaus, 
and  had  been  left  in  charge  of  Rhegium.  He  is  the  same  per- 
son that  was  expelled  from  Rhegium,  and  who,  having  settled 
in  Tegea,  a  city  of  Arcadia,  dedicated  the  many  statues  in 
Olympia.  These  events  relating  to  the  Rhegians  and  Taren- 
tines are  a  digression  from  my  history.  To  Crete,  then,  desti- 
tute of  inhabitants,  as  the  Prsesians  say,  other  men,  and  espe- 
cially the  Grecians,  went,  and  settled  there;  and  in  the  third 
generation  after  the  death  of  Minos  the  Trojan  war  took  place, 
in  which  the  Cretans  proved  themselves  not  the  worst  avengers 
of  Menelaus :  as  a  punishment  for  this,  when  they  returned 
from  Troy,  famine  and  pestilence  fell  both  on  themselves  and 
their  cattle;  so  that  Crete  being  a  second  time  depopulated, 
the  Cretans  are  the  third  people  who,  with  those  that  were 
left,  now  inhabit  it.  The  Pythian,  therefore,  putting  them  in 
mind  of  these  things,  checked  them  in  their  desire  to  assist 

4  Grecians. 
The  Thessalians  at  first  sided  with  the  Mede  from  neces- 
_,  as  they  showed,  in  that  the  intrigues  of  the  Aleuadae  did 
not  please  them.  For  as  soon  as  they  were  informed  that  the 
Persian  was  about  to  cross  over  into  Europe,  they  sent  ambas- 
sadors to  the  isthmus;  and  at  the  isthmus  deputies  from 
Greece  were  assembled  chosen  from  those  cities  that  were 
better  disposed  toward  Greece.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Thes- 
salians, having  come  to  them,  said :  "  Men  of  Greece,  it  is 
necessary  to  guard  the  pass  of  Olympus,  that  Thessaly  and 
all  Greece  may  be  sheltered  from  the  war.  Now  we  are  ready 
to  assist  in  guarding  it,  but  you  also  must  send  a  large  army ; 
for  if  you  will  not  send,  be  assured,  we  shall  come  to  terms 
with  the  Persian :  for  it  is  not  right  that  we,  who  are  situated 
so  far  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  Greece,  should  perish  alone 
in  your  defence.  If  you  will  not  assist  us,  you  can  not  impose 
any  obligation  upon  us;  for  obligation  was  ever  inferior  to 
inability;  and  we  must  ourselves  endeavour  to  contrive  some 
means  of  safety."  Thus  spoke  the  Thessalians.  And  the 
Grecians  thereupon  resolved  to  send  an  army  by  sea  to  Thes- 
saly, to  guard  the  pass ;  and  when  the  army  was  assembled, 
it  sailed  through  the  Euripus,  and  having  arrived  at  Alus  of 
Achaia,  debarked,  and  marched  to  Thessaly,  having  left  the 
ships  there ;  and  arrived  at  Tempe,  at  the  pass  that  leads  from 
the  lower  Macedonia  into  Thessaly,  by  the  river  Peneus,  be- 
tween Mount  Olympus  and  Ossa.  There  heavy  armed  troops 
of  the  Grecians,  being  assembled  together  to  the  number  of 


173-1/6]  THE   RETREAT   FROM   THESSALY  423 

ten  thousand,  encamped,  and  to  them  was  added  the  cavalry 
of  the  Thessalians.  The  Lacedaemonians  were  commanded 
by  Euaenetus,  son  of  Carenus,  chosen  from  among  the  Pole- 
marchs,  though  not  of  the  royal  race,  and  the  Athenians  were 
commanded  by  Themistocles,  son  of  Neocles.  There  they 
remained  but  a  few  days,  for  messengers  coming  from  Alex- 
ander, son  of  Amyntas,  a  Macedonian,  advised  them  to  retire, 
and  not  to  stay  in  the  pass  and  be  trampled  under  foot  by  the 
invading  army;  describing  the  numbers  of  the  army  and  the 
ships.  When  the  messengers  gave  this  advice,  as  the  Grecians 
conceived  the  advice  to  be  good,  and  the  Macedonian  was 
evidently  well  disposed  to  them,  they  determined  to  follow 
it ;  but,  in  my  opinion,  it  was  fear  that  persuaded  them  when 
they  heard  that  there  was  another  pass  into  Thessaly  and 
Upper  Macedonia,  through  the  country  of  the  Perrhaebi,  near 
the  city  of  Gonnus ;  by  which,  indeed,  the  army  of  Xerxes 
did  enter.  The  Grecians,  therefore,  going  down  to  their  ships, 
went  back  again  to  the  isthmus.  This  expedition  into  Thes- 
saly took  place  while  the  king  was  about  to  cross  over  from 
Asia  into  Europe,  and  was  still  at  Abydos.  But  the  Thes- 
salians, being  abandoned  by  their  allies,  then  readily  took  part 
with  the  Medes,  and  with  no  further  hesitation,  so  much  so 
that  in  emergency  they  proved  most  useful  to  the  king.  ^ 

The  Greeks,  when  they  arrived  at  the  isthmus,  consulted  * 
on  the  message  they  had  received  from  Alexander,  in  what 
way  and  in  what  places  they  should  prosecute  the  war.  The 
opinion  which  prevailed  was  that  they  should  defend  the  pass 
at  Thermopylae;  for  it  appeared  to  be  narrower  than  that 
into  Thessaly,  and  at  the  same  time  nearer  to  their  own  terri- 
tories. For  the  path  by  which  the  Greeks  who  were  taken 
at  Thermopylae  were  afterward  surprised  they  knew  nothing 
of,  till,  on  their  arrival  at  Thermopylae,  they  were  informed 
of  it  by  the  Trachinians.  They  accordingly  resolved  to  guard 
this  pass,  and  not  suffer  the  Barbarian  to  enter  Greece;  and 
that  the  naval  force  should  sail  to  Artemisium,  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Histiaeotis,  for  these  places  are  near  one  another,  so 
that  they  could  hear  what  happened  to  each  other.  These 
spots  are  thus  situated :  In  the  first  place,  Artemisium  is  con- 
tracted from  a  wide  space  of  the  Thracian  Sea  into  a  narrow 
frith,  which  lies  between  the  island  of  Sciathus  and  the  con- 
tinent of  Magnesia.  From  the  narrow  frith  begins  the  coast 
of  Eubcea,  called  Artemisium,  and  in  it  is  a  Temple  of  Diana. 
But  the  entrance  into  Greece  through  Trachis  in  the  narrow- 
est part  is  no  more  than  a  half  plethrum  in  width ;  however, 
the  narrowest  part  of  the  country  is  not  in  this  spot,  but  before 


424  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA        [176-179 

and  behind  Thermopylae;  for  near  Alpeni,  which  is  behind, 
there  is  only  a  single  carriage-road;  and  before,  by  the  river 
Phcenix,  near  the  city  of  Anthela,  is  another  single  carriage- 
road.  On  the  western  side  of  Thermopylae  is  an  inaccessible 
and  precipitous  mountain,  stretching  to  Mount  (Eta :  and  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  way  is  the  sea  and  a  morass.  In  this 
passage  there  are  hot  baths,  which  the  inhabitants  call  Chytri, 
and  above  these  is  an  altar  to  Hercules.  A  wall  had  been 
built  in  this  pass,  and  formerly  there  were  gates  in  it.  The 
Phocaeans  built  it  through  fear,  when  the  Thessalians  came 
from  Thesprotia  to  settle  in  the  ,ZEolian  territory  which  they 
now  possess:  apprehending  that  the  Thessalians  would  at- 
tempt to  subdue  them,  the  Phocaeans  took  this  precaution: 
at  the  same  time  they  diverted  the  hot  water  into  the  entrance, 
that  the  place  might  be  broken  into  clefts ;  having  recourse  to 
every  contrivance  to  prevent  the  Thessalians  from  making 
inroads  into  their  country.  Now  this  old  wall  had  been  built 
a  long  time,  and  the  greater  part  of  it  had  already  fallen 
through  age;  but  they  determined  to  rebuild  it,  and  in  that 
place  to  repel  the  barbarians  from  Greece.  Very  near  this  road 
there  is  a  village  called  Alpeni ;  from  this  the  Greeks  expected 
to  obtain  provisions.  Accordingly,  these  situations  appeared 
suitable  for  the  Greeks.  For  they,  having  weighed  everything 
beforehand,  and  considered  that  the  barbarians  would  neither 
be  able  to  use  their  numbers  nor  their  cavalry,  there  resolved 
to  await  the  invader  of  Greece.  As  soon  as  they  were  informed 
that  the  Persian  was  in  Pieria,  breaking  up  from  the  isthmus, 
some  of  them  proceeded  by  land  to  Thermopylae,  and  others 
by  sea  to  Artemisium. 

The  Greeks,  therefore,  being  appointed  in  two  divisions, 
hastened  to  meet  the  enemy.  But  at  the  same  time  the  Del- 
phians,  alarmed  for  themselves  and  for  Greece,  consulted  the 
oracle;  and  the  answer  given  them  was  that  they  should 
pray  to  the  winds,  for  that  they  would  be  powerful  allies  to 
Greece.  The  Delphians  having  received  the  oracle,  first  of 
all  communicated  the  answer  to  those  Greeks  who  were  zeal- 
ous to  be  free ;  and  as  they  very  much  dreaded  the  barbarians, 
by  giving  that  message  they  acquired  a  claim  to  everlasting 
gratitude.  After  that  the  Delphians  erected  an  altar  to  the 
winds  at  Thyia,  where  there  is  an  inclosure  consecrated  to 
Thyia,  daughter  of  Cephisus,  from  whom  this  district  derives 
its  name,  and  conciliated  them  with  sacrifices.  And  the  Del- 
phians, in  obedience  to  that  oracle,  to  this  day  propitiate  the 
winds. 

The  naval  force  of  Xerxes,  setting  out  from  the  city  of 


179-184]  THE   FIRST   ENGAGEMENT  425 

Therma,  advanced  with  ten  of  the  fastest-sailing  ships  straight 
to  Scyithus,  where  were  three  Grecian  ships  keeping  a  look- 
out, a  Trcezenian,  an  yEginetan,  and  an  Athenian.  These, 
seeing  the  ships  of  the  barbarians  at  a  distance,  betook  them- 
selves to  flight.  The  Trcezenian  ship,  which  Praxinus  com- 
manded, the  barbarians  pursued  and  soon  captured  ;  and  then, 
having  led  the  handsomest  of  the  marines  to  the  prow  of  the 
ship,  they  slew  him,  deeming  it  a  good  omen  that  the  first 
Greek  they  had  taken  was  also  very  handsome.  The  name 
of  the  man  that  was  slain  was  Leon,  and  perhaps  he  in  some 
measure  reaped  the  fruits  of  his  name.  The  ^Eginetan  ship, 
which  Asonides  commanded,  gave  them  some  trouble,  Pyth- 
eas,  son  of  Ischenous,  being  a  marine  on  board,  a  man  who 
on  this  day  displayed  the  most  consummate  valour;  who, 
when  the  ship  was  taken,  continued  fighting  until  he  was  en- 
tirely cut  to  pieces.  But  when,  having  fallen,  he  was  not  dead, 
but  still  breathed,  the  Persians  who  served  on  board  the  ships 
were  very  anxious  to  save  him  alive,  on  account  of  his  valour, 
healing  his  wounds  with  myrrh,  and  binding  them  with  band- 
ages of  flaxen  cloth.  And  when  they  returned  to  their  own 
camp,  they  showed  him  with  admiration  to  the  whole  army, 
and  treated  him  well ;  but  the  others,  whom  they  took  in  this 
ship,  they  treated  as  slaves.  Thus,  then,  two  of  the  ships  were 
taken ;  but  the  third,  which  Phormus,  an  Athenian,  com- 
manded, in  its  flight  ran  ashore  at  the  mouth  of  the  Peneus ; 
and  the  barbarians  got  possession  of  the  ship,  but  not  of  the 
men :  for  as  soon  as  the  Athenians  had  run  the  ship  aground, 
they  leaped  out,  and,  proceeding  through  Thessaly,  reached 
Athens.  The  Greeks  who  were  stationed  at  Artemisium  were 
informed  of  this  event  by  signal  fires  from  Sciathus  ;  and  being 
informed  of  it,  and  very  much  alarmed,  they  retired  from 
Artemisium  to  Chalcis,  leaving  scouts  on  the  heights  of  Eu- 
bcea,  intending  to  defend  the  Euripus.  Of  the  ten  barbarian 
ships,  three  approached  the  sunken  rock  called  Myrmex,  be- 
tween Sciathus  and  Magnesia.  Then  the  barbarians,  when 
they  had  erected  on  the  rock  a  stone  column,  which  they  had 
brought  with  them,  set  out  from  Therma,  now  that  every  ob- 
stacle had  been  removed,  and  sailed  forward  with  all  their 
ships,  having  waited  eleven  days  after  the  king's  departure 
from  Therma.  Pammon,  a  Scyrian,  pointed  out  to  them  this 
hidden  rock,  which  was  almost  directly  in  their  course.  The 
barbarians,  sailing  all  day,  reached  Sepias  in  Magnesia,  and 
the  shore  that  lies  between  the  city  of  Casthanaea  and  the  coast 
of  Sepias. 

As  far  as  this  place,  and  Thermopylae,  the  army  had  suf- 


426  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [184-186 

fered  no  loss,  and  the  numbers  were  at  that  time,  as  I  find  by 
calculations,  of  the  following  amount :  Of  those  in  ships  from 
Asia,  amounting  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  seven, 
originally  the  whole  number  of  the  several  nations  was  two 
hundred  and  forty-one  thousand  four  hundred  men,  allowing 
two  hundred  to  each  ship ;  and  on  these  ships  thirty  Persians, 
Medes,  and  Sacae  served  as  marines,  in  addition  to  the  native 
crews  of  each:  this  further  number  amounts  to  thirty-six 
thousand  two  hundred  and  ten.  To  this  and  the  former  num- 
ber I  add  those  that  were  on  the  penteconters,  supposing 
eighty  men  on  the  average  to  be  on  board  of  each :  but,  as 
I  have  before  said,  three  thousand  of  these  vessels  were  assem- 
bled ;  therefore  the  men  on  board  them  must  have  been  two 
hundred  and  forty  thousand.  This,  then,  was  the  naval  force 
from  Asia,  the  total  being  five  hundred  and  seventeen  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  ten.  Of  infantry  there  were  seventeen 
hundred  thousand,  and  of  cavalry  eighty  thousand;  to  these 
I  add  the  Arabians  who  rode  camels,  and  the  Libyans  who 
drove  chariots,  reckoning  the  number  at  twenty  thousand 
men.  Accordingly,  the  numbers  on  board  the  ships  and  on 
the  land  added  together  make  up  two  million  three  hundred 
and  seventeen  thousand  six  hundred  and  ten.  This,  then, 
is  the  force  which,  as  has  been  mentioned,  was  assembled  from 
Asia  itself,  exclusive  of  the  servants  that  followed,  and  the 
provision  ships,  and  the  men  that  were  on  board  them.  But 
the  force  brought  from  Europe  must  still  be  added  to  this 
whole  number  that  has  been  summed  up ;  but  it  is  necessary 
to  speak  by  guess.  Now  the  Grecians  from  Thrace,  and  the 
islands  contiguous  to  Thrace,  furnished  one  hundred  and 
twenty  ships ;  these  ships  give  an  amount  of  twenty-four  thou- 
sand men.  Of  land  forces,  which  were  furnished  by  Thracians, 
Pseonians,  the  Eordi,  the  Bottiaeans,  the  Chalcidian  race, 
Brygi,  Pierians,  Macedonians,  Perrhaebi,  iEnianes,  Dolopians, 
Magnesians,  and  Achseans,  together  with  those  who  inhabit 
the  maritime  parts  of  Thrace ;  of  these  nations  I  suppose  that 
there  were  three  hundred  thousand  men.  So  that  these  myri- 
ads added  to  those  from  Asia  make  a  total  of  two  million  six 
hundred  and  forty-one  thousand  six  hundred  and  ten  fighting 
men.  I  think  that  the  servants  who  followed  them,  and  with 
those  on  board  the  provision  ships  and  other  vessels  that 
sailed  with  the  fleet,  were  not  fewer  than  the  fighting  men, 
but  more  numerous  ;  but  supposing  them  to  be  equal  in  num- 
ber with  the  fighting  men,  they  make  up  the  former  number 
of  myriads.  Thus  Xerxes,  son  of  Darius,  led  five  million  two 
hundred  and  eighty-three  thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty 


186-189]  FLEET   DAMAGED   BY   STORM  427 

men  to  Sepias  and  Thermopylae.  This,  then,  was  the  num- 
ber of  the  whole  force  of  Xerxes.  But  of  women  who  made 
bread,  and  concubines,  and  eunuchs,  no  one  could  mention 
the  number  with  accuracy;  nor  of  draught  cattle  and  other 
beasts  of  burden;  nor  of  Indian  dogs  that  followed,  could 
any  one  mention  the  number,  they  were  so  many.  There- 
fore I  am  not  astonished  that  the  streams  of  some  rivers  failed ; 
but  rather,  it  is  a  wonder  to  me,  how  provisions  held  out  for 
so  many  myriads.  For  I  find  by  calculation,  if  each  man  had 
a  chcenix  of  wheat  daily,  and  no  more,  one  hundred  and  ten 
thousand  three  hundred  and  forty  medimni  must  have  been 
consumed  every  day;  and  I  have  not  reckoned  the  food  for 
the  women,  eunuchs,  beasts  of  burden,  and  dogs.  But  of 
so  many  myriads  of  men,  not  one  of  them,  for  beauty  and 
stature,  was  more  entitled  than  Xerxes  himself  to  possess  this 
power. 

When  the  fleet,  having  set  out,  sailed  and  reached  the 
shore  of  Magnesia  that  lies  between  the  city  of  Casthansea  and 
the  coast  of  Sepias,  the  foremost  of  the  ships  took  up  their 
station  close  to  land,  others  behind  rode  at  anchor  (the  beach 
not  being  extensive  enough)  with  their  prows  toward  the  sea, 
and  eight  deep.  Thus  they  passed  the  night,  but  at  daybreak, 
after  serene  and  tranquil  weather,  the  sea  began  to  swell,  and 
a  heavy  storm  with  a  violent  gale  from  the  east,  which  those 
who  inhabit  these  parts  call  a  Hellespontine,  burst  upon  them  ; 
as  many  of  them,  then,  as  perceived  the  gale  increasing,  and 
who  were  able  to  do  so  from  their  position,  anticipated  the 
storm  by  hauling  their  ships  on  shore,  and  both  they  and  their 
ships  escaped.  But  such  of  the  ships  as  the  storm  caught  at 
sea,  it  carried  away,  some  to  the  parts  called  Ipni,  near  Pelion, 
others  to  the  beach ;  some  were  dashed  on  Cape  Sepias  itself ; 
some  were  wrecked  at  Melibcea,  and  others  at  Casthansea. 
The  storm  was  indeed  irresistible.  A  story  is  told  that  the 
Athenians  invoked  Boreas,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle,  an- 
other response  having  come  to  them,  that  they  should  call 
their  son-in-law  to  their  assistance.  But  Boreas,  according 
to  the  account  of  the  Greeks,  married  a  woman  of  Attica, 
Orithyia,  daughter  to  Erectheus.  On  account  of  this  mar- 
riage, the  Athenians,  as  the  report  goes,  conjecturing  that 
Boreas  was  their  son-in-law,  and  having  stationed  their  fleet 
at  Chalcis  of  Eubcea,  when  they  saw  the  storm  increasing,  or 
even  before,  offered  sacrifices  to  and  invoked  Boreas  and 
Orithyia,  praying  that  they  would  assist  them,  and  destroy 
the  ships  of  the  barbarians,  as  they  had  done  before  at  Mount 
Athos.    Whether,  indeed,  the  north  wind  in  consequence  of 


428  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [189-193 

this  fell  upon  the  barbarians  as  they  rode  at  anchor,  I  can  not 
undertake  to  say;  however,  the  Athenians  say  that  Boreas, 
having  assisted  them  before,  then  also  produced  this  effect; 
and  on  their  return  they  erected  a  temple  to  Boreas  near  the 
river  Ilissus.  In  this  disaster  those  who  give  the  lowest  ac- 
count say  that  not  fewer  than  four  hundred  ships  perished, 
and  innumerable  lives,  and  an  infinite  quantity  of  treasure; 
so  that  this  wreck  of  the  fleet  proved  a  source  of  great  profit 
to  Aminocles,  son  of  Cretinus,  a  Magnesian,  who  possessed 
land  about  Sepias;  he  some  time  afterward  picked  up  many 
golden  cups  that  had  been  driven  ashore,  and  many  silver 
ones ;  he  also  found  treasures  belonging  to  the  Persians,  and 
gained  an  unspeakable  quantity  of  other  golden  articles.  He 
then,  though  in  other  respects  unfortunate,  became  very  rich 
by  what  he  found;  for  a  sad  calamity,  which  occasioned  the 
death  of  his  son,  gave  him  great  affliction.  The  provision 
ships  and  other  vessels  destroyed  were  beyond  number;  so 
that  the  commanders  of  the  naval  force,  fearing  lest  the  Thes- 
salians  should  attack  them  in  their  shattered  condition,  threw 
up  a  high  rampart  from  the  wrecks ;  for  the  storm  lasted  three 
days.  But  at  length  the  magi,  having  sacrificed  victims,  and 
endeavoured  to  charm  the  winds  by  incantations,  and,  more- 
over, having  offered  sacrifices  to  Thetis  and  the  Nereids,  laid 
the  storm  on  the  fourth  day;  or  perhaps  it  abated  of  its  own 
accord.  They  sacrificed  to  Thetis,  having  heard  from  the 
Ionians  the  story  that  she  had  been  carried  off  from  this  coun- 
try by  Peleus,  and  that  all  the  coast  of  Sepias  belonged  to 
her  and  the  other  Nereids.  Accordingly,  the  wind  was  lulled 
on  the  fourth  day.  The  scouts  on  the  heights  of  Euboea,  run- 
ning down  on  the  second  day  after  the  storm  first  began, 
acquainted  the  Greeks  with  all  that  had  occurred  with  respect 
to  the  wreck  of  the  fleet.  They,  when  they  heard  it,  having 
offered  up  vows  and  poured  out  libations  to  Neptune  the  Deliv- 
erer, immediately  hastened  back  to  Artemisium,  hoping  that 
there  would  be  only  some  few  ships  to  oppose  them.  Thus 
they  coming  there  a  second  time  took  up  their  station  at  Arte- 
misium; and  from  that  time  to  the  present  have  given  to 
Neptune  the  surname  of  the  Deliverer. 

The  barbarians,  when  the  wind  had  lulled,  and  the  waves 
had  subsided,  having  hauled  down  their  ships,  sailed  along 
the  continent ;  and  having  doubled  the  promontory  of  Mag- 
nesia, stood  directly  into  the  bay  leading  to  Pagasae.  There 
is  a  spot  in  this  bay  of  Magnesia  where  it  is  said  Hercules 
was  abandoned  by  Jason  and  his  companions,  when  he  had 
been  sent  from  the  Argo  for  water,  as  they  were  sailing  to 


193-197]  PERSIAN   SHIPS   CAPTURED  429 

Asia  in  Colchis,  for  the  golden  fleece;  for  from  thence  they 
purposed  to  put  out  to  sea,  after  they  had  taken  on  water : 
from  this  circumstance  the  name  of  Aphetae  was  given  to  the 
place.  In  this  place,  then,  the  fleet  of  Xerxes  took  up  its 
moorings.  Fifteen  of  these  ships  happened  to  be  driven  out 
to  sea  some  time  after  the  rest,  and  somehow  saw  the  ships 
of  the  Greeks  at  Artemisium ;  the  barbarians  thought  that 
they  were  their  own,  and,  sailing  on,  fell  in  among  their  ene- 
mies. They  were  commanded  by  Sandoces,  son  of  Thau- 
masius,  governor  of  Cyme,  of  ^olia.  He,  being  one  of  the 
royal  judges,  had  been  formerly  condemned  to  be  crucified  by 
King  Darius,  who  had  detected  him  in  the  following  offence : 
Sandoces  gave  an  unjust  sentence  for  a  bribe.  But  while 
he  was  actually  hanging  on  the  cross,  Darius,  considering 
with  himself,  found  that  the  services  he  had  done  to  the  royal 
family  were  greater  than  his  faults ;  Darius,  therefore,  hav- 
ing discovered  this,  and  perceiving  that  he  himself  had  acted 
with  more  expedition  than  wisdom,  released  him.  Having 
thus  escaped  being  put  to  death  by  Darius,  he  survived ;  but 
now,  sailing  down  among  the  Grecians,  he  was  not  to  escape 
a  second  time.  For  when  the  Greeks  saw  them  sailing  toward 
them,  perceiving  the  mistake  they  had  committed,  they  bore 
down  upon  them  and  easily  took  them.  In  one  of  these  Ari- 
dolis,  tyrant  of  the  Alabandians,  in  Caria,  was  taken ;  and  in 
another  the  Paphian  commander  Penthylus,  son  of  Demonous. 
He  brought  twelve  ships  from  Paphos ;  but  having  lost  eleven 
in  the  storm  that  took  place  off  Sepias,  he  was  taken  with  the 
one  that  escaped,  as  he  was  sailing  to  Artemisium.  The 
Grecians,  having  learned  by  inquiry  what  they  wished  to  know 
respecting  the  forces  of  Xerxes,  sent  these  men  away  bound 
to  the  isthmus  of  the  Corinthians. 

Accordingly,  the  naval  force  of  the  barbarians,  with  the 
exception  of  the  fifteen  ships  which,  I  have  mentioned,  San- 
doces commanded,  arrived  at  Aphetae.  But  Xerxes  and  the 
land  forces  marching  through  Thessaly  and  Achaia,  had  en- 
tered on  the  third  day  into  the  territories  of  the  Maelians.  In 
Thessaly  he  had  made  a  match  with  his  own  horses,  for  the 
purpose  of  trying  the  Thessalian  cavalry,  having  heard  that 
it  was  the  best  of  all  Greece ;  and  on  that  occasion  the  Grecian 
horses  proved  very  inferior.  Of  the  rivers  in  Thessaly,  the 
Onochonus  alone  did  not  supply  a  sufficient  stream  for  the 
army  to  drink ;  but  of  the  rivers  that  flow  in  Achaia,  even  the 
largest  of  them,  the  Epidanus,  scarcely  held  out.  When 
Xerxes  arrived  at  Alos  in  Achaia,  the  guides,  wishing  to  tell 
everything,  related  to  him  the  tradition  of  the  country,  con- 


430  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [197-200 

cerning  the  Temple  of  Laphystian  Jupiter ;  how  Athamas,  son 
of  ^Eolus,  conspiring  with  Ino,  planned  the  death  of  Phryxus ; 
and  then,  how  the  Achaians,  in  obedience  to  an  oracle,  im- 
posed the  following  penalty  on  his  descendants :  whoever  is 
the  eldest  person  of  this  race,  having  ordered  him  to  be  ex- 
cluded from  the  Prytaneum,  they  themselves  keep  watch ;  the 
Achaians  call  the  Prytaneum  Leietum ;  and  if  he  should  enter, 
he  can  not  possibly  go  out  again  except  in  order  to  be  sacri- 
ficed :  and  how,  moreover,  many  of  those  who  were  on  the 
point  of  being  sacrificed,  through  fear,  went  away  and  fled 
the  country;  but  in  process  of  time  having  returned  back 
again,  if  they  were  taken,  entering  the  Prytaneum,  they  re- 
lated how  such  a  one,  being  covered  with  sacred  fillets,  is 
sacrificed,  and  how  conducted  with  great  pomp.  The  de- 
scendants of  Cytissorus,  son  of  Phryxus,  are  liable  to  this  pun- 
ishment ;  because  when  the  Achaians,  in  obedience  to  an 
oracle,  were  about  to  make  an  expiation  for  their  country  by 
the  sacrifice  of  Athamas,  son  of  JEolus,  Cytissorus,  arriving 
from  Aia  of  Colchis,  rescued  him,  and  having  done  so,  drew 
down  the  anger  of  the  gods  upon  his  descendants.  Xerxes 
having  heard  this,  when  he  came  to  the  grove,  both  abstained 
from  entering  it  himself  and  commanded  all  the  army  to  do 
the  same ;  and  he  showed  the  same  respect  to  the  dwelling 
of  the  descendants  of  Athamas  as  he  did  to  the  sacred  pre- 
cinct. 

These  things  occurred  in  Thessaly  and  in  Achaia.  From 
these  countries  Xerxes  advanced  to  Malis,  near  a  bay  of  the 
sea  in  which  an  ebb  and  a  flow  take  place  every  day.  About 
this  bay  lies  a  plain  country,  in  one  part  wide,  and  in  the  other 
very  narrow,  and  around  it  high  and  impassable  mountains, 
called  the  Trachinian  rocks,  inclose  the  whole  Malian  terri- 
tory. The  first  city  in  the  bay,  as  one  comes  from  Achaia,  is 
Anticyra,  by  which  the  river  Sperchius,  flowing  from  the  coun- 
try of  the  yEnianes,  falls  into  the  sea :  and  from  thence  about 
twenty  stades  is  another  river,  to  which  the  name  of  Dyras 
is  given,  which,  it  is  said,  rose  up  to  assist  Hercules  when 
he  was  burning.  From  this,  at  a  distance  of  another  twenty 
stades,  is  another  river,  which  is  called  Melas.  The  city  of 
Trachis  is  distant  five  stades  from  this  river  Melas ;  and  in 
this  part  where  Trachis  is  built,  is  the  widest  space  of  all  this 
country,  from  the  mountains  to  the  sea ;  for  there  are  twenty- 
two  thousand  plethra  of  plain.  In  this  mountain,  which  in- 
closes the  Trachinian  territory,  there  is  a  ravine  to  the  south 
of  Trachis,  and  through  the  ravine  the  river  Asopus  flows, 
by  the  base  of  the  mountain.    To  the  south  of  the  Asopus  is 


200-204]  THERMOPYLAE  43 1 

another  river,  the  Phoenix,  not  large,  which,  flowing  from 
these  mountains,  falls  into  the  Asopus.  At  the  river  Phcenix 
it  is  the  narrowest;  for  only  a  single  carriage  road  has  been 
constructed  there.  From  the  river  Phcenix  it  is  fifteen  stades 
to  Thermopylae;  and  between  the  river  Phcenix  and  Ther- 
mopylae is  a  village,  the  name  of  which  is  Anthela,  by  which 
the  Asopus  flowing,  falls  into  the  sea:  the  country  about  it 
is  wide,  and  in  it  is  situated  a  temple  of  Ceres  Amphictyonis, 
and  there  are  the  seats  of  the  Amphictyons,  and  a  temple  of 
Amphictyon  himself. '"''King  Xerxes,  then,  encamped  in  the 
Trachinian  territory  of  Malis,  and  the  Greeks  in  the  pass. 
This  spot  is  called  by  most  of  the  Greeks  Thermopylae,  but 
by  the  inhabitants  and  neighbours  Pylae.  Both  parties,  then, 
encamped  in  these  places.  The  one  was  in  possession  of  all 
the  parts  toward  the  north,  as  far  as  Trachis ;  and  the  others, 
of  the  parts  which  stretch  toward  the  south  and  meridian, 
on  this  continent. 

The  following  were  the  Greeks  who  awaited  the  Persian 
in  this  position :  of  Spartans  three  hundred  heavy  armed  men ; 
of  Tegeans  and  Mantineans  one  thousand,  half  of  each ;  from 
Orchomenus  in  Arcadia  one  hundred  and  twenty;  and  from 
the  rest  of  Arcadia  one  thousand,  there  were  so  many  Arca- 
dians ;  from  Corinth  four  hundred ;  from  Phlius  two  hundred 
men,  and  from  Mycenae  eighty.  These  came  from  Pelopon- 
nesus. From  Bceotia,  of  Thespians  seven  hundred,  and  of 
Thebans  four  hundred.  In  addition  to  these,  the  Opuntian 
Locrians,  being  invited,  came  with  all  their  forces,  and  a 
thousand  Phocians.  For  the  Greeks  themselves  had  invited 
them,  representing  by  their  ambassadors  that  they  had  arrived 
as  forerunners  of  the  others,  and  that  the  rest  of  the  allies 
might  be  daily  expected ;  that  the  sea  was  protected  by  them, 
being  guarded  by  the  Athenians,  the  yEginetae,  and  others, 
who  were  appointed  to  the  naval  service;  and  that  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  for  that  it  was  not  a  god  who  invaded  Greece, 
but  a  man;  and  that  there  never  was,  and  never  would  be, 
any  mortal  who  had  not  evil  mixed  with  his  prosperity  from 
his  very  birth;  and  to  the  greatest  of  them  the  greatest  re- 
verses happen.  That  it  must,  therefore,  needs  be,  that  he 
who  is  marching  against  us,  being  a  mortal,  will  be  disap- 
pointed in  his  expectation.  They,  having  heard  this,  marched 
with  assistance  to  Trachis.  These  nations  had  separate  gen- 
erals for  their  several  cities ;  but  the  one  most  admired,  and 
who  commanded  the  whole  army,  was  a  Lacedaemonian,  Le- 
onidas,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  son  of  Leon,  son  of  Eurycratides, 
son  of  Anaxander,  son  of  Eurycrates,  son  of  Polydorus,  son 


432  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [204-208 

of  Alcamenes,  son  of  Teleclus,  son  of  Archelaus,  son  of  Agesi- 
laus,  son  of  Doryssus,  son  of  Leobotes,  son  of  Echestratus,  son 
of  Agis,  son  of  Eurysthenes,  son  of  Aristodemus,  son  of  Aris- 
tomachus,  son  of  Cleodseus,  son  of  Hyllus,  son  of  Hercules; 
who  had  unexpectedly  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Sparta. 
For  as  he  had  two  elder  brothers,  Cleomenes  and  Dorieus, 
he  was  far  from  any  thought  of  the  kingdom.  J  However, 
Cleomenes  having  died  without  male  issue,  and  Dorieus  being 
no  longer  alive,  having  ended  his  days  in  Sicily,  the  kingdom 
thus  devolved  upon  Leonidas ;  both  because  he  was  older 
than  Cleombrotus  (for  he  was  the  youngest  son  of  Anaxan- 
drides),  and  also  because  he  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Cleomenes.  He  then  marched  to  Thermopylae,  having  chosen 
the  three  hundred  men  allowed  by  law,  and  such  as  had  chil- 
dren. On  his  march  he  took  with  him  the  Thebans,  whose 
numbers  I  have  already  reckoned,  and  whom  Leontiades,  son 
of  Eurymachus,  commanded.  For  this  reason  Leonidas  was 
anxious  to  take  with  him  the  Thebans  alone  of  all  the  Greeks, 
because  they  were  strongly  accused  of  favouring  the  Medes : 
he,  therefore,  summoned  them  to  the  war,  wishing  to  know 
whether  they  would  send  their  forces  with  him,  or  would 
openly  renounce  the  alliance  of  the  Grecians.  But  they, 
though  otherwise  minded,  sent  assistance.  The  Spartans  sent 
these  troops  first  with  Leonidas,  in  order  that  the  rest  of  the 
allies,  seeing  them,  might  take  the  field,  and  might  not  go 
over  to  the  Medes,  if  they  heard  that  they  were  delaying.  But 
afterward,  for  the  Carnean  festival  was  then  an  obstacle  to 
them,  they  purposed,  when  they  had  kept  the  feast,  to  leave  a 
garrison  in  Sparta,  and  to  march  immediately  with  their  whole 
strength.  The  rest  of  the  confederates  likewise  intended  to 
act  in  the  same  manner;  for  the  Olympic  games  occurred  at 
the  same  period  as  these  events.  As  they  did  not,  therefore, 
suppose  that  the  engagement  at  Thermopylae  would  so  soon 
be  decided,  they  despatched  an  advance  guard.  Thus,  then, 
they  intended  to  do. 

The  Greeks  at  Thermopylae,  when  the  Persian  came  near 
the  pass,  being  alarmed,  consulted  about  a  retreat;  accord- 
ingly, it  seemed  best  to  the  other  Peloponnesians  to  retire  to 
Peloponnesus,  and  guard  the  isthmus ;  but  Leonidas,  per- 
ceiving the  Phocians  and  Locrians  very  indignant  at  this 
proposition,  determined  to  stay  there,  and  to  despatch  mes- 
sengers to  the  cities,  desiring  them  to  come  to  their  assist- 
ance, as  being  too  few  to  repel  the  army  of  the  Medes.  While 
they  were  deliberating  on  these  matters,  Xerxes  sent  a  scout 
on  horseback  to  see  how  many  they  were,  and  what  they  were 


2o8-2io]  THERMOPYLAE  433 

doing.  For  while  he  was  still  in  Thessaly  he  had  heard  that 
a  small  army  had  been  assembled  at  that  spot,  and  as  to  their 
leaders,  that  they  were  Lacedaemonians,  and  Lepnidas,  who 
was  of  the  race  of  Hercules.  When  the  horseman  rode  up 
to  the  camp,  he  reconnoitred,  and  saw  not  indeed  the  whole 
camp,  for  it  was  not  possible  that  they  should  be  seen  who 
were  posted  within  the  wall,  which,  having  rebuilt,  they  were 
now  guarding:  but  he  had  a  clear  view  of  those  on  the  out- 
side, whose  arms  were  piled  in  front  of  the  wall.  At  this  time 
the  Lacedaemonians  happened  to  be  posted  outside ;  and  some 
of  the  men  he  saw  performing  gymnastic  exercises,  and  others 
combing  their  hair.  On  beholding  this  he  was  astonished, 
and  ascertained  their  number ;  and  having  informed  himself 
of  everything  accurately,  he  rode  back  at  his  leisure,  for  no 
one  pursued  him,  and  he  met  with  general  contempt.  On 
his  return  he  gave'  an  account  to  Xerxes  of  all  that  he  had 
seen.  When  Xerxes  heard  this,  he  could  not  comprehend 
the  truth  that  the  Grecians  were  preparing  to  be  slain  and  to 
slay  to  the  utmost  <pf  their  power.  But,  as  they  appeared  to 
behave  in  a  ridiculous  manner*  he  sent  for  Demaratus,  son 
of  Ariston,  who  was  then  in  camp;  and  when  he  was  come 
into  his  presence,  Xerxes  questioned  him  as  to  each  particu- 
lar, wishing  to  understand  what  the  Lacedaemonians  were 
doing.  Demaratus  said :  "  You  before  heard  me,  when  we 
were  setting  out  against  Greece,  speak  of  these  men;  and 
when  you  heard,  you  treated  me  with  ridicule,  though  I  told 
you  in  what  way  I  foresaw  these  matters  would  issue.  For 
it  is  my  chief  aim,  O  king,  to  adhere  to  the  truth  in  your  pres- 
ence ;  hear  it,  therefore,  once  more.  These  men  have  come 
to  fight  with  us  for  the  pass,  and  are  now  preparing  them- 
selves to  do  so.  For  such  is  their  custom,  when  they  are 
going  to  hazard  their  lives,  then  they  dress  their  heads.  But 
be  assured,  if  you  conquer  these  men,  and  those  that  remain 
in  Sparta,  there  is  no  other  nation  in  the  world  that  will  dare 
to  raise  their  hands  against  you,  O  king.  For  you  are  now 
to  engage  with  the  noblest  kingdom  and  city  of  all  among 
the  Greeks,  and  with  the  most  valiant  men."  What  was  said 
seemed  very  incredible  to  Xerxes,  and  he  asked  again,  How, 
being  so  few  in  number,  they  could  contend  with  his  army? 
He  answered,  "  O  king,  deal  with  me  as  with  a  liar  if  these 
things  do  not  turn  out  as  I  say." 

By  saying  this  he  did  not  convince  Xerxes.    He  therefore 
let  four  days  pass,  constantly  expecting  that  they  would  betake 
themselves  to  flight.    But  on  the  fifth  day,  as  they  had  not  re- 
treated, but  appeared  to  him  to  stay  through  arrogance  and 
28 


434  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [210-213 

rashness,  he  being  enraged,  sent  the  Medes  and  Cissians 
against  them,  with  orders  to  take  them  alive,  and  bring  them 
into  his  presence.  When  the  Medes  bore  down  impetuously 
upon  the  Greeks,  many  of  them  fell;  others  followed  to  the 
charge,  and  were  not  repulsed,  though  they  suffered  greatly. 
But  they  made  it  evident  to  every  one,  and  not  least  of  all 
to  the  king  himself,  that  they  were  indeed  many  men,  but  few 
soldiers.  The  engagement  lasted  throughout  the  day.  When 
the  Medes  were  roughly  handled,  they  thereupon  retired ;  and 
the  Persians  whom  the  king  called  "  Immortal,"  and  whom 
Hydarnes  commanded,  taking  their  place,  advanced  to  the 
attack ;  thinking  that  they  indeed  should  easily  settle  the  busi- 
ness. But  when  they  engaged  with  the  Grecians,  they  suc- 
ceeded no  better  than  the  Medic  troops,  but  just  the  same, 
as  they  fought  in  a  narrow  space,  and  used  shorter  spears  than 
the  Greeks,  and  were  unable  to  avail  themselves  of  their  num- 
bers. The  Lacedaemonians  fought  memorably  both  in  other 
respects,  showing  that  they  knew  how  to  fight  with  men  who 
knew  not,  and  whenever  they  turned  their  backs,  they  re- 
treated in  close  order:  but  the  barbarians  seeing  them  re- 
treat, followed  with  a  shout  and  clamour;  then  they,  being 
overtaken,  wheeled  round  so  as  to  front  the  barbarians,  and 
having  faced  about,  overthrew  an  inconceivable  number  of 
the  Persians ;  and  then  some  few  of  the  Spartans  themselves 
fell.  So  that  when  the  Persians  were  unable  to  gain  anything 
in  their  attempt  on  the  pass,  by  attacking  in  troops  and  in 
every  possible  manner,  they  retired.  It  is  said  that  during 
these  onsets  of  the  battle  the  king,  who  witnessed  them,  thrice 
sprang  from  his  throne,  being  alarmed  for  his  army.  Thus 
they  strove  at  that  time.  On  the  following  day  the  barbarians 
fought  with  no  better  success ;  for  considering  that  the  Greeks 
were  few  in  number,  and  expecting  that  they  were  covered 
with  wounds,  and  would  not  be  able  to -raise  their  heads  against 
them  any  more,  they  renewed  the  contest.  But  the  Greeks 
were  marshalled  in  companies  and  according  to  their  several 
nations,  and  each  fought  in  turn,  except  only  the  Phocians : 
they  were  stationed  at  the  mountain  "to  guard  the  pathway. 
When,  therefore,  the  Persians  found  nothing  different  from 
what  they  had  seen  on  the  preceding;  day,  they  retired. 

While  the  king  was  in  doubt  what  course  to  take  in  the 
present  state  of  aff^s^Ephialtes,  son  of  Eurydemus,  a  Malian, 
obtained  an  audience*  othinf~'ex0ecting  that  he  should  re- 
ceive a  great  reward  from  the  king,  and  informed  him  of  the 
path  which  leads  over  the  mountain  to  Thermopylae;  and  by 
1  Literally,  "came  to  speak  with  him." 


213-217]  THERMOPYLAE  435 

that  means  caused  the  destruction  of  those  Greeks  who  were 
stationed  there.  But  afterward,  fearing  the  Lacedaemonians, 
he  fled  to  Thessaly;  and  when  he  had  fled,  a  price  was  set 
on  his  head  by  the  Pylagori  when  the  Amphictyons  were  as- 
sembled at  Pylse.  But  some  time  after,  he  went  down  to 
Anticyra,  and  was  killed  by  Athenades,  a  Trachinian.  This 
Athenades  killed  him  for  another  reason,  which  I  shall  men- 
tion in  a  subsequent  part  of  my  history;1  he  was,  however, 
rewarded  none  the  less  by  the  Lacedaemonians.  Another  ac- 
count is  given,  that  Onetes,  son  of  Phanagoras,  a  Carystian, 
and  Corydallus  of  Anticyra,  were  the  persons  who  gave  this 
information  to  the  king,  and  conducted  the  Persians  round 
the  mountain.  But  to  me  this  is  by  no  means  credible:  for 
in  the  first  place  we  may  draw  that  inference  from  this  circum- 
stance, that  the  Pylagori  of  the  Grecians  set  a  price  on  the 
head  not  of  Onetes  and  Corydallus,  but  of  Ephialtes  the  Tra- 
chinian, having  surely  ascertained  the  exact  truth ;  and  in  the 
next  place  we  know  that  Ephialtes  fled  on  that  account. 
Onetes,  indeed,  though  he  was  not  a  Malian,  might  be  ac- 
quainted with  this  path  if  he  had  been  much  conversant  with 
the  country ;  but  it  was  Ephialtes  who  conducted  them  round 
the  mountain  by  the  path,  and  I  charge  him  as  the  guilty 
person.  Xerxes,  since  he  was  pleased  with  what  Ephialtes 
promised  to  perform,  being  exceedingly  delighted,  immedi- 
ately despatched  Hydarnes  and  the  troops  that  Hydarnes  com- 
manded ;  and  he  started  from  the  camp  about  the  hour  of 
lamp-lighting.  The  native  Malians  discovered  this  pathway; 
and  having  discovered  it,  conducted  the  Thessalians  by  it 
against  the  Phocians,  at  the  time  when  the  Phocians,  having 
fortified  the  pass  by  a  wall,  were  under  shelter  from  an  at- 
tack. From  that  time  it  appeared  to  have  been  of  no  service 
to  the  Malians.  This  path  is  situated  as  follows :  it  begins 
from  the  river  Asopus,  which  flows  through  the  cleft;  the 
same  name  is  given  both  to  the  mountain  and  to  the  path, 
Anopaea;  and  this  Anopaea  extends  along  the  ridge  of  the 
mountain,  and  ends  near  Alpenus,  which  is  the  first  city  of 
the  Locrians  toward  the  Malians,  and  by  the  rock  called  Me- 
lampygus,  and  by  the  seats  of  the  Cercopes ;  and  there  the 
path  is  the  narrowest.  Along  this  path,  thus  situated,  the 
Persians,  having  crossed  the  Asopus,  marched  all  night,  hav- 
ing on  their  right  the  mountains  of  the  CEtaeans,  and  on  their 
left  those  of  the  Trachinians ;  morning  appeared,  and  they 
were  on  the  summit  of  the  mountain.     At  this  part  of  the 

1  The  promised  account  is  nowhere  given  in  any  extant  writings  of  the 
historian. 


436  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA         [217-220 

mountains,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  a  thousand  heavy 
armed  Phocians  kept  guard,  to  defend  their  own  country,  and 
to  secure  the  pathway.  For  the  lower  pass  was  guarded  by 
those  before  mentioned;  and  the  Phocians  had  voluntarily 
promised  Leonidas  to  guard  the  path  across  the  mountain. 
The  Phocians  discovered  them  after  they  had  ascended,  in 
the  following  manner :  for  the  Persians  ascended  without  being 
observed,  as  the  whole  mountain  was  covered  with  oaks ; 
there  was  a  perfect  calm,  and  as  was  likely,  a  considerable 
rustling  taking  place  from  the  leaves  strewn  under  foot,  the 
Phocians  sprang  up  and  put  on  their  arms,  and  immediately 
the  barbarians  made  their  appearance.  But  when  they  saw 
men  clad  in  armour  they  were  astonished,  for,  expecting  to 
find  nothing  to  oppose  them,  they  fell  in  with  an  army.  There- 
upon Hydarnes,  fearing  lest  the  Phocians  might  be  Lacedae- 
monians, asked  Ephialtes  of  what  nation  the  troops  were ;  and 
being  accurately  informed,  he  drew  up  the  Persians  for  battle. 
The  Phocians,  when  they  were  hit  by  many  and  thick-falling 
arrows,  fled  to  the  summit  of  the  mountain,  supposing  that 
they  had  come  expressly  to  attack  them,  and  prepared  to 
perish.  Such  was  their  determination.  But  the  Persians, 
with  Ephialtes  and  Hydarnes,  took  no  notice  of  the  Phocians, 
but  marched  down  the  mountain  with  all  speed. 

To  those  of  the  Greeks  who  were  at  Thermopylae,  the 
augur  Megistias,  having  inspected  the  sacrifices,  first  made 
known  the  death  that  would  befall  them  in  the  morning ;  cer- 
tain deserters  afterward  came  and  brought  intelligence  of  the 
circuit  the  Persians  were  taking ;  these  brought  the  news  while 
it  was  yet  night,  and,  thirdly,  the  scouts  running  down  from 
the  heights,  as  soon  as  day  dawned,  brought  the  same  in- 
telligence. Upon  this  the  Greeks  held  a  consultation,  and 
their  opinions  were  divided.  For  some  would  not  hear  of 
abandoning  their  post,  and  others  opposed  that  view.  After 
this,  when  the  assembly  broke  up,  some  of  them  departed, 
and  being  dispersed  betook  themselves  to  their  several  cities ; 
but  others  of  them  prepared  to  remain  there  with  Leonidas. 
It  is  said  that  Leonidas  himself  sent  them  away,  being  anx- 
ious that  they  should  not  perish ;  but  that  he  and  the  Spar- 
tans who  were  there  could  not  honourably  desert  the  post 
which  they  originally  came  to  defend.  For  my  own  part,  I  am 
rather  inclined  to  think  that  Leonidas,  when  he  perceived  that 
the  allies  were  averse  and  unwilling  to  share  the  danger  with 
him,  bade  them  withdraw;  but  that  he  considered  it  dishon- 
ourable for  himself  to  depart :  on  the  other  hand,  by  remain- 
ing there,  great  renown  would  be  left  for  him,  and  the  pros- 


220-223]  THERMOPYLAE  437 

perity  of  Sparta  would  not  be  obliterated.  For  it  had  been 
announced  to  the  Spartans,  by  the  Pythian,  when  they  con- 
sulted the  oracle  concerning  this  war,  as  soon  as  it  began, 
that  either  Lacedaemon  must  be  overthrown  by  the  bar- 
barians, or  their  king  perish.  This  answer  she  gave  in 
hexameter  verses  to  this  effect :  "  To  you,  O  inhabitants  of 
spacious  Lacedaemon,  either  your  vast,  glorious  city  shall  be 
destroyed  by  men  sprung  from  Perseus,  or,  if  not  so,  the  con- 
fines of  Lacedaemon  mourn  a  king  deceased  of  the  race  of 
Hercules.  For  neither  shall  the  strength  of  bulls  nor  of  lions 
withstand  him,1  with  force  opposed  to  force;  for  he  has  the 
strength  of  Jove ;  and  I  say  he  shall  not  be  restrained,  before 
he  has,  certainly,  obtained  one  of  these  for  his  share."  I  think, 
therefore,  that  Leonidas,  considering  these  things,  and  being 
desirous  to  acquire  glory  for  the  Spartans  alone,  sent  away 
the  allies,  rather  than  that  those  who  went  away  differed  in 
opinion,  and  went  away  in  such  an  unbecoming  manner.  The 
following  in  no  small  degree  strengthens  my  conviction  2  on 
this  point:  for  not  only  did  he  send  away  the  others,  but 
it  is  certain  that  Leonidas  also  sent  away  the  augur  who  fol- 
lowed the  army,  Megistias,  the  Acarnanian,  who  was  said 
to  have  been  originally  descended  from  Melampus,  the  same 
who  announced  from  an  inspection  of  the  victims  what  was 
about  to  befall  them,  in  order  that  he  might  not  perish  with 
them.  He,  however,  though  dismissed,  did  not  himself  de- 
part, but  sent  away  his  son,  who  served  with  him  in  the  ex- 
pedition, being  his  only  child.  The  allies,  accordingly,  that 
were  dismissed,  departed,  and  obeyed  Leonidas ;  but  only  the 
Thespians  and  the  Thebans  remained  with  the  Lacedaemo- 
nians :  the  Thebans,  indeed,  remained  unwillingly,  and  against 
their  inclination,  for  Leonidas  detained  them,  treating  them 
as  hostages ;  but  the  Thespians  willingly,  for  they  refused  to 
go  away  and  abandon  Leonidas  and  those  with  him,  but  re- 
mained and  died  with  them.  Demophilus,  son  of  Diadromas, 
commanded  them. 

Xerxes,  after  he  had  poured  out  libations  at  sunrise,  hav- 
ing waited  a  short  time,  began  his  attack  about  the  time  of 
full  market;  for  he  had  been  so  instructed  by  Ephialtes;  for 
the  descent  from  the  mountain  is  more  direct,  and  the  distance 
much  shorter,  than  the  circuit  and  ascent.  The  barbarians, 
therefore,  with  Xerxes,  advanced ;  and  the  Greeks  with  Leon- 
idas, marching  out  as  if  for  certain  death,  now  advanced  much 
farther  than  before  into  the  wide  part  of  the  defile.  For  the 
fortification  of  the  wall  had  protected  them,  and  they  on  the 
1  The  Persian  king.  J  "  Is  not  the  least  proof  to  me." 


438  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VII,   POLYMNIA        [223-226 

preceding  days,  having  taken  up  their  position  in  the  narrow 
part,  there  fought.  But  now  engaging  outside  the  narrows, 
great  numbers  of  the  barbarians  fell.  For  the  officers  of  the 
companies  from  behind,  having  scourges,  flogged  every  man, 
constantly  urging  them  forward;  in  consequence,  many  of 
them  falling  into  the  sea,  perished,  and  many  more  were  tram- 
pled alive  under  foot  by  one  another ;  and  no  regard  was  paid 
to  any  that  perished.  For  the  Greeks,  knowing  that  death 
awaited  them  at  the  hands  of  those  who  were  going  round  the 
mountain,  being  desperate,  and  regardless  of  their  own  lives, 
displayed  the  utmost  possible  valour  against  the  barbarians. 
Already  were  most  of  their  javelins  broken,  and  they  had 
begun  to  despatch  the  Persians  with  their  swords.  In  this 
part  of  the  struggle  fell  Leonidas,  fighting  valiantly,  and  with 
him  other  eminent  Spartans,  whose  names,  seeing  they  were 
deserving  men,  I  have  ascertained ;  indeed,  I  have  ascertained 
the  names  of  the  whole  three  hundred.  On  the  side  of  the 
Persians,  also,  many  other  eminent  men  fell  on  this  occasion, 
and  among  them  two  sons  of  Darius,  Abrocomes  and  Hyper- 
anthes,  born  to  Darius  of  Phrataguna,  daughter  of  Artanes ; 
but  Artanes  was  brother  to  King  Darius,  and  son  of  Hystaspes, 
son  of  Arsames.  He,  when  he  gave  his  daughter  to  Darius, 
gave  him  also  all  his  property,  as  she  was  his  only  child. 
Accordingly,  two  brothers  of  Xerxes  fell  at  this  spot,  fighting 
for  the  body  of  Leonidas,  and  there  was  a  violent  struggle 
between  the  Persians  and  Lacedaemonians,  until  at  last  the 
Greeks  rescued  it  by  their  valour,  and  four  times  repulsed  the 
enemy.  Thus  the  contest  continued  until  those  with  Ephialtes 
came  up.  When  the  Greeks  heard  that  they  were  approach- 
ing, from  this  time  the  battle  was  altered.  For  they  retreated 
to  the  narrow  part  of  the  way,  and  passing  beyond  the  wall, 
came  and  took  up  their  position  on  the  rising  ground,  all  in 
a  compact  body,  with  the  exception  of  the  Thebans :  the  ris- 
ing ground  is  at  the  entrance  where  the  stone  lion  now  stands 
to  the  memory  of  Leonidas.  On  this  spot,  while  they  de- 
fended themselves  with  swords,  such  as  had  them  still  re- 
maining, and  their  hands  and  teeth,  the  barbarians  over- 
whelmed them  with  missiles,  some  of  them  attacking  them 
in  front,  and  having  thrown  down  the  wall;  and  others  sur- 
rounding and  attacking  them  on  every  side. 

Though  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Thespians  behaved  in 
this  manner,  yet  Dieneces,  a  Spartan,  is  said  to  have  been  the 
bravest  man.  They  relate  that  he  made  the  following  remark, 
before  they  engaged  with  the  Medes,  having  heard  a  Tra- 
chinian  say  that  when  the  barbarians  let  fly  their  arrows  they 


226-229]  THERMOPYLAE  439 

would  obscure  the  sun  by  the  multitude  of  their  shafts,  so 
great  were  their  numbers :  but  he,  not  at  all  alarmed  at  this, 
said,  holding  in  contempt  the  numbers  of  the  Medes,  that 
their  Trachinian  friend  told  them  everything  to  their  advan- 
tage, since  if  the  Medes  obscured  the  sun,  they  would  then 
have  to  fight  in  the  shade,  and  not  in  the  sun.  This  and  other 
sayings  of  the  same  kind  they  relate  that  Dieneces,  the  Lace- 
daemonian, left  as  memorials.  Next  to  him,  two  Lacedae- 
monian brothers,  Alpheus  and  Maron,  sons  of  Orisiphantus, 
are  said  to  have  distinguished  themselves  most;  and  of  the 
Thespians,  he  obtained  the  greatest  glory  whose  name  was 
Dithyrambus,  son  of  Harmatides.  In  honour  of  the  slain,  who 
were  buried  on  the  spot  where  they  fell,  and  of  those  who 
died  before  they  who  were  dismissed  by  Leonidas  went  away, 
the  following  inscription  has  been  engraved  over  them :  "  Four 
thousand  from  Peloponnesus  once  fought  on  this  spot  with 
three  hundred  myriads."  This  inscription  was  made  for  all ; 
and  for  the  Spartans  in  particular :  "  Stranger,  go  tell  the 
Lacedaemonians  that  we  lie  here,  obedient  to  their  commands." 
This  was  for  the  Lacedaemonians ;  and  for  the  prophet,  the 
following :  "  This  is  the  monument  of  the  illustrious  Megis- 
tias,  whom  once  the  Medes,  having  passed  the  river  Sperchius, 
slew;  a  prophet,  who,  at  the  time  well  knowing  the  impend- 
ing fate,  would  not  abandon  the  leaders  of  Sparta."  The 
Amphictyons  are  the  persons  who  honoured  them  with  these 
inscriptions  and  columns,  with  the  exception  of  the  inscrip- 
tion to  the  prophet ;  that  of  the  prophet  Megistias,  Simonides, 
son  of  Leoprepes,  caused  to  be  engraved,  from  personal  friend- 
ship. 

It  is  said  that  two  of  these  three  hundred,  Eurytus  and 
Aristodemus,  when  it  was  in  the  power  of  both,  if  they  had 
agreed  together,  either  to  return  alike  safe  to  Sparta,  since  they 
had  been  dismissed  from  the  camp  by  Leonidas,  and  were 
lying  at  Alpeni  desperately  afflicted  with  a  disease  of  the  eyes ; 
or,  if  they  would  not  return,  to  have  died  together  with  the 
rest ;  when  it  was  in  their  power  to  do  either  of  these,  they 
could  not  agree ;  and  being  divided  in  opinion,  Eurytus,  hav- 
ing heard  of  the  circuit  made  by  the  Persians,  and  having 
called  for  and  put  on  his  arms,  ordered  his  helot  to  lead  him 
to  the  combatants;  and  when  he  had  led  him,  the  man  who 
led  him  ran  away,  but  he,  rushing  into  the  midst  of  the  throng, 
perished;  but  Aristodemus,  failing  in  courage,  was  left  be- 
hind. Now  if  it  had  happened  that  Aristodemus  alone,  being 
sick,  had  returned  to  Sparta,  or  if  both  had  gone  home  to- 
gether, in  my  opinion  the  Spartans  would  not  have  shown 


440  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [229-234 

any  anger  against  them.  But  now,  since  one  of  them  perished, 
and  the  other,  who  had  only  the  same  excuse,  refused  to  die, 
it  was  necessary  for  them  to  be  exceedingly  angry  with  Aris- 
todemus.  Some  say  that  Aristodemus  thus  got  safe  to  Sparta, 
and  on  such  a  pretext;  but  others,  that  being  sent  as  a  mes- 
senger from  the  army,  though  he  might  have  arrived  while 
the  battle  was  going  on,  he  would  not,  but  having  lingered 
on  the  road,  survived;  while  his  fellow-messenger,  arriving 
in  time  for  the  battle,  died.  Aristodemus  having  returned  to 
Lacedaemon,  met  with  insults  and  infamy.  He  was  declared 
infamous  by  being  treated  as  follows :  not  one  of  the  Spartans 
would  either  give  him  fire  or  converse  with  him ;  and  he  met 
with  insult,  being  called  Aristodemus  the  coward.  However, 
in  the  battle  of  Plataea,  he  removed  all  the  disgrace  that  at- 
tached to  him.  It  is  also  said  that  another  of  the  three  hun- 
dred, whose  name  was  Pantites,  having  been  sent  as  a  mes- 
senger to  Thessaly,  survived;  and  that  he,  on  his  return  to 
Sparta,  finding  himself  held  in  dishonour,  hung  himself.  The 
Thebans,  whom  Leontiades  commanded,  as  long  as  they  were 
with  the  Greeks,  being  constrained  by  necessity,  fought 
against  the  king's  army;  but  when  they  saw  the  forces  of 
the  Persians  gaining  the  upper  hand,  as  the  Greeks  with  Leon- 
idas  were  hastening  to  the  hill,  having  separated  from  them, 
they  held  out  their  hands  and  went  near  the  barbarians,  say- 
ing the  truest  thing  they  could  say,  that  they  were  both  on 
the  side  of  the  Medes,  and  were  among  the  first  who  gave 
earth  and  water  to  the  king,  and  that  they  came  to  Ther- 
mopylae from  compulsion,  and  were  guiltless  of  the  blow  that 
had  been  inflicted  on  the  king.  So  that,  by  saying  this,  they 
saved  their  lives ;  for  they  had  the  Thessalians  as  witnesses 
to  what  they  said ;  they  were  not,  however,  fortunate  in  every 
respect;  for  when  the  barbarians  seized  them  as  they  came 
up,  some  they  slew,  and  the  greater  number  of  them,  by  the 
command  of  Xerxes,  they  branded  with  the  royal  mark,  be- 
ginning with  the  general  Leontiades;  whose  son,  Eury- 
machus,  some  time  afterward,  the  Plataeans  slew,  when  he  was 
commanding  four  hundred  Thebans,  and  had  got  possession 
of  the  citadel  of  the  Plataeans.  Thus  the  Greeks  fought  at 
Thermopylae.  And  Xerxes,  having  sent  for  Demaratus,  ques- 
tioned him,  beginning  as  follows :  "  Demaratus,  you  are  an 
honest  man ;  I  judge  so  from  experience ;  for  whatever  you 
said  has  turned  out  accordingly.  Now  tell  me  how  many 
the  rest  of  the  Lacedaemonians  may  be;  and  how  many  of 
them,  or  whether  all,  are  such  as  these  in  war  ? "  He  an- 
swered :  "  O  king,  the  number  of  all  the  Lacedaemonians  is 


234-236]  DEMARATUS   ADVISES   XERXES  441 

great,  and  their  cities  are  many ;  but  I  shall  inform  you  of  that 
which  you  desire  to  know.  In  Laconia  is  Sparta,  a  city  con- 
taining about  eight  thousand  men ;  all  these  are  equal  to  those 
who  have  fought  here;  the  rest  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  how- 
ever, are  not  equal  to  these,  though  brave."  To  this  Xerxes 
said :  "  Demaratus,  in  what  way  can  we  conquer  these  men 
with  the  least  trouble,  come  tell  me;  for  you  must  be  ac- 
quainted with  the  course  of  their  counsels,  since  you  have  been 
their  king." 

He  replied :  "  O  king,  since  you  ask  my  advice  so  ear- 
nestly, it  is  right  that  I  should  tell  you  what  is  best.  You 
should,  then,  despatch  three  hundred  ships  of  your  naval 
force  to  the  Laconian  coast.  Off  that  coast  there  lies  an  island 
called  Cythera,  which  Chilon,  the  wisest  man  among  us,  said 
would  be  more  advantageous  to  the  Spartans  if  sunk  to  the 
bottom  of  the  sea  than  if  it  remained  above  water;  always 
apprehending  that  some  such  thing  would  come  from  it,  as  I 
am  going  to  propose ;  not  that  he  foresaw  the  arrival  of  your 
fleet,  but  fearing  equally  every  naval  force.  Sallying  from 
this  island,  then,  let  them  alarm  the  Lacedaemonians ;  and 
when  they  have  a  war  of  their  own  near  home,  they  will  no 
longer  give  you  cause  to  fear,  lest  they  should  succour  the 
rest  of  Greece,  while  it  is  being  taken  by  your  land  forces. 
But  when  the  rest  of  Greece  is  subdued,  the  Laconian  terri- 
tory, being  left  alone,  will  be  feeble.  If  you  will  not  act  in 
this  manner,  you  may  expect  that  this  will  happen :  There 
is  in  Peloponnesus  a  narrow  isthmus ;  in  this  place,  all  the 
Peloponnesians  being  combined  against  you,  expect  to  meet 
more  violent  struggles  than  the  past ;  whereas,  if  you  do  as 
I  advise,  both  this  isthmus  and  the  cities  will  submit  to  you 
without  a  battle."  After  him  spoke  Achaemenes,  who  was 
brother  of  Xerxes,  and  commander  of  the  naval  forces,  having 
been  present  at  the  conversation,  and  fearing  lest  Xerxes 
might  be  induced  to  adopt  that  plan :  "  O  king,  I  perceive  you 
listening  to  the  suggestions  of  a  man  who  envies  your  pros- 
perity, or  would  betray  your  cause.  For  the  Greeks  are  com- 
monly of  that  character ;  they  envy  success,  and  hate  superior 
power.  If,  therefore,  in  the  present  state  of  our  affairs,  after 
four  hundred  ships  have  been  wrecked,  you  should  detach 
three  hundred  more  from  the  fleet  to  sail  round  Peloponnesus, 
our  enemies  may  fight  us  upon  equal  terms ;  but  if  our  fleet 
is  kept  together,  it  becomes  invincible,  and  they  will  be  un- 
able to  fight  with  us  at  all :  moreover,  the  whole  fleet  will  as- 
sist the  land  forces,  and  the  land  forces  the  fleet,  by  advancing 
together ;  but  if  you  separate  them,  neither  will  they  be  useful 


442  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VII,   POLYMNIA         [236-239 

to  you,  nor  you  to  them.  Having,  therefore,  ordered  your 
own  matters  well,  resolve  to  pay  no  attention  to  what  your 
enemies  are  doing,  how  they  will  carry  on  the  war,  what  they 
will  do,  or  how  many  their  numbers  are.  For  they  are  able 
to  think  about  themselves,  and  we  in  like  manner  about  our- 
selves. But  the  Lacedaemonians,  if  they  venture  a  battle 
against  the  Persians,  will  not  cure  this  one  present  wound." 
To  this  Xerxes  answered :  "  Achaemenes,  you  appear  to  me 
to  speak  well,  and  I  will  act  accordingly.  But  Demaratus 
said  what  he  thought  was  best  for  me,  though  he  is  surpassed 
by  you  in  judgment.  For  that  I  will  not  admit  that  Demara- 
tus is  not  well  disposed  to  my  interests,  forming  my  conclu- 
sion from  what  was  before  said  by  him,  and  from  the  fact  that 
a  citizen  envies  a  fellow-citizen  who  is  prosperous,  and  hates 
him  in  silence;  nor,  when  a  citizen  asks  for  advice,  will  a 
fellow-citizen  suggest  what  seems  to  him  to  be  best,  unless 
he  has  reached  a  high  degree  of  virtue :  such  persons,  how- 
ever, are  rare.  But  a  friend  bears  the  greatest  regard  for  his 
friend  in  prosperity ;  and,  when  he  asks  his  advice,  gives  him 
the  best  advice  he  can.  I  therefore  enjoin  all  men  for  the 
future  to  abstain  from  calumny  concerning  Demaratus,  since 
he  is  my  friend."  Xerxes  having  spoken  thus,  passed  through 
the  dead ;  and  having  heard  that  Leonidas  was  king  and  gen- 
eral of  the  Lacedaemonians,  he  commanded  them  to  cut  off 
his  head  and  fix  it  upon  a  pole.  It  is  clear  to  me  from  many 
other  proofs,  and  not  least  of  all  from  this,  that  King  Xerxes 
was  more  highly  incensed  against  Leonidas  during  his  life 
than  against  any  other  man ;  for  otherwise  he  would  never 
have  violated  the  respect  due  to  his  dead  body ;  since  the  Per- 
sians, most  of  all  men  with  whom  I  am  acquainted,  are  wont 
to  honour  men  who  are  brave  in  war.  They,  however,  to 
whom  the  order  was  given  to  do  this  did  it. 

But  I  return  to  that  part  of  my  narration  where  I  before 
left  it  incomplete.  The  Lacedaemonians  first  had  information 
that  the  king  was  preparing  to  invade  Greece;  and  accord- 
ingly they  sent  to  the  oracle  at  Delphi,  whereupon  the  answer 
was  given  them  which  I  lately  mentioned.  But  they  obtained 
their  information  in  a  remarkable  manner.  For  Demaratus, 
son  of  Ariston,  being  in  exile  among  the  Medes,  as  I  con- 
jecture, and  appearances  support  my  opinion,  was  not  well 
affected  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  However,  it  is  a  question 
whether  he  acted  as  he  did  from  a  motive  of  benevolence  or 
by  way  of  exultation.  For  when  Xerxes  had  determined  to 
invade  Greece,  Demaratus,  who  was  then  at  Susa,  and  had 
heard  of  his  intention,  communicated  it  to  the  Lacedaemonians. 


239]  HOW  THE   NEWS  REACHED  GREECE  443 

But  he  was  unable  to  make  it  known  by  any  other  means,  for 
there  was  great  danger  of  being  detected ;  he  therefore  had 
recourse  to  the  following  contrivance :  having  taken  a  folding 
tablet,  he  scraped  off  the  wax,  and  then  wrote  the  king's  in- 
tention on  the  wood  of  the  tablet;  and  having  done  this,  he 
melted  the  wax  again  over  the  writing,  in  order  that  the  tablet, 
being  carried  with  nothing  written  on  it,  might  occasion  him 
no  trouble  from  the  guards  upon  the  road.  When  it  arrived  at 
Sparta,  the  Lacedaemonians  were  unable  to  comprehend  it; 
until,  as  I  am  informed,  Gorgo,  daughter  of  Cleomenes,  and 
wife  to  Leonidas,  made  a  suggestion,  having  considered  the 
matter  with  herself,  and  bade  them  scrape  off  the  wax,  and 
they  would  find  letters  written  on  the  wood.  They,  having 
obeyed,  found  and  read  the  contents,  and  forwarded  them  to 
the  rest  of  the  Greeks.  These  things  are  reported  to  have 
happened  in  this  manner.  >*X^    $ 


BOOK  VIII 

URANIA 

THE  Greeks  who  were  assigned  to  the  navy  were  these : 
the  Athenians,  who  furnished  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
seven  ships ;  but  the  Plataeans,  from  a  spirit  of  valour 
and  zeal,  though  inexperienced  in  the  sea  service,  as- 
sisted the  Athenians  in  manning  the  ships.  The  Corinthians 
furnished  forty  ships ;  the  Megureans  twenty ;  the  Chalcidians 
manned  twenty,  the  Athenians  having  furnished  them  with 
ships;  the  iEginetae,  eighteen;  the  Sicyonians,  twelve;  the 
Lacedaemonians,  ten ;  the  Epidaurians,  eight ;  the  Eretrians, 
seven ;  the  Trcezenians,  five ;  the  Styreans,  two ;  and  the 
Ceians,  two  ships  and  two  penteconters ;  the  Opuntian  Lo- 
crians  also  came  to  their  assistance  with  seven  penteconters. 
These,  then,  were  they  who  were  engaged  in  the  war  at  Arte- 
misium,  and  I  have  mentioned  how  each  contributed  to  the 
number  of  the  ships.  The  total  of  the  ships  assembled  at 
Artemisium,  besides  the  penteconters,  was  two  hundred  and 
seventy-one.  The  admiral,  who  had  the  chief  power,  the 
Spartans  supplied,  Eurybiades,  son  of  Euryclides,  for  the 
allies  had  refused,  if  the  Lacedaemonians  did  not  command, 
to  follow  Athenian  leaders,  but  said  they  would  break  up  the 
intended  fleet.  For  from  the  first  there  was  a  talk,  even  be- 
fore they  sent  to  Sicily  to  solicit  an  alliance,  that  it  would  be 
proper  to  intrust  the  navy  to  the  Athenians.  But  as  the  allies 
opposed,  the  Athenians  gave  way,  deeming  it  of  high  impor- 
tance that  Greece  should  be  saved,  and  knowing  that  if  they 
should  quarrel  about  the  command  Greece  would  be  lost; 
herein  thinking  justly.  For  intestine  discord  is  as  much  worse 
than  war  carried  on  in  concert,  as  war  is  than  peace.  Being, 
therefore,  convinced  of  this,  they  did  not  resist,  but  yielded 
as  long  as  they  had  need  of  their  assistance,  as  they  clearly 
showed.  For  when,  having  repulsed  the  Persian,  they  were 
now  contending  for  his  country,  they  put  forward  as  a  pre- 
text the  arrogance  of  Pausanius,  and  deprived  the  Lacedae- 
monians of  the  chief  command.     But  these  things  occurred 

444 


4-7]  WITH   THE   FLEET  445 

afterward.  But  at  that  time  those  Greeks  who  had  arrived 
at  Artemisium,  when  they  saw  a  vast  number  of  ships  drawn 
up  at  Aphetas,  and  all  parts  full  of  troops,  since  the  affairs 
of  the  barbarians  turned  out  contrary  to  their  expectation,  in 
great  consternation,  deliberated  about  retiring  from  Arte- 
misium to  the  inner  parts  of  Greece.  The  Eubceans,  knowing 
that  they  were  deliberating  on  this  matter,  entreated  Eury- 
biades  to  remain  a  short  time  longer,  until  they  could  remove 
their  children  and  domestics  to  a  place  of  safety.  But  finding 
they  could  not  persuade  him,  they  then  went  over  to  the 
Athenian  general,  and  prevailed  on  Themistocles,  by  a  bribe 
of  thirty  talents,  to  promise  that  they  would  stay  and  engage 
the  enemy  by  sea  before  Eubcea.  Themistocles,  to  retain  the 
Greeks,  did  as  follows :  of  this  money  he  gave  five  talents 
to  Eurybiades,  as  if  indeed  he  gave  it  from  himself ;  and  when 
he  had  gained  him  over,  as  Adimantus,  son  of  Ocytus,  the 
Corinthian  commander,  was  the  only  person  who  resisted, 
affirming  that  he  would  sail  away  from  Artemisium,  and  not 
stay ;  to  him  Themistocles  said  with  an  oath :  "  You  shall 
not  abandon  us;  for  I  will  make  you  a  greater  present  than 
the  King  of  the  Medes  would  send  you  for  abandoning  the 
allies."  He  at  the  same  time  said  this  and  sent  three  talents 
of  silver  on  board  the  ship  of  Adimantus.  They  therefore, 
being  swayed  by  the  present,  were  gained  over,  and  complied 
with  the  wishes  of  the  Euboeans ;  but  Themistocles  himself 
was  a  considerable  gainer,  as  he  secretly  kept  the  rest ;  but 
those  who  took  part  of  this  money  thought  it  came  from  the 
Athenians  on  that  condition. 

They  accordingly  remained  in  Euboea,  and  came  to  an 
engagement  by  sea.  It  happened  in  this  manner :  when  the 
barbarians  arrived  at  Aphetse,  in  the  afternoon,  having  been 
informed  that  a  few  Grecian  ships  were  stationed  there,  and 
then  descrying  them  at  Artemisium,  they  were  eager  to  at- 
tack, in  the  hope  of  taking  them.  However,  they  did  not  think 
it  advisable  to  sail  directly  upon  them,  for  the  following  rea- 
sons, lest  the  Greeks,  seeing  them  sailing  toward  them,  should 
betake  themselves  to  flight,  and  the  night  should  cover  their 
retreat,  by  which  means  they  would  escape ;  but,  according 
to  their  saying,  they  thought  that  not  even  the  torch-bearer 
would  escape  alive.  For  this  purpose,  then,  they  had  re- 
course to  the  following  plan:  having  detached  two  hundred 
ships  from  the  whole  fleet,  they  sent  them  round,  outside  Sci- 
athus,  that  they  might  not  be  seen  by  the  enemy  sailing  round 
Eubcea,  by  Caphareus  and  round  Gersestus  to  the  Euripus ; 
that  so  they  might  surround  them,  the  one  party  arriving  at 


446  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [7-10 

the  place  appointed  in  that  way,  and  intercepting  their  retreat, 
and  themselves  attacking  them  in  front.  Having  determined 
on  this,  they  despatched  the  ships  appointed  for  this  service, 
themselves  not  intending  to  attack  the  Greeks  that  day,  nor 
before  the  agreed  signal  should  be  seen,  given  by  those  who 
sailed  round,  announcing  their  arrival.  These,  then,  they 
sent  round,  and  set  about  taking  the  number  of  the  rest  of 
the  ships  at  Aphetae.  At  this  time,  while  they  were  taking 
the  number  of  their  ships,  there  was  in  this  camp  Scyllias  of 
Scyone,  the  best  diver  of  his  time ;  he,  in  the  shipwreck  that 
happened  off  Pelion,  had  saved  much  of  their  treasure  for  the 
Persians,  and  had  acquired  a  good  deal  for  himself.  This 
Scyllias  had  long  before  entertained  the  design  of  deserting 
to  the  Greeks,  but  had  had  no  opportunity  of  doing  so  until 
that  time.  In  what  way  he  at  length  made  his  escape  to  the 
Grecians  I  can  not  certainly  affirm,  and  I  wonder  whether 
the  account  given  is  true.  For  it  is  said  that,  having  plunged 
into  the  sea  at  Aphetae,  he  never  rose  until  he  reached  Arte- 
misium,  having  passed  this  distance  through  the  sea,  as  near 
as  can  be,  eighty  stadia.  Many  other  things  are  related  of 
this  man  that  are  very  like  falsehood,  and  some  that  are  true. 
If,  however,  I  may  give  my  opinion  of  this  matter,  it  is,  that 
he  came  to  Artemisium  in  a  boat.  On  his  arrival  he  imme- 
diately informed  the  commanders  of  the  shipwreck,  how  it 
had  occurred,  and  of  the  ships  that  were  sent  round  Euboea. 
The  Greeks,  having  heard  this,  held  a  conference  among 
themselves ;  and,  after  much  debate,  it  was  resolved  that  re- 
maining there  and  continuing  in  their  station  during  that  day, 
then,  when  midnight  was  passed,  they  should  proceed  and 
meet  the  ships  that  were  sailing  round.  But  after  this,  when 
no  ship  sailed  against  them,  having  waited  for  the  evening 
of  the  day,  they  sailed  of  themselves  against  the  barbarians, 
being  desirous  to  make  trial  of  their  manner  of  fighting,  and 
of  breaking  through  the  line.  The  other  soldiers  of  Xerxes, 
and  the  commanders,  seeing  them  sailing  toward  them  with 
so  few  ships,  attributed  their  conduct  to  madness,  and  on  their 
part  got  their  ships  under  way,  expecting  that  they  should 
easily  take  them ;  and  their  expectations  were  very  reason- 
able when  they  saw  that  the  Grecian  ships  were  few,  and  their 
own  many  more  in  number,  and  better  sailers :  taking  these 
things  into  consideration,  they  inclosed  them  in  the  middle 
of  a  circle.  Now,  such  of  the  Ionians  as  were  well  affected 
to  the  Greeks,  and  joined  the  expedition  unwillingly,  regarded 
it  as  a  great  calamity  when  they  saw  them  surrounded,  feeling 
convinced  that  not  one  of  them  would  return;  so  weak  did 


io-h]  OFF  ARTEMISIUM  447 

the  Grecian  forces  appear  to  them  to  be.  But  such  as  were 
pleased  with  what  was  going  on  vied  with  each  other  how 
each  might  be  the  first  to  take  an  Athenian  ship,  and  receive 
a  reward  from  the  king.  For  throughout  the  fleet  they  had 
the  highest  opinion  of  the  Athenians.  When  the  signal  was 
given  to  the  Greeks,  first  of  all  turning  their  prows  against 
the  barbarians,  they  contracted  their  sterns  inwardly  to  the 
middle ;  and  when  the  second  signal  was  given,  they  began 
the  attack,  though  inclosed  in  a  narrow  space,  and  that 
prow  to  prow.  On  this  occasion  they  took  thirty  ships  of 
the  barbarians,  and  Philaon,  son  of  Chersis,  the  brother  of 
Gorgus,  King  of  the  Salaminians,  a  man  highly  esteemed 
in  their  army.  Lycomedes,  son  of  .Eschreus,  an  Athenian, 
was  the  first  of  the  Greeks  who  took  a  ship  from  the  enemy, 
and  he  received  the  palm  of  valour.  But  night  coming  on, 
separated  the  combatants,  who  in  this  engagement  fought  with 
doubtful  success.  The  Greeks  returned  to  Artemisium,  and 
the  barbarians  to  Aphetae,  having  fought  with  far  different 
success  than  they  expected.  In  this  engagement  Antidorus, 
a  Lemnian,  was  the  only  one  of  the  Greeks  in  the  king's  serv- 
ice who  went  over  to  the  Grecians ;  and  on  that  account  the 
Athenians  presented  him  with  lands  in  Salamis. 

When  night  came  on,  and  it  was  now  the  middle  of  sum- 
mer, heavy  rain  fell  through  the  whole  night,  and  violent 
thunder  about  Pelion;  and  the  dead  bodies  and  pieces  of 
wreck  were  driven  to  Aphetae,  and  got  entangled  round  the 
prows  of  the  ships,  and  impeded  the  blades  of  the  oars.  But 
the  soldiers  who  were  on  board,  when  they  heard  the  thunder 
were  seized  with  terror,  expecting  that  they  must  certainly 
perish,  into  such  calamities  had  they  fallen.  For  before  they 
had  recovered  breath,  after  the  wreck  and  tempest  that  had 
occurred  off  Pelion,  a  fierce  engagement  followed;  and  after 
the  engagement  impetuous  rain  and  mighty  torrents  rushing 
into  the  sea,  and  violent  thunder.  Such  was  the  night  to  them. 
But  to  those  who  had  been  appointed  to  sail  round  Euboea, 
this  same  night  proved  so  much  the  more  wild,  in  that  it  fell 
upon  them  while  they  were  in  the  open  sea ;  and  the  end  was 
grievous  to  them;  for  as  they  were  sailing,  the  storm  and 
rain  overtook  them  when  they  were  near  the  Ccela  of  Eubcea, 
and  being  driven  by  the  wind,  and  not  knowing  where  they 
were  driven,  they  were  dashed  upon  the  rocks.  All  this  was 
done  by  the  deity,  that  the  Persian  might  be  brought  to  an 
equality  with  the  Grecian,  or  at  least  not  be  greatly  superior. 
Thus  they  perished  near  the  Ccela  of  Eubcea.  The  barbarians 
at  Aphetae,  when  to  their  great  joy  day  dawned,  kept  their 


448  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [14-18 

ships  at  rest,  and  were  content,  after  they  had  suffered  so 
much,  to  remain  quiet  for  the  present.  But  three-and-fifty 
Attic  ships  came  to  re-enforce  the  Greeks ;  and  both  these 
by  their  arrival  gave  them  additional  courage,  as  did  the  news 
that  came  at  the  same  time  that  those  of  the  barbarians  who 
were  sailing  round  Eubcea  had  all  perished  in  the  late  storm ; 
therefore  having  waited  to  the  same  hour,  they  set  sail  and 
attacked  the  Cilician  ships,  and  having  destroyed  them,  as 
soon  as  it  was  night  they  sailed  back  to  Artemisium. 

On  the  third  day  the  commanders  of  the  barbarians,  in- 
dignant at  being  insulted  by  so  few  ships,  and  fearing  the 
displeasure  of  Xerxes,  no  longer  waited  for  the  Greeks  to 
begin  the  battle;  but  encouraging  one  another,  got  under 
way  about  the  middle  of  the  day.  It  happened  that  these 
actions  by  sea  and  those  by  land  at  Thermopylae  took  place 
on  the  same  days ;  and  the  whole  struggle  for  those  at  sea  was 
for  the  Euripus,  as  for  those  with  Leonidas  to  guard  the 
pass.  The  one  party  encouraging  each  other  not  to  suffer 
the  barbarians  to  enter  Greece ;  and  the  other,  to  destroy 
the  Grecian  forces,  and  make  themselves  masters  of  the  chan- 
nel. When  the  barbarians,  having  formed  in  line,  sailed  on- 
ward, the  Grecians  remained  still  at  Artemisium;  but  the 
barbarians,  having  drawn  up  their  ships  in  the  form  of  a 
crescent,  encircled  them  as  if  they  would  take  them;  where- 
upon the  Greeks  sailed  out  to  meet  them,  and  engaged.  In 
this  battle  they  were  nearly  equal  to  one  another ;  for  the  fleet 
of  Xerxes,  by  reason  of  its  magnitude  and  number,  impeded 
itself,  as  the  ships  incommoded  and  ran  foul  of  one  another; 
however,  they  continued  to  fight,  and  would  not  yield,  for 
they  were  ashamed  to  be  put  to  flight  by  a  few  ships.  Accord- 
ingly, many  ships  of  the  Grecians  perished,  and  many  men; 
and  of  the  barbarians  a  much  greater  number,  both  of  ships 
and  men.  Having  fought  in  this  manner,  they  separated  from 
each  other.  In  this  engagement  the  Egyptians  signalized 
themselves  among  the  forces  of  Xerxes;  for  they  both 
achieved  other  great  actions,  and  took  five  Grecian  ships,  with 
their  crews.  On  the  part  of  the  Greeks,  the  Athenians  sig- 
nalized themselves  on  this  day,  and  among  the  Athenians, 
Clinias,  son  of  Alcibiades ;  who  at  his  own  expense  joined  the 
fleet  with  two  hundred  men,  and  a  ship  of  his  own. 

When  they  had  separated,  each  gladly  hastened  to  their 
own  stations :  but  the  Grecians,  when,  having  left  the  battle, 
they  had  withdrawn,  were  in  possession  of  the  dead  and  of 
the  wrecks ;  yet  having  been  severely  handled,  and  especially 
the  Athenians,  the  half  of  whose  ships  were  disabled,  they 


18-22]  NEWS   FROM   THERMOPYLAE  449 

consulted  about  a  retreat  to  the  interior  of  Greece.  But  The- 
mistocles  having  considered  with  himself  that  if  the  Ionians 
and  Carians  could  be  detached  from  the  Barbarian,  they  would 
be  able  to  overcome  the  rest;  as  the  Eubceans  were  driving 
their  cattle  down  to  the  shore,  he  there  assembled  the  Grecian 
commanders  together,  and  told  them  that  he  thought  he  had 
a  contrivance  by  which  he  hoped  to  draw  off  the  best  of  the 
king's  allies.  This,  then,  he  so  far  discovered  to  them,  but 
in  the  present  state  of  affairs  he  told  them  what  they  ought 
to  do;  every  one  should  kill  as  many  of  the  Eubcean  cattle 
as  he  thought  fit ;  for  it  was  better  that  their  own  army  should 
have  them  than  the  enemy.  He  also  advised  them  each  to 
direct  their  own  men  to  kindle  fires;  and  promised  that  he 
would  choose  such  a  time  for  their  departure,  that  they  should 
all  arrive  safe  in  Greece.  These  things  they  were  pleased  to 
do;  and  forthwith,  having  kindled  fires,  they  fell  upon  the 
cattle.  For  the  Eubceans,  disregarding  the  oracles  of  Bacis 
as  importing  nothing,  had  neither  carried  out  anything  to  a 
place  of  safety,  nor  collected  stores,  as  if  war  was  approach- 
ing; and  so  had  brought  their  affairs  into  a  precarious  state. 
The  oracle  of  Bacis  respecting  them  was  as  follows :  "  Beware 
of  the  barbarian-tongued,  when  he  shall  cast  a  byblus-yoke 
across  the  sea,  remove  the  bleating  goats  from  Eubcea."  As 
they  paid  no  attention  to  these  verses,  in  the  calamities  then 
present  and  those  that  were  impending,  they  fell  into  the 
greatest  distress.  They,  then,  were  acting  thus,  and  in  that 
conjuncture  the  scout  arrived  from  Trachis.  For  there  was  a 
scout  stationed  off  Artemisium,  Polyas  of  Anticyra,  who  had 
been  ordered  (and  he  had  a  well-furnished  boat  ready),  if  the 
fleet  should  be  in  difficulty,  to  make  it  known  to  those  that 
were  at  Thermopylae ;  and  in  like  manner  Abronychus,  son  of 
Lysicles,  an  Athenian,  was  with  Leonidas,  ready  to  carry  the 
tidings  to  those  at  Artemisium  in  a  trieconter  if  any  reverse 
should  happen  to  the  land  forces.  This  Abronychus  then  ar- 
riving, informed  them  of  what  had  befallen  Leonidas  and  his 
army ;  but  they,  when  they  heard  it,  no  longer  deferred  their 
departure,  but  retired  each  in  the  order  in  which  they  were 
stationed,  the  Corinthians  first  and  the  Athenians  last. 

Themistocles,  having  selected  the  best  sailing  ships  of  the 
Athenians,  went  to  the  places  where  there  was  water  fit  for 
drinking,  and  engraved  upon  the  stones  inscriptions  which 
the  Ionians,  upon  arriving  next  day  at  Artemisium,  read.  The 
inscriptions  were  to  this  effect :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  you  do  wrong 
in  fighting  against  your  fathers,  and  helping  to  enslave  Greece : 
rather,  therefore,  come  over  to  us ;  or,  if  you  can  not  do  that, 
29 


450  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [22-25 

withdraw  your  forces  from  the  contest,  and  entreat  the  Cari- 
ans  to  do  the  same.  But  if  neither  of  these  things  is  possible, 
and  you  are  bound  by  too  strong  a  necessity  to  revolt,  yet 
in  action,  when  we  are  engaged,  behave  ill  on  purpose,  re- 
membering that  you  are  descended  from  us,  and  that  the 
enmity  of  the  barbarians  against  us  originally  sprang  from 
you."  Themistocles,  in  my  opinion,  wrote  this  with  two  ob- 
jects in  view :  that  either,  if  the  inscriptions  escaped  the  notice 
of  the  king,  he  might  induce  the  Ionians  to  change  sides  and 
come  over  to  them;  or,  if  they  were  reported  to  him,  and 
made  a  subject  of  accusation  before  Xerxes,  they  might  make 
the  Ionians  suspected,  and  cause  them  to  be  excluded  from 
the  sea-fights.  Themistocles  left  this  inscription,  and  imme- 
diately afterward  a  certain  Histiaean  came  to  the  barbarians 
in  a  boat,  announcing  the  flight  of  the  Greeks  from  Artemisi- 
um;  but  they,  through  distrust,  kept  the  man  who  brought 
the  news  under  guard,  and  despatched  some  swift  vessels  to 
reconnoitre.  When  they  reported  the  truth  as  it  was,  the 
whole  fleet,  as  soon  as  the  sun's  rays  were  spread,  sailed  in 
a  body  to  Artemisium ;  and  having  waited  in  that  place  until 
midday,  they  then  sailed  to  Histisea,  and  on  their  arrival  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  city  of  the  Histiaeans,  and  ravaged 
all  the  maritime  villages  of  the  Ellopian  district,  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Histiaeotis. 

While  they  were  on  this  coast,  Xerxes,  having  made  prepa- 
rations with  respect  to  the  dead,  sent  a  herald  to  the  fleet. 
And  he  made  the  following  previous  preparations :  of  those  of 
his  own  army,  who  were  slain  at  Thermopylae,  and  they  were 
about  twenty  thousand,  of  these  having  left  about  one  thou- 
sand, the  remainder,  having  caused  pits  to  be  dug,  he  buried, 
throwing  leaves  over  them  and  heaping  up  earth,  that  they 
might  not  be  seen  by  those  who  should  come  from  the  fleet. 
When  the  herald  crossed  over  to  Histiaea,  having  convened 
a  meeting  of  the  whole  encampment,  he  spoke  as  follows : 
"  Allies,  King  Xerxes  permits  any  of  you  who  please  to  leave 
his  post  and  come  and  see  how  he  fights  against  those  sense- 
less men  who  hoped  to  overcome  the  king's  power."  After 
he  had  made  this  announcement,  nothing  was  more  scarce 
than  boats,  so  many  were  anxious  to  behold  the  sight :  and 
having  crossed  over,  they  went  through  and  viewed  the  dead ; 
and  all  thought  that  those  that  lay  there  were  all  Lacedae- 
monians and  Thespians,  though  they  also  saw  the  Helots : 
however,  Xerxes  did  not  deceive  those  who  had  crossed  over 
by  what  he  had  done  with  respect  to  his  own  dead,  for  in- 
deed it  was  ridiculous ;  of  the  one  party  a  thousand  dead  were 


25-28]  OLYMPIC   GAMES   CELEBRATED  451 

seen  lying;  but  the  others  lay  all  heaped  up  together,  to  the 
number  of  four  thousand.  This  day  they  spent  in  the  view, 
and  on  the  next  they  returned  to  Histiaea,  to  their  ships,  and 
those  with  Xerxes  set  out  on  their  march.  Some  few  deserters 
came  to  them  from  Arcadia,  in  want  of  subsistence,  and  wished 
to  be  actively  employed :  taking  these  men  into  the  king's 
presence,  the  Persians  inquired  concerning  the  Greeks,  what 
they  were  doing.  One  in  particular  it  was  who  asked  them 
this  question.  They  answered  that  they  were  celebrating  the 
Olympic  games,  and  viewing  gymnastic  combats  and  horse- 
races. He  then  asked  what  was  the  reward  proposed  to  them, 
for  which  they  contended.  They  mentioned  the  crown  of 
olive  that  is  given.  Upon  which  Tritantsechmes,  son  of  Arta- 
banus,  having  uttered  a  noble  sentiment,  incurred  the  charge 
of  cowardice  from  the  king:  for  having  heard  that  the  prize 
was  a  crown,  and  not  riches,  he  could  not  remain  silent,  but 
spoke  as  follows  before  all :  "  Heavens,  Mardonius,  against 
what  kind  of  men  have  you  brought  us  to  fight,  who  contend 
not  for  wealth,  but  for  glory !  "    This,  then,  was  said  by  him. 

In  the  meantime,  and  when  the  defeat  had  occurred  at 
Thermopylae,  the  Thessalians  immediately  sent  a  herald  to 
the  Phocians,  as  they  had  always  entertained  a  grudge  against 
them,  and  particularly  since  their  last  defeat.  For  not  many 
years  before  this  expedition  of  the  king  the  Thessalians  them- 
selves and  their  allies,  having  invaded  the  territories  of  the 
Phocians  with  all  their  forces,  had  been  worsted  by  the  Pho- 
cians and  roughly  handled.  For  when  the  Phocians  had  been 
shut  up  in  Mount  Parnassus,  having  with  them  the  Elean 
prophet  Tellias,  this  Tellias  thereupon  devised  the  following 
stratagem  for  them :  having  smeared  over  with  chalk  six  hun- 
dred of  the  bravest  Phocians,  both  the  men  themselves  and 
their  armour,  he  attacked  the  Thessalians  by  night,  having 
ordered  them  to  kill  every  man  they  should  see  not  covered 
with  white.  The  sentinels  of  the  Thessalians,  accordingly, 
seeing  them  first,  were  terrified,  supposing  it  was  some  strange 
prodigy,  and  after  the  sentinels,  the  whole  army,  so  that  the 
Phocians  got  possession  of  four  thousand  dead  and  shields ; 
of  these  they  dedicated  one  half  at  Abas,  and  the  other  at 
Delphi.  The  tenth  of  the  treasures  taken  in  this  battle  com- 
posed those  great  statues  which  stand  about  the  tripod  in  the 
front  of  the  temple  at  Delphi,  and  others  like  them  were  dedi- 
cated at  Abae.  Thus  the  Phocians  dealt  with  the  infantry  of 
the  Thessalians,  who  were  besieging  them ;  and  they  inflicted 
an  irreparable  blow  on  their  cavalry  when  they  made  an  irrup- 
tion into  their  territory ;  for  in  the  entrance  which  is  near  Hy- 


452  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [28-32 

ampolis,  having  dug  a  large  pit,  they  put  empty  jars  in  it,  and 
having  heaped  soil  over  and  made  it  like  the  rest  of  the 
ground,  they  waited  the  attack  of  the  Thessalians;  but  they, 
hoping  to  overwhelm  the  Phocians,  being  borne  violently  on, 
fell  among  the  jars,  whereupon  the  horses  had  their  legs 
broken.  The  Thessalians,  bearing  a  grudge  against  them  for 
these  two  things,  sent  a  herald  and  made  the  following  an- 
nouncement :  O  Phocians,  now  at  length  learn  better,  and 
know  that  you  are  not  equal  to  us.  For  both  before  among 
the  Greeks,  as  long  as  that  party  pleased  us,  we  always  proved 
superior  to  you ;  and  now  we  have  so  great  influence  with 
the  Barbarian,  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  deprive  you  of  your 
country ;  and,  moreover,  to  reduce  you  to  slavery.  We,  how- 
ever, though  possessing  full  power,  are  not  mindful  of  in- 
juries ;  therefore,  let  fifty  talents  of  silver  be  given  us  by  way 
of  reparation,  and  we  promise  you  to  avert  the  evils  that  im- 
pend over  your  country." 

The  Thessalians  sent  them  this  message.  For  the  Phocians 
were  the  only  people  of  those  parts  who  did  not  side  with  the 
Mede ;  for  no  other  reason,  as  I  conjecture,  than  their  hatred 
of  the  Thessalians ;  but  if  the  Thessalians  had  taken  part 
with  the  Greeks,  in  my  opinion  the  Phocians  would  have 
sided  with  the  Mede.  When  the  Thessalians  sent  this  mes- 
sage, they  said  they  would  not  give  money,  and  that  it  was 
in  their  power  to  join  the  Medes  as  well  as  the  Thessalians, 
if  only  they  chose  to  do  so ;  but  that  they  would  not  willingly 
be  traitors  to  Greece.  When  this  answer  was  brought  back, 
the  Thessalians  thereupon,  being  incensed  with  the  Phocians, 
became  guides  to  the  barbarians ;  and,  accordingly,  they  en- 
tered from  Trachinia  into  Doris.  For  a  narrow  strip  of  Doric 
territory  extends  that  way,  about  thirty  stades  in  breadth,  and 
situated  between  the  Malian  and  Phocian  territory,  and  which 
was  anciently  Dryopis.  This  region  is  the  mother  country 
of  the  Dorians  in  Peloponnesus.  The  barbarians,  in  their 
passage  through,  did  not  ravage  this  Doric  territory,  for  the 
inhabitants  sided  with  the  Mede,  and  the  Thessalians  wished 
them  not  to  do  so.  When  they  entered  from  the  Doric  to  the 
Phocian  territory,  they  did  not  take  the  Phocians  themselves, 
for  some  of  the  Phocians  had  ascended  to  the  heights  of 
Parnassus;  and  the  summit  of  Parnassus  lying  near  the  city 
of  Neon,  which  stands  apart,  is  well  adapted  to  receive  a 
multitude;  its  name  is  Tithorea;  to  this,  then,  they  carried 
their  property,  and  ascended  themselves  :  but  the  greater  num- 
ber of  them  had  conveyed  their  effects  to  the  Locrian  Ozolse, 
to  the  city  of  Amphissa,  which  is  situated  on  the  Crisaean 


32-37]  IN   PHOCIS   AND   BOEOTIA  453 

plain.  But  the  barbarians  overran  the  whole  Phocian  terri- 
tory. For  marching  this  way  along  the  river  Cephissus,  they 
ravaged  the  whole  country,  and  burned  down  the  cities  of 
Drymus,  Charadra,  Erochus,  Tethronium,  Amphicaea,  Neon, 
Pedieae,  Triteae,  Elatea,  Hyampolis,  Parapotamii,  and  Abae ; 
where  was  a  rich  temple  of  Apollo,  adorned  with  many  treas- 
ures and  offerings,  and  there  was  then,  and  still  is,  an  oracle 
there ;  this  temple  they  plundered  and  burned ;  and  pursuing 
some  of  the  Phocians,  they  took  them  near  the  mountains ; 
and  they  caused  the  death  of  some  women,  by  having  inter- 
course with  them  in  great  numbers.  The  barbarians  having 
passed  by  Parapotamii,  arrived  at  Panopeae,  and  from  thence, 
their  army  being  divided,  proceeded  in  two  bodies.  The 
largest  and  most  powerful  part  of  the  army  marching  with 
Xerxes  himself  toward  Athens,  entered  Bceotia,  at  the  terri- 
tory of  the  Orchomenians.  But  the  Bceotians  sided  with  the 
Mede ;  Macedonian  soldiers  therefore  posted  in  different 
places,  having  been  sent  by  Alexander,  saved  their  cities ;  and 
they  saved  them  in  order  by  this  means  to  make  it  known 
to  Xerxes  that  the  Bceotians  favoured  the  cause  of  the  Medes. 
These  barbarians,  then,  took  this  route. 

The  rest  of  them,  having  guides,  proceeded  toward  the 
Temple  of  Delphi,  keeping  Parnassus  on  their  right:  and 
whatever  parts  of  Phocis  they  came  to,  they  pillaged ;  for  they 
set  fire  to  the  city  of  the  Panopians,  and  of  the  Daulians,  and 
the  ^olidae.  They  marched  this  way  detached  from  the  rest 
of  the  army  for  this  reason,  that  having  plundered  the  Temple 
at  Delphi,  they  might  present  the  treasures  to  King  Xerxes. 
But  Xerxes,  as  I  am  informed,  knew  everything  that  was  of 
value  in  the  temple  better  than  what  he  had  left  at  home,  many 
persons  continually  telling  him,  especially  of  the  offerings 
of  Croesus,  son  of  Alyattes.  The  Delphians  having  heard  of 
this,  fell  into  a  great  consternation;  and  being  in  a  state  of 
great  terror,  consulted  the  oracle  respecting  the  sacred  treas- 
ures, whether  they  should  hide  them  under  ground  or  trans- 
port them  to  another  country.  But  the  god  would  not  suffer 
them  to  be  moved,  saying  that  he  was  able  to  protect  his 
own.  The  Delphians  having  received  this  answer,  began  to 
think  of  themselves :  accordingly,  they  sent  their  children  and 
wives  across  to  Achaia ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  men 
ascended  to  the  tops  of  Parnassus,  and  carried  their  effects 
into  the  Corycian  cavern;  while  others  withdrew  to  the  Lo- 
crian  Amphissa.  Thus  all  the  Delphians  abandoned  the  city, 
except  only  sixty  men  and  the  prophet.  When  the  barbarians 
were  advanced  near,  and  saw  the  temple  in  the  distance,  then 


454  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [37-40 

the  prophet,  whose  name  was  Aceratus,  saw  the  sacred  arms, 
which  it  was  not  lawful  for  any  mortal  to  touch,  lying  before 
the  temple,  having  been  brought  out  from  within  the  fane. 
He  therefore  went  to  make  known  the  prodigy  to  the  Del- 
phians  who  were  at  hand.  But  when  the  barbarians,  hasten- 
ing their  march,  were  near  the  Temple  of  Minerva  Pronae 
prodigies  still  greater  than  the  former  succeeded.  And  this 
is  indeed  a  great  wonder,  that  warlike  instruments  should  be 
seen,  self-moved,  lying  before  the  temple,  yet  the  second  prodi- 
gies, which  succeeded  after  this,  are  worthy  of  admiration  be- 
yond all  other  portents.  For  when  the  barbarians  had  ad- 
vanced near  the  Temple  of  Minerva  Pronaea,  at  that  moment 
thunder  fell  on  them  from  heaven,  and  two  crags,  broken 
away  from  Parnassus,  bore  down  upon  them  with  a  loud  crash, 
and  killed  many  of  them,  and  a  loud  cry  and  a  war-shout 
issued  from  the  temple  of  the  Pronaea.  All  these  things  being 
commingled  together,  a  panic  struck  the  barbarians ;  and  the 
Delphians,  having  learned  that  they  had  fled,  came  down 
after  them,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  them :  the  survivors 
fled  direct  into  Boeotia.  Those  of  the  barbarians  who  re- 
turned, as  I  am  informed,  declared  that  besides  these  they 
saw  other  miraculous  things,  for  that  two  heavy  armed  men, 
of  more  than  human  stature,  followed  them,  slaying  and  pur- 
suing them.  The  Delphians  say  these  two  were  heroes  of 
the  country,  Phylacus  and  Autonous,  whose  precincts  are 
near  the  temple ;  that  of  Phylacus  by  the  road-side,  above  the 
temple  of  the  Pronaea;  and  that  of  Autonous,  near  the  Cas- 
talian  spring  under  the  Hyampeian  summit.  The  rocks  that 
fell  from  Parnassus  were  still  preserved  in  my  time,  lying 
in  the  inclosure  of  Minerva  Pronaea,  where  they  fell  when 
borne  among  the  barbarians.  Such,  then,  was  the  retreat  of 
tjiese  men  from  the  temple. 
.>V  The  Grecian  fleet  from  Artemisium,  at  the  request  of  the 
l^y^Athenians,  put  in  at  Salamis.  For  this  reason  the  Athenians 
**\  requested  them  to  direct  their  course  to  Salamis,  that  they 
might  remove  their  children  and  wives  out  of  Attica,  and, 
moreover,  might  consult  of  what  measures  were  to  be  taken. 
For  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs  they  intended  to  hold  a 
consultation,  as  they  had  been  disappointed  in  their  expecta- 
tion. For  whereas  they  expected  to  find  the  Peloponnesians 
with  all  their  forces  waiting  in  Boeotia  to  receive  the  barbarians, 
they  found  nothing  of  the  kind ;  but  were  informed  that  they 
were  fortifying  the  isthmus  leading  into  the  Peloponnesus, 
considering  it  of  the  greatest  importance  that  it  should  be 
saved,  and  that,  keeping  guard  there,  they  gave  up  all  the  rest. 


40-44]  ATHENS   ABANDONED  455 

Having  been  informed  of  this,  they  therefore  entreated  them 
to  direct  their  course  to  Salamis.  The  rest,  therefore,  held  on 
to  Salamis,  but  the  Athenians  to  their  own  country;  and 
on  their  arrival  they  caused  proclamations  to  be  made  that 
every  one  should  save  his  children  and  family  by  the  best 
means  he  could.  Thereupon  the  greatest  part  sent  away 
their  families  to  Trcezene,  some  to  iEgina,  and  others  to 
Salamis.  They  used  all  diligence  to  remove  them  to  a  place 
of  safety,  both  from  a  desire  to  obey  the  oracle,  and  more 
particularly  for  the  following  reason :  the  Athenians  say  that 
a  large  serpent  used  to  live  in  the  temple  as  a  guard  to  the 
Acropolis :  they  both  say  this,  and,  as  if  it  were  really  there, 
they  do  it  honour  by  placing  before  it  its  monthly  food;  the 
monthly  food  consists  of  a  honey-cake:  this  honey-cake  hav- 
ing been  in  former  time  always  consumed,  now  remained  un- 
touched. When  the  priestess  made  this  known,  the  Athenians 
with  more  readiness  abandoned  the  city,  since  even  the  god- 
dess had  forsaken  the  Acropolis.  As  soon  as  everything  had 
been  deposited  in  a  place  of  safety,  they  sailed  to  the  encamp- 
ment. When  those  from  Artemisium  stationed  their  ships 
at  Salamis,  the  rest  of  the  naval  forces  of  the  Greeks  being 
informed  of  this  joined  them  from  Trcezene ;  for  they  had  been 
ordered  to  assemble  at  Pogon,  a  harbour  of  the  Trcezenians. 
Many  more  ships  were  assembled  together  than  had  fought 
at  Artemisium,  and  from  a  greater  number  of  cities.  The 
same  admiral  commanded  them  as  at  Artemisium,  Eurybi- 
ades,  son  of  Euryclides,  a  Spartan,  though  he  was  not  of 
the  royal  family :  the  Athenians,  however,  furnished  by  far  the 
most  and  the  best  sailing  ships. 

The  following  joined  the  fleet:  From  the  Peloponnesus, 
the  Lacedaemonians,  furnishing  sixteen  ships ;  the  Corinthi- 
ans, furnishing  the  same  number  as  at  Artemisium ;  the  Sicy- 
onians  furnished  fifteen  ships  ;  the  Epidaurians,  ten  ;  the  Trce- 
zenians, five ;  and  the  Hermionians,  three ;  all  these,  except 
the  Hermionians,  being  of  Doric  and  Macedonic  extraction, 
having  come  from  Erineum,  and  Pindus,  and  last  of  all  from 
Dryopis.  The  Hermionians  are  Dryopians,  driven  out  by 
Hercules  and  the  Malians,  from  the  country  now  called  Doris. 
These,  then,  of  the  Peloponnesians  served  in  the  fleet.  The 
following  were  from  the  outer  continent:  the  Athenians,  be- 
yond all  the  rest,  alone  furnished  one  hundred  and  eighty 
ships ;  for  at  Salamis  the  Plataeans  did  not  join  their  forces 
to  the  Athenians,  on  account  of  the  following  circumstance: 
when  the  Greeks  retired  from  Artemisium,  and  were  off  Chal- 
cis,  the  Plataeans,  having  landed  on  the  opposite  coast  in 


456  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [44-48 

Boeotia,  set  about  carrying  away  their  families :  they,  there- 
fore, while  saving  them,  were  left  behind.  The  Athenians, 
when  the  Pelasgians  possessed  that  which  is  now  called  Greece, 
were  Pelasgians,  and  went  by  the  name  of  Cranai :  under 
the  reign  of  Cecrops,  they  were  surnamed  Cecropidse;  but 
when  Erectheus  succeeded  to  the  government,  they  changed 
their  name  for  that  of  Athenians;  and  when  Ion,  son  of 
Xuthus,  became  their  leader,  from  him  they  were  called 
Ionians.  The  Megarenes  furnished  the  same  complement  as 
at  Artemisium ;  the  Ambraciots  assisted  with  seven  ships ;  and 
the  Leucadians,  three,  these  are  of  Doric  extraction,  from 
Corinth.  Of  the  islanders,  the  ^ginetae  furnished  thirty  ships  ; 
they  had  also  other  ships  ready  manned,  but  with  some  they 
guarded  their  own  country,  and  with  thirty  the  best  sailing 
vessels,  they  fought  at  Salamis.  The  ^Eginetse  are  Dorians, 
from  Epidaurus,  and  their  island  formerly  had  the  name  of 
CEnone.  Next  to  the  ^Eginetae,  the  Chalcidians  furnished  the 
same  twenty  as  at  Artemisium,  and  the  Eretrians  the  same 
seven :  these  are  Ionians.  Next,  the  Ceians  furnished  the 
same ;  they  are  of  Ionian  extraction,  from  Athens.  The  Nax- 
ians  furnished  four ;  though  they  had  been  sent  by  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  join  the  Medes,  like  the  rest  of  the  islanders ;  but 
disregarding  their  orders,  they  went  over  to  the  Greeks,  at 
the  instigation  of  Democritus,  a  man  eminent  among  the  citi- 
zens, and  then  commander  of  a  trireme.  The  Naxians  also 
are  Ionians,  sprung  from  Athens.  The  Styreans  furnished 
the  same  ships  as  at  Artemisium;  the  Cythnians  one,  and  a 
penteconter:  both  these  people  are  Dryopians.  The  Seriph- 
ians,  the  Siphnians,  and  the  Malians  also  joined  the  fleet; 
for  they  only  of  the  islanders  refused  to  give  earth  and  water 
to  the  Barbarian.  All  these  nations,  situated  on  this  side  the 
Thesprotians  and  the  river  Acheron,  joined  the  fleet;  for  the 
Thesprotians  border  on  the  Ampraciots  and  Leucadians,  who 
joined  the  fleet  from  the  most  distant  countries.  Of  those 
that  dwell  beyond  them,  the  Crotoniatae  were  the  only  people 
who  came  to  assist  Greece  in  this  time  of  danger,  with  one 
ship,  which  Phayllus,  who  had  thrice  been  victorious  in  the 
Pythian  games,  commanded.  The  Crotoniatae  are  Achaeans 
by  extraction.  Now  the  rest  joined  the  fleet,  furnishing  tri- 
remes; but  the  Malians,  Siphnians,  and  Seriphians,  pente- 
conters.  The  Malians,  who  are  by  extraction  from  Lacedae- 
mon,  furnished  two ;  the  Siphnians  and  the  Seriphians,  who 
are  Ionians  from  Athens,  one  each.  So  that  the  whole  num- 
ber of  ships,  besides  the  penteconters,  amounted  to  three  hun^ 
dred  and  seventy-eight. 


49-52]  XERXES  BURNS  ATHENS  457 

When  the  leaders  from  the  above-mentioned  cities  met 
together  at  Salamis,  they  held  a  council,  in  which  Eurybiades 
proposed  that  any  one  who  chose  should  deliver  his  opinion, 
where  he  thought  it  would  be  most  advantageous  to  come  to 
an  engagement  by  sea,  of  all  the  places  of  which  they  were 
still  in  possession :  for  Attica  was  already  given  up,  and  he 
made  this  proposition  concerning  the  rest.  Most  of  the  opin- 
ions of  those  who  spoke  coincided,  that  they  should  sail  to  the 
isthmus  and  fight  before  Peloponnesus ;  alleging  this  reason, 
that  if  they  should  be  conquered  by  sea  while  they  were  at 
Salamis,  they  should  be  besieged  in  the  island,  where  no  suc- 
cour could  reach  them ;  but  if  at  the  isthmus,  they  might 
escape  to  their  own  cities. 

While  the  commanders  from  Peloponnesus  were  debating 
these  matters,  an  Athenian  arrived  with  intelligence  that  the 
barbarian  had  entered  Attica,  and  was  devastating  the  whole 
of  it  by  fire.  For  the  army  with  Xerxes,  having  taken  its 
route  through  Boeotia,  after  having  burned  the  city  of  the 
Thespians,  who  had  departed  to  Peloponnesus,  and  likewise 
the  city  of  the  Plataeans,  had  arrived  at  Athens,  and  was  lay- 
ing waste  every  part  of  it.  They  set  fire  to  Thespia  and 
Platsea,  being  informed  by  the  Thebans  that  they  were  not 
on  the  side  of  the  Medes.  From  the  passage  over  the  Helles- 
pont, thence  the  barbarians  began  to  march,  having  spent  one 
month  there,  including  the  time  they  were  crossing  over  into 
Europe;  in  three  months  more  they  were  in  Attica,  when 
Calliades  was  archon  of  the  Athenians.  They  took  the  city, 
deserted  of  inhabitants,  but  found  some  few  of  the  Athenians 
in  the  temple,  with  the  treasurers  of  the  temple,  and  some 
poor  people;  who,  having  fortified  the  Acropolis  with  planks 
and  stakes,  tried  to  keep  off  the  invaders :  they  had  not  with- 
drawn to  Salamis,  partly  through  want  of  means,  and  more- 
over they  thought  they  had  found  out  the  meaning  of  the 
oracle  which  the  Pythian  delivered  to  them,  that  the  wooden 
wall  "  should  be  impregnable  " ;  imagining  that  this  was  the 
refuge  according  to  the  oracle,  and  not  the  ships.  The  Per- 
sians, posting  themselves  on  the  hill  opposite  the  Acropolis, 
which  the  Athenians  call  the  Areopagus,  besieged  them  in 
the  following  manner:  when  they  had  wrapped  tow  round 
their  arrows,  and  set  fire  to  it,  they  shot  them  at  the  fence. 
Thereupon  those  Athenians  who  were  besieged  still  defended 
themselves,  though  driven  to  the  last  extremity,  and  the  fence 
had  failed  them ;  nor,  when  the  Pisistratidas  proposed  them, 
would  they  listen  to  terms  of  capitulation ;  but  still  defending 
themselves,  they  both  contrived  other  means  of  defence,  and 


458  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [52-56 

when  the  barbarians  approached  the  gates,  they  hurled  down 
large  round  stones ;  so  that  Xerxes  was  for  a  long  time  kept 
in  perplexity,  not  being  able  to  capture  them.  At  length,  in 
the  midst  of  these  difficulties,  an  entrance  was  discovered  by 
the  barbarians ;  for  it  was  necessary,  according  to  the  oracle, 
that  all  Attica,  on  the  continent,  should  be  subdued  by  the 
Persians.  In  front  of  the  Acropolis,  then,  but  behind  the  gates 
and  the  road  up,  where  neither  any  one  kept  guard,  nor  would 
ever  have  expected  that  any  man  would  ascend  that  way, 
there  some  of  them  ascended  near  the  temple  of  Cecrops's 
daughter  Aglauros,  although  the  place  was  precipitous.  When 
the  Athenians  saw  that  they  had  ascended  to  the  Acropolis, 
some  threw  themselves  down  from  the  wall  and  perished, 
and  others  took  refuge  in  the  recess  of  the  temple.  But  the 
Persians  who  had  ascended  first  turned  to  the  gates,  and  hav- 
ing opened  them,  put  the  suppliants  to  death :  and  when  all 
were  thrown  prostrate,  having  pillaged  the  temple,  they  set 
fire  to  the  whole  Acropolis. 

Xerxes  having  entire  possession  of  Athens,  despatched  a 
messenger  on  horseback  to  Susa,  to  announce  to  Artabanus 
his  present  success.  And  on  the  second  day  after  the  despatch 
of  the  herald,  having  summoned  the  exiled  Athenians  who  at- 
tended him,  he  ordered  them  to  offer  sacrifices  after  their  own 
manner,  having  ascended  to  the  Acropolis;  whether  he  gave 
this  order  from  having  seen  a  vision  in  a  dream,  or  a  religious 
scruple  came  upon  him  for  having  set  fire  to  the  temple.  The 
exiles  of  the  Athenians  performed  what  was  commanded. 
Why  I  have  recorded  these  things  I  will  now  mention.  There 
is  in  this  Acropolis  a  shrine  of  Erectheus,  who  is  said  to  be 
earth-born :  in  this  is  an  olive  tree  and  a  sea ;  which,  as  the 
story  goes  among  the  Athenians,  Neptune  and  Minerva,  when 
contending  for  the  country,  placed  there  as  testimonies.  Now 
it  happened  that  this  olive  tree  was  burned  by  the  barbarians 
with  the  rest  of  the  temple ;  but  on  the  second  day  after  the 
burning,  the  Athenians  who  were  ordered  by  the  king  to  sacri- 
fice, when  they  went  up  to  the  temple,  saw  a  shoot  from  the 
stump,  sprung  up  to  the  height  of  a  cubit.    This  they  affirmed. 

The  Greeks  at  Salamis,  when  intelligence  was  brought 
them  how  matters  were  with  respect  to  the  Acropolis  of  the 
Athenians,  were  thrown  into  such  consternation  that  some 
of  the  generals  would  not  wait  until  the  subject  before  them 
was  decided  on,  but  rushed  to  their  ships  and  hoisted  sail, 
as  about  to  hurry  away ;  by  such  of  them  as  remained  it  was 
determined  to  come  to  an  engagement  before  the  isthmus. 
Night  came  on,  and  they,  being  dismissed  from  the  council, 


THE   PARTHENON. 

Steel  engraving  by  William  G.  Jackman. 


their 


56-60]  CONFERENCE  AT  SALAMIS  459 

went  on  board  their  ships.  Thereupon  Mnesiphilus,  an  Athe- 
nian, inquired  of  Themistocles,  on  his  return  to  his  ship,  what 
had  been  determined  on  by  them.  And  being  informed  by 
him  that  it  was  resolved  to  conduct  the  ships  to  the  isthmus, 
and  to  come  to  an  engagement  before  the  Peloponnesus,  he 
said :  "  If  they  remove  the  ships  from  Salamis,  you  will  no 
longer  fight  for  any  country ;  for  they  will  each  betake  them- 
selves to  their  cities ;  and  neither  will  Eurybiades  nor  any  one 
else  be  able  to  detain  them,  so  that  the  fleet  should  not  be 
dispersed ;  and  Greece  will  perish  through  want  of  counsel. 
But,  if  there  is  any  possible  contrivance,  go  and  endeavour 
to  annul  the  decree,  if  by  any  means  you  can  induce  Eurybi- 
ades to  alter  his  determination,  so  as  to  remain  here."  The 
suggestion  pleased  Themistocles  exceedingly ;  and  without 
giving  any  answer  he  went  to  the  ship  of  Eurybiades;  and 
on  reaching  it  he  said  that  he  wished  to  confer  with  him  on 
public  business.  He  desired  him  to  come  on  board  his  ship, 
and  say  what  he  wished.  Thereupon  Themistocles,  seating 
himself  by  him,  repeated  all  that  he  had  heard  from  Mne- 
siphilus, making  it  his  own,  and  adding  much  more,  until  he 
prevailed  on  him,  by  entreaty,  to  leave  his  ship,  and  assemble 
the  commanders  in  council.  When  they  were  assembled,  be- 
fore Eurybiades  brought  forward  the  subject  on  account  of 
which  he  had  convened  the  commanders,  Themistocles  spoke 
much,  as  being  very  earnest ;  and  as  he  was  speaking,  the 
Corinthian  general  Adimantus,  son  of  Ocytus,  said,  "  O  The- 
mistocles, in  the  games  those  who  start  before  the  time  are 
beaten  with  stripes."  But  he,  excusing  himself,  answered, 
"  But  they  who  are  left  behind  are  not  crowned." 

At  that  time  he  answered  the  Corinthian  mildly.  But  to 
Eurybiades  he  said  not  a  word  of  what  he  had  before  men- 
tioned, that  if  they  should  remove  from  Salamis  they  would 
disperse  themselves ;  for  when  the  allies  were  present  it  would 
be  by  no  means  becoming  in  him  to  accuse  any  one ;  he 
therefore  made  use  of  another  argument,  speaking  as  follows : 
"  It  rests  now  with  you  to  save  Greece,  if  you  will  listen  to 
me,  and,  remaining  here,  give  battle,  and  not  attend  to  those 
who  advise  you  to  remove  the  fleet  to  the  isthmus.  For 
hear  and  compare  each  opinion.  In  engaging  near  the  isth- 
mus you  will  fight  in  the  open  sea,  where  it  is  least  advan- 
tageous to  us,  who  have  heavier  ships  and  fewer  in  number. 
Besides,  you  will  lose  Salamis,  and  Megara,  and  ^gina,  even 
if  we  succeed  in  other  respects :  for  the  land  forces  will  fol- 
low close  upon  their  navy ;  thus  you  will  yourself  lead  them 
to  the  Peloponnesus,  and  expose  all  Greece  to  danger.     But 


460  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [60-63 

if  you  should  do  what  I  advise,  you  will  find  the  following 
advantages  in  it:  First  of  all,  by  engaging  in  a  narrow  space 
with  few  ships  against  many,  if  the  probable  results  of  war 
happen,  we  shall  be  much  superior.  For  to  fight  in  a  narrow 
space  is  advantageous  to  us;  but  in  a  wide  space,  to  them. 
Again :  Salamis  is  preserved,  in  which  our  children  and  wives 
are  deposited.  Moreover,  there  is  advantage  in  the  plan  I 
advise,  for  which,  too,  you  are  very  anxious :  by  remaining 
here,  you  will  fight  for  the  Peloponnesus  just  as  much  as  at 
the  isthmus ;  nor,  if  you  are  wise,  will  you  lead  them  to  the 
Peloponnesus.  But  if  what  I  hope  should  happen,  and  we 
conquer  with  our  fleet,  neither  will  the  barbarians  come  to 
you  at  the  isthmus  nor  will  they  advance  farther  than  Attica, 
but  will  retreat  in  disorder,  and  we  shall  gain  by  saving 
Megara,  and  ^Egina,  and  Salamis,  where  it  is  announced  by 
an  oracle  we  shall  be  superior  to  our  enemies.  To  men  who 
determine  on  what  is  reasonable,  corresponding  results  are 
for  the  most  part  wont  to  follow;  but  to  those  who  do  not 
determine  on  what  is  reasonable,  the  deity  is  not  wont  to 
further  human  designs."  When  Themistocles  had  spoken 
thus,  Adimantus  the  Corinthian  again  attacked  him,  bidding 
him  who  had  no  country  be  silent,  and  urging  Eurybiades 
not  to  go  to  the  vote  for  a  man  who  had  no  city;  for  when 
Themistocles  showed  a  city,  then  he  would  allow  him  to  give 
his  suffrage.  He  threw  out  this  against  him,  because  Athens 
had  been  taken  and  was  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  Then, 
at  length,  Themistocles  spoke  with  much  severity  of  Adiman- 
tus and  the  Corinthians;  and  showed  by  his  speech  that  the 
Athenians  themselves  had  a  city  and  a  territory  greater  than 
they,  so  long  as  they  had  two  hundred  ships  fully  manned; 
for  that  none  of  the  Greeks  could  repel  their  attack.  Having 
intimated  this,  he  transferred  his  discourse  to  Eurybiades,  say- 
ing with  greater  earnestness :  "  If  you  remain  here,  by  re- 
maining you  will  show  yourself  a  brave  man — if  not,  you  will 
subvert  Greece:  for  the  whole  success  of  the  war  depends 
on  our  fleet;  therefore  yield  to  my  advice.  But  if  you  will 
not  do  so,  we,  as  we  are,  will  take  our  families  on  board  and 
remove  to  Siris  in  Italy,  which  is  an  ancient  possession  of 
ours,  and  oracles  say  it  is  fated  to  be  founded  by  us.  And 
you,  when  bereft  of  such  allies,  will  remember  my  words." 
When  Themistocles  had  spoken  thus,  Eurybiades  changed 
his  opinion:  in  my  opinion,  he  changed  his  opinion  chiefly 
from  a  dread  of  the  Athenians,  lest  they  should  desert  them 
if  he  took  the  fleet  to  the  isthmus.  For  if  the  Athenians  de- 
serted them,  the  rest  would  no  longer  be  a  match  for  the 


63-66]  PREPARATIONS   AT   SALAMIS  461 

enemy.  He,  therefore,  adopted  this  advice,  to  stay  there  and 
come  to  a  decisive  engagement.  Thus  they  at  Salamis,  hav- 
ing skirmished  in  words,  when  Eurybiades  had  come  to  a 
determination,  made  preparations  to  come  to  an  engagement 
there.  Day  came,  and  at  sunrise  an  earthquake  took  place 
on  land  and  at  sea.  They  determined  to  pray  to  the  gods, 
and  to  invoke  the  .^Eacidae  as  allies ;  and  as  they  had  deter- 
mined, so  they  did.  For  having  prayed  to  all  the  gods,  they 
forthwith,  from  Salamis,  invoked  Ajax  and  Telamon ;  and 
sent  a  ship  to  iEgina  for  ^Eacus  and  the  ./Eacidae.  Dicaeus, 
son  of  Theocydes,  an  Athenian,  and  an  exile  at  that  time 
esteemed  by  the  Medes,  related  that  when  the  Attic  territory 
was  being  devastated  by  the  land  forces  of  Xerxes,  having 
been  deserted  by  the  Athenians,  he  happened  then  to  be  with 
Demaratus  the  Lacedaemonian  in  the  Thriasian  plain ;  and  he 
saw  a  cloud  of  dust  coming  from  Eleusis,  as  if  occasioned  by 
about  thirty  thousand  men :  they  were  wondering  at  the  cloud 
of  dust,  from  whatever  it  might  proceed,  and  suddenly  heard 
a  voice,  and  the  voice  appeared  to  him  to  be  that  of  the  mystic 
Iacchus.  Demaratus  was  unacquainted  with  the  mysteries  of 
Eleusis,  and  asked  Dicaeus  what  it  might  be  that  was  uttered ; 
but  he  said :  "  O  Demaratus,  it  can  not  be  otherwise  than  that 
some  great  damage  will  befall  the  king's  army.  For  this  is 
clear,  since  Attica  is  deserted,  that  what  is  uttered  is  super- 
natural, proceeding  from  Eleusis  to  the  assistance  of  the  Athe- 
nians and  the  allies.  And  if  it  should  rush  toward  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, there  will  be  danger  to  the  king  himself  and  his 
army  on  the  continent ;  but  if  it  should  turn  toward  the  ships 
at  Salamis,  the  king  will  be  in  danger  of  losing  his  naval 
armament.  The  Athenians  celebrate  this  feast  every  year  to 
the  Mother  and  the  Damsel,1  and  whoever  wishes  of  them 
and  the  other  Greeks  is  initiated ;  and  the  sound,  which  you 
hear,  they  shout  in  this  very  festival."  To  this  Demaratus 
said :  "  Be  silent,  and  tell  this  story  to  no  one  else ;  for  if 
these  words  should  be  reported  to  the  king,  you  would  lose 
your  head;  and  neither  should  I  nor  any  other  human  being 
be  able  to  save  you.  Keep  quiet,  therefore;  and  the  gods 
will  take  care  of  the  army."  He  accordingly  gave  this  advice. 
But  from  the  dust  and  voice  there  arose  a  cloud,  and  being 
raised  aloft  it  was  borne  toward  Salamis,  to  the  encampment 
of  the  Greeks.  Thus  they  understood  that  the  fleet  of  Xerxes 
was  about  to  perish.  This  account  Dicaeus,  son  of  Theocydes, 
gave,  calling  on  Demaratus  and  others  as  witnesses. 

When  the  men  belonging  to  the  fleet  of  Xerxes,  having 
1  Ceres  and  Proserpine. 


462  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [66-68 

viewed  the  Lacedaemonian  loss,  crossed  over  from  Trachis  to 
Histiaea,  they  remained  there  three  days,  and  then  sailed 
through  the  Euripus,  and  in  three  days  more  arrived  off  Pha- 
lerus.  In  my  opinion,  they  were  not  fewer  in  number  when 
they  entered  Athens,  as  well  those  that  came  by  the  continent 
as  those  in  the  ships,  than  when  they  arrived  at  Sepias  and  at 
Thermopylae.  For  I  set  off  against  those  that  perished  by 
the  storm,  and  at  Thermopylae,  and  at  the  sea-fight  at  Arte- 
misium,  the  following  who  at  that  time  did  not  attend  the 
king:  the  Malians,  Dorians,  Locrians,  and  Boeotians,  who 
attended  with  all  their  forces,  except  the  Thespians  and  Platae- 
ans ;  and,  besides,  the  Carystians,  Andrians,  Tenians,  and  all 
the  rest  of  the  islanders,  except  the  five  cities  whose  names  I 
have  before  mentioned:  for  the  farther  the  Persian  advanced 
into  the  interior  of  Greece,  a  greater  number  of  nations  at- 
tended him.  When,  therefore,  all  these,  except  the  Parians, 
arrived  at  Athens,  the  Parians,  being  left  behind  at  Cythnus, 
watched  the  war,  in  what  way  it  would  turn  out ;  when,  how- 
ever, the  rest  arrived  at  Phalerus,  then  Xerxes  himself  went 
down  to  the  ships,  wishing  to  mix  with  them,  and  to  learn 
the  opinions  of  those  on  board.  When  he  had  arrived  and 
taken  the  first  seat,  the  tyrants  and  admirals  of  the  several 
nations,  being  summoned  from  their  ships,  came  and  seated 
themselves  according  as  the  king  had  given  precedence  to 
each:  first,  the  Sidonian  king;  next,  the  Tyrian;  and  then 
the  others.  When  they  had  seated  themselves  in  due  order, 
Xerxes,  having  sent  Mardonius,  asked,  in  order  to  make  trial 
of  the  disposition  of  each,  whether  he  should  come  to  an  en- 
gagement by  sea.  When  Mardonius,  going  round,  asked 
the  question,  beginning  from  the  Sidonian,  all  the  others  gave 
an  opinion  to  the  same  effect,  advising  that  battle  should  be 
given,  but  Artemisia  spoke  as  follows :  "  Tell  the  king  from 
me,  Mardonius,  that  I  say  this.  It  is  right  that  I,  sire,  who 
proved  myself  by  no  means  a  coward  in  the  sea-fight  off  Eu- 
boea,  and  performed  achievements  not  inferior  to  others, 
should  declare  my  real  opinion,  and  state  what  I  think  best 
for  your  interest.  Therefore  I  say  this,  abstain  from  using 
your  ships,  nor  risk  a  sea-fight;  for  these  men  are  as  much 
superior  to  your  men  by  sea  as  men  are  to  women.  And  why 
must  you  run  a  risk  by  a  naval  engagement?  Have  you  not 
possession  of  Athens,  for  the  sake  of  which  you  undertook 
this  expedition,  and  have  you  not  the  rest  of  Greece?  No 
one  stands  in  your  way ;  and  those  who  still  held  out  against 
you  have  fared  as  they  deserved.  In  what  way  the  affairs  of 
your  enemies  will  turn  out,  I  will  now  say.     If  you  should 


68-71]  PERSIANS  APPROACH  SALAMIS  463 

not  hasten  to  engage  in  a  sea-fight,  but  keep  your  fleet  here, 
remaining  near  land,  or  even  advancing  to  the  Peloponnesus, 
you  will  easily  effect  what  you  came  purposing  to  do.  For 
the  Greeks  will  not  be  able  to  hold  out  long  against  you ;  but 
you  will  disperse  them,  and  they  will  respectively  fly  to  their 
cities.  For  neither  have  they  provisions  in  this  island,  as  I 
am  informed,  nor  is  it  probable,  if  you  march  your  land  forces 
against  the  Peloponnesus,  that  those  of  them  who  came  from 
thence  will  remain  quiet,  nor  will  they  care  to  fight  by  sea 
for  the  Athenians.  But  if  you  should  hasten  forthwith  to  en- 
gage, I  fear  lest  the  sea  forces,  being  worsted,  should  at  the 
same  time  bring  ruin  on  the  land  forces.  Besides,  O  king, 
consider  this,  that  the  good  among  men  commonly  have  bad 
slaves,  and  the  bad  ones,  good ;  and  you,  who  are  the  best 
of  all  men,  have  bad  slaves,  who  are  said  to  be  in  the  number 
of  allies,  such  as  the  Egyptians,  Cyprians,  Cilicians,  and  Pam- 
phylians,  who  are  of  no  use  at  all."  When  she  said  this  to 
Mardonius,  such  as  were  well  affected  to  Artemisia  were 
grieved  at  her  words,  thinking  she  would  suffer  some  harm 
at  the  king's  hand,  because  she  dissuaded  him  from  giving 
battle  by  sea :  but  those  who  hated  and  envied  her,  as  being 
honoured  above  all  the  allies,  were  delighted  with  her  de- 
cision, thinking  she  would  be  ruined.  When,  however,  the 
opinions  were  reported  to  Xerxes,  he  was  very  much  pleased 
with  the  opinion  of  Artemisia;  and  having  before  thought 
her  an  admirable  woman,  he  then  praised  her  much  more. 
However,  he  gave  orders  to  follow  the  .advice  of  the  majority 
in  this  matter,  thinking  that  they  had  behaved  ill  at  Euboea 
on  purpose,  because  he  was  not  present ;  he  now  prepared  in 
person  to  behold  them  engaging  by  sea. 

When  they  gave  the  signal  for  putting  to  sea,  they  got  the 
ships  under  way  for  Salamis,  and  drew  up  near  it,  taking 
their  stations  in  silence :  at  that  time,  however,  there  was  not 
day  enough  for  them  to  enter  on  a  naval  engagement;  for 
night  was  coming  on,  they  therefore  held  themselves  in  readi- 
ness for  the  next  day.  But  fear  and  dismay  took  possession 
of  the  Greeks,  and  not  least  those  from  Peloponnesus.  They 
were  dismayed,  because,  being  posted  at  Salamis,  they  were 
about  to  fight  for  the  territory  of  the  Athenians ;  and  if  con- 
quered, they  would  be  shut  up  and  besieged  in  the  island, 
having  left  their  own  country  defenceless.  The  land  forces 
of  the  barbarians  marched  that  same  night  against  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus; although  every  possible  expedient  had  been  con- 
trived to  hinder  the  barbarians  from  entering  by  the  main 
land.     For  as  soon  as  the  Peloponnesians  heard  that  those 


464  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,    URANIA  [71-74 

with  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae  had  perished,  they  flocked  to- 
gether from  the  cities  and  stationed  themselves  at  the  isthmus ; 
and  Cleombrotus,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  and  brother  of  Leon- 
idas, commanded  them.  Having  stationed  themselves,  there- 
fore, at  the  isthmus,  and  having  blocked  up  the  Scironian  way, 
they  then,  as  they  determined  on  consultation,  built  a  wall 
across  the  isthmus.  As  they  were  many  myriads  in  number, 
and  every  man  laboured,  the  work  progressed  rapidly;  for 
stones,  bricks,  timber,  and  baskets  full  of  sand  were  brought 
to  it,  and  those  who  assisted  flagged  not  a  moment  in  their 
work,  either  by  night  or  by  day.  Those  who  assisted  at  the 
isthmus  with  all  their  forces  were  the  following  of  the  Greeks : 
the  Lacedaemonians,  and  all  the  Arcadians,  the  Eleans,  Cor- 
inthians, Sicyonians,  Epidaurians,  Phliasians,  Trcezenians, 
and  Hermionians.  These  were  they  who  assisted,  and  were 
very  much  alarmed  at  the  dangerous  situation  of  Greece ;  but 
the  rest  of  the  Peloponnesians  did  not  concern  themselves 
about  it;  however,  the  Olympian  and  Carnian  festivals  were 
now  past.  Seven  nations  inhabit  the  Peloponnesus :  of  these, 
two,  being  indigenous,  are  now  seated  in  the  same  country 
in  which  they  originally  dwelt,  the  Arcadians  and  Cynurians. 
One  nation,  the  Achaeans,  never  removed  from  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, though  they  did  from  their  own  territory,  and  now  occu- 
py another.  The  remaining  four  nations  of  the  seven  are  for- 
eign, Dorians,  vEtolians,  Dryopians,  and  Lemnians.  The  Dori- 
ans have  many  and  celebrated  cities ;  the  yEtolians,  only  Elis : 
the  Dryopians,  Hermione  and  Asine,  situated  near  Cardamyle 
of  Laconia ;  the  Lemnians  have  all  the  Paroreatae.  The  Cynu- 
rians, who  are  indigenous,  are  the  only  people  that  appear  to 
be  Ionians ;  but  they  have  become  Dorians  by  being  governed 
by  the  Argives,  and  through  lapse  of  time,  being  Orneatae  * 
and  neighbouring  inhabitants.  Of  these  seven  nations,  the 
remaining  cities,  except  those  I  have  enumerated,  remained 
neutral;  or,  if  I  may  speak  freely,  by  remaining  neutral, 
favoured  the  Mede. 

Those  at  the  isthmus,  then,  persevered  with  such  zeal  as 
having  now  to  contend  for  their  all,  and  as  they  did  not  expect 
to  distinguish  themselves  by  their  fleet;  meanwhile,  those 
at  Salamis,  having  heard  of  these  things,  were  alarmed,  not 
fearing  so  much  for  themselves  as  for  the  Peloponnesus.  For 
some  time  one  man  standing  by  another  began  to  talk  in 
secret,  wondering  at  the  imprudence  of  Eurybiades;  till  at 

1  Baehr  takes  the  word  Orneatae  to  describe  people  who  were  trans- 
planted from  a  distance,  and  made  to  dwell  near  Argos.  One  advantage 
in  following  his  interpretation  is,  that  it  obviates  the  necessity  of  altering. 


74-76]  BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS  465 

last  their  discontent  broke  out  openly,  and  a  council  was 
called,  and  much  was  said  on  the  same  subject.  Some  said 
that  they  ought  to  sail  for  the  Peloponnesus,  and  hazard  a 
battle  for  that,  and  not  stay  and  fight  for  a  place  already  taken 
by  the  enemy ;  but  the  Athenians,  ^ginetse,  and  Megareans, 
that  they  should  stay  there  and  defend  themselves.  There- 
upon Themistocles,  when  he  saw  his  opinion  was  overruled 
by  the  Peloponnesians,  went  secretly  out  of  the  council;  and 
having  gone  out,  he  despatched  a  man  in  a  boat  to  the  en- 
campment of  the  Medes,  having  instructed  him  what  to  say : 
his  name  was  Sicinnus ;  and  he  was  a  domestic,  and  preceptor 
to  the  children  of  Themistocles ;  him,  after  these  events,  The- 
mistocles got  made  a  Thespian,  when  the  Thespians  aug- 
mented the  number  of  their  citizens,  and  gave  him  a  compe- 
tent fortune.  He,  then,  arriving  in  the  boat,  spoke  as  follows 
to  the  generals  of  the  barbarians :  "  The  general  of  the  Athe- 
nians has  sent  me  unknown  to  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  (for  he  is 
in  the  interest  of  the  king,  and  wishes  that  your  affairs  may 
prosper,  rather  than  those  of  the  Greeks)  to  inform  you  that 
the  Greeks  in  great  consternation  are  deliberating  on  flight; 
and  you  have  now  an  opportunity  of  achieving  the  most  glori- 
ous of  all  enterprises  if  you  do  not  suffer  them  to  escape.  For 
they  do  not  agree  among  themselves,  nor  will  they  oppose 
you;  but  you  will  see  those  who  are  in  your  interest,  and 
those  who  are  not,  fighting  with  one  another."  He  having 
delivered  this  message  to  them,  immediately  departed.  As 
these  tidings  appeared  to  them  worthy  of  credit,  in  the  first 
place,  they  landed  a  considerable  number  of  Persians  on  the 
little  island  of  Psyttalea,  lying  between  Salamis  and  the  con- 
tinent; and,  in  the  next  place,  when  it  was  midnight,  they 
got  their  western  wing  under  way,  drawing  it  in  a  circle 
toward  Salamis,  and  those  who  were  stationed  about  Ceos 
and  Cynosura  got  under  way  and  occupied  the  whole  pas- 
sage as  far  as  Munychia,  with  their  ships.  And  for  this  reason 
they  got  their  ships  under  way,  that  the  Greeks  might  have 
no  way  to  escape,  but  being  shut  up  in  Salamis,  might  suffer 
punishment  for  the  conflicts  at  Artemisium ;  and  they  landed 
the  Persians  at  the  little  island  of  Psyttalea  for  this  reason, 
that,  when  an  engagement  should  take  place,  as  they  expected 
most  part  of  the  men  and  wrecks  would  be  driven  thither 
(for  that  island  lay  in  the  strait  where  the  engagement  was 
likely  to  take  place),  they  might  save  the  one  party,  and  de- 
stroy the  other.  But  these  things  they  did  in  silence,  that 
the  enemy  might  not  know  what  was  going  on.  They  there- 
fore made  these  preparations  by  night,  without  taking  any  rest. 
30 


466  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,    URANIA  [77-80 

I  am  unable  to  speak  against  the  oracles  as  not  being  true, 
nor  wish  to  impugn  the  authority  of  those  that  speak  clearly, 
when  I  look  on  such  occurrences  as  the  following :  "  When 
they  shall  bridge  with  ships  the  sacred  shore  of  Diana  with 
the  golden  sword,  and  sea-girt  Cynosura,  having  with  mad 
hope  destroyed  beautiful  Athens,  then  divine  Vengeance  shall 
quench  strong  Presumption,  son  of  Insolence,  when  thinking 
to  subvert  all  things.  For  brass  shall  engage  with  brass,  and 
Mars  shall  redden  the  sea  with  blood.  Then  the  far-thunder- 
ing son  of  Saturn  and  benign  victory  shall  bring  a  day  of 
freedom  to  Greece."  Looking  on  such  occurrences,  and  re- 
garding Bacis,  who  spoke  thus  clearly,  I  neither  dare  myself 
say  anything  in  contradiction  to  oracles,  nor  allow  others  to 
do  so. 

There  was  great  altercation  between  the  generals  at  Sala- 
mis :  and  they  did  not  yet  know  that  the  barbarians  had  sur- 
rounded them  with  their  ships;  but  they  supposed  that  they 
were  in  the  same  place  as  they  had  seen  them  stationed  in 
during  the  day.  While  the  generals  were  disputing,  Aristides, 
son  of  Lysimachus,  crossed  over  from  vEgina ;  he  was  an 
Athenian,  but  had  been  banished  by  ostracism :  having  heard 
of  his  manner  of  life,  I  consider  him  to  have  been  the  best 
and  most  upright  man  in  Athens.  This  person,  standing  at 
the  entrance  of  the  council,  called  Themistocles  out,  who  was 
not  indeed  his  friend,  but  his  most  bitter  enemy;  yet,  from 
the  greatness  of  the  impending  danger,  he  forgot  that,  and 
called  him,  wishing  to  confer  with  him;  for  he  had  already 
heard  that  those  from  Peloponnesus  were  anxious  to  get  the 
ships  under  way  for  the  isthmus.  When  Themistocles  came 
out  to  him,  Aristides  spoke  as  follows :  "  It  is  right  that  we 
should  strive,  both  on  other  occasions,  and  particularly  on 
this,  which  of  us  shall  do  the  greatest  service  to  our  coun- 
try. I  assure  you  that  to  say  little  or  much  to  the  Pelo- 
ponnesians  about  sailing  hence  is  the  same  thing;  for  I,  an 
eye-witness,  tell  you,  now,  even  if  they  would,  neither  the 
Corinthians,  nor  Eurybiades  himself,  will  be  able  to  sail  away ; 
for  we  are  on  all  sides  inclosed  by  the  enemy.  Go  in,  there- 
fore, and  acquaint  them  with  this."  He  answered  as  follows : 
"  You  both  give  very  useful  advice,  and  have  brought  good 
news ;  for  you  are  come  yourself  as  an  eye-witness  of  what  I 
wished  should  happen.  Know,  then,  that  what  has  been  done 
by  the  Medes  proceeds  from  me.  For  it  was  necessary,  since 
the  Greeks  would  not  willingly  come  to  an  engagement,  that 
they  should  be  compelled  to  it  against  their  will.  But  do  you, 
since  you  come  bringing  good  news,  announce  it  to  them 


80-84]  BATTLE   OF   SALAMIS  467 

yourself,  for  if  I  tell  them  I  shall  appear  to  speak  from  my  own 
invention,  and  shall  not  persuade  them,  as  if  the  barbarians 
were  doing  no  such  thing.  But  do  you  go  in,  and  inform 
them  how  the  case  is :  and  when  you  have  informed  them,  if 
they  are  persuaded,  so  much  the  better;  but  if  they  attach 
no  credit  to  what  you  say,  it  will  be  the  same  to  us :  for  they 
can  no  longer  escape  by  flight,  if,  as  you  say,  we  are  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides."  Aristides,  going  in,  gave  this  ac- 
count, saying  that  he  came  from  ^Egina,  and  with  difficulty 
sailed  through  unperceived  by  those  that  were  stationed  round  ; 
for  that  the  whole  Grecian  fleet  was  surrounded  by  the  ships 
of  Xerxes.  He  advised  them,  therefore,  to  prepare  themselves 
for  their  defence.  And  he,  having  said  this,  withdrew;  a 
dispute,  however,  again  arose,  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
generals  gave  no  credit  to  the  report.  While  they  were  still 
in  doubt  there  arrived  a  trireme  of  Tenians  that  had  deserted, 
which  Panaetius,  son  of  Socimenes,  commanded,  and  which 
brought  an  account  of  the  whole  truth.  For  that  action  the 
name  of  the  Tenians  was  engraved  on  the  tripod  at  Delphi, 
among  those  who  had  defeated  the  barbarians.  With  this  ship 
that  came  over  at  Salamis,  and  with  the  Lemnian  before,  off 
Artemisium,  the  Grecian  fleet  was  made  up  to  the  full  num- 
ber of  three  hundred  and  eighty  ships ;  for  before  it  wanted 
two  of  that  number. 

When  the  account  given  by  the  Tenians  was  credited  by 
the  Greeks,  they  prepared  for  an  engagement.  Day  dawned, 
and  when  they  had  mustered  the  marines,  Themistocles,  above 
all  the  others,  harangued  them  most  eloquently.  His  speech 
was  entirely  taken  up  in  contrasting  better  things  with  worse, 
exhorting  them  to  choose  the  best  of  all  those  things  which 
depended  on  the  nature  and  condition  of  man.  Having  fin- 
ished his  speech,  he  ordered  them  to  go  on  board  their  ships : 
they  accordingly  were  going  on  board,  when  the  trireme  from 
iEgina,  which  had  gone  to  fetch  the  yEacidae,  returned.  There- 
upon the  Greeks  got  all  their  ships  under  way.  When  they 
were  under  way,  the  barbarians  immediately  fell  upon  them. 
Now  all  the  other  Greeks  began  to  back  water  and  made 
for  the  shore;  but  Aminias  of  Pallene,  an  Athenian,  being 
carried  onward,  attacked  a  ship ;  and  his  ship  becoming  en- 
tangled with  the  other,  and  the  crew  not  being  able  to 
clear,  the  rest  thereupon  coming  to  the  assistance  of  Aminias, 
engaged.  Thus  the  Athenians  say  the  battle  began ;  but 
the  iEginetae  affirm  that  the  ship  which  went  to  JEgina  to 
fetch  the  vEacidse  was  the  first  to  begin.  This  is  also  said,  that 
a  phantom  of  a  woman  appeared  to  them,  and  that  on  her 


468  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [84-87 

appearance  she  cheered  them  on,  so  that  the  whole  fleet  of 
the  Greeks  heard  her,  after  she  had  first  reproached  them 
in  these  words,  "  Dastards,  how  long  will  you  back  water?" 
Opposite  the  Athenians  the  Phoenicians  were  drawn  up,  for 
they  occupied  the  wing  toward  Eleusis  and  westward ;  oppo- 
site the  Lacedaemonians,  the  Ionians  occupied  the  wing  to- 
ward the  east  and  the  Piraeus.  Of  these  some  few  behaved 
ill  on  purpose,  in  compliance  with  the  injunctions  of  The- 
mistocles ;  but  most  of  them,  not  so.  I  am  able  to  mention 
the  names  of  several  captains  of  triremes  who  took  Grecian 
ships ;  but  I  shall  make  no  use  of  them,  except  of  Theomestor, 
son  of  Androdamas,  and  Phylacus,  son  of  Histiaeus,  both 
Samians.  I  mention  these  two  only  for  this  reason,  because 
Theomestor,  on  account  of  this  exploit,  was  made  tyrant  of 
Samos  by  the  appointment  of  the  Persians;  and  Phylacus 
was  inscribed  as  a  benefactor  of  the  king,  and  a  large  tract  of 
land  was  given  him.  The  benefactors  of  the  king  are  called 
in  the  Persian  language  Orosangae.  Such  was  the  case  with 
regard  to  these  men.  The  greater  part  of  the  ships  were  run 
down  at  Salamis ;  some  being  destroyed  by  the  Athenians, 
others  by  the  JEginetae.  For  as  the  Greeks  fought  in  good 
order,  in  line,  but  the  barbarians  were  neither  properly  formed 
nor  did  anything  with  judgment,  such  an  event  as  did  happen 
was  likely  to  occur.  However,  they  were  and  proved  them- 
selves to  be  far  braver  on  this  day  than  off  Eubcea,  every  one 
exerting  himself  vigorously,  and  dreading  Xerxes;  for  each 
thought  that  he  himself  was  observed  by  the  king. 

As  regards  the  rest,  of  some  of  them  I  am  unable  to  say 
with  certainty  how  each  of  the  barbarians  or  Greeks  fought; 
but  with  respect  to  Artemisia,  the  following  incident  occurred, 
by  which  she  obtained  still  greater  credit  with  the  king:  for 
when  the  king's  forces  were  in  great  confusion,  at  that  mo- 
ment the  ship  of  Artemisia  was  chased  by  an  Attic  ship,  and 
she  not  being  able  to  escape,  for  before  her  were  other  friendly 
ships,  and  her  own  happened  to  be  nearest  the  enemy,  she  re- 
solved to  do  that  which  succeeded  in  the  attempt.  For  being 
pursued  by  the  Athenian,  she  bore  down  upon  a  friendly 
ship,  manned  by  Calyndians,  and  with  Damasithymus  himself, 
King  of  the  Calyndians,  on  board ;  whether  she  had  any  quar- 
rel with  him  while  they  were  at  the  Hellespont  I  am  unable 
to  say,  or  whether  she  did  it  on  purpose,  or  whether  the  ship 
of  the  Calyndians  happened  by  chance  to  be  in  her  way ;  how- 
ever, she  ran  it  down,  and  sunk  it,  and  by  good  fortune  gained 
a  double  advantage  to  herself.  For  the  captain  of  the  Attic 
ship,  when  he  saw  her  bearing  down  on  a  ship  of  the  bar- 


87-90]  BATTLE   OF   SAL  AM  IS  469 

barians,  concluding  Artemisia's  ship  to  be  either  a  Grecian 
or  one  that  had  deserted  from  the  enemy  and  was  assisting 
them,  turned  aside  and  attacked  others.  In  the  first  place 
this  was  the  result  to  her,  that  she  escaped  and  did  not  perish ; 
and  in  the  next,  it  fell  out  that  she  having  done  an  injury,  in 
consequence  of  it,  became  more  in  favour  with  Xerxes.  For 
it  is  said  that  Xerxes,  looking  still  on,  observed  her  ship  mak- 
ing the  attack,  and  that  some  near  him  said,  "  Sire,  do  you  see 
Artemisia,  how  well  she  fights,  and  has  sunk  one  of  the  ene- 
my's ships  ? "  Whereupon  he  asked  if  it  was  in  truth  the 
exploit  of  Artemisia :  they  answered  that  they  knew  the  en- 
sign of  her  ship  perfectly  well ;  but  they  thought  that  it  was 
an  enemy  that  was  sunk.  For,  as  has  been  mentioned,  other 
things  turned  out  fortunately  for  her,  and  this  in  particular, 
that  no  one  of  the  crew  of  the  Calyndian  ship  was  saved  so 
as  to  accuse  her.  And  it  is  related  that  Xerxes  said  in  answer 
to  their  remarks,  "  My  men  have  become  women,  and  my 
women,  men."    They  relate  that  Xerxes  said  this. 

In  this  battle  perished  the  admiral  Ariabignes,  son  of 
Darius  and  brother  of  Xerxes,  and  many  other  illustrious 
men  of  the  Persians  and  Medes,  and  the  other  allies ;  but  only 
some  few  of  the  Greeks :  for  as  they  knew  how  to  swim,  they 
whose  ships  were  destroyed,  and  who  did  not  perish  in  actual 
conflict,  swam  safe  to  Salamis ;  whereas  many  of  the  bar- 
barians, not  knowing  how  to  swim,  perished  in  the  sea.  When 
the  foremost  ships  were  put  to  flight,  then  the  greatest  num- 
bers were  destroyed ;  for  those  who  were  stationed  behind, 
endeavouring  to  pass  on  with  their  ships  to  the  front,  that 
they,  too,  might  give  the  king  some  proof  of  their  courage, 
fell  foul  of  their  own  flying  ships.  The  following  event  also 
occurred  in  this  confusion :  some  Phoenicians,  whose  ships 
were  destroyed,  going  to  the  king,  accused  the  Ionians  that 
their  ships  had  perished  by  their  means,  for  that  they  had 
betrayed  him.  It,  however,  turned  out  that  the  Ionian  cap- 
tains were  not  put  to  death,  but  that  those  Phoenicians  who 
accused  them  received  the  following  reward:  for  while  they 
were  yet  speaking,  a  Samothracian  ship  bore  down  on  an 
Athenian  ship ;  the  Athenian  was  sunk,  and  an  ^Eginetan 
ship  coming  up,  sunk  the  ship  of  the  Samothracians.  But  the 
Samothracians  being  javelin-men,  by  hurling  their  javelins, 
drove  the  marines  from  the  ship  that  had  sunk  them,  and 
boarded  and  got  possession  of  it.  This  action  saved  the  Ioni- 
ans ;  for  when  Xerxes  saw  them  perform  so  great  an  exploit, 
he  turned  round  to  the  Phoenicians,  as  being  above  measure 
grieved,  and  ready  to  blame  all,  and  ordered  their  heads  to  be 


470  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,    URANIA  [90-93 

struck  off,  that  they  who  had  proved  themselves  cowards 
might  no  more  accuse  those  who  were  braver.  (For  when- 
ever Xerxes  saw  any  one  of  his  own  men  performing  a  gallant 
action  in  the  sea-fight,  being  seated  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tain opposite  Salamis,  which  is  called  ^Egaleos,  he  inquired 
the  name  of  the  person  who  did  it,  and  his  secretaries  wrote 
down  the  family  and  country  of  the  captain  of  the  trireme.) 
Moreover,  Ariaramnes,  a  Persian,  who  was  a  friend  to  the 
Ionians,  and  happened  to  be  present,  contributed  to  the  ruin 
of  the  Phoenicians.  They  accordingly  betook  themselves  to 
the  Phoenicians.1 

The  barbarians  being  turned  to  flight,  and  sailing  away 
toward  Phalerus,  the  ^ginetae  waylaying  them  in  the  strait, 
performed  actions  worthy  of  record.  For  the  Athenians  in 
the  rout  ran  down  both  those  ships  that  resisted  and  those 
that  fled;  and  the  iEginetse,  those  that  sailed  away  from  the 
battle :  so  that  when  any  escaped  the  Athenians,  being  borne 
violently  on,  they  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  ^Eginetge.  At  this 
time  there  happened  to  meet  together  the  ship  of  Themistocles, 
giving  chase  to  one  of  the  enemy,  and  that  of  Polycritus,  son 
of  Crius,  an  ^Eginetan,  bearing  down  upon  a  Sidonian  ship, 
the  same  that  had  taken  the  ^Eginetan  ship,  which  was  keep- 
ing watch  off  Sciathus,  and  on  board  of  which  sailed  Pytheas, 
son  of  Ischenous,  whom,  though  covered  with  wounds,  the 
Persians  kept  in  the  ship  from  admiration  of  his  valour.  The 
Sidonian  ship  that  carried  him  about  was  taken  with  the  Per- 
sians on  board,  so  that  Pytheas,  by  this  means,  returned  safe 
to  ttgina.  But  when  Polycritus  saw  the  Athenian  ship,  he 
knew  it,  seeing  the  admiral's  ensign ;  and  shouting  to  The- 
mistocles, he  railed  at  him,  upbraiding  him  with  the  charge 
of  Medism  brought  against  the  ^Eginetae.  Polycritus,  accord- 
ingly, as  he  was  attacking  the  ship,  threw  out  these  reproaches 
against  Themistocles.  But  the  barbarians,  whose  ships  sur- 
vived, fled  and  arrived  at  Phalerus,  under  the  protection  of 
the  land  forces. 

In  this  engagement  of  the  Greeks,  the  ^ginetae  obtained 
the  greatest  renown ;  and  next,  the  Athenians — of  particular 
persons,  Polycritus  of  ^gina,  and  Athenians,  Eumenes  the 
Anagyrasian,  with  Aminias,  a  Pallenian,  who  gave  chase  to 
Artemisia ;  and  if  he  had  known  that  Artemisia  sailed  in  that 
ship  he  would  not  have  given  over  the  pursuit  till  he  had 
either  taken  her  or  been  himself  taken.  For  such  had  been 
the  order  given  to  the  Athenian  captains ;  and,  besides,  a  re- 
ward of  ten  thousand  drachmas  was  offered  to  whoever  should 

1  That  is,  "  the  executioners  put  them  to  death." 


93-96]  BATTLE   OF  SALAMIS  47 1 

take  her  alive ;  for  they  considered  it  a  great  indignity  that  a 
woman  should  make  war  against  Athens.  She,  however,  as 
has  been  before  mentioned,  made  her  escape;  and  the  others, 
whose  ships  survived,  lay  at  Phalerus.  The  Athenians  say 
that  Adimantus,  the  Corinthian  admiral,  immediately  from 
the  beginning,  when  the  ships  engaged,  being  dismayed  and 
excessively  frightened,  hoisted  sail  and  fled;  and  that  the 
Corinthians,  seeing  their  admiral's  ship  flying,  likewise  bore 
away;  and  when,  in  their  flight,  they  arrived  off  the  Temple 
of  Minerva  Sciras,  on  the  coast  of  Salamis,  a  light  bark  fell 
in  with  them  by  the  guidance  of  heaven ;  that  no  one  appeared 
to  have  sent  it,  and  that  it  came  up  to  the  Corinthians,  who 
knew  nothing  relating  to  the  fleet.  From  this  circumstance 
they  conjectured  the  circumstance  to  be  divine;  for  that  when 
those  on  board  the  bark  neared  the  ship,  they  spoke  as  fol- 
lows :  "  Adimantus,  having  drawn  off  your  ships,  you  have 
hurried  away  in  flight,  betraying  the  Greeks:  they,  however, 
are  victorious,  as  far  as  they  could  have  desired  to  conquer 
their  enemies."  Having  said  this,  as  Adimantus  did  not  credit 
them,  they  again  spoke  as  follows :  that  they  were  ready  to 
be  taken  as  hostages,  and  be  put  to  death,  if  the  Greeks  were 
not  found  to  be  victorious :  upon  which,  having  put  about 
ship,  he  and  the  rest  returned  to  the  fleet  when  the  work  was 
done.  Such  a  story  is  told  of  them  by  the  Athenians;  the 
Corinthians,  however,  do  not  admit  its  truth,  but  affirm  that 
they  were  among  the  foremost  in  the  engagement ;  and  the 
rest  of  Greece  bears  testimony  in  their  favour.  Aristides,  son 
of  Lysimachus,  an  Athenian,  of  whom  I  made  mention  a  little 
before  as  a  most  upright  man,  in  this  confusion  that  took 
place  about  Salamis,  did  as  follows :  taking  with  him  a  con- 
siderable number  of  heavy  armed  men,  who  were  stationed 
along  the  shore  of  the  Salaminian  territory,  and  were  Athe- 
nians by  race,  he  landed  them  on  the  island  of  Psyttalea,  and 
they  put  to  the  sword  all  the  Persians  who  were  on  that  little 
island. 

When  the  sea-fight  was  ended,  the  Greeks,  having  hauled 
on  shore  at  Salamis  all  the  wrecks  that  still  happened  to  be 
there,  held  themselves  ready  for  another  battle,  expecting  the 
king  would  still  make  use  of  the  ships  that  survived.  But  a 
west  wind  carrying  away  many  of  the  wrecks,  drove  them  on 
the  shore  of  Attica,  which  is  called  Colias,  so  as  to  fulfil  both 
all  the  other  oracles  delivered  by  Bacis  and  Musaeus  concern- 
ing this  sea-fight,  and  also  that  relating  to  the  wrecks  which 
were  drifted  on  this  shore,  which  many  years  before  had  been 
delivered  by  Lysistratus,  an  Athenian  augur,  but  had  not  been 


472  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [96-99 

understood  by  any  of  the  Greeks,  "  The  Colian  women  shall 
broil  their  meat  with  oars."  x  This  was  to  happen  after  the 
departure  of  the  king. 

Xerxes,  when  he  saw  the  defeat  he  had  sustained,  fearing 
lest  some  of  the  Ionians  might  suggest  to  the  Greeks,  or  lest 
they  themselves  might  resolve  to  sail  to  the  Hellespont,  for 
the  purpose  of  breaking  up  the  bridges,  and  lest  he,  being 
shut  up  in  Europe,  might  be  in  danger  of  perishing,  meditated 
flight.  But  wishing  that  his  intention  should  not  be  known 
either  to  the  Greeks  or  his  own  people,  he  attempted  to  throw 
a  mound  across  to  Salamis ;  and  he  fastened  together  Phoe- 
nician merchantmen,  that  they  might  serve  instead  of  a  raft 
and  a  wall ;  and  he  made  preparation  for  war,  as  if  about  to 
fight  another  battle  at  sea.  All  the  others  who  saw  him  thus 
occupied  were  firmly  convinced  that  he  had  seriously  deter- 
mined to  stay  and  continue  the  war ;  but  none  of  these  things 
escaped  the  notice  of  Mardonius,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  his  design.  At  the  same  time  that  Xerxes  was  doing 
this  he  despatched  a  messenger  to  the  Persians  to  inform 
them  of  the  misfortune  that  had  befallen  him.  There  is  noth- 
ing mortal  that  reaches  its  destination  more  rapidly  than  these 
couriers :  it  has  been  thus  planned  by  the  Persians.  They 
say  that  as  many  days  as  are  occupied  in  the  whole  journey, 
so  many  horses  and  men  are  posted  at  regular  intervals,  a 
horse  and  a  man  being  stationed  at  each  day's  journey:  nei- 
ther snow,  nor  rain,  nor  heat,  nor  night,  prevents  them  from 
performing  their  appointed  stage  as  quickly  as  possible.  The 
first  courier  delivers  his  orders  to  the  second,  the  second  to 
the  third,  and  so  it  passes  throughout,  being  delivered  from 
one  to  the  other,  just  like  the  torch-bearing  among  the  Greeks, 
which  they  perform  in  honour  of  Vulcan.  This  mode  of  trav- 
elling by  horses  the  Persians  call  angareion.  The  first  mes- 
sage that  reached  Susa,  with  the  news  that  Xerxes  was  in 
possession  of  Athens,  caused  so  great  joy  among  the  Per- 
sians who  had  been  left  behind  that  they  strewed  all  the  roads 
with  myrtle,  burned  perfumes,  and  gave  themselves  up  to 
sacrifices  and  festivity.  But  the  second  messenger  arriving 
threw  them  into  such  consternation  that  they  all  rent  their 
garments,  and  uttered  unbounded  shouts  and  lamentations, 
laying  the  blame  on  Mardonius.  The  Persians  acted  thus, 
not  so  much  being  grieved  for  the  ships,  as  fearing  for  Xerxes 
himself.  And  this  continued  with  the  Persians  during  all  the 
time  that  elapsed  until  Xerxes  himself  arrived  and  stopped 
them  from  doing  so. 

1  Or,  "  shall  shudder  at  the  oars." 


ioo-ioi]  AFTER   THE   BATTLE  473 

Mardonius,  seeing1  Xerxes  much  afflicted  on  account  of 
the  sea-fight,  and  suspecting  he  was  meditating  a  retreat  from 
Athens,  and  having  thought  within  himself  that  he  should 
suffer  punishment  for  having  persuaded  the  king  to  invade 
Greece,  and  that  it  would  be  better  for  him  to  incur  the  hazard 
either  of  subduing  Greece  or  ending  his  life  gloriously  in  at- 
tempting great  achievements:  however,  the  thought  of  sub- 
duing Greece  weighed  more  with  him ;  having,  therefore,  con- 
sidered these  things,  he  thus  addressed  the  king :  "  Sire,  do 
not  grieve,  nor  think  you  have  suffered  any  great  loss  in  con- 
sequence of  what  has  happened ;  for  the  contest  with  us  does 
not  depend  on  wood  alone,  but  on  men  and  horses.  None  of 
those  who  imagine  they  have  already  finished  the  whole  busi- 
ness will  quit  their  ships  and  attempt  to  oppose  you,  nor  will 
any  one  from  this  continent ;  and  they  who  have  opposed  us 
have  suffered  punishment.  If,  then,  you  think  fit,  let  us  im- 
mediately make  an  attempt  on  Peloponnesus ;  or  if  you  think 
right  to  delay,  you  may  do  so.  But  be  not  discouraged; 
for  the  Greeks  have  no  means  of  escape  from  rendering  an 
account  of  what  they  have  done  now  and  formerly,  and  from 
becoming  your  slaves.  By  all  means,  therefore,  do  this.  If, 
however,  you  have  determined  yourself  to  retire,  and  to  with- 
draw the  army,  I  have  then  other  advice  to  offer.  Do  not 
you,  O  king,  suffer  the  Persians  to  be  exposed  to  the  derision 
of  the  Greeks ;  for  where  the  Persians  fought,  your  affairs  re- 
ceived no  damage,  nor  can  you  say  that  we  have  on  any 
occasion  proved  cowards.  But  if  the  Phoenicians,  Egyptians, 
Cyprians,  and  Cilicians,  have  shown  themselves  cowards,  this 
disaster  in  no  respect  extends  to  the  Persians.  Since,  there- 
fore, the  Persians  are  not  to  blame,  yield  to  my  advice.  If 
you  have  resolved  not  to  stay  here,  do  you  return  to  your 
own  home,  and  take  with  you  the  greatest  part  of  the  army; 
but  it  is  right  that  I  shouki  deliver  Greece  to  you  reduced 
to  slavery,  having  selected  three  hundred  thousand  men  from 
the  army."  Xerxes,  having  heard  this,  was  rejoiced  and  de- 
lighted, as  relieved  from  troubles,  and  said  to  Mardonius 
that,  after  deliberation,  he  would  give  him  an  answer  as  to 
which  of  these  plans  he  would  adopt.  While  he  was  delib- 
erating with  his  Persian  counsellors,  he  thought  fit  to  send  for 
Artemisia  to  the  council,  because  she  was  evidently  the  only 
person  who  before  understood  what  ought  to  have  been  done. 
When  Artemisia  arrived,  Xerxes  having  ordered  his  other 
counsellors  of  the  Persians  and  his  guards  to  withdraw,  spoke 
as  follows :  "  Mardonius  advises  me  to  stay  here,  and  make 
an  attempt  on  the  Peloponnesus;  saying  that  the  Persians 


474  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [roi-105 

and  the  land  army  are  not  at  all  to  blame  for  the  defeat  I  have 
sustained,  and  wish  to  give  me  proof  of  it.  He,  therefore,  ad- 
vises me  either  to  do  this,  or  wishes  himself,  having  selected 
three  hundred  thousand  men  from  the  army,  to  deliver  Greece 
to  me  reduced  to  slavery ;  and  advises  me  to  return  to  my  own 
home  with  the  rest  of  the  army.  Do  you,  therefore,  for  you 
gave  me  good  advice  respecting  the  sea-fight  that  has  taken 
place,  in  persuading  me  from  engaging  in  it,  advise  me  now, 
by  adopting  which  measure  I  shall  consult  best  for  my  inter- 
est." Thus  he  asked  her  advice.  She  answered  as  follows : 
"  O  king,  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  say  what  is  best  for  you  who 
ask  my  advice.  However,  in  the  present  state  of  affairs,  it 
appears  to  me  that  you  should  return  home,  and  leave  Mar- 
donius  here  with  the  troops  he  requires,  if  he  wishes  it,  and 
promises  to  effect  what  he  says.  For,  on  the  one  hand,  if  he 
conquers  what  he  says  he  will,  and  his  plans  should  succeed, 
the  achievement,  sire,  will  be  yours,  for  your  servants  will 
have  accomplished  it.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  things  fall 
out  contrary  to  the  expectation  of  Mardonius,  it  will  be  no 
great  misfortune,  so  long  as  you  survive,  and  your  own  affairs 
are  safe  at  home.  For  while  you  survive,  and  your  house,  the 
Greeks  will  have  to  hazard  frequent  struggles  for  themselves. 
But  of  Mardonius,  if  he  should  suffer  any  reverse,  no  account 
will  be  taken ;  nor  if  the  Greeks  are  victorious,  will  they  gain 
any  great  victory  in  destroying  your  slave.  But  you,  having 
burned  Athens,  for  which  you  undertook  this  expedition,  will 
retil™  faoggfrg  JY~™ac  was  pleased  with  her  advice,  for  she 
happened  to  say  the  very  things  that  he  designed.  For  even 
if  all  the  men  and  women  of  the  world  had  advised  him  to 
stay,  in  my  opinion,  he  would  not  have  stayed,  so  great  was 
his  terror.  Having  commended  Artemisia,  he  sent  her  to  con- 
duct his  sons  to  Ephesus;  for  some  of  his  natural  sons  had 
accompanied  him. 

With  the  children  he  sent  Hermotimus  as  guardian,  who 
was  by  birth  a  Pedasian,  and  among  the  eunuchs  second  to 
none  in  the  king's  favour.  The  Pedasians  dwell  above  Hali- 
carnassus;  and  among  these  Pedasians  the  following  occur- 
rence takes  place :  when  within  a  certain  time  any  calamity  is 
about  to  fall  on  the  different  neighbours  who  dwell  round  their 
city,  then  the  priestess  of  Minerva  has  a  large  beard.  This 
has  already  happened  twice  to  them.  Hermotimus,  then,  was 
sprung  from  these  Pedasians;  and  of  all  the  men  we  know, 
revenged  himself  in  the  severest  manner  for  an  injury  he  had 
received.  For  having  been  taken  by  an  enemy  and  sold,  he 
was  purchased  by  one  Panionius,  a  Chian,  who  gained  a  live- 


105-107]  RETREAT   OF   XERXES  475 

lihood  by  most  infamous  practices.  For  whenever  he  pur- 
chased boys  remarkable  for  beauty,  having  castrated  them, 
he  used  to  take  and  sell  them  at  Sardis  and  Ephesus  for  large 
sums ;  for  with  the  barbarians  eunuchs  are  more  valued  than 
others,  on  account  of  their  perfect  fidelity.  Panionius,  there- 
fore, had  castrated  many  others,  as  he  made  his  livelihood 
by  this  means,  and  among  them  this  man :  Hermotimus,  how- 
ever, was  not  unfortunate  in  every  respect,  for  he  went  to 
Sardis  with  other  presents  to  the  king ;  and  in  process  of  time 
was  most  esteemed  by  Xerxes  of  all  his  eunuchs.  When  the 
king  was  preparing  to  march  his  Persian  army  against  Athens, 
and  was  at  Sardis,  at  that  time  having  gone  down,  on  some 
business  or  other,  to  the  Mysian  territory  which  the  Chians 
possess,  and  is  called  Atarneus,  he  there  met  with  Panionius. 
Having  recognised  him,  he  addressed  many  friendly  words  to 
him ;  first  recounting  to  him  the  many  advantages  he  had  ac- 
quired by  his  means  ;  and,  secondly,  promising  him  how  many 
benefits  he  would  confer  on  him  in  requital  if  he  would  bring 
his  family  and  settle  there :  so  that  Panionius,  joyfully  accept- 
ing the  proposal,  brought  his  children  and  wife.  But  when 
Hermotimus  got  him  with  his  whole  family  in  his  power,  he 
addressed  him  as  follows :  "  O  thou,  who  of  all  mankind  hast 
gained  thy  livelihood  by  the  most  infamous  acts,  what  harm 
had  either  I,  or  any  of  mine,  done  to  thee,  or  any  of  thine, 
that  of  a  man  thou  hast  made  me  nothing?  Thou  didst  im- 
agine, surely,  that  thy  machinations  would  pass  unnoticed  by 
the  gods ;  who  following  righteous  laws,  having  enticed  thee, 
who  hast  committed  unholy  deeds,  into  my  hands,  so  that 
thou  canst  not  complain  of  the  punishment  I  shall  inflict  on 
thee."  When  he  had  thus  upbraided  him,  his  sons  being 
brought  into  his  presence,  Panionius  was  compelled  to  cas- 
trate his  own  sons,  who  were  four  in  number ;  and  being  com- 
pelled, he  did  it ;  and,  after  he  had  finished  it,  his  sons,  being 
compelled,  castrated  him.  Thus  the  vengeance  of  Hermoti- 
mus 1  overtook  Panionius. 

Xerxes,  when  he  had  committed  his  sons  to  Artemisia  to 
convey  to  Ephesus,  having  sent  for  Mardonius,  bade  him 
choose  what  forces  he  would  out  of  the  army,  and  endeavour 
to  make  his  actions  correspond  with  his  words.  Thus  much 
was  done  that  day;  but  in  the  night,  the  admirals,  by  the 
king's  order,  took  back  the  ships  from  Phalerus  to  the  Helles- 
pont, as  quickly  as  each  was  able,  in  order  to  guard  the  bridges 
for  the  king  to  pass  over.  But  when  the  barbarians  were  sail- 
ing near  Zosta,  where  some  small  promontories  jut  out  from 
1  Literally,  "  vengeance  and  Hermotimus." 


476  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [107-109 

the  mainland,  they  fancied  that  they  were  ships,  and  fled  for 
a  considerable  distance ;  but  after  a  while,  perceiving  that  they 
were  not  ships  but  promontories,  they  collected  together,  and 
pursued  their  voyage.  When  day  came,  the  Greeks,  seeing 
the  land  forces  remaining  in  the  same  place,  supposed  that 
their  ships  also  were  at  Phalerus ;  they  expected  also  that  they 
would  come  to  an  engagement,  and  prepared  to  defend  them- 
selves ;  but  when  they  were  informed  that  the  ships  had  de- 
parted, they  immediately  determined  to  pursue  them.  How- 
ever, they  did  not  get  sight  of  Xerxes's  naval  force,  although 
they  pursued  them  as  far  as  Andros :  on  arriving  at  Andros, 
therefore,  they  held  a  council.  Themistocles  accordingly  gave 
his  opinion  that,  shaping  their  course  between  the  islands, 
and  pursuing  the  ships,  they  should  sail  directly  to  the  Helles- 
pont, and  destroy  the  bridges.  But  Eurybiades  gave  a  con- 
trary opinion,  saying  that  if  they  destroyed  the  bridges  they 
would  do  the  greatest  possible  harm  to  Greece:  for  if  the 
Persian,  being  shut  in,  should  be  compelled  to  remain  in  Eu- 
rope, he  would  endeavour  not  to  continue  inactive ;  for  if  he 
continued  inactive,  he  could  neither  advance  his  affairs  nor 
find  any  means  of  returning  home,  but  his  army  must  perish 
by  famine;  and  if  he  should  attack  them  and  apply  himself 
to  action,  all  Europe  would  probably  go  over  to  him,  by  cities 
and  nations,  either  through  being  taken  by  force  or  capitulat- 
ing beforehand :  and  they  would  derive  sustenance  from  the 
annual  produce  of  the  Greeks.  He  thought,  however,  that  the 
Persian,  having  been  conquered  in  the  sea-fight,  would  not 
remain  in  Europe,  and  therefore  should  be  permitted  to  fly, 
until  in  his  flight  he  should  reach  his  own  country.  After 
that  he  advised  that  he  should  be  compelled  to  fight  for  his 
own  territories.  This  opinion  the  commanders  of  the  other 
Peloponnesians  adhered  to. 

When  Themistocles  perceived  that  he  could  not  persuade 
the  majority  to  sail  for  the  Hellespont,  changing  his  plan,  he 
thus  addressed  the  Athenians  (for  they  were  exceedingly  an- 
noyed at  the  escape  of  the  enemy,  and  were  desirous,  having 
consulted  among  themselves,  to  sail  to  the  Hellespont,  even 
if  the  others  would  not) :  "  I  have  myself  ere  this  witnessed 
many  such  instances,  and  have  heard  of  many  more;  that 
men,  when  driven  to  necessity  after  being  conquered,  have 
renewed  the  fight  and  repaired  their  former  loss.  Since,  then, 
we  have  met  with  unexpected  success  for  ourselves  and 
Greece,  by  having  repelled  such  a  cloud  of  men,  let  us  no  longer 
pursue  the  fugitives.  For  we  have  not  wrought  this  deliver- 
ance, but  the  gods  and  the  heroes,  who  were  jealous  that  one 


io9-iii]  RETREAT   OF   XERXES  477 

man  should  reign  over  both  Asia  and  Europe,  and  he  unholy 
and  wicked ;  who  treated  sacred  and  profane  things  alike, 
burning  and  throwing  down  the  images  of  the  gods ;  who  even 
scourged  the  sea,  and  threw  fetters  into  it.  Since,  then,  our 
affairs  are  in  a  prosperous  condition,  let  us  remain  in  Greece, 
and  take  care  of  ourselves  and  our  families;  let  every  one 
repair  his  house  and  apply  attentively  to  sowing  his  ground, 
after  he  has  thoroughly  expelled  the  barbarians ;  and  at  the 
beginning  of  the  spring  let  us  sail  to  the  Hellespont  and 
Ionia."  This  he  said,  wishing  to  secure  favour  with  the  Per- 
sian, that,  if  any  misfortune  should  overtake  him  from  the 
Athenians,  he  might  have  a  place  of  refuge ;  which  eventually 
came  to  pass.  Themistocles,  in  saying  this,  deceived  them; 
and  the  Athenians  were  persuaded ;  for  as  he  had  been  before 
considered  a  wise  man,  and  had  now  shown  himself  to  be 
really  wise  and  prudent  in  counsel,  they  were  ready  to  yield 
implicitly  to  what  he  said.  But  after  they  had  been  per- 
suaded, Themistocles  presently  sent  off  certain  persons  in  a 
boat,  who  he  was  confident  would,  though  put  to  every  tor- 
ture, keep  secret  what  he  had  enjoined  them  to  say  to  the 
king;  and  of  these  his  domestic  Sicinnus  was  again  one. 
When  they  reached  the  shore  of  Attica,  the  rest  remained  in 
the  boat,  and  Sicinnus  having  gone  up  to  the  king,  spoke  as 
follows :  "  Themistocles,  son  of  Neocles,  general  of  the  Athe- 
nians, the  most  valiant  and  wisest  of  all  the  allies,  has  sent  me 
to  tell  you  that  Themistocles  the  Athenian,  wishing  to  serve 
you,  has  withheld  the  Greeks,  who  wished  to  pursue  your 
ships,  and  to  destroy  the  bridges  on  the  Hellespont ;  now 
therefore  retire  at  your  leisure."  They,  having  made  this  com- 
munication, sailed  back  again. 

The  Greeks,  when  they  had  determined  neither  to  pursue 
the  ships  of  the  barbarians  any  farther  nor  to  sail  to  the  Helles- 
pont and  destroy  the  passage,  invested  Andros  with  intention 
to  destroy  it :  for  the  Andrians  were  the  first  of  the  islanders 
who,  when  asked  for  money  by  Themistocles,  refused  to  give 
it:  but  when  Themistocles  held  this  language  to  them,  that 
the  Athenians  had  come  having  with  them  two  powerful  dei- 
ties, Persuasion  and  Necessity,  and  that  therefore  they  must 
give  money,  they  answered  to  this,  saying  that  the  Athe- 
nians were  with  good  reason  great  and  prosperous,  and  were 
favoured  by  propitious  gods ;  since,  however,  the  Andrians 
were  poor  in  territory,  and  had  reached  the  lowest  pitch  of 
penury,  and  two  unprofitable  goddesses,  Poverty  and  Impos- 
sibility, never  forsook  their  island,  but  ever  loved  to  dwell 
there;  therefore  that  the  Andrians,  being  in  possession  of 


478  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [111-114 

these  deities,  would  not  give  any  money;  for  that  the  power 
of  the  Athenians  would  never  prove  superior  to  their  inabil- 
ity. They  then,  having  made  this  answer,  and  refused  to 
give  money,  were  besieged.  Themistocles,  for  he  never  ceased 
coveting  more  wealth,  sending  threatening  messages  to  the 
other  islands,  demanded  money  by  the  same  persons,  using 
the  same  language  he  had  used  with  the  Andrians ;  saying 
that,  unless  they  gave  what  was  demanded,  he  would  lead  the 
forces  of  the  Greeks  against  them,  and  would  besiege  and 
destroy  them.  By  saying  this  he  collected  large  sums  from  the 
Carystians  and  the  Parians ;  who  being  informed  respecting 
Andros  that  it  was  besieged  for  siding  with  the  Mede,  and 
with  regard  to  Themistocles,  that  he  was  in  the  greatest  repu- 
tation of  the  generals,  alarmed  at  these  things,  sent  money. 
Whether  any  other  of  the  islanders  gave  it  I  am  unable  to 
say ;  but  I  am  of  opinion  that  some  others  did,  and  not  these 
only.  However,  the  Carystians  did  not  by  these  means  at  all 
defer  calamity;  though  the  Parians,  having  conciliated  The- 
mistocles with  money,  escaped  a  visit  from  the  army.  The- 
mistocles accordingly,  setting  out  from  Andros,  obtained 
money  from  the  islanders  unknown  to  the  other  generals. 

The  army  with  Xerxes  having  stayed  a  few  days  after  the 
sea-fight,  marched  back  into  Bceotia  by  the  same  way,  for  it 
appeared  to  Mardonius  both  that  he  should  escort  the  king 
and  that  the  season  of  the  year  was  unfit  for  military  opera- 
tions ;  and  that  it  would  be  better  to  winter  in  Thessaly,  and 
to  make  an  attempt  on  the  Peloponnesus  early  in  the  spring. 
When  he  arrived  in  Thessaly,  Mardonius  there  selected,  first, 
all  the  Persians  who  are  called  Immortals,  except  Hydarnes, 
their  general,  for  he  declared  he  would  not  leave  the  king; 
after  these,  out  of  the  rest  of  the  Persians,  the  cuirassiers,  and 
the  body  of  a  thousand  horse,  and  the  Medes,  Sacse,  Bactrians, 
and  Indians,  both  infantry  and  cavalry,  he  chose  these  whole 
nations  ;  but  from  the  rest  of  the  allies  he  selected  a  few,  choos- 
ing such  as  were  of  a  good  stature,  or  by  whom  he  knew  some 
gallant  action  had  been  performed.  Among  them,  he  chose 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Persians,  who  wore  necklaces  and 
bracelets ;  next  to  them,  the  Medes ;  these  were  not  less  nu- 
merous than  the  Persians,  but  were  inferior  in  strength.  Thus 
the  whole,  together  with  the  cavalry,  made  up  the  number  of 
three  hundred  thousand.  At  this  time,  while  Mardonius  was 
selecting  his  army,  and  Xerxes  was  in  Thessaly,  an  oracle 
came  to  the  Lacedaemonians  from  Delphi,  admonishing  them 
to  demand  satisfaction  of  Xerxes  for  the  death  of  Leonidas, 
and  to  accept  whatever  should  be  given  by  him.    Accordingly, 


H4-U7]  RETREAT   OF   XERXES  479 

the  Spartans  immediately  despatched  a  herald  as  quickly  as 
possible,  who  when  he  overtook  the  whole  army  still  in  Thes- 
saly,  having  come  into  the  presence  of  Xerxes,  spoke  as  fol- 
lows :  "  King  of  the  Medes,  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Heracli- 
dae  of  Sparta  demand  of  you  satisfaction  for  blood,  because 
you  have  slain  their  king  while  protecting  Greece."  But  he 
laughing,  and  having  waited  a  considerable  time,  as  Mar- 
donius  happened  to  be  standing  near  him,  pointed  to  him,  and 
said,  "  This  Mardonius,  then,  shall  give  them  such  satisfac- 
tion as  they  deserve."  The  herald,  having  accepted  the  omen, 
went  away. 

Xerxes,  having  left  Mardonius  in  Thessaly,  himself 
marched  in  all  haste  to  the  Hellespont;  and  arrived  at  the 
place  of  crossing  in  forty-five  days,  bringing  back  no  part  of 
his  army,  so  to  speak.  Wherever,  and  among  whatever  na- 
tion, they  happened  to  be  marching,  they  seized  and  consumed 
their  corn;  but  if  they  found  no  fruit,  overcome  by  hunger, 
they  ate  up  the  herbage  that  sprang  up  from  the  ground,  and 
stripped  off  the  bark  of  trees  and  gathered  leaves,  both  from 
the  wild  and  cultivated,  and  left  nothing;  this  they  did  from 
hunger.  But  a  pestilence  and  dysentery  falling  on  the  army, 
destroyed  them  on  their  march.  Such  of  them  as  were  sick, 
Xerxes  left  behind,  ordering  the  cities  through  which  he  hap- 
pened to  be  passing  to  take  care  of  and  feed  them :  some  in 
Thessaly,  others  at  Siris  of  Paeonia,  and  in  Macedonia.  Here 
having  left  the  sacred  chariot  of  Jupiter,  when  he  marched 
against  Greece,  he  did  not  receive  it  back,  as  he  returned ;  for 
the  Paeonians  having  given  it  to  the  Thracians  when  Xerxes 
demanded  it  back,  said  that  the  mares  had  been  stolen,  as 
they  were  feeding,  by  the  upper  Thracians,  who  dwell  round 
the  sources  of  the  Strymon.  There  the  King  of  the  Bisaltae 
and  of  the  Crestonian  territory,  a  Thracian,  perpetrated  a 
most  unnatural  deed :  he  declared  that  he  would  not  willingly 
be  a  slave  to  Xerxes,  but  went  up  to  the  top  of  Mount 
Rhodope,  and  enjoined  his  sons  not  to  join  the  expedition 
against  Greece.  They,  however,  disregarding  his  prohibi- 
tion, from  a  desire  to  see  the  war,  served  in  the  army  with 
the  Persian :  but  when  they  all  returned  safe,  being  six  in 
number,  their  father  had  their  eyes  put  out  for  this  disobedi- 
ence ;  and  they  met  with  this  recompense. 

The  Persians,  when  in  their  march  from  Thrace  they  ar- 
rived at  the  passage,  in  great  haste  crossed  over  the  Hellespont 
to  Abydos  in  their  ships ;  for  they  found  the  rafts  no  longer 
stretched  across,  but  broken  up  by  a  storm.  While  detained 
there,  they  got  more  food  than  on  their  march,  and  having 


480  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [117-121 

filled  themselves  immoderately,  and  changed  their  water,  a 
great  part  of  the  army  that  survived  died :  the  rest  with  Xerxes 
reached  Sardis.  This  different  account  is  also  given,  that 
when  Xerxes  in  his  retreat  from  Athens  arrived  at  E'ion  on 
the  Strymon,  from  thence  he  no  longer  continued  his  journey 
by  land,  but  committed  the  army  to  Hydarnes  to  conduct  to 
the  Hellespont,  and  himself  going  on  board  a  Phoenician  ship, 
passed  over  to  Asia:  that  during  his  voyage  a  violent  and 
tempestuous  wind  from  the  Strymon  overtook  him ;  and  then, 
for  the  storm  increased  in  violence,  the  ship  being  overloaded, 
so  that  many  of  the  Persians  who  accompanied  Xerxes  were 
on  the  deck,  thereupon  the  king  becoming  alarmed,  and  call- 
ing aloud,  asked  the  pilot  if  there  were  any  hope  of  safety  for 
them ;  and  he  said,  "  There  is  none,  sire,  unless  we  get  rid 
of  some  of  those  many  passengers."  It  is  further  related  that 
Xerxes,  having  heard  this  answer,  said,  "  O  Persians,  now 
let  some  among  you  show  his  regard  for  the  king,  for  on  you 
my  safety  seems  to  depend."  That  he  spoke  thus ;  and  that 
they,  having  done  homage,  leaped  into  the  sea;  and  that  the 
ship  being  lightened,  thus  got  safe  to  Asia.  It  is  added  that 
Xerxes,  immediately  after  he  landed,  did  as  follows :  he  pre- 
sented the  pilot  with  a  golden  crown,  because  he  had  saved 
the  king's  life ;  but  ordered  his  head  to  be  struck  off,  because 
he  had  occasioned  the  loss  of  many  Persians.  This  latter 
story  is  told  of  the  return  of  Xerxes,  but  appears  to  me  not  at 
all  deserving  of  credit,  either  in  other  respects  nor  as  to  this 
loss  of  the  Persians ;  for  if  this  speech  had  been  made  by  the 
pilot  of  Xerxes,  I  should  not  find  one  opinion  in  ten  thousand 
to  deny  that  the  king  would  have  acted  thus :  that  he  would 
have  sent  down  into  the  hold  of  the  ship  those  who  were  on 
deck,  since  they  were  Persians,  and  Persians  of  high  rank, 
and  would  have  thrown  into  the  sea  a  number  of  rowers,  who 
were  Phoenicians,  equal  to  that  of  the  Persians.  He,  however, 
as  I  have  before  related,  proceeding  on  the  march  with  the 
rest  of  the  army,  returned  to  Asia.  This  also  is  a  strong  proof : 
it  is  known  that  Xerxes  reached  Abdera  on  his  way  back,  and 
made  an  alliance  of  friendship  with  the  people,  and  presented 
them  with  a  golden  scimetar,  and  a  gold-embroidered  tiara. 
And  as  the  Abderites  themselves  say,  saying  what  is  by  no 
means  credible  to  me,  he  there  for  the  first  time  loosened  his 
girdle  in  his  flight  from  Athens,  as  being  at  length  in  a  place 
of  safety.  Abdera  is  situated  nearer  to  the  Hellespont  than 
the  Strymon  and  Eion,  whence  they  say  he  embarked  on  board 
the  ship. 

Meanwhile  the  Greeks,  finding  they  were  not  able  to  re- 


121-125]  THEMISTOCLES  HONOURED  481 

duce  Andros,  turned  to  Carystus,  and  having  ravaged  their 
country,  returned  to  Salamis.  In  the  first  place,  then,  they  set 
apart  first  fruits  for  the  gods,  and,  among  other  things,  three 
Phoenician  triremes  :  one  to  be  dedicated  at  the  isthmus,  which 
was  there  in  my  time;  a  second  at  Sunium,  and  the  third  to 
Ajax,  there  at  Salamis.  After  that,  they  divided  the  booty, 
and  sent  the  first  fruits  to  Delphi,  from  which  a  statue  was 
made,  holding  the  beak  of  a  ship  in  its  hand,  and  twelve  cubits 
in  height;  it  stands  in  the  place  where  is  the  golden  statue 
of  Alexander  the  Macedonian.  The  Greeks,  having  sent  first 
fruits  to  Delphi,  inquired  of  the  god  in  the  name  of  all  if  he 
had  received  sufficient  and  acceptable  first  fruits :  he  answered 
that  from  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  he  had,  but  not  from  the 
jEginetae ;  of  them  he  demanded  an  offering  on  account  of 
their  superior  valour  in  the  sea-fight  at  Salamis.  The  vEgi- 
netae,  being  informed  of  this,  dedicated  three  golden  stars, 
which  are  placed  on  a  brazen  mast  in  the  corner,  very  near 
the  bowl  of  Croesus.  After  the  division  of  the  booty,  the 
Greeks  sailed  to  the  isthmus,  for  the  purpose  of  conferring 
the  palm  of  valour  upon  him  among  the  Greeks  who  had 
proved  himself  most  deserving  throughout  the  war.  When 
the  generals,  having  arrived,  distributed  the  ballots  at  the  altar 
of  Neptune,  selecting  the  first  and  second  out  of  all ;  there- 
upon every  one  gave  his  vote  for  himself,  each  thinking  him- 
self the  most  valiant;  but  with  respect  to  the  second  place, 
the  majority  concurred  in  selecting  Themistocles.  They, 
therefore,  had  but  one  vote,  whereas  Themistocles  had  a  great 
majority  for  the  second  honour.  Though  the  Greeks,  out  of 
envy,  would  not  determine  this  matter,  but  returned  to  their 
several  countries  without  coming  to  a  decision ;  yet  Themisto- 
cles was  applauded  and  extolled  throughout  all  Greece  as 
being  by  far  the  wisest  man  of  the  Greeks.  But  because,  al- 
though victorious,  he  was  not  honoured  by  those  who  fought 
at  Salamis,  he  immediately  afterward  went  to  Lacedaemon, 
hoping  to  be  honoured  there.  The  Lacedaemonians  received 
him  nobly,  and  paid  him  the  greatest  honours.  They  gave 
the  prize  of  valour  to  Eurybiades,  a  crown  of  olive;  and  of 
wisdom  and  dexterity  to  Themistocles,  to  him  also  a  crown 
of  olive.  And  they  presented  him  with  the  most  magnificent 
chariot  in  Sparta ;  and  having  praised  him  highly,  on  his  de- 
parture, three  hundred  chosen  Spartans,  the  same  that  are 
called  knights,  escorted  him  as  far  as  the  Tegean  boundaries. 
He  is  the  only  man  that  we  know  of  whom  the  Spartans  es- 
corted on  his  journey. 

When  he  arrived  at  Athens,  from  Lacedaemon,  thereupon 
31 


482  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [125-128 

Timodemus  of  Aphidnae,  who  was  one  of  Themistocles's  ene- 
mies, though  otherwise  a  man  of  no  distinction,  becoming  mad 
through  envy,  reproached  Themistocles,  alleging  against  him 
his  journey  to  Lacedaemon ;  and  that  the  honours  he  received 
from  the  Lacedaemonians  were  conferred  on  account  of 
Athens,  and  not  for  his  own  sake.  But  he,  as  Timodemus  did 
not  cease  to  repeat  the  same  thing,  said :  "  The  truth  is,  nei- 
ther should  I,  were  I  a  Belbinite,  have  been  thus  honoured  by 
the  Spartans ;  nor  would  you,  fellow,  were  you  an  Athenian." 
So  far,  then,  this  occurred. 

In  the  meantime  Artabazus,  son  of  Pharnaces,  a  man  even 
before  of  high  repute  among  the  Persians,  and  much  more 
so  after  the  battle  of  Plataea,  having  with  him  sixty  thousand 
men  of  the  army  which  Mardonius  selected,  escorted  the  king 
as  far  as  the  passage.  And  when  the  king  arrived  in  Asia, 
he,  marching  back,  came  into  the  neighbourhood  of  Pallene ; 
but  as  Mardonius  was  wintering  in  Thessaly  and  Macedonia, 
and  there  was  nothing  as  yet  to  urge  him  to  join  the  rest  of 
the  army,  he  did  not  think  it  right,  since  he  happened  to  be 
in  the  way  of  the  Potidaeans  who  had  revolted,  to  neglect  the 
opportunity  of  reducing  them  to  slavery.  For  the  Potidaeans, 
as  soon  as  the  king  had  passed  by,  and  the  Persian  fleet  had 
fled  from  Salamis,  openly  revolted  from  the  barbarians;  as 
also  did  the  other  inhabitants  of  Pallene.  Artabazus,  there- 
fore, besieged  Potidaea.  And  as  he  suspected  that  the  Olyn- 
thians  intended  to  revolt  from  the  king,  he  also  besieged  their 
city.  The  Bottiaeans  then  held  it,  who  had  been  driven  from 
the  bay  of  Therma  by  the  Macedonians.  When  he  had  be- 
sieged and  taken  them,  having  taken  them  out  to  a  marsh, 
he  slaughtered  them,  and  gave  the  city  to  Critobulus  of  Torone 
to  govern,  and  to  the  Chalcidian  race:  thus  the  Chalcidians 
became  possessed  of  Olynthus.  Artabazus,  having  taken  this 
city,  applied  himself  vigorously  to  the  siege  of  Potidaea ;  and, 
as  he  was  earnestly  engaged  with  it,  Timoxenus,  general  of 
the  Scionaeans,  treated  with  him  for  the  betrayal  of  the  city : 
in  what  way  at  first  I  am  unable  to  say,  for  it  is  not  reported ; 
at  last,  however,  the  following  plan  was  adopted :  when  either 
Timoxenus  had  written  a  letter  and  wished  to  send  it  to  Arta- 
bazus, or  Artabazus  to  Timoxenus,  having  rolled  it  round  the 
butt-end  of  an  arrow,  and  put  the  feathers  over  the  letter,  they 
shot  the  arrow  to  a  spot  agreed  upon.  But  Timoxenus  was 
detected  in  attempting  to  betray  Potidaea.  For  Artabazus, 
when  endeavouring  to  shoot  to  the  spot  agreed  upon,  missed 
the  right  spot  and  wounded  one  of  the  Potidaeans  on  the 
shoulder;  a  crowd  ran  round  the  wounded  man,  as  is  usual 


128-130]  THE   WINTER   CAMPAIGN  483 

in  time  of  war ;  they  having  immediately  drawn  out  the  arrow, 
when  they  perceived  the  letter,  carried  it  to  the  generals ;  and 
an  allied  force  of  the  other  Pallenians  was  also  present.  When 
the  generals  had  read  the  letter,  and  discovered  the  author 
of  the  treachery,  they  determined  not  to  impeach  Timoxenus 
of  treason,  for  the  sake  of  the  city  of  the  Scionaeans,  lest  the 
Scionaeans  should  ever  after  be  accounted  traitors.  In  this 
manner,  then,  he  was  detected.  After  three  months  had  been 
spent  by  Artabazus  in  the  siege,  there  happened  a  great  ebb 
of  the  sea,  which  lasted  for  a  long  time.  The  barbarians,  see- 
ing a  passage  that  might  be  forded,  marched  across  toward 
Pallene;  and  when  they  had  performed  two  parts  of  their 
journey  and  three  still  remained,  which  they  must  have  passed 
over  to  be  within  Pallene,  a  strong  flood-tide  of  the  sea  came 
on  them,  such  as  never  was  seen  before,  as  the  inhabitants 
say,  though  floods  are  frequent.  Those,  then,  that  did  not 
know  how  to  swim  perished,  and  those  that  did  know  how, 
the  Potidaeans,  sailing  upon  them  in  boats,  put  to  death.  The 
Potidaeans  say  that  the  cause  of  this  flux  and  inundation,  and 
of  the  Persian  disaster,  was  this,  that  these  very  Persians  who 
were  destroyed  by  the  sea,  had  committed  impieties  at  the 
Temple  of  Neptune,  and  the  statue  which  stands  in  the 
suburbs ;  and  in  saying  this  was  the  cause  they  appear  to  me 
to  speak  correctly.  The  survivors  Artabazus  led  to  Thessaly, 
to  join  Mardonius.  Such,  then,  was  the  fate  of  those  troops 
that  had  escorted  the  king. 

The  naval  force  of  Xerxes  that  survived  when  it  reached 
Asia  in  its  flight  from  Salamis,  and  had  transported  the  king 
and  his  army  from  the  Chersonese  to  Abydos,  wintered  at 
Cyme.  And  at  the  first  appearance  of  spring  it  assembled 
early  at  Samos;  and  some  of  the  ships  had  wintered  there. 
Most  of  the  marines  were  Persians  and  Medes,  and  their  gen- 
erals came  on  board,  Mardontes,  son  of  Bagaeus,  and  Artayn- 
tes,  son  of  Artachaeus ;  and  Ithamitres,  nephew  of  the  latter, 
shared  the  command  with  them,  Artayntes  himself  having 
associated  him  with  them.  As  they  had  sustained  a  severe 
blow,  they  did  not  advance  farther  to  the  westward,  nor  did 
any  one  compel  them ;  but  remaining,  they  kept  watch  over 
Ionia  lest  it  should  revolt,  having  three  hundred  ships,  includ- 
ing those  of  Ionia.  Neither  did  they  expect  that  the  Greeks 
would  come  to  Ionia,  but  thought  they  would  be  content  to 
guard  their  own  territory ;  inferring  this,  because  they  had 
not  pursued  them  in  their  flight  from  Salamis,  but  had  readily 
retired.  By  sea,  therefore,  they  despaired  of  success,  but  on 
land  they  imagined  that  Mardonius  would  be  decidedly  supe- 


484  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,   URANIA  [130-133 

rior.  While  they  were  at  Samos  they  at  the  same  time  con- 
sulted together  whether  they  could  do  the  enemy  any  damage, 
and  listened  anxiously  for  news  of  how  the  affairs  of  Mar- 
donius  would  succeed.  The  approach  of  spring,  and  Mar- 
donius  being  in  Thessaly,  aroused  the  Grecians.  Their  land 
forces  were  not  yet  assembled ;  but  their  fleet  arrived  at 
^Egina,  in  number  one  hundred  and  ten  ships.  Their  leader 
and  admiral  was  Leoty chides,  son  of  Menares,  son  of  Agesi- 
laus,  son  of  Hippocratides,  son  of  Leotychides,  son  of  Anax- 
ilaus,  son  of  Archidamus,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  son  of  Theo- 
pompus,  son  of  Nicander,  son  of  Charillus,  son  of  Eunomus, 
son  of  Polydectes,  son  of  Prytanis,  son  of  Euryphon,  son  of 
Procles,  son  of  Aristodemus,  son  of  Aristomachus,  son  of 
Cleodaeus,  son  of  Hyllus,  son  of  Hercules :  he  was  of  the  second 
branch  of  the  royal  family.  All  these,  except  the  two  men- 
tioned first  after  Leotychides,  were  Kings  of  Sparta.  Xan- 
thippus,  son  of  Ariphron,  commanded  the  Athenians.  When 
all  these  ships  were  assembled  at  ^Egina,  ambassadors  from 
the  Ionians  arrived  at  the  encampment  of  the  Greeks ;  who 
a  short  time  before  had  gone  to  Sparta,  and  entreated  the  Lace- 
daemonians to  liberate  Ionia;  and  among  them  was  Herodo- 
tus, son  of  Basilides.  These,  who  were  originally  seven  in 
number,  having  conspired  together,  formed  a  plan  of  putting 
Strattis,  the  tyrant  of  Chios,  to  death;  but  as  they  were  de- 
tected in  their  plot,  one  of  the  accomplices  having  given  in- 
formation of  the  attempt,  thereupon  the  rest,  being  six,  with- 
drew from  Chios  and  went  to  Sparta,  and  at  the  present  time 
to  yEgina,  beseeching  the  Greeks  to  sail  down  to  Ionia ;  they 
with  difficulty  prevailed  on  them  to  advance  as  far  as  Delos. 
For  all  beyond  that  was  dreaded  by  the  Greeks,  who  were 
unacquainted  with  those  countries,  and  thought  all  parts  were 
full  of  troops ;  Samos,  they  were  convinced  in  their  imagina- 
tions, was  as  far  distant  as  the  Columns  of  Hercules.  Thus  it 
fell  out  that  at  the  same  time  the  barbarians  durst  not  sail 
farther  westward  than  Samos ;  nor  the  Greeks,  though  the 
Chians  besought  them,  farther  eastward  than  Delos.  Thus 
fear  protected  the  midway  between  them. 

The  Greeks,  then,  sailed  to  Delos,  and  Mardonius  was  in 
winter  quarters  about  Thessaly.  When  preparing  to  set  out 
from  thence,  he  sent  a  man,  a  native  of  Europus,  whose  name 
was  Mys,  to  consult  the  oracles,  with  orders  to  go  everywhere 
and  consult  all  that  it  was  possible  for  him  to  inquire  of. 
What  he  wished  to  learn  from  the  oracles  when  he  gave  these 
orders  I  am  unable  to  say,  for  it  is  not  related ;  I  am  of  opin- 
ion, however,  that  he  sent  to  inquire  about  the  affairs  then 


133-136]  MYS   CONSULTS   THE   ORACLES  485 

depending,  and  not  about  any  others.  This  Mys  clearly  ap- 
pears to  have  arrived  at  Lebadea,  and  having  persuaded  a 
native  of  the  place  by  a  bribe,  descended  into  the  cave  of 
Trophonius ;  and  arrived  also  at  the  oracle  of  Abse  of  the 
Phocians ;  moreover,  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Thebes,  he  first 
of  all  consulted  the  Ismenian  Apollo,  and  it  is  there  the  cus- 
tom, as  in  Olympia,  to  consult  the  oracle  by  means  of  vic- 
'  tims ;  and  next,  having  persuaded  some  stranger,  not  a  The- 
ban,  by  money,  he  caused  him  to  sleep  in  the  Temple  of  Am- 
phiaraus.  For  none  of  the  Thebans  are  permitted  to  consult 
there,  for  the  following  reason :  Amphiaraus,  communicating 
with  them  by  means  of  oracles,  bade  them  choose  whichever 
they  would  of  these  two  things,  to  have  him  either  for  their 
prophet,  or  their  ally,  abstaining  from  the  other;  they  chose 
to  have  him  for  their  ally :  for  this  reason,  therefore,  no  The- 
ban  is  allowed  to  sleep  there.  The  following,  to  me  very 
strange  circumstance,  is  related  by  the  Theban  to  have  hap- 
pened :  that  this  Mys,  of  Europus,  in  going  round  to  all  the 
oracles,  came  also  to  the  precinct  of  the  Ptoan  Apollo;  this 
temple  is  called  Ptoan,  but  belongs  to  the  Thebans,  and  is 
situated  above  the  lake  Copais,  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  very 
near  the  city  of  Acraephia:  that  when  this  man,  called  Mys, 
arrived  at  this  temple,  three  citizens,  chosen  by  the  public,  ac- 
companied him  for  the  purpose  of  writing  down  what  the 
oracle  should  pronounce:  and  forthwith  the  priestess  gave 
an  answer  in  a  foreign  tongue ;  and  that  those  Thebans  who 
accompanied  him  stood  amazed  at  hearing  a  foreign  language 
instead  of  Greek,  and  knew  not  what  to  do  on  the  present  occa- 
sion ;  but  that  Mys,  suddenly  snatching  from  them  the  tablet 
which  they  brought,  wrote  on  it  the  words  spoken  by  the 
prophet ;  and  said  that  he  had  given  an  answer  in  the  Carian 
tongue;  and  after  he  had  written  it  down  he  departed  for 
Thessaly. 

Mardonius  having  read  the  answers  of  the  oracles,  after- 
ward sent  Alexander,  son  of  Amyntas,  a  Macedonian,  as  an 
ambassador  to  Athens ;  as  well  because  the  Persians  were  re- 
lated to  him  (for  Bubares,  a  Persian,  had  married  Alexander's 
sister  Gygaea,  daughter  of  Amyntas,  by  whom  he  had  the 
Amyntas  in  Asia,  who  took  his  name  from  his  maternal  grand- 
father,: to  him  Alabanda,  a  large  city  of  Phrygia,  had  been 
given  by  the  king  to  govern),  as  because  he  had  been  informed 
that  Alexander  was  a  friend  and  benefactor  of  the  Athenians ; 
Mardonius  therefore  sent  him.  For  in  this  way  he  thought 
he  should  best  be  able  to  gain  over  the  Athenians,  having 
heard  that  they  were  a  numerous  and  valiant  people;  and, 


486  HERODOTUS— BOOK   VIII,    URANIA  [136-138 

besides,  he  knew  that  the  Athenians  had  been  the  principal 
cause  of  the  late  disaster  of  the  Persians  at  sea.  If  these  were 
won  over,  he  hoped  that  he  should  easily  become  master  at 
sea,  which  indeed  would  have  been  the  case;  and  on  land 
he  imagined  that  he  was  much  superior:  thus  he  calculated 
that  his  power  would  get  the  upper  hand  of  the  Grecian.  Per- 
haps also  the  oracles  had  given  him  this  warning,  advising 
him  to  make  Athens  his  ally;  accordingly,  relying  on  them, 
he  sent. 

The  seventh  ancestor  of  this  Alexander  was  Perdiccas, 
who  obtained  the  sovereignty  of  the  Macedonians  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  Gauanes,  Aeropus,  and  Perdiccas,  three 
brothers,  of  the  descendants  of  Temenus,  fled  from  Argos 
to  the  Illyrians,  and  crossing  over  from  the  Illyrians  into 
upper  Macedonia,  they  arrived  at  the  city  of  Lebaea;  there 
they  entered  into  the  king's  service  for  wages.  One  of  them 
had  the  care  of  his  horses ;  another,  of  his  oxen ;  and  the 
youngest  of  them,  Perdiccas,  of  the  lesser  cattle.  Formerly, 
even  monarchs  were  poor  in  wealth,  and  not  only  the  people ; 
so  that  the  wife  of  the  king  was  accustomed  to  cook  their  food. 
Whenever  the  bread  of  the  hireling  lad  Perdiccas  was  baked, 
it  became  twice  as  large  as  at  first:  and  when  this  always 
happened,  she  told  it  to  her  husband.  It  immediately  oc- 
curred to  him,  when  he  heard  it,  that  it  was  a  prodigy,  and 
boded  something  of  importance.  Having,  therefore,  sum- 
moned the  hirelings,  he  commanded  them  to  depart  out  of  his 
territories.  They  answered  that  they  were  entitled  to  receive 
their  wages,  and  then  they  would  go.  Thereupon  the  king, 
hearing  about  wages,  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  reached  into  the 
house  down  the  chimney,  said,  being  deprived  of  his  senses 
by  the  deity,  "  I  give  you  this,  as  your  wages  equal  to  your 
services,"  pointing  to  the  sun.  Gauanes  and  Aeropus,  the 
elder,  stood  amazed  when  they  heard  this.  But  the  lad,  for 
he  happened  to  have  a  knife,  saying  thus,  "  We  accept  thy 
offer,  O  king,"  traced  a  circle  on  the  floor  of  the  house  round 
the  sun's  rays,  and  having  so  traced  the  circle,  and  having 
drawn  the  sun's  rays  three  times  on  his  bosom,  departed,  and 
the  others  with  him.  They  accordingly  went  away;  but  one 
of  those  who  were  sitting  by  him  informed  the  king  what  the 
lad  had  done,  and  how  the  youngest  of  them  accepted  the 
offer  with  some  design.  He,  on  hearing  this,  being  in  a  rage, 
despatched  after  them  some  horsemen  to  kill  them.  In  this 
country  is  a  river,  to  which  the  descendants  of  these  men  from 
Argos  sacrifice  as  their  deliverer.  It,  when  the  Temenidae  had 
crossed  over,  swelled  to  such  a  height  that  the  horesmen  were 


138-140]  ALEXANDER  SENT  TO  ATHENS  487 

unable  to  cross  it.  They,  then,  coming  to  another  district  of 
Macedonia,  settled  near  the  gardens  that  are  said  to  have  be- 
longed to  Midas,  son  of  Gordias;  in  which  wild  roses  grow, 
each  one  having  sixty  leaves,  and  surpassing  all  others  in 
fragrance.  In  these  gardens  Silenus  was  taken,  as  is  related 
by  the  Macedonians.  Above  the  gardens  is  a  mountain,  called 
Bermion,  inaccessible  from  the  cold.  Issuing  from  thence, 
when  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  this  tract,  they  sub- 
dued the  rest  of  Macedonia.  From  this  Perdiccas,  Alexander 
was  thus  descended.  Alexander  was  the  son  of  Amyntas, 
Amyntas  of  Alcetes,  the  father  of  Alcetes  was  Aeropus,  of 
him  Philip,  of  Philip,  Argseus,  and  of  him,  Perdiccas,  who 
acquired  the  sovereignty.  Thus,  then,  was  Alexander,  son  of 
Amyntas,  descended. 

When  he  arrived  at  Athens,  being  sent  by  Mardonius,  he 
spoke  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Athens,  Mardonius  says  thus :  A 
message  has  come  to  me  from  the  king,  conceived  in  these 
terms :  '  I  forgive  the  Athenians  all  the  injuries  committed 
by  them  against  me;  therefore,  Mardonius,  do  thus:  First, 
restore  to  them  their  territory ;  and  next,  let  them  choose,  in 
addition  to  it,  another  country,  whatever  they  please,  and  live 
under  their  own  laws;  and  rebuild  all  their  temples  which  I 
have  burned,  if  they  are  willing  to  come  to  terms  with  me.' 
These  orders  having  come  to  me,  I  must  of  necessity  execute 
them,  unless  you  on  your  part  oppose.  And  now  I  say  this 
to  you.  Why  are  you  so  mad  as  to  levy  war  against  the  king  ? 
for  neither  can  you  get  the  better  of  him,  nor  can  you  re- 
sist him  forever.  You  are  acquainted  with  the  multitude  of 
Xerxes's  army,  and  their  achievements ;  you  have  heard  of  the 
force  that  is  even  now  with  me;  so  that  even  if  you  should 
get  the  better  of  us  and  conquer  (of  which,  however,  you 
can  have  no  hope,  if  you  think  soberly),  another  much  more 
numerous  will  come  against  you.  Suffer  not  yourselves,  then, 
to  be  deprived  of  your  country,  and  to  be  continually  running 
a  risk  for  your  existence,  by  equalling  yourselves  with  the 
king,  but  be  reconciled  to  him;  and  it  is  in  your  power  to 
be  reconciled  honourably,  since  the  king  is  so  disposed.  Be 
free,  having  contracted  an  alliance  with  us,  without  guile  or 
deceit.  This,  O  Athenians,  Mardonius  charged  me  to  say  to 
you.  But  I,  for  my  own  part,  will  say  nothing  of  the  good- 
will I  bear  toward  you;  for  you  would  not  learn  it  for  the 
first  time.  But  I  entreat  you,  listen  to  Mardonius,  for  I  see 
that  you  will  not  always  be  able  to  carry  on  war  against 
Xerxes.  For  if  I  had  seen  this  power  in  you,  I  would  never 
have  come  to  you  bringing  such  a  proposal.    For  the  power 


488  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [140-142 

of  the  king  is  more  than  human,  and  his  arm  exceeding  long. 
If,  then,  you  do  not  immediately  come  to  terms,  when  they 
offer  such  favourable  conditions  on  which  they  are  willing 
to  agree,  I  greatly  fear  for  you,  who  of  all  the  allies  dwell  in 
the  most  beaten  road,  and  who  must  continually  be  the  only 
people  destroyed,  since  ye  possess  a  territory  exposed,  as 
being  between  both  armies.  Be  persuaded,  then ;  for  this  is 
a  high  honour  to  you  that  the  great  king,  forgiving  your  of- 
fences alone  among  all  the  Greeks,  is  willing  to  become  your 
friend."  Thus  spoke  Alexander.  But  the  Lacedaemonians, 
having  been  informed  that  Alexander  had  arrived  at  Athens, 
in  order  to  induce  the  Athenians  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Barbarian;  and  remembering  the  oracles,  how  it  was  fated 
that  they,  with  the  rest  of  the  Dorians,  should  be  driven  out 
of  Peloponnesus  by  the  Medes  and  Athenians,  were  very  much 
afraid  lest  the  Athenians  should  make  terms  with  the  Persian, 
and  therefore  resolved  forthwith  to  send  ambassadors.  It  so 
happened  that  the  introduction  of  both  took  place  at  the  same 
time.  For  the  Athenians  had  purposely  delayed  the  time,  well 
knowing  that  the  Lacedaemonians  would  hear  that  an  ambas- 
sador had  come  from  the  Barbarian  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  and 
that  when  they  did  hear  of  it,  they  would  send  ambassadors 
with  all  speed.  They  therefore  designedly  so  contrived  as  to 
show  their  intentions  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  When  Alex- 
ander had  ceased  speaking,  the  ambassadors  from  Sparta, 
speaking  next,  said :  "  The  Lacedaemonians  have  sent  us  to 
entreat  you  not  to  adopt  any  new  measures  with  respect  to 
Greece,  nor  to  listen  to  proposals  from  the  barbarians ;  for 
neither  would  it  be  by  any  means  just  nor  honourable  either 
in  any  others  of  the  Greeks,  and  least  of  all  in  you,  for  many 
reasons.  For  you  raised  this  war,  against  our  wish,  and  the 
contest  arose  about  your  sovereignty;  but  it  now  relates  to 
the  whole  of  Greece.  Besides,  that  the  Athenians,  who  are 
the  authors  of  all  these  things,  should  prove  the  occasion  of 
slavery  to  Greece,  is  on  no  account  to  be  borne ;  you,  who 
always,  and  from  of  old,  have  been  seen  to  assert  the  freedom 
of  many  nations.  We,  however,  sympathize  with  you  in  your 
difficulties,  and  that  you  have  already  been  deprived  of  two 
harvests,  and  that  your  property  has  been  so  long  involved  in 
ruin.  But  in  compensation  for  this,  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
the  allies  promise  to  support  your  wives  and  all  the  rest  of 
your  families  which  are  useless  in  war  as  long  as  the  war  shall 
continue.  Therefore,  let  not  Alexander  the  Macedonian  per- 
suade you,  by  glossing  over  the  proposal  of  Mardonius;  for 
this  is  what  he  would  naturally  do ;  for  being  himself  a  tyrant, 


142-144]  ANSWER  OF  THE  ATHENIANS  489 

he  aids  a  tyrant's  cause.  But  you  should  not  so  act,  if  indeed 
you  think  rightly ;  because  you  know  that  with  barbarians 
there  is  neither  faith  nor  truth."  Thus  spoke  the  ambassadors. 
The  Athenians  gave  the  following  answer  to  Alexander :  "  We 
ourselves  are  aware  of  this,  that  the  power  of  the  Medes  is 
far  greater  than  ours ;  so  that  there  was  no  need  to  insult  us 
with  that.  But,  nevertheless,  being  ardent  for  liberty,  we  will 
defend  ourselves  in  such  manner  as  we  are  able.  But  do  not 
you  attempt  to  persuade  us  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Bar- 
barian, for  we  will  not  be  persuaded.  Go,  then,  and  tell  Mar- 
donius  that  the  Athenians  say,  so  long  as  the  sun  shall  con- 
tinue in  the  same  course  as  now,  we  will  never  make  terms 
with  Xerxes :  but  we  will  go  out  to  oppose  him,  trusting  in 
the  gods,  who  fight  for  us,  and  in  the  heroes,  whose  temples 
and  images  he,  holding  them  in  no  reverence,  has  burned. 
And  do  you  appear  no  more  in  the  presence  of  the  Athenians, 
bringing  such  proposals ;  nor,  imagining  that  you  do  us  good 
service,  urge  us  to  do  wicked  deeds.  For  we  are  unwilling 
that  you,  who  are  our  guest  and  friend,  should  meet  with  any 
ungracious  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Athenians." 

To  Alexander  they  gave  this  answer ;  and  to  the  ambassa- 
dors from  Sparta  the  following :  "  That  the  Lacedaemonians 
should  fear  lest  we  should  make  terms  with  the  Barbarian  was 
very  natural ;  yet,  knowing  as  you  do  the  mind  of  the  Athe- 
nians, you  appear  to  entertain  an  unworthy  dread ;  for  there 
is  neither  so  much  gold  anywhere  in  the  world,  nor  a  coun- 
try so  pre-eminent  in  beauty  and  fertility,  by  receiving  which 
we  should  be  willing  to  side  with  the  Mede  and  enslave  Greece. 
For  there  are  many  and  powerful  considerations  that  forbid 
us  to  do  so,  even  if  we  were  inclined.  First  and  chief,  the 
images  and  dwellings  of  the  gods,  burned  and  laid  in  ruins : 
this  we  must  needs  avenge  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  rather 
than  make  terms  with  the  man  who  has  perpetrated  such  deeds. 
Secondly,  the  Grecian  race  being  of  the  same  blood  and  the 
same  language,  and  the  temples  of  the  gods  and  sacrifices 
in  common ;  and  our  similar  customs ;  for  the  Athenians  to 
become  betrayers  of  these  would  not  be  well.  Know,  there- 
fore, if  you  did  not  know  it  before,  that  so  long  as  one  Athe- 
nian is  left  alive  we  will  never  make  terms  with  Xerxes.  Your 
forethought,  however,  which  you  manifest  toward  us,  we  ad- 
mire, in  that  you  provide  for  us  whose  property  is  thus  ruined, 
so  as  to  be  willing  to  support  our  families ;  and  you  have  ful- 
filled the  duty  of  benevolence ;  we,  however,  will  continue  thus 
in  the  state  we  are,  without  being  burdensome  to  you.  Now, 
since  matters  stand  as  they  do,  send  out  an  army  with  all  pos- 


490  HERODOTUS— BOOK  VIII,   URANIA  [144 

sible  expedition;  for,  as  we  conjecture,  the  barbarian  will  in 
no  long  time  be  here  to  invade  our  territories,  as  soon  as  he 
shall  hear  our  message  that  we  will  do  none  of  the  things 
he  required  of  us.  Therefore,  before  he  has  reached  Attica, 
it  is  fitting  that  we  go  out  to  meet  him  in  Bceotia."  When 
the  Athenians  had  given  this  answer,  the  ambassadors  re- 
turned to  Sparta. 


M 


BOOK  IX 

CALLIOPE 

ARDONIUS,  when  Alexander,  having  returned,  had 
made  known  the  answer  from  the  Athenians,  set  out 
from  Thessaly,  and  led  his  army  in  haste  against 
Athens ;  and  wherever  he  arrived  from  time  to  time, 
he  joined  the  people  to  his  own  forces.  The  leaders  of  Thes- 
saly were  so  far  from  repenting  of  what  had  been  before  done 
that  they  urged  on  the  Persian  much  more:  and  Thorax  of 
Larissa  both  assisted  in  escorting  Xerxes  in  his  flight,  and 
now  openly  gave  Mardonius  a  passage  into  Greece.  When 
the  army  on  its  march  arrived  among  the  Bceotians,  the  The- 
bans  endeavoured  to  restrain  Mardonius,  and  advised  him, 
saying  that  there  was  no  country  more  convenient  to  encamp 
in  than  that,  and  dissuaded  him  from  advancing  farther,  but 
urged  him  to  take  up  his  station  there,  and  contrive  so  as  to 
subdue  the  whole  of  Greece  without  a  battle.  For  that  if 
the  Greeks  continue  firmly  united,  as  they  had  done  before, 
it  would  be  difficult  even  for  all  mankind  to  overcome  them. 
"  But,"  they  continued,  "  if  you  will  do  what  we  advise,  you 
will  without  difficulty  frustrate  all  their  plans :  send  money  to 
the  most  powerful  men  in  the  cities ;  and  by  sending  it  you  will 
split  Greece  into  parties,  and  then,  with  the  assistance  of  those 
of  your  party,  you  may  easily  subdue  those  who  are  not  in 
your  interest."  They  gave  this  advice ;  he,  however,  was  not 
prevailed  on,  but  a  vehement  desire  of  taking  Athens  a  second 
time  was  instilled  into  him ;  partly  by  presumption,  and  partly, 
he  hoped,  by  signal  fires  across  the  islands,  to  make  known 
to  the  king  while  he  was  at  Sardis  that  he  was  in  possession 
of  Athens.  When  he  arrived  in  Attica  he  did  not  find  the 
Athenians  there;  but  was  informed  that  most  of  them  were 
at  Salamis,  and  on  board  their  ships;  he  therefore  took  the 
deserted  city.  The  capture  by  the  king  was  ten  months  before 
this  second  invasion  by  Mardonius. 

While  Mardonius  was  at  Athens  he  sent  Murychides,  a 
Hellespontine,  to  Salamis,  with  the  same  proposals  which 

491 


492  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [4-7 

Alexander  the  Macedonian  had  already  conveyed  to  the  Athe- 
nians. He  sent  this  second  time,  although  before  aware  that 
the  disposition  of  the  Athenians  was  not  friendly  to  him,  but 
expecting  they  would  remit  something  of  their  haughtiness, 
since  the  whole  Attic  territory  was  taken  and  now  in  his 
power.  For  these  reasons  he  sent  Murychides  to  Salamis. 
He,  on  coming  before  the  council,  delivered  the  message  of 
Mardonius.  And  Lycidas,  one  of  the  councillors,  gave  his 
opinion  that  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  best  to  entertain  the 
proposal  which  Murychides  brought  to  them,  and  to  report 
it  to  the  people.  He  delivered  this  opinion,  either  because 
he  had  received  money  from  Mardonius  or  because  such  was 
really  his  opinion.  But  the  Athenians,  immediately  being  very 
indignant,  both  those  belonging  to  the  council  and  those 
without,  as  soon  as  they  were  informed  of  it  surrounded 
Lycidas,  and  stoned  him  to  death ;  but  they  dismissed  Mury- 
chides the  Hellespontine  unharmed.  A  tumult  having  taken 
place  at  Salamis  respecting  Lycidas,  the  Athenian  women  ob- 
tained information  of  what  had  happened ;  whereupon  one 
woman  encouraging  another,  and  uniting  together,  they  went 
of  their  own  accord  to  the  house  of  Lycidas,  and  stoned  his 
wife  and  children.  The  Athenians  had  crossed  over  to  Salamis 
under  the  following  circumstances :  as  long  as  they  expected 
that  an  army  would  come  from  the  Peloponnesus  to  assist 
them,  they  remained  in  Attica ;  but  when  they  had  recourse  to 
delay  and  extreme  tardiness,  and  Mardonius  was  advancing 
and  reported  to  be  in  Bceotia,  they  then  removed  all  their 
effects,  and  themselves  crossed  over  to  Salamis  :  they  also  sent 
ambassadors  to  Lacedaemon,  partly  to  blame  the  Lacedae- 
monians, because  they  had  allowed  the  barbarian  to  invade 
Attica,  and  had  not  gone  out  with  them  to  meet  him  in  Bce- 
otia; and  partly  to  remind  them  of  what  the  Persian  had 
promised  to  give  them  if  they  would  change  sides ;  and  to 
forewarn  them  that,  unless  they  assisted  the  Athenians,  they 
would  themselves  find  some  means  of  escape.  At  that  time 
the  Lacedaemonians  were  employed  in  celebrating  a  festival, 
and  it  was  the  Hyacinthia  with  them ;  and  they  deemed  it  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  attend  to  the  service  of  the  deity. 
At  the  same  time  they  were  busied  in  building  the  wall  at  the 
isthmus,  and  it  had  already  received  the  breastworks. 

When  the  ambassadors  from  the  Athenians  arrived  at  Lace- 
daemon,  bringing  with  them  ambassadors  from  Megara  and 
Plataea,  they  went  before  the  ephori,  and  spoke  as  follows : 
"  The  Athenians  have  sent  us  to  tell  you  that  the  King  of  the 
Medes  in  the  first  place  offers  to  restore  our  country;  and, 


7-9]  DELAY  AT  SPARTA  493 

secondly,  is  willing  to  make  us  his  allies  on  fair  and  equal 
terms,  without  fraud  or  deceit ;  he  is  also  willing  to  give  us 
another  territory,  in  addition  to  our  own,  whatever  we  our- 
selves may  choose.  We,  however,  reverencing  the  Grecian 
Jupiter,  and  thinking  it  disgraceful  to  betray  Greece,  have  not 
acceded  to,  but  rejected  his  offers ;  though  we  are  unjustly 
treated,  and  betrayed  by  the  Greeks,  and  know  that  it  is  more 
for  our  interest  to  come  to  terms  with  the  Persian  than  to  con- 
tinue the  war ;  still  we  will  never  willingly  come  to  terms  with 
him.  Thus  sincerely  we  have  acted  toward  the  Greeks.  But 
you,  who  were  then  in  the  utmost  consternation  lest  we  should 
come  to  terms  with  the  Persian,  when  you  were  clearly  as- 
sured of  our  resolution  that  we  will  never  betray  Greece,  and 
because  your  wall  drawn  across  the  isthmus  is  now  nearly 
completed,  no  longer  show  any  regard  for  the  Athenians.  For 
having  agreed  to  advance  with  us  to  meet  the  Persian  in 
Bceotia,  you  have  betrayed  us,  and  have  allowed  the  barbarian 
to  invade  Attica.  Hitherto  the  Athenians  are  angry  with  you, 
for  you  have  not  acted  in  a  becoming  manner ;  and  now  they 
exhort  you  to  send  out  forces  with  us  with  all  expedition,  that 
we  may  receive  the  barbarian  in  Attica ;  for  since  we  have 
■missed  Bceotia,  the  Thriasian  plain  in  our  own  territory  is  the 
most  convenient  place  to  give  battle  in."  When  the  ephori 
had  heard  this  message,  they  put  off  their  answer  to  the  next 
day,  and  on  the  next  day  to  the  morrow.  This  they  did  for 
ten  days,  putting  them  off  from  day  to  day.  During  this  time 
they  proceeded  with  the  wall  at  the  isthmus,  all  the  Pelopon- 
nesians  using  the  utmost  diligence ;  and  it  was  nearly  com- 
pleted. I  can  give  no  reason  why,  when  Alexander  the  Mace- 
donian went  to  Athens,  they  took  such  pains  to  prevent  the 
Athenians  from  siding  with  the  Mede,  and  then  took  no  trouble 
about  it,  except  that  the  isthmus  was  now  fortified,  and  they 
thought  they  had  no  further  need  of  the  Athenians ;  whereas, 
when  Alexander  arrived  in  Attica,  the  wall  was  not  yet  built, 
but  they  were  working  at  it,  being  in  great  dread  of  the  Per- 
sians. 

At  length  the  answer  and  march  of  the  Spartans  happened 
in  the  following  manner : *  On  the  day  preceding  that  on 
which  the  last  audience  was  to  take  place,  Chileus  of  Tegea, 
who  had  the  greatest  influence  in  Lacedaemon  of  any  stranger, 
was  informed  by  the  ephori  of  all  that  the  Athenians  had  said. 
Chileus,  having  heard  it,  spoke  to  them  as  follows :  "  The  case 
is  thus,  O  ephori ;  if  the  Athenians  are  not  united  with  us,  but 

1  Literally,   "  the  following  manner  of  the  answer  and  march  took 
place." 


494  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [9-12 

are  allied  to  the  barbarians,  although  a  strong  wall  has  been 
carried  across  the  isthmus,  wide  doors  leading  into  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus are  open  to  the  Persian ;  therefore  give  heed,  before 
the  Athenians  come  to  any  other  determination  which  may 
bring  ruin  on  Greece."  He  then  gave  them  this  advice ;  and 
they,  taking  his  remark  into  consideration,  forthwith,  without 
saying  anything  to  the  ambassadors  who  had  come  from  the 
cities,  while  it  was  still  night,  sent  out  five  thousand  Spartans, 
appointing  seven  helots  to  attend  each,  and  committing  the 
conduct  of  them  to  Pausanias,  son  of  Cleombrotus.  The  com- 
mand properly  belonged  to  Pleistarchus,  son  of  Leonidas; 
but  he  was  still  a  boy,  and  the  former  his  guardian  and  cousin. 
For  Cleombrotus,  the  father  of  Pausanias,  and  son  to  Anaxan- 
drides,  was  no  longer  living,  but  having  led  back  the  army 
that  had  built  the  wall  from  the  isthmus,  he  died  shortly  after- 
ward. Cleombrotus  led  back  the  army  from  the  isthmus  for 
this  reason :  as  he  was  sacrificing  against  the  Persians,  the  sun 
darkened  in  the  heavens.  Pausanias  chose  as  his  colleague 
Euryanax,  son  of  Dorieus,  who  was  a  man  of  the  same  family. 
These  forces,  accordingly,  marched  from  Sparta  with  Pau- 
sanias. The  ambassadors,  when  they  came,  knowing  nothing 
of  the  march  of  the  troops,  went  to  the  ephori,  being  resolved 
themselves  also  to  depart  severally  to  their  own  cities ;  and 
having  come  into  their  presence,  they  spoke  as  follows  :  "  You, 
O  Lacedaemonians,  remaining  here,  celebrate  the  Hyacinthia, 
and  divert  yourselves,  while  you  are  betraying  the  allies.  But 
the  Athenians,  being  injured  by  you,  and  destitute  of  allies, 
will  make  peace  with  the  Persian  on  such  terms  as  they  can. 
And  having  made  peace,  it  is  evident  that  we  shall  become  the 
king's  allies,  and  shall  march  with  them  against  whatever 
country  they  shall  lead  us ;  and  then  you  will  learn  what  the 
consequence  will  be  to  yourselves."  When  the  ambassadors 
had  thus  spoken,  the  ephori  said  with  an  oath  that  those  who 
had  set  out  against  the  foreigners  were  already  at  Oresteum, 
for  they  call  the  barbarians  foreigners.  The  ambassadors 
asked  what  was  meant ;  and  on  inquiry  learned  the  whole 
truth,  so  that,  being  much  surprised,  they  followed  after  them 
with  all  possible  expedition ;  and  with  them  five  thousand 
chosen  heavy  armed  troops  of  the  neighbouring  Lacedae- 
monians did  the  same.  They  then  hastened  toward  the  isth- 
mus. But  the  Argives,  as  soon  as  they  heard  that  the  troops 
with  Pausanias  had  left  Sparta,  sent  a  herald  to  Attica,  having 
looked  out  the  best  of  their  couriers,  for  they  had  before  prom- 
ised Mardonius  to  prevent  the  Spartans  from  going  out.  He, 
when  he  arrived  at  Athens,  spoke  as  follows :  "  Mardonius, 


12-15]        MARDONIUS   RETREATS   FROM    ATHENS  495 

the  Argives  have  sent  me  to  inform  you  that  the  youth  of 
Lacedaemon  are  marched  out,  and  that  the  Argives  were' un- 
able to  prevent  them  from  going  out.  Under  these  circum- 
stances take  the  best  advice  you  can."  He,  having  spoken 
thus,  went  home  again. 

Mardonius,  when  he  heard  this,  was  by  no  means  desirous 
to  stay  longer  in  Attica.  Before  he  heard  this  he  lingered 
there,  wishing  to  know  from  the  Athenians  what  they  would 
do;  but  he  neither  ravaged  nor  injured  the  Attic  territory, 
being  in  expectation  all  along  that  they  would  come  to  terms. 
But  when  he  could  not  persuade  them,  being  informed  of  the 
whole  truth,  he  withdrew,  before  those  with  Pausanias  reached 
the  isthmus,  having  first  set  fire  to  Athens,  and  if  any  part  of 
the  walls,  or  houses,  or  temples,  happened  to  be  standing, 
having  thrown  down  and  laid  all  in  ruins.  He  marched  out 
for  the  following  reasons,  because  the  Attic  country  was  not 
adapted  for  cavalry;  and  if  he  should  be  conquered  in  an 
engagement,  there  was  no  way  to  escape  except  through  a 
narrow  pass,  so  that  even  a  small  number  of  men  could  inter- 
cept them.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  retire  to  Thebes,  and 
to  fight  near  a  friendly  city,  and  in  a  country  adapted  for 
cavalry.  Mardonius  accordingly  retreated ;  and  while  he  was 
yet  on  his  march,  another  message  came  in  advance  that  an- 
other army  had  reached  Megara,  consisting  of  a  thousand 
Lacedaemonians.  When  he  heard  this  he  deliberated,  wishing, 
if  by  any  means  he  could,  to  take  these  first ;  therefore,  wheel- 
ing round,  he  led  his  army  against  Megara ;  and  his  cavalry 
going  on  before  scoured  the  Megarian  territory.  This  was 
the  farthest  part  of  Europe,  toward  the  sunset,  to  which  the 
Persian  army  reached.  After  this,  news  came  to  Mardonius 
that  the  Greeks  were  assembled  at  the  isthmus ;  he  therefore 
marched  back  to  Decelea.  For  the  Boeotian  chiefs  had  sent 
for  the  neighbours  of  the  Asopians ;  and  they  conducted  him 
along  the  way  to  Sphendale,  and  from  thence  to  Tanagra; 
and  having  passed  the  night  at  Tanagra,  and  on  the  next  day 
turned  toward  Scolus,  he  arrived  in  the  territory  of  the  The- 
bans.  There  he  cleared  the  lands  of  the  Thebans,  though  they 
sided  with  the  Mede,  not  out  of  enmity  toward  them,  but  con- 
strained by  urgent  necessity ;  wishing  to  make  a  fortification 
for  his  army,  and  in  case,  when  he  engaged,  the  result  should 
not  be  such  as  he  wished,  he  might  have  this  as  a  place  of 
refuge.  His  camp,  beginning  at  Erythrae,  passed  by  Hisiae 
and  extended  to  the  Plataean  territory,  stretching  to  the  river 
Asopus.  The  wall,  however,  was  not  built  of  this  extent,  but 
each  front  was  about  ten  stades  in  length. 


496  HERODOTUS— BOOK  IX,   CALLIOPE  [15-17 

While  the  barbarians  were  employed  in  this  task,  At- 
taginus,  son  of  Phrynon,  a  Theban,  having  made  great  prep- 
arations, invited  Mardonius  himself  and  fifty  of  the  most 
eminent  Persians  to  an  entertainment;  and  they,  being  in- 
vited, came.  The  feast  was  held  at  Thebes.  The  rest  I  heard 
from  Thersander,  an  Orchomenian,  a  man  of  high  repute  at 
Orchomenus.  Thersander  said  that  he  also  was  invited  by 
Attaginus  to  this  feast,  and  that  fifty  Thebans  were  also  in- 
vited ;  and  that  he  did  not  place  each  person  on  a  separate 
couch,  but  a  Persian  and  a  Theban  on  each  couch.  When 
supper  was  over,  and  they  were  drinking  freely,  the  Persian 
who  was  on  the  same  couch,  using  the  Grecian  tongue,  asked 
him  of  what  country  he  was;  he  answered  that  he  was  an 
Orchomenian,  whereupon  the  other  said :  "  Since  you  are  a 
partaker  of  the  same  table  and  of  the  same  cups  with  me, 
I  wish  to  leave  with  you  a  memorial  of  my  opinion,  in  order 
that,  being  forewarned,  you  may  be  able  to  consider  what  is 
best  for  your  own  interest.  Do  you  see  these  Persians  feast- 
ing here,  and  the  army  that  we  left  encamped  near  the  river? 
Of  all  these  you  will  see,  after  the  lapse  of  a  short  time,  only 
some  few  surviving."  As  the  Persian  said  this,  he  shed 
abundance  of  tears ;  and  he  himself,  being  astonished  at  his 
words,  said  to  him,  "  Would  it  not  be  right  to  tell  this  to  Mar- 
donius, and  to  those  Persians  who  are  next  to  him  in  author- 
ity?" To  this  he  answered:  "  My  friend,  that  which  is  fated 
by  the  deity  to  happen  it  is  impossible  for  man  to  avert;  for 
no  one  will  listen  to  those  who  say  what  is  worthy  of  credit. 
And  though  many  of  the  Persians  are  convinced  of  this,  we 
follow,  being  bound  by  necessity.  The  bitterest  grief  to  which 
men  are  liable  is  this,  when  one  knows  much,  to  have  no  power 
to  act."  This  I  heard  from  Thersander  the  Orchomenian; 
and  this,  besides,  that  he  immediately  told  this  to  several  per- 
sons before  the  battle  was  fought  at  Plataea. 

While  Mardonius  encamped  in  Bceotia,  all  the  rest  fur- 
nished troops,  and  joined  in  the  attack  upon  Athens,  such, 
however,  of  the  Greeks  who,  dwelling  in  these  parts,  sided 
with  the  Mede :  but  the  Phocians  only  did  not  join  in  the  at- 
tack ;  for  they  took  part  with  the  Mede  very  unwillingly  and 
by  necessity.  But  not  many  days  after  his  arrival  at  Thebes 
a  thousand  of  their  heavy  armed  troops  arrived  ;  Harmocydes, 
a  man  of  high  repute  among  the  citizens,  commanded  them. 
When  they  also  arrived  at  Thebes,  Mardonius,  having  sent 
some  horsemen,  ordered  them  to  encamp  by  themselves  in  the 
plain ;  and  when  they  had  done  this,  the  whole  cavalry  came 
up.    Upon  this  a  rumour  spread  through  the  Grecian  forces, 


17-20]  ADVANCE   OF  THE  GREEKS  497 

who  were  with  the  Medes,  that  they  were  going  to  despatch 
them  with  their  javelins ;  this  same  rumour  also  spread  among 
the  Phocians  themselves.  Whereupon  their  general  Harmo- 
cydes  encouraged  them,  addressing  them  as  follows :  "  O  Pho- 
cians, it  is  plain  that  these  men  are  about  to  deliver  us  up  to 
certain  death,  we  having  been  calumniated  by  the  Thessalians, 
as  I  conjecture.  Now,  therefore,  it  is  fitting  that  every  one 
of  you  should  prove  himself  valiant,  for  it  is  better  to  die 
doing  something,  and  defending  ourselves,  than  expose  our- 
selves to  be  destroyed  by  a  most  disgraceful  death.  Let  some 
of  these  men  learn,  then,  that,  being  barbarians,  they  have 
plotted  death  against  men  who  are  Greeks."  Thus  he  encour- 
aged them.  But  the  cavalry,  when  they  had  surrounded  them 
on  all  sides,  rode  up  as  if  to  destroy  them,  and  brandished 
their  javelins,  as  if  about  to  hurl  them ;  and  one  here  and  there 
did  hurl  his  javelin.  They,  however,  faced  them,  forming 
themselves  into  a  circle,  and  closing  their  ranks  as  much  as 
possible :  whereupon  the  cavalry  wheeled  round  and  rode 
away.  I  am  unable  to  say  with  certainty  whether  they  came 
to  destroy  the  Phocians  at  the  request  of  the  Thessalians,  and 
when  they  saw  them  prepared  to  defend  themselves,  were 
afraid  lest  they  might  receive  some  wounds,  and  therefore  rode 
off  (because  Mardonius  had  so  ordered  them),  or  whether  he 
wished  to  try  whether  they  had  any  courage.  But  when  the 
cavalry  had  ridden  back,  Mardonius  sent  a  herald  and  spoke 
as  follows :  "  Be  of  good  heart,  O  Phocians,  for  you  have 
proved  yourselves  to  be  brave  men,  contrary  to  what  I  heard. 
Therefore  sustain  this  war  with  resolution,  and  you  shall  not 
surpass  me  or  the  king  in  generosity."  Such  were  the  events 
in  regard  to  the  Phocians. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  when  they  arrived  at  the  isthmus, 
there  encamped.  And  the  rest  of  the  Peloponnesians,  who 
favoured  the  better  cause,  when  they  heard  of  this,  and  others 
also  who  saw  the  Spartans  marching  out,  thought  it  would 
be  a  disgrace  to  absent  themselves  from  the  expedition  of  the 
Lacedaemonians.  Accordingly,  the  victims  having  proved 
favourable,  they  all  marched  out  from  the  isthmus,  and  ad- 
vanced to  Eleusis.  And  having  consulted  the  victims  there 
also,  when  they  were  again  favourable,  they  continued  their 
march ;  and  the  Athenians  with  them,  they  having  crossed 
over  from  Salamis  and  joined  them  at  Eleusis.  When  they 
reached  Erythrae  in  Bceotia,  they  learned  that  the  barbarians 
were  encamped  on  the  Asopus,  and  having  thereupon  con- 
sulted together,  they  formed  themselves  opposite,  at  the  foot 
of  Mount  Cithaeron.  Mardonius,  when  the  Greeks  did  not 
33 


498  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [20-22 

come  down  to  the  plain,  sent  against  them  all  his  cavalry, 
which  Masistius  commanded,  a  man  highly  esteemed  among 
the  Persians  (and  whom  the  Greeks  call  Macistius) :  he  was 
mounted  on  a  Nisaean  horse,  that  had  a  golden  bit,  and  was 
otherwise  gorgeously  caparisoned.  Thereupon,  when  the  cav- 
alry rode  up  to  the  Greeks,  they  charged  them  in  squadrons, 
and  in  charging  them  did  them  much  mischief,  and  called 
them  women.  By  chance  the  Megarians  happened  to  be  sta- 
tioned in  that  part  which  was  most  exposed,  and  there  the 
cavalry  chiefly  made  their  attack.  When,  therefore,  the  cav- 
alry charged,  the  Megarians,  being  hard  pressed,  sent  a  herald 
to  the  Grecian  generals;  and  the  herald,  when  he  came  into 
their  presence,  addressed  them  as  follows :  "  The  Megarians 
say :  We,  O  confederates,  are  not  able  alone  to  sustain  the 
Persian  cavalry,  retaining  the  post  in  which  we  were  originally 
stationed :  hitherto  we  have  held  out  against  them  by  our  con- 
stancy and  courage,  though  hard  pressed;  but  now,  unless 
you  will  send  some  others  to  relieve  us,  know  we  must  aban- 
don our  post."  He  accordingly  delivered  this  message.  Pau- 
sanias,  therefore,  made  trial  of  the  Greeks,  to  see  if  any  others 
would  volunteer  to  go  to  that  position,  and  to  relieve  the 
Megarians.  When  all  the  others  refused,  the  Athenians  under- 
took to  do  it,  and  of  the  Athenians  three  hundred  chosen 
men,  whom  Olympiodorus,  son  of  Lampon,  commanded. 
These  were  they  who  undertook  that  service,  and  who  were 
stationed  in  front  of  all  the  Greeks  at  Erythrse,  having  taken 
with  them  some  archers.  After  they  had  fought  for  some  time, 
the  result  of  the  battle  was  as  follows :  As  the  cavalry  charged 
in  squadrons,  the  horse  of  Masistius,  being  in  advance  of  the 
others,  was  wounded  in  the  flank  by  an  arrow;  and  being  in 
pain,  he  reared  and  threw  Masistius.  As  he  fell,  the  Athe- 
nians immediately  attacked  him :  accordingly,  they  seized  his 
horse  and  killed  Masistius,  as  he  endeavoured  to  defend  him- 
self, though  at  first  they  were  unable  to  do  so :  for  he  was  thus 
armed;  underneath  he  had  a  golden  cuirass  covered  with 
scales,  and  over  the  cuirass  he  wore  a  purple  cloak.  By  strik- 
ing against  the  cuirass  they  did  nothing;  until  one  of  them, 
perceiving  what  was  the  matter,  pierced  him  in  the  eye,  so 
he  fell  and  died.  By  some  means  this,  while  it  was  going  on, 
escaped  the  notice  of  the  other  horsemen,  for  they  neither  saw 
him  when  he  fell  from  his  horse  nor  when  he  was  killed ;  for 
while  a  retreat  and  wheeling  round  was  taking  place,  they  did 
not  notice  what  had  happened.  But  when  they  halted,  they 
immediately  missed  him,  as  there  was  no  one  to  marshal  them. 
And  as  soon  as  they  learned  what  had  happened,  all,  cheer- 


22-26]  BATTLE   OF   PLAT^EA  499 

ing  one  another  on,  pushed  their  horses  to  the  charge,  in 
order  to  recover  the  body.  The  Athenians,  seeing  the  cavalry 
no  longer  advancing  in  squadrons,  but  all  together,  called  out 
for  assistance  to  the  rest  of  the  army;  and  while  the  whole 
infantry  was  coming  up  to  their  aid,  a  sharp  struggle  took 
place  for  the  body.  Now  as  long  as  the  three  hundred  were 
alone,  they  were  much  inferior,  and  abandoned  the  body ;  but 
when  the  multitude  came  up  to  their  assistance,  the  cavalry 
no  longer  maintained  their  ground,  nor  did  they  succeed  in 
recovering  the  body,  but  lost  many  others  of  their  number, 
besides  him;  having  therefore  retired  about  two  stades,  they 
consulted  about  what  ought  to  be  done ;  and  determined,  as 
they  were  without  a  commander,  to  retreat  to  Mardonius. 
When  the  cavalry  arrived  at  the  camp,  the  whole  army,  and 
Mardonius  most  of  all,  mourned  the  loss  of  Masistius;  cut- 
ting off  their  own  hair,  and  that  of  their  horses  and  beasts  of 
burden,  and  giving  themselves  up  to  unbounded  lamentations ; 
for  the  sound  reached  over  all  Bceotia,  as  for  the  loss  of  a 
man  who,  next  to  Mardonius,  was  most  esteemed  by  the  Per- 
sians and  the  king.  Thus  the  barbarians,  according  to  their 
custom,  honoured  Masistius  when  dead. 

The  Greeks,  when  they  had  withstood  the  attack  of  the 
cavalry,  and  having  withstood  had  repulsed  it,  were  much 
more  encouraged,  and,  first  of  all,  having  placed  the  body  on 
a  carriage,  they  carried  it  along  the  line;  but  the  body  was 
worthy  of  admiration,  on  account  of  his  stature  and  beauty; 
for  that  reason  they  did  this,  and  the  men,  leaving  their  ranks, 
came  out  to  view  Masistius.  After  this,  they  determined  to 
go  down  toward  Plataea,  for  the  Plataean  territory  appeared 
to  be  much  more  convenient  for  them  to  encamp  in  than  the 
Erythraean,  both  in  other  respects  and  as  it  was  better  sup- 
plied with  water.  To  this  country,  therefore,  and  to  the  foun- 
tain Gargaphia,  which  is  in  this  country,  they  decided  that  it 
would  be  best  to  remove,  and  having  drawn  up  their  line, 
there  to  encamp.  Accordingly,  having  taken  up  their  arms, 
they  marched  by  the  foot  of  Mount  Cithseron,  near  Hysiae, 
into  the  Plataean  territory ;  and  on  arriving  there,  they  formed 
in  line,  nation  by  nation,  near  the  fountain  of  Gargaphia,  and 
the  precinct  of  the  hero  Androcrates,  on  slight  elevations  and 
the  level  plain.  There  in  the  distribution  of  the  stations  a 
vehement  dispute  arose  between  the  Tegeans  and  the  Athe- 
nians ;  for  each  claimed  a  right  to  occupy  the  other  wing,1 
alleging  both  their  recent  and  former  exploits.  On  the  one 
hand,  the  Tegeans  spoke  thus :  "  We  have  ever  been  thought 

1  The  Lacedaemonians  chose  which  wing  they  pleased. 


500  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,  CALLIOPE  [26-27 

entitled  to  this  station  by  all  the  allies,  in  whatever  common 
expeditions  have  been  undertaken  by  the  Peloponnesians, 
both  anciently  and  recently,  from  the  time  when  the  Hera- 
clidae,  after  the  death  of  Eurystheus,  attempted  to  return  to 
Peloponnesus.  We  then  obtained  this  honour  on  the  follow- 
ing occasion :  when  we,  in  conjunction  with  the  Achaeans 
and  Ionians,  who  were  then  in  Peloponnesus,  having  marched 
out  to  the  isthmus,  were  posted  opposite  the  invaders,  then 
it  is  related  that  Hyllus  made  proclamation  that  it  would  be 
better  not  to  run  the  hazard  of  engaging  army  with  army; 
but  that  from  the  Peloponnesian  camp,  the  man  among  them 
whom  they  judged  to  be  the  best  should  fight  singly  with  him 
on  certain  conditions.  The  Peloponnesians  determined  that 
this  should  be  done;  and  they  took  oaths  on  the  following 
terms :  that  if  Hyllus  should  conquer  the  Peloponnesian 
leader,  the  Heraclidae  should  return  to  their  paternal  posses- 
sions ;  but  if  he  should  be  conquered,  the  Heraclidae  should 
depart  and  lead  off  their  army,  and  not  seek  to  return  into 
Peloponnesus  during  the  space  of  a  hundred  years.  And 
Echemus,  son  of  Aeropus,  son  of  Phegeus,  who  was  our  king 
and  general,  having  volunteered,  was  chosen  out  of  all  the 
allies,  and  fought  singly  and  slew  Hyllus.  From  this  exploit 
we  obtained  among  the  Peloponnesians  of  that  day  both  other 
great  privileges,  which  we  continue  to  enjoy,  and  that  we 
should  always  command  one  wing,  whenever  a  common  ex- 
pedition is  undertaken.  With  you,  then,  O  Lacedaemonians, 
we  do  not  contend,  but  giving  you  the  choice  of  whichever 
wing  you  wish  to  command,  we  concede  it  to  you ;  but  we 
say  that  it  belongs  to  us  to  lead  the  other,  as  in  former  times. 
And  besides  this  exploit  that  has  been  mentioned,  we  are  more 
entitled  to  have  that  station  than  the  Athenians,  for  many 
and  well-contested  battles  have  been  fought  by  us  with  you, 
O  men  of  Sparta,  and  many  with  others.  It  is  right,  there- 
fore, that  we  should  have  one  wing,  rather  than  the  Athe- 
nians; for  such  exploits  have  not  been  achieved  by  them  as 
by  us,  either  in  modern  or  ancient  times."  Thus  they  spoke. 
To  this  the  Athenians  answered  as  follows :  "  We  are  aware 
that  this  assemblage  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  fighting 
with  the  barbarians,  and  not  for  disputes ;  but  since  the  Tegean 
has  proposed  to  mention  the  former  and  recent  actions  that 
have  been  achieved  by  each  nation  in  all  times,  it  is  necessary 
for  us  to  make  known  to  you  whence  it  is  our  hereditary  right, 
having  ever  proved  ourselves  valiant,  to  hold  the  first  rank, 
rather  than  the  Arcadians.  As  to  the  Heraclidae,  whose  leader 
they  affirm  they  slew  at  the  isthmus ;  in  the  first  place,  these 


27-28]  BATTLE   OF   PLAT^A  501 

men  formerly,  when  rejected  by  all  the  Greeks  to  whom  they 
came,  when  flying  from  slavery  at  the  hands  of  the  Mycenae- 
ans,  we  alone  received,  and  put  an  end  to  the  insolence  of 
Eurystheus,  by  conquering  in  battle,  in  conjunction  with  them, 
the  people  who  then  possessed  Peloponnesus.  In  the  next 
place,  when  the  Argives  who  marched  with  Polynices  against 
Thebes  were  killed,  and  lay  unburied,  we  having  led  an  army 
against  the  Cadmaeans,  affirm  that  we  recovered  the  bodies 
and  buried  them  in  our  own  territory  at  Eleusis.  We  also 
performed  a  valiant  exploit  against  the  Amazons,  who  once 
made  an  irruption  into  Attica  from  the  river  Thermodon; 
and  in  the  Trojan  war  we  were  inferior  to  none.  But  it  is  of 
no  avail  to  call  these  things  to  mind ;  for  those  who  were  then 
valiant,  the  same  may  now  be  cowards ;  and  those  who  were 
then  cowards,  may  now  be  brave.  Enough,  then,  of  ancient 
exploits.  But  if  no  other  achievement  had  been  performed 
by  us,  though  there  were  many  and  gallant  ones,  if  by  any 
others  of  the  Greeks,  yet  from  our  exploit  at  Marathon  we 
are  worthy  of  this  honour,  and  more  than  this ;  we  who  alone 
of  the  Greeks,  having  fought  single-handed  with  the  Persian, 
and  having  attempted  such  a  feat,  survived,  and  conquered 
six-and-forty  nations.  Do  we  not,  then,  from  this  single 
action,  deserve  to  hold  this  post?  But  as  it  is  not  becoming 
on  such  an  occasion  as  this  to  be  contending  about  position, 
we  are  ready  to  submit  to  you,  O  Lacedaemonians,  wherever 
it  seems  most  convenient  to  place  us,  and  against  whatsoever 
nation.  For,  wheresoever  we  are  stationed,  we  shall  endeavour 
to  prove  ourselves  brave.  Command  us,  then,  as  ready  to 
obey."  Thus  they  answered ;  and  the  whole  army  of  the 
Lacedaemonians  snouted  out  that  the  Athenians  were  more 
worthy  to  occupy  the  wing  than  the  Arcadians.  Accordingly, 
the  Athenians  had  it,  and  got  the  better  of  the  Tegeans. 

After  this,  those  of  the  Greeks  who  came  up  later,  and 
those  who  arrived  at  first,  were  drawn  up  in  the  following 
manner:  ten  thousand  of  the  Lacedaemonians  occupied  the 
right  wing;  five  thousand  of  these  being  Spartans,  were  at- 
tended by  thirty-five  thousand  lightly  armed  Helots,  seven 
being  assigned  to  each  man.  The  Spartans  chose  the  Tegeans 
to  stand  next  themselves,  both  for  honour  and  valour;  of 
these  there  were  fifteen  hundred  heavy  armed  men :  next  to 
them  stood  five  thousand  of  the  Corinthians ;  and  with  them 
they  got  permission  from  Pausanias  for  three  hundred  Potidae- 
ans,  who  came  from  Pallene,  to  stand :  next  these  stood  six 
hundred  Arcadians  of  Orchomenus ;  next  them  three  thou- 
sand  Sicyonians;   next  them  were   eight   hundred   Epidau- 


502  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [28-31 

rians ;  and  by  the  side  of  these  were  stationed  three  thousand 
of  the  Troezenians;  and  next  the  Troezenians  two  hundred 
Lepreatae;  next  these  four  hundred  of  the  Mycenaeans  and 
Tirynthians ;  next  them  one  thousand  Phliasians ;  and  by  the 
side  of  them  stood  three  hundred  Hermionians  ;  next  the  Her- 
mionians  were  stationed  six  hundred  of  the  Eretrians  and 
Styrians ;  and  next  them  four  hundred  Chalcidians ;  next 
them  five  hundred  Ambraciots ;  after  them  stood  eight  hun- 
dred of  the  Leucadians  and  Anactorians ;  next  them  two  hun- 
dred Paleans  from  Cephallenia;  and  after  them  five  hundred 
of  the  vEginetae  were  stationed ;  and  by  the  side  of  them  were 
posted  three  thousand  of  the  Megarians ;  and  next  them  six 
hundred  Plataeans ;  and  last  of  all,  and  at  the  same  time  first, 
eight  thousand  Athenians  took  their  station,  occupying  the 
left  wing,  Aristides,  son  of  Lysimachus,  commanding  them. 
These,  except  the  seven  assigned  to  each  of  the  Spartans,  were 
heavy  armed;  their  total  number  amounting  to  thirty-eight 
thousand  seven  hundred.  All  the  heavy  armed  men  assem- 
bled to  oppose  the  barbarians  were  so  many.  Of  the  light 
armed  the  number  was  as  follows  :  in  the  Spartans'  line  thirty- 
five  thousand  men,  there  being  seven  to  each  man ;  every  one 
of  these  was  equipped  as  for  war :  and  the  light  armed  of  the 
rest  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  other  Greeks,  about  one  to 
each  man,  amounted  to  thirty-four  thousand  five  hundred. 
So  that  the  number  of  the  light-armed  fighting  men  was  sixty- 
nine  thousand  five  hundred.  Thus,  then,  the  whole  of  the 
Grecian  army  assembled  at  Plataea,  reckoning  heavy-armed 
and  light-armed  fighting  men,  amounting  to  one  hundred  and 
ten  thousand,  wanting  one  thousand  eight  hundred  men :  and 
with  the  Thespians  who  came  up,  the  full  number  of  one  hun- 
dred and  ten  thousand  was  completed;  for  the  survivors  of 
the  Thespians  joined  the  army,  to  the  number  of  one  thou- 
sand eight  hundred,  but  they  had  not  heavy  armour.  These, 
then,  being  drawn  up  in  line,  encamped  on  the  Asopus. 

The  barbarians,  with  Mardonius,  when  they  had  ceased 
to  mourn  for  Masistius,  having  heard  that  the  Greeks  were 
at  Plataea,  themselves  also  marched  to  the  Asopus,  which 
flows  there ;  and  on  their  arrival,  they  were  thus  drawn  up  by 
Mardonius :  opposite  the  Lacedaemonians  he  stationed  the 
Persians ;  and  as  the  Persians  far  exceeded  them  in  number, 
they  were  both  drawn  up  several  ranks  deep,  and  extended 
opposite  the  Tegeans ;  and  he  arrayed  them  thus :  having  se- 
lected all  the  most  powerful  of  his  forces,  he  stationed  them 
opposite  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  the  weaker  he  arrayed  by 
their  side  against  the  Tegeans :  this  he  did  by  the  advice  and 


31-33]  BATTLE   OF   PLATjEA  503 

direction  of  the  Thebans.  Next  the  Persians  he  ranged  the 
Medes;  these  fronted  the  Corinthians,  Potidaeans,  Orcho- 
menians,  and  Sicyonians.  Next  the  Medes  he  ranged  the 
Bactrians ;  these  fronted  the  Epidaurians,  Trcezenians,  Le- 
preatae,  Tirynthians,  Mycenaeans,  and  Phliasians.  Next  the 
Bactrians  he  stationed  the  Indians;  these  fronted  the  Her- 
mionians,  Eretrians,  Styrians,  and  Chalcidians.  Next  the 
Indians  he  ranged  the  Sacae;  these  fronted  the  Ampraciots, 
Anactorians,  Leucadians,  Paleans,  and  iEginetae.  And  next 
the  Sacae,  and  opposite  to  the  Athenians,  Plataeans,  and  Me- 
garians,  he  ranged  the  Boeotians,  Locrians,  Melians,  Thes- 
salians,  and  the  thousand  Phocians ;  for  all  the  Phocians  did 
not  side  with  the  Mede;  but  some  of  them  assisted  the  cause 
of  the  Greeks,  being  shut  up  about  Parnassus;  and  sallying 
from  thence,  they  harassed  the  army  of  Mardonius,  and  the 
Greeks  who  were  with  him.  He  also  ranged  the  Macedonians, 
and  those  that  dwelt  about  Thessaly,  against  the  Athenians. 
These,  the  most  considerable  of  the  nations  that  were  ranged 
under  Mardonius,  have  been  named,  and  which  were  the  most 
distinguished  and  of  most  account ;  yet  there  were  also  mixed 
with  them  men  of  other  nations,  Phrygians,  Thracians,  Mysi- 
ans,  Paeonians,  Ethiopians,  and  others ;  and  among  them  those 
of  the  Ethiopians  and  Egyptians  who  are  called  Hermotybians 
and  Calasirians,  armed  with  swords ;  who  are  the  only  Egyp- 
tians that  are  warriors.  These,  while  he  was  still  at  Phalerus, 
he  took  from  on  board  the  ships,  they  being  marines ;  for  the 
Egyptians  were  not  arrayed  with  the  land  forces  that  came 
with  Xerxes  to  Athens.  Of  barbarians  there  were  three  hun- 
dred thousand,  as  has  been  already  shown;  but  of  Greeks 
who  were  allies  of  Mardonius  no  one  knows  the  number,  for 
they  were  not  reckoned  up;  but,  to  make  a  guess,  I  con- 
jecture that  they  were  assembled  to  the  number  of  fifty  thou- 
sand. These,  who  were  thus  arrayed,  were  infantry ;  the  cav- 
alry were  marshalled  apart. 

When  they  were  all  ranged  by  nations  and  battalions, 
thereupon,  on  the  second  day,  both  sides  offered  sacrifices. 
For  the  Greeks,  Tisamenus,  son  of  Antiochus,  was  the  per- 
son who  sacrificed,  for  he  accompanied  this  army  as  diviner; 
him,  though  an  Elean,  and  by  extraction  a  Clytiad  of  the 
Iamidae,  the  Lacedaemonians  had  admitted  into  the  number 
of  their  citizens.  For  when  Tisamenus  was  consulting  the 
oracle  at  Delphi  about  offspring,  the  Pythian  answered  that 
he  should  be  victorious  in  five  very  great  contests.  He  ac- 
cordingly, mistaking  the  answer,  applied  himself  to  gymnastic 
exercises,  as  if  he  were  to  be  victorious  in  gymnastic  contests ; 


504  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [33-36 

and  having  practised  the  pentathlon,  he  missed  winning  the 
Olympic  prize  by  one  wrestling  match,  having  contended  with 
Hieronymus  of  Andros.  The  Lacedaemonians,  having  learned 
that  the  oracle  delivered  to  Tisamenus  referred  not  to  gym- 
nastic but  to  martial  contests,  endeavoured  by  offers  of  money 
to  persuade  Tisamenus  to  become  the  leader  of  their  wars,  in 
conjunction  with  their  Kings  of  the  Heraclidae.  But  he,  see- 
ing the  Spartans  very  anxious  to  make  him  their  friend,  hav- 
ing discovered  this,  enhanced  his  price,  acquainting  them  that 
if  they  would  make  him  their  own  citizen,  granting  him  a  full 
participation  of  all  privileges,  he  would  comply,  but  not  on 
any  other  terms.  The  Spartans,  when  they  first  heard  this, 
were  very  indignant,  and  altogether  slighted  his  prophetic 
skill ;  but  at  last,  when  great  terror  of  this  Persian  army  was 
hanging  over  them,  they  sent  for  him  and  assented.  But  he, 
perceiving  they  had  changed  their  minds,  said  he  would  no 
longer  be  contented  with  these  things  only,  but  that  his 
brother  Hegias  must  also  be  made  a  Spartan,  on  the  same 
terms  as  himself.  In  saying  this  he  imitated  Melampus,  to 
compare  a  kingdom  with  citizenship  in  his  demands.  For 
Melampus  also,  the  women  at  Argos  being  smitten  with  mad- 
ness, when  the  Argives  would  have  hired  him  from  Pylus  to 
cure  their  women  of  the  disease,  demanded  one  half  of  the 
kingdom  for  his  recompense.  And  the  Argives  not  yielding 
to  his  terms,  but  going  away,  when  many  more  of  their  women 
became  mad,  at  length  submitted  to  what  Melampus  de- 
manded, and  went  to  present  it  to  him.  But  he  thereupon, 
seeing  them  changed,  coveted  still  more,  saying  that  unless 
they  would  give  a  third  part  of  the  kingdom  to  his  brother 
Bias  he  would  not  do  what  they  wished.  The  Argives,  there- 
fore, being  driven  to  a  strait,  granted  that  also.  In  like  man- 
ner the  Spartans,  for  they  wanted  Tisamenus  exceedingly, 
yielded  to  him  entirely:  and  when  the  Spartans  had  thus 
yielded  to  him,  Tisamenus  the  Elean,  having  become  a  Spar- 
tan, accordingly  assisted  them  by  his  art  of  divination  in  gain- 
ing five  most  important  battles.  These,  then,  were  the  only 
persons  of  all  mankind  who  were  made  Spartan  citizens.  The 
five  battles  were  as  follows :  one  and  the  first,  this  at  Platsea ; 
next,  that  which  took  place  at  Tegea,  against  the  Tegeans 
and  Argives ;  afterward,  that  at  Dipaea,  against  all  the  Arcadi- 
ans except  the  Mantineans ;  next,  that  of  the  Messenians,  near 
Ithomse;  and  the  last,  that  which  took  place  at  Tanagra, 
against  the  Athenians  and  Argives :  this  was  the  last  achieved 
of  the  five  victories.  This  Tisamenus,  then,  the  Spartans 
bringing  him,  officiated  as  diviner  to  the  Greeks  at  Plataea: 


36-39]  BATTLE  OF  PLAT^A  505 

now  the  sacrifices  were  favourable  to  the  Greeks,  if  they  stood 
on  the  defensive;  but  if  they  crossed  the  Asopus,  and  began 
the  battle,  not  so. 

To  Mardonius,  who  was  very  desirous  to  begin  the  battle, 
the  sacrifices  were  not  propitious ;  but  to  him  also,  if  he  stood 
on  the  defensive,  they  were  favourable:  for  he,  too,  adopted 
the  Grecian  sacrifices,  having  for  his  diviner  Hegesistratus, 
an  Elean,  and  the  most  renowned  of  the  Telliadae.  This  man, 
before  these  events,  the  Spartans  had  taken  and  bound  for 
death,  because  they  had  suffered  many  and  atrocious  things 
from  him.  He  being  in  this  sad  condition,  as  being  in  peril 
of  his  life,  and  having  to  suffer  many  tortures  before  death, 
performed  a  deed  beyond  belief.  For  as  he  was  confined  in 
stocks  bound  with  iron,  he  got  possession  of  a  knife,  which 
had  been  by  some  means  carried  in,  and  immediately  con- 
trived the  most  resolute  deed  of  all  men  we  know  of:  for 
having  considered  in  what  way  the  rest  of  his  foot  would 
get  out,  he  cut  off  the  broad  part  of  the  foot;  and  having 
done  this,  as  he  was  guarded  by  sentinels,  he  dug  a  hole 
through  the  wall  and  escaped  to  Tegea,  travelling  by  night, 
and  by  day  hiding  himself  in  the  woods  and  tarrying  there. 
Thus,  though  the  Lacedaemonians  searched  for  him  with  their 
whole  population,  on  the  third  night  he  arrived  at  Tegea ;  but 
they  were  struck  with  great  amazement  at  his  daring  when 
they  saw  half  his  foot  lying  on  the  ground,  and  were  not  able 
to  find  him.  Thus  Hegesistratus,  having  escaped  from  the 
Lacedaemonians,  fled  to  Tegea,  which  was  at  that  time  not 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  Lacedaemonians :  and  having  been 
cured  of  his  wounds,  and  procured  a  wooden  foot,  he  became 
an  avowed  enemy  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  However,  at  last 
his  hatred  conceived  against  the  Lacedaemonians  did  not  bene- 
fit him ;  for  he  was  taken  by  them  when  acting  as  diviner  at 
Zacynthus,  and  put  to  death.  Now  the  death  of  Hegesistratus 
took  place  after  the  battle  of  Plataea :  but  at  that  time,  on  the 
Asopus,  being  hired  by  Mardonius  for  no  small  sum,  he  sacri- 
ficed and  was  very  zealous,  both  from  hatred  to  the  Lace- 
daemonians and  from  a  love  of  gain. 

As  the  victims  were  not  favourable  for  fighting,  either  to 
the  Persians  themselves  or  the  Greeks  who  were  with  them 
(for  they  also  had  a  diviner  for  themselves,  Hippomachus, 
a  Leucadian),  and  as  Greeks  were  flowing  in,  and  their  num- 
bers increasing,  Timagenides,  son  of  Herpys,  a  Theban,  ad- 
vised Mardonius  to  guard  the  passes  of  Mount  Cithaeron ; 
saying  that  the  Greeks  were  continually  pouring  in  every  day, 
and  that  he  would  intercept  great  numbers.    Eight  days  had 


506  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [39-41 

already  elapsed  since  they  had  been  posted  opposite  each 
other,  when  he  gave  this  advice  to  Mardonius.  But  he,  per- 
ceiving that  the  suggestion  was  good,  as  soon  as  it  was  night, 
sent  some  cavalry  to  the  passes  of  Cithseron,  that  lead  to 
Plataea,  which  the  Boeotians  call  The  Three  Heads;  but  the 
Athenians,  The  Heads  of  Oak.  The  horsemen  that  were  sent 
did  not  arrive  in  vain ;  for  issuing  on  the  plain  they  took  five 
hundred  beasts  carrying  provisions  from  Peloponnesus  to  the 
army,  with  the  men  who  attended  the  beasts  of  burden.  The 
Persians,  having  taken  this  booty,  killed  them  without  mercy, 
sparing  neither  beast  nor  man :  and  when  they  had  had 
enough  of  slaughter,  they  surrounded  the  rest  of  them,  and 
drove  them  off  to  Mardonius  and  to  the  camp.  After  this 
action  they  passed  two  more  days,  neither  being  willing  to 
begin  the  battle ;  for  the  barbarians  advanced  as  far  as  the 
Asopus,  to  tempt  the  Greeks,  but  neither  crossed  over.  How- 
ever, the  cavalry  of  Mardonius  continually  pressed  on  and 
harassed  the  Greeks:  for  the  Thebans,  being  entirely  in  the 
interest  of  the  Medes,  carried  on  the  war  with  vigour,  and 
constantly  led  on  even  to  actual  fighting;  but  after  that  the 
Persians  and  Medes,  coming  up,  gave  signal  proofs  of  valour. 
Accordingly,  during  the  ten  days  nothing  more  than  this 
took  place ;  but  when  the  eleventh  day  came  after  the  two 
armies  had  been  encamped  opposite  each  other  in  Platsea,  and 
the  Greeks  had  become  much  more  numerous,  and  Mardonius 
was  exceedingly  vexed  at  the  delay,  thereupon  Mardonius, 
son  of  Gobryas,  and  Artabazus,  son  of  Pharnaces,  who  was 
one  of  the  Persians  esteemed  by  Xerxes,  came  to  a  conference. 
And  on  consulting,  the  following  were  their  opinions :  that 
of  Artabazus,  that  it  was  expedient  to  remove  their  whole 
army  away  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  march  to  the  walls  of 
Thebes,  where  a  large  store  of  provisions  had  been  laid  up 
for  themselves,  and  forage  for  their  horses ;  and  that  sitting 
down  quietly  they  might  accomplish  their  enterprise,  by  doing 
as  follows :  for,  as  they  had  much  coined  gold  and  much  un- 
coined, and  much  silver  and  many  goblets,  they  should  spare 
none  of  these,  but  distribute  them  among  the  Greeks,  espe- 
cially among  the  principal  men  of  the  Greeks  in  the  cities; 
and  they  would  quickly  surrender  their  liberty,  nor  run  the 
hazard  of  an  engagement.  Thus  his  opinion  was  the  same 
as  that  of  the  Thebans,  since  he  had  more  foresight  than  the 
other.  But  the  opinion  of  Mardonius  was  more  violent,  per- 
tinacious, and  by  no  means  inclined  to  yielding.  For  he 
thought  that  their  army  was  far  superior  to  the  Grecian,  and 
that  they  should  engage  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  not  suffer 


41-44]  BATTLE   OF   PLATyEA  507 

more  to  be  assembled  than  were  already  assembled ;  and  that 
they  should  dismiss  the  victims  of  Hegesistratus,  and  not  do 
violence  to  them,  but,  following  the  usages  of  the  Persians, 
to  engage.  When  he  thus  decided,  no  one  contradicted  him, 
so  that  his  opinion  prevailed,  for  he  held  the  command  of  the 
army  from  the  king,  and  not  from  Artabazus.  Having  there- 
fore summoned  the  commanders  of  battalions,  and  the  gen- 
erals of  the  Greeks  who  were  in  his  service,  he  asked  if  they 
knew  any  oracle  respecting  the  Persians  which  predicted  that 
they  should  be  destroyed.  But  when  those  who  were  con- 
voked remained  silent,  some  not  knowing  the  oracles,  and 
others  knowing  indeed,  but  not  deeming  it  safe  to  mention 
them,  Mardonius  himself  said :  "  Since  you  either  know  noth- 
ing, or  dare  not  speak,  I  will  tell  you,  as  I  know  perfectly 
well.  There  is  an  oracle  importing  that  the  Persians  arriving 
in  Greece  should  sack  the  temple  at  Delphi,  and  after  the 
sacking  all  perish.  We,  therefore,  being  apprised  of  this, 
neither  march  against  that  temple  nor  intend  to  sack  it ;  and 
thus  we  shall  not  perish  on  that  account.  Let  such  of  you, 
then,  as  are  well  affected  to  the  Persians,  rejoice  on  this  ac- 
count, that  we  shall  vanquish  the  Greeks."  Having  said  this 
to  them,  he  next  gave  orders  to  get  all  things  in  readiness, 
and  put  them  in  good  order,  for  that  a  battle  would  take  place 
early  the  next  morning.  This  oracle,  which  Mardonius  said 
related  to  the  Persians,  I  know  was  delivered  in  reference  to 
the  Illyrians,  and  the  army  of  the  Enchelians,  and  not  to  the 
Persians.  But  the  following  had  been  delivered  by  Bacis  in 
reference  to  this  battle :  "  The  meeting  of  the  Greek  and  the 
barbarian-voiced  shout  on  the  Thermodon  and  grassy-banked 
Asopus ;  in  which  many  of  the  bow-bearing  Medes  shall  fall, 
despite  of  Lachesis  and  fate,  when  the  destined  day  shall 
come."  These,  and  others  like  these,  I  know  were  pronounced 
by  Musaeus  in  reference  to  the  Persians ;  but  the  river  Ther- 
modon flows  between  Tanagra  and  Glisas. 

After  the  inquiry  respecting  the  oracles,  and  the  exhorta- 
tion given  by  Mardonius,  night  came  on,  and  they  set  the 
watch.  But  when  the  night  was  far  advanced,  and  silence 
appeared  to  prevail  throughout  the  camps,  and  the  men  were 
in  the  most  profound  sleep,  at  that  time  Alexander,  son  of 
Amyntas,  who  was  general  and  King  of  the  Macedonians, 
having  ridden  up  on  horseback  to  the  sentries  of  the  Athe- 
nians, desired  to  confer  with  their  generals.  Most  of  the  sen- 
tries remained  at  their  post,  while  some  ran  to  the  generals, 
and  having  arrived  told  them  that  a  man  had  come  on  horse- 
back from  the  camp  of  the  Medes,  who  uttered  not  a  word 


508  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,  CALLIOPE  [44-46 

more,  but  naming  the  generals,  said  he  wished  to  confer  with 
them.  When  they  heard  this  they  immediately  followed  to 
the  outposts ;  and  on  their  arrival  Alexander  addressed  them 
as  follows :  "  O  Athenians,  I  leave  these  words  with  you  as 
a  deposit,  entreating  you  to  keep  them  secret,  and  not  tell 
them  to  any  other  than  Pausanias,  lest  you  should  even  ruin 
me.  For  I  should  not  utter  them  were  I  not  extremely  con- 
cerned for  the  safety  of  all  Greece;  for  I  am  both  myself  a 
Grecian  originally,  and  would  by  no  means  wish  to  see  Greece 
enslaved  instead  of  free.  I  tell  you,  then,  that  the  victims 
have  not  been  favourable  to  Mardonius  and  his  army,  or  else 
you  would  have  fought  long  ago ;  but  now  he  has  determined 
to  dismiss  the  victims,  and  to  come  to  an  engagement  at  dawn 
of  day ;  fearing,  as  I  conjecture,  lest  you  should  assemble 
in  greater  numbers.  Therefore  be  ready.  But  if  Mardonius 
should  defer  the  engagement,  and  not  undertake  it,  do  you 
persevere  remaining  where  you  are,  for  in  a  few  days  pro- 
visions will  fail  him.  And  if  this  war  should  terminate  accord- 
ing to  your  wishes,  it  is  right  that  you  should  bear  it  in  mind 
to  effect  my  freedom,  who  on  behalf  of  the  Greeks  have  under- 
taken so  hazardous  a  task,  out  of  zeal  for  them,  wishing  to 
acquaint  you  with  the  intention  of  Mardonius,  in  order  that 
the  barbarians  may  not  fall  upon  you  unexpectedly.  I  am 
Alexander  the  Macedonian."  He,  having  spoken  thus,  rode 
back  to  the  camp  and  his  own  station. 

The  generals  of  the  Athenians,  having  gone  to  the  right 
wing,  told  Pausanias  what  they  had  heard  from  Alexander; 
but  he,  on  receiving  this  intelligence,  being  in  dread  of  the 
Persian,  spoke  thus :  "  Seeing  an  engagement  will  take  place 
in  the  morning,  it  is  proper  that  you  Athenians  should  be 
placed  opposite  to  the  Persians,  and  we  opposite  to  the  Boeo- 
tians and  those  Grecians  who  are  now  drawn  up  opposite  to 
you,  for  this  reason :  you  are  acquainted  with  the  Medes,  and 
their  manner  of  righting,  having  fought  with  them  at  Mara- 
thon ;  whereas  we  are  inexperienced  in  and  unacquainted  with 
those  men,  for  no  Spartan  has  ever  made  trial  of  the  Medes ; 
but  we  have  made  trial  of  the  Boeotians  and  Thessalians.  It 
is  therefore  right  that  you  should  take  up  your  arms  and  come 
to  this  wing,  and  we  go  to  the  left."  To  this  the  Athenians 
answered  as  follows :  "  To  us  also  from  the  very  first,  when 
we  saw  the  Persians  drawn  opposite  to  you,  it  occurred  to 
mention  the  very  thing  which  you  have  now  been  the  first 
to  propose ;  but  we  feared  that  the  proposal  might  not  be 
agreeable  to  you;  since,  however,  you  yourselves  have  men- 
tioned it,  the  proposal  is  both  agreeable  to  us,  and  we  are 


46-49]  BATTLE   OF  PLATvEA  509 

ready  to  act  accordingly."  As  this  pleased  both  parties,  as 
soon  as  morning  dawned  they  changed  their  stations :  the 
Boeotians  having  perceived  what  was  done,  gave  notice  to 
Mardonius ;  and  he,  when  he  had  heard  it,  immediately  began 
to  alter  his  order  of  battle,  leading  the  Persians  opposite  to  the 
Lacedaemonians.  But  when  Pausanias  observed  that  this  was 
being  done,  perceiving  that  he  was  discovered,  he  led  the 
Spartans  back  to  the  right  wing ;  and  Mardonius  in  like  man- 
ner toward  the  left. 

When  they  were  stationed  in  their  original  positions,  Mar- 
donius, having  sent  a  herald  to  the  Spartans,  spoke  as  fol- 
lows :  "  O  Lacedaemonians,  you  are  said  to  be  the  bravest, 
by  the  people  in  these  parts,  who  admire  you  exceedingly, 
because  you  neither  fly  from  the  field  of  battle  nor  quit  your 
ranks,  but  continuing  firm,  either  kill  your  adversaries  or  are 
killed  yourselves.  Of  all  this,  however,  nothing  is  true.  For 
even  before  we  engaged,  and  came  to  the  decision  of  blows, 
we  have  seen  you  flying  and  quitting  your  ranks,  leaving 
the  first  risk  to  the  Athenians,  and  ranging  yourselves  against 
our  slaves ;  this  is  by  no  means  the  conduct  of  brave  men : 
we,  then,  have  been  very  much  deceived  in  you ;  for  whereas 
we  expected,  on  account  of  your  renown,  that  you  would 
have  sent  a  herald  to  challenge  us,  and  that  you  would  be 
desirous  of  fighting  with  the  Persians  alone,  though  we  were 
ready  to  accept  these  terms,  we  have  found  you  proposing 
nothing  of  the  kind,  but  rather  shrinking  from  us.  Now, 
therefore,  since  you  have  not  begun  this  proposal,  we  will 
begin  it ;  why,  then,  should  not  you,  on  the  part  of  the  Greeks, 
since  you  are  deemed  to  be  the  bravest,  and  we,  on  the  part 
of  the  barbarians,  engage  with  equal  numbers  on  both  sides? 
If  you  think  the  rest  ought  also  to  fight,  let  them  fight  after- 
ward ;  but  if  you  do  not  think  so,  and  that  we  only  are  suf- 
ficient, we  will  fight  it  out ;  and  whichever  of  us  shall  obtain 
the  victory,  let  them  be  victorious  for  the  whole  army."  He 
having  spoken  thus,  and  waited  some  time,  when  no  one  gave 
him  any  answer,  returned  back  again,  and  on  his  arrival  gave 
Mardonius  an  account  of  what  had  happened.  But  he,  being 
above  measure  rejoiced  and  elated  by  a  cold  victory,  sent  his 
cavalry  to  charge  the  Greeks.  When  the  horsemen  rode  up 
they  harassed  the  whole  Grecian  army,  hurling  javelins  and 
shooting  arrows,  since  they  were  mounted  archers,  and  very 
difficult  to  be  brought  to  a  close  engagement;  and  they  dis- 
turbed and  choked  up  the  fountain  of  Gargaphia,  from  which 
the  whole  Grecian  army  obtained  water.  Near  this  fountain 
the  Lacedaemonians  only  were  posted,  and  the  fountain  was 


5io  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [49-52 

farther  off  from  the  rest  of  the  Greeks  according  as  they  sev- 
erally happened  to  be  stationed ;  but  the  Asopus  was  near. 
However,  being  repulsed  from  the  Asopus,  they  then  had  re- 
course to  the  fountain ;  for  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  get 
water  from  the  river,  by  reason  of  the  cavalry  and  the  arrows. 
When  this  happened  the  generals  of  the  Greeks,  as  the 
army  was  deprived  of  water  and  harassed  by  the  cavalry,  as- 
sembled together  to  deliberate  on  these  and  other  matters, 
going  to  Pausanias  on  the  right  wing.  For  when  these  things 
were  so,  other  circumstances  troubled  them  still  more;  for 
they  had  no  longer  any  provisions,  and  their  attendants,  who 
had  been  despatched  to  the  Peloponnesus  to  get  provisions, 
were  shut  out  by  the  cavalry,  and  unable  to  reach  the  camp. 
On  consultation  the  generals  resolved,  if  the  Persians  should 
defer  making  the  attack  on  that  day,  to  remove  to  the  island. 
This  island  is  ten  stades  distant  from  the  Asopus  and  the  foun- 
tain of  Gargaphia,  on  which  they  were  then  encamped,  before 
the  city  of  the  Plataeans.  Thus  it  is  an  island  in  the  midst  of 
the  continent.  For  the  river,  dividing  itself  higher  up,  flows 
down  to  the  plain  from  Mount  Cithaeron,  having  its  streams 
about  three  stades  separate  from  each  other;  and  then  they 
unite  together,  and  the  name  of  it  is  Oeroe ;  the  inhabitants 
say  that  she  is  the  daughter  of  Asopus.  To  this  place  they 
determined  to  remove,  that  they  might  have  an  abundant 
supply  of  water,  and  the  cavalry  might  not  harass  them,  as 
when  they  were  directly  opposite.  They  determined  to  remove 
when  it  should  be  the  second  watch  of  the  night,  in  order 
that  the  Persians  might  not  see  them  setting  out,  and  the  cav- 
alry might  not  follow  and  annoy  them.  They  also  resolved 
that  when  they  should  arrive  at  this  spot  which  the  Asopian 
Oeroe  encompasses  flowing  from  Cithaeron,  they  would  on 
the  same  night  send  away  one  half  of  their  forces  to  Cithaeron, 
in  order  to  bring  in  the  attendants  who  had  gone  for  pro- 
visions ;  for  they  were  shut  up  in  Cithaeron.  Having  taken 
these  resolutions,  during  the  whole  of  that  day,  they  suffered 
incessant  labour  by  the  cavalry  pressing  on  them ;  but  when 
the  day  ended,  and  the  cavalry  had  ceased  to  attack  them, 
night  having  come,  and  it  being  the  hour  at  which  they  had 
agreed  to  decamp,  thereupon  the  greater  part  taking  up  their 
arms  marched  away,  without  any  intention  of  going  to  the 
place  agreed  upon :  while  others,  as  soon  as  they  were  put  in 
motion,  gladly  fled  from  the  cavalry  toward  the  city  of  the 
Plataeans ;  and  in  their  flight  they  arrived  at  the  Temple  of 
Juno :  it  stands  before  the  city  of  the  Plataeans,  twenty  stades 
distant  from  the  fountain  of  Gargaphia;  and  having  arrived 


52-55]  BATTLE   OF   PLATyEA  511 

there,  they  stood  to  their  arms  before  the  sacred  precinct. 
They  then  encamped  round  the  Heraeum ;  and  Pausanias, 
seeing  them  departing  from  the  camp,  ordered  the  Lacedae- 
monians also  to  take  up  their  arms  and  go  in  the  same  direc- 
tion as  the  others,  supposing  they  were  going  to  the  place 
which  they  had  agreed  to  go  to.  Whereupon  all  the  other 
commanders  of  troops  were  ready  to  obey  Pausanias ;  but 
Amompharetus,  son  of  Poliades,  captain  of  the  band  of 
Pitanetae,  said  he  would  not  fly  from  the  foreigners,  nor  will- 
ingly bring  disgrace  on  Sparta ;  and  he  was  astonished  at  see- 
ing what  was  being  done,  because  he  had  not  been  present  at 
the  preceding  conference.  Pausanias  and  Euryanax  consid- 
ered it  a  disgrace  that  he  should  not  obey  them,  but  still 
more  disgraceful  when  he  *  had  so  resolved  to  forsake  the 
band  of  Pitanetae,  lest  if  they  should  forsake  him  in  order  to 
do  what  they  had  agreed  on  with  the  rest  of  the  Grecians, 
Amompharetus  himself,  being  left  behind,  and  those  with  him 
should  perish.  Considering  these  things,  they  kept  the  Laco- 
nian  forces  unmoved,  and  endeavoured  to  persuade  him  that 
it  was  not  right  for  him  to  do  as  he  did. 

They,  then,  were  expostulating  with  Amompharetus,  who 
alone  of  the  Lacedaemonians  and  Tegeans  was  left  behind. 
But  the  Athenians  did  as  follows :  they  kept  themselves  un- 
moved where  they  had  been  stationed,  knowing  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who  purpose  one  thing  and  say 
another.  When,  therefore,  the  army  was  in  motion,  they  sent 
one  of  their  horsemen  to  see  whether  the  Spartans  were  be- 
ginning to  depart,  or  whether  they  did  not  intend  to  depart 
at  all ;  and  to  inquire  of  Pausanias  what  it  was  right  to  do. 
When  the  herald  came  up  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  he  saw  them 
drawn  up  in  the  same  spot,  and  their  chiefs  engaged  in  dis- 
putes. For  when  Euryanax  and  Pausanias  urged  Amom- 
pharetus not  to  incur  danger  by  remaining  with  his  men  alone 
of  all  the  Lacedaemonians,  they  were  by  no  means  able  to 
prevail  with  him,  until  they  fell  into  an  open  quarrel ;  and  the 
herald  of  the  Athenians  having  come  up  stood  by  them.  And 
Amompharetus,  quarrelling,  took  up  a  stone  with  both  his 
hands,  and,  laying  it  down  at  the  feet  of  Pausanias,  said, 
"  With  this  pebble  I  give  my  vote,  not  to  fly  from  the  foreign- 
ers," by  foreigners  meaning  the  barbarians.  But  Pausanias, 
calling  him  a  madman  and  out  of  his  senses,  then  turned  to 
the  herald  of  the  Athenians,  who  was  making  the  inquiry  he 
had  been  ordered  to  make,  and  bade  him  inform  them  of  the 
present  posture  of  affairs,  and  entreated  the  Athenians  to 
1  Amompharetus. 


512  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [55-58 

come  over  to  them,  and  act,  in  relation  to  the  departure,  just 
as  they  should.  He  accordingly  went  back  to  the  Athenians. 
But  when  morning  found  them  still  disputing  with  one  an- 
other, Pausanias,  having  stayed  during  all  that  time,  and  sup- 
posing (as  indeed  happened)  that  Amompharetus  would  not 
stay  behind  when  the  rest  of  the  Lacedaemonians  were  gone, 
having  given  the  signal,  led  all  the  rest  away  along  the  hills ; 
and  the  Tegeans  followed.  But  the  Athenians,  drawn  up  in 
order  of  battle,  marched  by  a  different  way  from  the  Lacedae- 
monians ;  for  they  kept  to  the  rising  ground  and  the  base  of 
Cithaeron,  through  fear  of  the  cavalry ;  but  the  Athenians  took 
their  route  toward  the  plain.  But  Amompharetus,  thinking 
that  Pausanias  would  on  no  account  dare  to  forsake  them, 
was  very  earnest  that  they  should  remain  there  and  not  aban- 
don their  post;  but  when  those  with  Pausanias  had  advanced 
some  distance,  supposing  that  they  were  in  real  earnest  de- 
serting him,  he  ordered  his  band  to  take  up  their  arms,  and 
led  them  slowly  toward  the  main  body;  which,  having 
marched  about  ten  stades,  waited  for  the  band  of  Amom- 
pharetus, halting  at  the  river  Moloeis,  at  a  place  called  Argi- 
opius,  where  stands  a  temple  of  Eleusinian  Ceres:  and  they 
waited  there  for  this  reason,  that  if  Amompharetus  and  his 
band  should  not  leave  the  post  in  which  they  had  been  sta- 
tioned, but  should  remain  there,  they  might  go  back  to  their 
assistance.  However,  those  with  Amompharetus  came  up ; 
and  the  whole  of  the  barbarian's  cavalry  pressed  upon  them. 
For  the  horsemen  did  as  they  were  always  accustomed  to  do ; 
but  seeing  the  place  empty  in  which  the  Greeks  had  been 
drawn  up  on  the  preceding  days,  they  pushed  on  continually 
in  advance,  and  as  soon  as  they  overtook  them  they  pressed 
them  closely. 

Mardonius,  when  he  was  informed  that  the  Grecians  had 
withdrawn  under  cover  of  night,  and  saw  the  place  deserted, 
having  summoned  Thorax  of  Larissa,  and  his  brothers  Eu- 
rypilus  and  Thrasydeius,  said :  "  O  sons  of  Aleuas,  what  will 
you  say  now,  when  you  see  this  ground  deserted?  For  you, 
their  neighbours,  said  that  the  Lacedaemonians  never  fled  from 
battle,  but  were  the  first  of  men  in  matters  of  war;  these, 
whom  you  before  saw  changing  their  station,  and  who  now 
we  all  see  have  fled  away  during  the  past  night.  They  have 
clearly  shown,  when  they  had  to  come  to  the  issue  of  battle 
with  those  who  are  truly  the  most  valiant  in  the  world,  that 
being  themselves  good  for  nothing,  they  have  gained  distinc- 
tion among  worthless  Greeks.  And  I  readily  forgave  you; 
who  are  unacquainted  with  the  Persians,  when  you  extolled 


58-61]  BATTLE   OF   PLATyEA  513 

them  by  whom  you  knew  something  had  been  done:  but  I 
wondered  more  at  Artabazus,  that  he  should  dread  the  Lace- 
daemonians, and,  dreading  them,  should  have  advanced  a  most 
cowardly  opinion,  that  it  was  expedient  to  remove  our  camp, 
and  retire  to  the  city  of  the  Thebans  to  be  besieged :  of  this 
the  king  shall  hereafter  hear  from  me.  But  these  matters  will 
be  discussed  elsewhere.  For  the  present,  we  must  not  suffer 
them  to  do  what  they  intend,  but  they  must  be  pursued  until 
they  shall  be  overtaken,  and  have  given  us  satisfaction  for  all 
the  mischief  they  have  done  to  the  Persians."  Having  spoken 
thus,  he  led  the  Persians  at  full  speed,  crossing  the  Asopus  in 
the  track  of  the  Greeks,  as  if  they  had  betaken  themselves  to 
flight ;  he  directed  his  course  only  against  the  Lacedaemonians 
and  Tegeans ;  for  on  account  of  the  hills  he  did  not  discern 
the  Athenians,  who  had  turned  into  the  plain.  The  rest  of 
the  commanders  of  the  Barbarian's  brigades,  seeing  the  Per- 
sians advancing  to  pursue  the  Greeks,  all  immediately  took 
up  their  standards,  and  pursued,  each  as  quick  as  he  could, 
without  observing  either  rank  or  order :  thus  they  advanced 
with  a  shout  and  in  a  throng,  as  if  they  were  about  to  over- 
whelm the  Greeks. 

Pausanias,  when  the  cavalry  pressed  on  him,  having  de- 
spatched a  horseman  to  the  Athenians  with  this  message, 
spoke  as  follows :  "  Men  of  Athens,  when  the  mighty  contest 
lies  before  us,  whether  Greece  shall  be  free  or  enslaved,  we 
are  betrayed  by  the  allies  (both  we  Lacedaemonians  and  you 
Athenians),  who  have  fled  away  during  the  past  night.  It  is 
now,  therefore,  determined  what  we  must  henceforth  do;  for 
defending  ourselves  in  the  best  manner  we  can,  we  must  sup- 
port each  other.  Now  if  the  cavalry  had  attacked  you  first, 
it  would  have  behooved  us  and  the  Tegeans,  who  with  us  have 
not  betrayed  Greece,  to  assist  you.  But  now,  since  the  whole 
body  has  advanced  against  us,  you  ought  in  justice  to  come 
to  the  succour  of  that  division  which  is  most  hardly  pressed. 
If,  however,  any  inability  to  assist  has  befallen  you,  you  will 
confer  a  favour  on  us  by  sending  your  archers  to  us.  We 
are  aware  of  your  being  by  far  the  most  zealous  in  this  present 
war,  so  as  in  this  instance  to  listen  to  our  request."  When 
the  Athenians  heard  this,  they  prepared  to  assist  and  to  de- 
fend them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power;  but  as  they  were 
already  on  their  way,  those  of  the  Greeks  who  sided  with  the 
king,  that  were  arrayed  against  them,  attacked  them,  so  that 
they  were  no  longer  able  to  render  assistance;  for  the  divi- 
sion that  pressed  upon  them  harassed  them.  Thus  the  Lace- 
daemonians and  Tegeans  being  left  alone,  the  former  with  the 
33 


514  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [61-64 

light-armed  men,  amounting  in  number  to  fifty  thousand, 
and  the  Tegeans  to  three  thousand  (for  these  last  had  never 
separated  from  the  Lacedaemonians),  performed  sacrifices, 
purposing  to  engage  with  Mardonius  and  the  forces  with  him. 
But  as  the  victims  were  not  favourable  to  them,  many  of  them 
fell  during  this  interval,  and  many  more  were  wounded ;  for 
the  Persians,  having  made  a  fence  with  their  osier  shields,  let 
fly  a  number  of  arrows  so  incessantly  that,  the  Spartans  being 
hard  pressed,  and  the  victims  continuing  unfavourable,  Pau- 
sanias,  looking  toward  the  Temple  of  Juno  of  the  Plataeans, 
invoked  the  goddess,  praying  that  they  might  not  be  disap- 
pointed of  their  hopes. 

While  he  was  yet  making  this  invocation,  the  Tegeans, 
starting  first,  advanced  against  the  barbarians ;  and  immedi- 
ately after  the  prayer  of  Pausanias,  the  victims  became  favour- 
able to  the  Lacedaemonians  when  they  sacrificed.  When  some 
time  had  elapsed,  they  also  advanced  against  the  Persians, 
and  the  Persians  withstood  them,  laying  aside  their  bows. 
First  of  all  a  battle  took  place  about  the  fence  of  bucklers  ;  and 
when  that  was  thrown  down,  an  obstinate  fight  ensued  near 
the  Temple  of  Ceres,  and  for  a  long  time,  till  at  last  they  came 
to  a  close  conflict:  for  the  barbarians  laying  hold  of  the 
enemy's  spears,  broke  them.  And,  indeed,  in  courage  and 
strength,  the  Persians  were  not  inferior;  but  being  lightly 
armed,  they  were,  moreover,  ignorant  of  military  discipline, 
and  not  equal  to  their  adversaries  in  skill ;  but  rushing  for- 
ward singly,  or  in  tens,  or  more  or  fewer  in  a  body,  they  fell 
upon  the  Spartans  and  perished.  In  that  part  where  Mar- 
donius happened  to  be,  fighting  from  a  white  horse,  at  the 
head  of  a  thousand  chosen  men,  the  best  of  the  Persians,  there 
they  pressed  their  adversaries  most  vigorously.  For  as  long 
as  Mardonius  survived  they  held  out,  and  defending  them- 
selves overthrew  many  of  the  Lacedaemonians ;  but  when  Mar- 
donius had  died,  and  the  troops  stationed  round  him,  which 
were  the  strongest,  had  fallen,  then  the  rest  turned  to  flight, 
and  gave  way  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  Their  dress,  too,  was 
particularly  disadvantageous  to  them,  being  destitute  of  de- 
fensive armour;  for  being  light  armed,  they  had  to  contend 
with  heavy  armed  men.  Here  satisfaction  for  the  death  of 
Leonidas,  according  to  the  oracle,  was  paid  to  the  Spartans 
by  Mardonius ;  and  Pausanias,  son  of  Cleombrotus,  son  to 
Anaxandrides,  obtained  the  most  signal  victory  of  all  that 
we  know  of.  (The  names  of  his  earlier  ancestors  have  been 
mentioned  in  the  genealogy  of  Leonidas,  for  they  were  the 
same.)    Mardonius  died  by  the  hand  of  Aimnestus,  a  man  of 


64-68]  BATTLE   OF   PLAT^A  515 

distinction  at  Sparta,  who,  some  time  after  the  Medic  affairs, 
at  the  head  of  three  hundred  men,  engaged  at  Stenyclerus 
with  all  the  Messenians,  there  being  war ;  and  he  himself  per- 
ished and  his  three  hundred.  The  Persians  at  Platsea,  when 
they  were  put  to  flight  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  fled  in  disorder 
to  their  own  camp,  and  to  the  wooden  fortification  which  they 
had  made  in  the  Theban  territory.  It  is  a  wonder  to  me  that, 
when  they  fought  near  the  grove  of  Ceres,  not  one  of  the 
barbarians  was  seen  to  enter  into  the  sacred  inclosure,  or  to 
die  in  it,  but  most  fell  round  the  precinct  in  unconsecrated 
ground.  I  am  of  opinion,  if  it  is  allowable  to  form  an  opinion 
concerning  divine  things,  that  the  goddess  would  not  receive 
them,  because  they  had  burned  her  royal  temple  at  Eleusis. 
Such  was  the  issue  of  this  battle. 

Artabazus,  son  of  Pharnaces,  from  the  very  first  had  dis- 
approved of  Mardonius  being  left  by  the  king,  and  at  that 
time,  though  he  strongly  dissuaded  him,  he  could  not  prevail, 
urging  him  not  to  engage.  He  therefore  acted  as  follows, 
being  displeased  with  the  conduct  of  Mardonius :  Those  whom 
Artabazus  commanded  (and  he  had  no  small  force,  but  to  the 
number  of  forty  thousand  men  with  him),  these,  as  soon  as 
the  action  began,  well  knowing  what  the  result  of  the  bat- 
tle would  be,  he  drew  up  in  order  and  advanced,  having 
ordered  them  to  go  where  he  should  lead,  whenever  they 
should  see  him  advancing  at  a  quick  pace;  having  given  this 
order,  he  led  his  forces  as  if  to  join  in  the  engagement:  but 
being  in  advance  of  his  troops,  he  discovered  the  Persians 
flying;  whereupon  he  no  longer  led  his  forces  in  the  same 
order,  but  fled  with  all  possible  speed ;  neither  toward  the 
wooden  fortification  nor  the  walls  of  Thebes,  but  to  the  Pho- 
cians,  wishing  to  reach  the  Hellespont  as  soon  as  he  could. 
These,  then,  took  that  direction.  Although  the  rest  of  the 
Greeks  in  the  king's  army  behaved  themselves  ill  on  purpose, 
the  Boeotians  fought  with  the  Athenians  for  a  considerable 
time.  For  those  Thebans  who  sided  with  the  Mede  displayed 
no  little  zeal,  fighting  and  not  willingly  behaving  ill,  so  that 
three  hundred  of  them,  the  first  and  most  valiant,  fell  there 
by  the  hands  of  the  Athenians :  but  when  they  also  were  put 
to  flight,  they  fled  to  Thebes,  not  as  the  Persians  fled,  and 
the  whole  throng  of  the  other  allies,  without  having  fought 
at  all,  or  performed  anything  considerable.  And  it  is  mani- 
fest to  me  that  on  the  side  of  the  barbarians  all  depended  on 
the  Persians,  since  the  others,  before  they  engaged  with  the 
enemy,  fled  at  once,  because  they  saw  the  Persians  flying. 
Accordingly,  all  fled,  except  the  rest  of  the  cavalry  and  espe- 


5i6  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [68-70 

cially  the  Boeotians :  they  so  far  assisted  the  fugitives,  keep- 
ing constantly  close  to  them  against  the  enemy,  and  separating 
their  friends  who  were  flying  from  the  Greeks.  The  vic- 
tors, however,  followed,  pursuing  and  slaying  the  soldiers  of 
Xerxes.  In  the  midst  of  this  rout  news  came  to  the  rest  of  the 
Greeks  who  were  drawn  up  about  the  Heraeum,  and  were 
absent  from  the  battle,  that  a  battle  had  been  fought,  and 
Pausanias's  party  were  victorious.  When  they  heard  this, 
without  observing  any  kind  of  order,  the  Corinthians  took 
the  road  that  leads  by  the  base  of  the  mountains  and  the  hills 
direct  to  the  Temple  of  Ceres,  and  the  Megarians  and  the 
Phliasians  the  most  level  of  the  roads  across  the  plain.  But 
when  the  Megarians  and  Phliasians  were  near  the  enemy, 
the  Theban  cavalry  seeing  them  hurrying  on  without  any 
order,  charging  them  with  the  horse,  which  Asopodorus,  son 
of  Timander,  commanded;  and  having  fallen  on  them,  they 
threw  down  and  killed  six  hundred  of  them,  and  pursuing  the 
rest,  drove  them  headlong  to  Mount  Cithaeron.  Thus  they 
perished  ingloriously. 

The  Persians  and  the  rest  of  the  throng,  when  they  ar- 
rived in  their  flight  at  the  wooden  wall,  mounted  the  towers 
before  the  Lacedaemonians  came  up,  and  having  mounted  it, 
defended  the  wall  in  the  best  way  they  could;  so  that  when 
the  Lacedaemonians  arrived,  a  vigorous  battle  took  place  be- 
fore the  walls.  For  so  long  as  the  Athenians  were  absent,  the 
barbarians  defended  themselves,  and  had  much  the  advantage 
over  the  Lacedaemonians,  as  they  were  not  skilled  in  attack- 
ing fortifications;  but  when  the  Athenians  came  up,  then  a 
vehement  fight  at  the  walls  took  place,  and  continued  for  a 
long  time.  But  at  length  the  Athenians,  by  their  valour  and 
constancy,  surmounted  the  wall,  and  made  a  breach ;  there 
at  length  the  Greeks  poured  in.  The  Tegeans  entered  first 
within  the  wall ;  and  these  were  they  who  plundered  the  tent 
of  Mardonius,  and  among  other  things  took  away  the  manger 
for  the  horses,  all  of  brass,  and  well  worth  seeing :  this  manger 
of  Mardonius  the  Tegeans  placed  in  the  Temple  of  the  Alean 
Minerva ;  but  all  the  other  things  they  took  they  carried  to 
the  same  place  as  the  rest  of  the  Greeks.  The  barbarians, 
when  the  wall  had  fallen,  no  longer  kept  in  close  order,  nor 
did  any  one  think  of  valour ;  but  they  were  in  a  state  of  con- 
sternation, as  so  many  myriads  of  men  were  inclosed  within 
a  small  space ;  and  the  Greeks  had  such  an  easy  opportunity 
of  slaughtering  them,  that  of  an  army  of  three  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  except  the  forty  thousand  with  which  Artabazus 
fled,  not  three  thousand  survived.     Of  Lacedaemonians  from 


7o-73]  BATTLE  OF  PLAT^A  517 

Sparta,  all  that  died  in  the  engagement  were  ninety-one;  of 
Tegeans,  sixteen;  and  of  Athenians,  fifty-two. 

Of  the  barbarians,  the  infantry  of  the  Persians  and  the 
cavalry  of  the  Sacae  most  distinguished  themselves ;  and  Mar- 
donius  is  said  to  have  shown  himself  the  bravest  man.  Of 
the  Greeks,  though  the  Tegeans  and  Athenians  showed  great 
bravery,  the  Lacedaemonians  exceeded  in  valour.  I  can  prove 
this  in  no  other  way  (for  all  these  conquered  those  opposed 
to  them),  except  that  they  were  engaged  with  the  strongest 
part  of  the  enemy's  army,  and  conquered  them.  And  in  my 
opinion  Aristodemus  proved  himself  by  far  the  bravest :  he 
being  the  only  one  of  the  three  hundred  saved  from  Ther- 
mopylae, was  held  in  disgrace  and  dishonour.  After  him, 
Posidonius,  Philocyon,  and  Amompharetus,  the  Spartan,  most 
distinguished  themselves.  However,  when  it  was  debated 
which  of  them  had  been  the  bravest,  the  Spartans  who  were 
present  decided  that  Aristodemus,  evidently  wishing  to  die 
on  account  of  the  disgrace  attached  to  him,  and  acting  like  a 
madman,  and  leaving  the  ranks,  had  performed  great  deeds ; 
but  that  Posidonius,  not  wishing  to  die,  had  shown  himself 
a  brave  man ;  and  therefore  that  he  was  the  better.  Perhaps, 
however,  they  may  have  said  this  through  envy.  All  these 
that  I  have  mentioned,  except  Aristodemus,  of  those  that  died 
in  this  battle,  were  honoured,  but  Aristodemus,  wishing  to 
die  on  account  of  the  before-mentioned  guilt,  was  not  hon- 
oured. These,  then,  were  they  who  acquired  the  greatest  re- 
nown at  Plataea.  For  Callicrates  died  out  of  the  battle,  who 
came  to  the  army  the  handsomest  man  of  the  Greeks  of 
that  day,  not  only  of  the  Lacedaemonians  themselves,  but  also 
of  the  other  Greeks ;  he,  when  Pausanias  was  sacrificing,  was 
wounded  in  the  side  by  an  arrow ;  and  then  they  fought,  but 
he  being  carried  off,  regretted  his  death,  and  said  to  Arim- 
nestus,  a  Plataean,  that  he  did  not  grieve  at  dying  for  Greece, 
but  at  not  having  used  his  arm,  and  at  not  having  performed 
any  deed  worthy  of  himself,  though  he  desired  to  perform 
it.  Of  the  Athenians,  Sophanes,  son  of  Eutychides,  of  the 
borough  of  Decelea,  is  said  to  have  acquired  great  renown; 
of  the  Deceleans,  who  had  once  performed  an  action  that  was 
beneficial  for  all  future  time,  as  the  Athenians  themselves  say. 
For  in  ancient  time,  when  the  Tyndaridae  entered  the  Attic 
territory  with  a  numerous  army  in  search  of  Helen,  and  drove 
out  the  people,  not  knowing  where  Helen  had  been  carried 
to,  then  they  say  that  the  Deceleans,  but  some  say  that  De- 
celus  himself,  being  indignant  at  the  insolence  of  Theseus, 
and  alarmed  for  the  whole  country  of  the  Athenians,  discov- 


ji8  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [73-76 

ered  the  whole  matter  to  them,  and  conducted  them  to  Aphid- 
nge,  which  Titacus,  a  native  of  the  place,  delivered  up  to  the 
Tyndaridae.  In  consequence  of  that  action,  the  Deceleans  in 
Sparta  continue  to  enjoy  immunity  from  tribute  and  prece- 
dence up  to  the  present  time,  so  that  in  the  war  that  occurred 
many  years  after  these  events  between  the  Athenians  and 
Peloponnesians,  when  the  Lacedaemonians  ravaged  the  rest 
of  Attica,  they  abstained  from  Decelea.  Of  this  borough  was 
Sophanes,  and  having  at  that  time  distinguished  himself  above 
all  the  Athenians,  he  has  two  different  accounts  given  of  him. 
One,  that  he  carried  an  iron  anchor  fastened  by  a  brass  chain 
from  the  girdle  of  his  cuirass;  which,  when  he  approached 
the  enemy,  he  used  to  throw  out,  in  order  that  the  enemy, 
rushing  from  their  ranks,  might  not  be  able  to  move  him  from 
his  position ;  and  when  the  flight  of  his  adversaries  took  place, 
he  determined  to  take  up  the  anchor  and  so  pursue.  Thus 
this  account  is  given.  But  the  other  account,  varying  from 
that  before  given,  relates  that  on  his  shield,  which  constantly 
turned  round  and  was  never  at  rest,  he  wore  an  anchor  as  a 
device,  and  not  one  of  iron  fastened  from  his  cuirass.  There 
is  also  another  splendid  feat  done  by  Sophanes,  for  that  when 
the  Athenians  invested  Mgina.  he  challenged  and  slew  Eury- 
bates  of  Argos,  who  had  been  victor  in  the  pentathlum.  But 
some  time  after  these  events  it  befell  this  Sophanes,  who 
proved  himself  a  brave  man,  as  he  was  commanding  the  Athe- 
nians jointly  with  Leagrus,  son  of  Glaucon,  to  die  at  the  hands 
of  the  Edoni  at  Datus,  as  he  was  fighting  for  the  gold  mines. 
When  the  barbarians  were  overthrown  by  the  Greeks  at 
Plataea,  thereupon  a  woman  came  voluntarily  over  to  them; 
who,  when  she  learned  that  the  Persians  had  perished,  and 
that  the  Greeks  were  victorious,  being  a  concubine  of  Pharan- 
dates,  son  of  Theaspes,  a  Persian,  having  decked  herself  and 
her  attendants  in  much  gold,  and  in  the  richest  attire  she  had, 
alighted  from  her  carriage,  and  advanced  toward  the  Lacedae- 
monians, who  were  still  employed  in  slaughter,  and  when  she 
observed  that  Pausanias  directed  everything,  having  before 
become  acquainted  with  his  name  and  country,  since  she  had 
often  heard  of  them,  she  knew  it  must  be  Pausanias,  and  em- 
bracing his  knees,  spoke  as  follows :  "  King  of  Sparta,  de- 
liver me,  your  suppliant,  from  captive  servitude ;  for  you  have 
thus  far  benefited  me  by  destroying  these  men,  who  pay  no 
regard  either  to  gods  or  heroes.  I  am  by  birth  a  Coan,  daugh- 
ter to  Hegetorides,  son  of  Antagoras.  The  Persian  having 
taken  me  away  by  force  at  Cos,  kept  me."  He  answered  as 
follows :  "  Lady,  be  of  good  heart,  both  as  a  suppliant,  and, 


76-79]  AFTER   THE   BATTLE  519 

moreover,  if  you  have  spoken  the  truth,  and  are  indeed  the 
daughter  of  Hegetorides  the  Coan,  who  is  the  best  friend  I 
have  of  all  who  dwell  in  those  parts."  Having  thus  spoken, 
he  committed  her  to  the  care  of  the  ephori,  who  were  present ; 
and  afterward  sent  her  to  ^gina,  where  she  herself  wished 
to  go.  Presently  after  the  arrival  of  the  lady,  the  Mantineans 
came  up  when  all  was  over;  and  finding  they  were  come  too 
late  for  the  engagement,  they  considered  it  a  great  calamity, 
and  confessed  that  they  deserved  to  be  punished.  But  being 
informed  that  the  Medes  with  Artabazus  had  fled,  they  wished 
to  pursue  them  as  far  as  Thessaly;  but  the  Lacedaemonians 
dissuaded  them  from  pursuing  the  fugitives.  They  therefore, 
having  returned  to  their  own  country,  banished  the  generals 
of  their  army  from  the  land.  After  the  Mantineans  came  the 
Eleans :  and  the  Eleans,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Man- 
tineans, considering  it  a  calamity,  marched  away;  and  they 
also  on  their  return  home  banished  their  generals.  Such  were 
the  events  relating  to  the  Mantineans  and  Eleans. 

In  the  camp  of  the  yEginetae  at  Plataea  was  Lampon,  son 
of  Pytheas,  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  /Eginetae :  he  hav- 
ing a  most  iniquitous  proposal  to  make,  went  to  Pausanias ; 
and  having  come  into  his  presence,  spoke  with  earnestness 
as  follows :  "  Son  of  Cleombrotus,  a  superhuman  feat  has  been 
achieved  by  you,  both  on  account  of  its  greatness  and  splen- 
dour ;  and  God  has  granted  to  you,  by  delivering  Greece,  to 
acquire  the  greatest  renown  of  all  the  Greeks  whom  we  know 
of.  But  do  you  complete  what  remains  to  be  done  after  this, 
in  order  that  still  greater  fame  may  attend  you,  and  hence- 
forth every  barbarian  may  beware  of  attempting  to  do  wicked 
deeds  against  the  Greeks.  For  when  Leonidas  died  at  Ther- 
mopylae, Mardonius  and  Xerxes,  having  cut  off  his  head,  fixed 
it  on  a  pole.  By  requiting  him  in  the  same  manner,  you  will 
have  praise  first  from  all  the  Spartans,  and  then  from  the  rest 
of  the  Greeks.  For  by  impaling  Mardonius  you  will  avenge 
your  uncle  Leonidas."  He  spoke  thus,  thinking  to  gratify 
Pausanias.  But  he  answered  as  follows:  "/Eginetan  friend, 
I  admire  your  good  intentions  and  your  foresight;  but  you 
have  failed  to  form  a  right  judgment ;  for  having  highly  ex- 
tolled me,  my  country,  and  my  achievement,  you  have  thrown 
all  down  again  to  nothing  by  advising  me  to  insult  a  dead 
body,  and  saying  that  if  I  do  so  I  shall  increase  my  fame,  which 
is  more  fit  for  barbarians  to  do  than  Greeks,  and  which  we 
abhor  even  in  them.  I  can  not,  therefore,  in  this  matter  please 
the  /Eginetae,  nor  those  to  whom  such  things  would  be  pleas- 
ing; it  is  sufficient  for  me  to  please  the  Spartans  by  doing 


J 


520  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [79-82 

and  speaking  what  is  right.  As  for  Leonidas,  whose  death 
you  exhort  me  to  avenge,  I  affirm  that  he  has  been  amply 
avenged ;  both  he  and  all  the  others  who  fell  at  Thermopylae 
have  been  avenged  by  the  countless  deaths  of  these  men. 
However,  do  not  you  hereafter  come  to  me  with  such  a  pro- 
posal, nor  give  such  advice ;  and  be  thankful  that  you  escape 
unpunished."    He  having  received  this  answer,  went  away. 

Pausanias,  having  made  proclamation  that  no  one  should 
touch  the  booty,  commanded  the  helots  to  bring  together 
all  the  treasures.  They  accordingly,  dispersing  themselves 
through  the  camp,  found  tents  decked  with  gold  and  silver, 
and  couches  gilt,  and  plated  and  golden  bowls,  and  cups  and 
other  drinking  vessels ;  they  also  found  sacks  on  the  wagons 
in  which  were  discovered  gold  and  silver  caldrons :  and  from 
the  bodies  that  lay  dead  they  stripped  bracelets,  necklaces,  and 
scimetars  of  gold;  but  no  account  at  all  was  taken  of  the 
variegated  apparel.  Here  the  helots  stole  a  great  deal  and 
sold  it  to  the  ^Eginetae,  and  they  also  produced  a  great  deal, 
such  of  it  as  they  could  not  conceal :  so  that  the  great  wealth 
of  the  iEginetae  hence  had  its  beginning,  for  that  they  pur- 
chased gold  from  the  helots  as  if  it  had  been  brass.  Having 
collected  the  treasures  together,  and  taken  from  them  a  tithe 
for  the  god  at  Delphi,  from  which  the  golden  tripod  was  dedi- 
cated, which  stands  on  the  three-headed  brazen  serpent,  close 
to  the  altar ;  and  having  taken  out  a  tithe  for  the  god  at  Olym- 
pia,  from  which  they  dedicated  the  brazen  Jupiter,  ten  cubits 
high ;  and  a  tithe  to  the  god  at  the  isthmus,  from  which  was 
made  the  brazen  Neptune,  seven  cubits  high ;  having  taken 
out  these,  they  divided  the  rest,  and  each  took  the  share  they 
were  entitled  to,  as  well  the  concubines  of  the  Persians,  as  the 
gold,  silver,  and  other  treasures,  and  beasts  of  burden.  Now 
what  choice  presents  were  given  to  those  who  most  distin- 
guished themselves  at  Plataea  is  mentioned  by  no  one ;  yet  I 
am  of  opinion  that  such  presents  were  given  to  them.  But 
for  Pausanias  ten  of  everything  was  selected  and  given  him, 
women,  horses,  talents,  camels,  and  all  other  treasures  in  like 
manner.  It  is  said  also  that  the  following  occurred :  that 
Xerxes,  flying  from  Greece,  left  all  his  own  equipage  to  Mar- 
donius;  Pausanias,  therefore,  seeing  Mardonius's  equipage 
furnished  with  gold,  silver,  and  various  coloured  hangings, 
ordered  the  bakers  and  cooks  to  prepare  a  supper  in  the  same 
manner  as  for  Mardonius :  and  when  they,  being  ordered, 
had  so  done,  that  Pausanias  thereupon,  seeing  gold  and  silver 
couches  handsomely  carved,  and  gold  and  silver  tables,  and 
magnificent  preparations  for  the  supper,  being  astonished  at 


82-85]  AFTER    THE   BATTLE  52 1 

the  profusion  set  before  him,  in  derision  ordered  his  own  at- 
tendants to  prepare  a  Laconian  supper;  and  that  when  the 
repast  was  spread,  the  difference  was  great,  and  Pausanias, 
laughing,  sent  for  the  generals  of  the  Greeks ;  and  when  they 
had  assembled,  Pausanias,  pointing  to  each  preparation  for 
supper,  said :  "  Men  of  Greece,  I  have  called  you  together  for 
this  reason  to  show  you  the  folly  of  the  leader  of  the  Medes ; 
who,  having  such  fare  as  this,  has  come  to  us,  who  have  such 
poor  fare,  to  take  it  from  us."  It  is  related  that  Pausanias 
said  this  to  the  generals  of  the  Greeks.  A  considerable  time 
after  these  events  many  of  the  Plataeans  found  chests  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  other  precious  things.  And  still  later  than  this 
the  following  also  was  discovered  when  the  bodies  were  bared 
of  flesh :  for  the  Plataeans  brought  together  the  bones  to  one 
place ;  there  was  found  a  skull  without  any  seam,  consisting 
of  one  bone;  there  was  also  discovered  a  jaw,  and  the  upper 
jaw  had  teeth  growing  in  a  piece,  all  in  one  bone,  both  the 
front  teeth  and  the  grinders ;  there  was  likewise  discovered 
the  skeleton  of  a  man  five  cubits  high. 

The  following  day  the  body  of  Mardonius  had  disap- 
peared ;  by  whom  removed  I  am  unable  to  say  for  certain.  I 
have  indeed  heard  of  many  men  and  of  various  nations  who 
are  said  to  have  buried  Mardonius,  and  I  know  that  several 
have  received  large  presents  from  Artontes,  son  of  Mardonius, 
for  so  doing.  Yet  who  of  them  it  was  that  carried  off  and 
buried  the  body  of  Mardonius,  I  am  unable  to  ascertain  with 
certainty.  However,  Dionysiophanes,  an  Ephesian,  is  com- 
monly reported  to  have  buried  Mardonius.  Thus,  then,  he 
was  buried.  But  the  Greeks,  when  they  had  divided  the  booty 
at  Plataea,  buried  their  own  dead,  each  nation  separately.  The 
Lacedaemonians  made  three  graves ;  there,  then,  they  buried 
the  young  officers,1  among  whom  were  Posidonius,  Amom- 
pharetus,  Phylocion,  and  Callicrates ;  accordingly,  in  one  of 
the  graves  the  young  officers  were  laid ;  in  another,  the  rest 
of  the  Spartans ;  and  in  the  third,  the  helots :  thus  they  buried 
their  dead.  The  Tegeans  buried  all  theirs  together,  in  a  sepa- 
rate spot ;  and  the  Athenians,  theirs  in  one  place ;  as  also  did 
the  Megareans  and  Phliasians,  those  that  had  been  destroyed 
by  the  cavalry.  Of  all  these,  therefore,  the  sepulchres  were 
full.  But  of  all  the  others  whose  sepulchres  are  seen  in  Plataea, 
they,  as  I  am  informed,  being  ashamed  of  their  absence  from 
the  battle,  severally  threw  up  empty  mounds,  for  the  sake  of 

1  'Iptvrt  were  those  who  had  attained  their  second  year  from  boyhood, 
and  now  held  a  command.  The  manuscripts  read  iptas,  "those  who  held 
sacred  offices." 


522  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [85-89 

future  generations.  For  instance,  there  is  a  sepulchre  there 
called  that  of  the  ^Eginetans,  which,  I  hear,  Cleades,  son  of 
Autodicus,  a  Plataean,  who  was  their  friend,  threw  up  ten  years 
after  these  events,  at  the  request  of  the  ^Eginetans. 

When  the  Greeks  had  buried  their  dead  in  Platsea,  they 
immediately  determined,  on  consultation,  to  march  against 
Thebes,  and  to  demand  the  surrender  of  those  who  had  sided 
with  the  Medes,  and  among  the  first  of  them  Timegenides  and 
Attaginus,  who  were  the  chief  leaders,  and  if  they  should  not 
give  them  up,  they  resolved  not  to  depart  from  the  city  before 
they  had  taken  it.  When  they  had  determined  on  this,  they 
thereupon,  in  the  eleventh  day  after  the  engagement,  arrived 
and  besieged  the  Thebans,  requiring  them  to  give  up  the  men. 
And  when  the  Thebans  refused  to  give  them  up,  they  both 
ravaged  their  country,  and  attacked  the  walls.  As  they  did 
not  cease  damaging  them,  on  the  twentieth  day  Timegenides 
spoke  thus  to  the  Thebans  :  "  Men  of  Thebes,  since  the  Greeks 
have  so  resolved  that  they  will  not  give  over  besieging  us  until 
either  they  have  taken  Thebes  or  you  have  delivered  us  up 
to  them,  let  not  the  Boeotian  territory  suffer  any  more  on  our 
account.  But  if,  being  desirous  of  money,  they  demand  us 
as  a  pretence,  let  us  give  them  money  from  the  public  treas- 
ury ;  for  we  sided  with  the  Mede  by  general  consent,  and  not 
of  ourselves  alone.  If,  however,  they  carry  on  the  siege  really 
because  they  want  us,  we  will  present  ourselves  before  them 
to  plead  our  cause."  He  appeared  to  speak  well  and  to  the 
purpose;  and  the  Thebans  immediately  sent  a  herald  to  Pau- 
sanias,  expressing  their  willingness  to  surrender  the  men. 
When  they  had  agreed  on  these  terms,  Attaginus  escaped  from 
the  city,  and  his  sons,  who  were  brought  before  him,  Pausanias 
acquitted  from  the  charge,  saying  that  boys  could  have  no 
part  in  the  guilt  of  siding  with  the  Mede.  As  to  the  others 
whom  the  Thebans  delivered  up,  they  thought  that  they  should 
be  admitted  to  plead  their  cause,  and,  moreover,  trusted  to 
repel  the  charge  by  bribery;  but  he,  as  soon  as  he  had  them 
in  his  power,  suspecting  this  very  thing,  dismissed  the  whole 
army  of  the  allies,  and,  conducting  the  men  to  Corinth,  put 
them  to  death.    Such  were  the  events  at  Plataea  and  Thebes. 

In  the  meantime  Artabazus,  son  of  Pharnaces,  flying  from 
Platsea,  was  already  at  a  considerable  distance.  And  on  his 
arrival  among  them,  the  Thessalians  invited  him  to  an  enter- 
tainment, and  asked  him  news  of  the  rest  of  the  army,  know- 
ing nothing  of  what  had  happened  in  Plataea.  But  Artabazus, 
being  aware  that  if  he  should  tell  the  whole  truth  respecting 
the  conflicts,  both  he  and  his  army  would  be  in  danger  of  de- 


89-91]  FLIGHT  OF  ARTABAZUS  523 

struction,  for  he  thought  that  every  one  would  attack  him 
when  informed  of  what  had  happened ;  considering  this,  he 
told  nothing  to  the  Phocians,  and  to  the  Thessalians  he  spoke 
as  follows :  "  I,  O  men  of  Thessaly,  as  you  see,  am  hastening 
to  march  to  Thrace  with  the  utmost  expedition,  and  am  using 
all  possible  diligence,  having  been  sent  on  certain  business 
with  these  forces  from  the  army.  Mardonius  himself  and  his 
army  may  be  expected  following  close  on  my  heels.  Enter- 
tain him  also,  and  do  him  all  the  good  offices  you  can;  for 
you  will  never  have  cause  to  repent  of  doing  so."  Having 
said  this,  he  marched  his  army  with  all  speed  through  Thes- 
saly and  Macedonia  direct  toward  Thrace,  making  all  the 
haste  he  could,  and  cutting  across  by  the  inland  road.  At 
last  he  reached  Byzantium,  having  left  many  of  his  men  be- 
hind, partly  cut  off  by  the  Thracians  on  the  march,  and  partly 
having  to  contend  with  hunger  and  fatigue.  From  Byzantium 
he  crossed  over  in  boats.    Thus,  then,  he  returned  to  Asia. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  defeat  at  Plataea  occurred 
another  happened  to  take  place  at  Mycale  in  Ionia.  For  while 
the  Greeks  were  stationed  at  Delos,  those  who  had  gone  there 
on  shipboard  with  Leotychides  the  Lacedaemonian,  there  came 
to  them  as  ambassadors  from  Samos,  Lampon,  son  of  Thrasyc- 
leus,  Athenagoras,  son  of  Archestratides,  and  Hegesistratus, 
son  of  Aristagoras,  being  sent  by  the  Samians,  unknown  to 
the  Persians  and  the  tyrant  Theomestor,  son  of  Androdamas, 
whom  the  Persians  had  made  tyrant  of  Samos.  When  they 
came  to  the  generals,  Hegesistratus  used  many  and  various 
arguments,  and  said  that  if  only  the  Ionians  should  see  them 
they  would  revolt  from  the  Persians,  and  that  the  barbarians 
would  not  withstand  them ;  or  if  they  should  withstand  them, 
the  Greeks  would  not  find  any  other  such  booty.  Invoking, 
too,  their  common  gods,  he  besought  them  to  deliver  Grecian 
men  from  servitude,  and  to  repel  the  barbarians ;  and  he  said 
that  this  would  be  easy  for  them  to  do,  for  that  their  ships 
sailed  badly,  and  were  not  fit  to  fight  with  them ;  and,  if  they 
suspected  at  all  that  they  were  leading  them  on  deceitfully, 
they  were  themselves  ready  to  go  on  board  their  ships  as  host- 
ages. As  the  Samian  stranger  was  earnest  in  his  entreaties, 
Leotychides,  either  wishing  to  hear  for  the  sake  of  the  presage 
or  by  chance,  the  deity  so  directing  it,  asked,  "  O  Samian 
friend,  what  is  your  name  ?  "  He  answered,  "  Hegesistratus  " ; 
upon  which  he,  interrupting  the  rest  of  his  discourse,  if  Hegesi- 
stratus intended  to  add  more,  said :  "  I  accept  *  the  Hegesi- 
stratus, my  Samian  friend ;  only  do  you  take  care  that  before 
1  Hegesistratus  means,  "  leader  of  an  army." 


524  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,    CALLIOPE  [91-94 

you  sail  away  both  you  yourself  and  those  who  are  with  you 
pledge  your  faith  that  the  Samians  will  be  zealous  allies  to  us." 
He  at  the  same  time  said  this,  and  added  the  deed.  For  the 
Samians  immediately  pledged  their  faith  and  made  oath  of 
confederacy  with  the  Greeks :  and  having  done  this,  the  others 
sailed  home,  but  he  ordered  Hegesistratus  to  sail  with  the 
fleet,  regarding  his  name  as  an  omen.  The  Greeks,  therefore, 
having  tarried  that  day,  on  the  next  sacrificed  auspiciously, 
Deiphonus,  son  of  Evenius,  of  Apollonia  in  the  Ionian  Gulf, 
acting  as  diviner. 

The  following  incident  befell  his  father,  Evenius:  There 
are  in  this  Apollonia  sheep  sacred  to  the  sun,  which  by  day 
feed  near  the  river  that  flows  from  Mount  Lacmon  through 
the  Apollonian  territory  into  the  sea,  near  the  port  of  Oricus ; 
but  by  night,  chosen  men,  the  most  eminent  of  the  citizens 
for  wealth  and  birth,  keep  watch  over  them,  each  for  a  year: 
for  the  Apollonians  set  a  high  value  upon  these  sheep,  in  con- 
sequence of  some  oracle.  They  are  folded  in  a  cavern  at  a 
distance  from  the  city.  There,  then,  on  a  time,  Evenius,  being 
chosen,  kept  watch,  and  one  night  when  he  had  fallen  asleep 
during  his  watch,  wolves  entered  the  cave  and  destroyed  about 
sixty  of  the  sheep.  He,  when  he  discovered  what  had  hap- 
pened, kept  silence,  and  mentioned  it  to  no  one,  purposing 
to  buy  others,  and  put  them  in  their  place.  This  occurrence, 
however,  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  Apollonians ;  but  as 
soon  as  they  discovered  it,  having  brought  him  to  trial,  they 
gave  sentence  that,  for  having  fallen  asleep  during  his  watch, 
he  should  be  deprived  of  sight.  When  they  had  blinded 
Evenius,  from  that  time  forward  neither  did  their  sheep  bring 
forth  nor  did  the  land  yield  its  usual  fruit.  An  admonition 
was  given  them  at  Dodona  and  Delphi,  when  they  inquired 
of  the  prophets  the  cause  of  the  present  calamities ;  they  told 
them  that  they  had  unjustly  deprived  Evenius,  the  keeper 
of  the  sacred  sheep,  of  his  sight ;  for  that  they  themselves  had 
sent  the  wolves,  and  would  not  cease  avenging  him,  until  they 
should  give  such  satisfaction  for  what  they  had  done  as  he 
himself  should  choose  and  think  sufficient:  and  when  they 
had  done  this  the  gods  themselves  would  give  such  a  present 
to  Evenius  that  most  men  would  pronounce  him  happy  from 
possessing  it.  This  answer  was  delivered  to  them :  and  the 
Apollonians,  having  kept  it  secret,  deputed  some  of  their  citi- 
zens to  negotiate  the  matter ;  and  they  negotiated  it  for  them 
in  the  following  manner:  when  Evenius  was  seated  on  a 
bench,  they  went  and  sat  down  by  him,  and  conversed  on  dif- 
ferent subjects,  till  at  length  they  began  to  commiserate  his 


94-97]  EVENIUS  525 

misfortune,  and  having  in  this  way  artfully  led  him  on,  they 
asked  what  reparation  he  would  choose  if  the  Apollonians 
were  willing  to  give  him  satisfaction  for  what  they  had  done. 
He,  not  having  heard  of  the  oracle,  made  his  choice,  saying 
if  any  one  would  give  him  the  lands  of  certain  citizens,  nam- 
ing those  who  he  knew  had  the  two  best  estates  in  Apollonia ; 
and  besides  these  a  house,  which  he  knew  was  the  hand- 
somest in  the  city;  if  put  in  possession  of  these,  he  said,  he 
would  thenceforth  forego  his  anger,  and  this  reparation  would 
content  him.  He  accordingly  spoke  thus ;  and  those  who  sat 
by  him,  immediately  taking  hold  of  his  answer,  said  "  the  Apol- 
lonians make  you  this  reparation  for  the  loss  of  your  eyes,  in 
obedience  to  an  oracle  they  have  received."  He  thereupon  was 
very  indignant,  on  hearing  the  whole  truth,  as  having  been 
deceived ;  but  the  Apollonians,  having  bought  them  from  the 
owners,  gave  him  what  he  chose ;  and  immediately  after  this 
he  had  the  gift  of  divination  implanted  in  him,  so  "that  he  be- 
came celebrated. 

Deiphonus,  who  was  the  son  of  this  Evenius,  the  Corinth- 
ians having  brought  him,  officiated  as  diviner  to  the  army. 
Yet  I  have  heard  this  also,  that  Deiphonus,  having  assumed 
the  name  of  Evenius's  son,  let  out  his  services  for  hire  through- 
out Greece,  though  he  was  not  really  the  son  of  Evenius. 
When,  therefore,  the  sacrifices  were  favourable  to  the  Greeks, 
they  got  their  ships  under  way  from  Delos  for  Samos :  and 
when  they  were  off  Calami  of  the  Ionian  territory,  having 
taken  up  their  station  there  near  the  Temple  of  Juno  on  that 
coast,  they  made  ready  for  an  engagement.  But  the  Persians, 
being  informed  that  they  were  sailing  toward  them,  on  their 
part  also  got  the  other  ships  under  way  for  the  continent, 
and  permitted  those  of  the  Phoenicians  to  sail  home.  For  on 
consultation  they  determined  not  to  come  to  an  engagement 
by  sea,  because  they  thought  they  were  not  equal.  They, 
therefore,  sailed  away  to  the  continent,  that  they  might  be 
under  the  protection  of  their  land  forces  that  were  at  Mycale, 
which  by  the  order  of  Xerxes  had  been  left  behind  by  the  rest 
of  the  army,  and  guarded  Ionia ;  their  number  was  sixty  thou- 
sand ;  Tigranes  commanded  them,  who  surpassed  the  Persians 
in  beauty  and  stature.  Under  the  protection  of  this  army  the 
commanders  of  the  navy  resolved,  having  fled,  to  draw  their 
ships  on  shore,  and  to  throw  up  a  rampart,  as  a  defence  for 
the  ships,  and  a  place  of  refuge  for  themselves.  Having  taken 
this  resolution,  they  got  under  way:  and  having  passed  by 
the  Temple  of  the  Eumenides  in  Mycale,  they  came  to  the 
Gaeson  and  Scolopois,  where  is  a  temple  of  Eleusinian  Ceres, 


526  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [97-99 

which  Philistus,  son  of  Pasicles,  built,  who  accompanied 
Neleus,  son  of  Codrus,  for  the  purpose  of  founding  Miletus: 
there  they  drew  their  ships  on  shore,  and  threw  up  a  rampart 
of  stone  and  wood,  having  cut  down  the  fruit  trees,  and  around 
the  rampart  they  drove  in  sharp  stakes.  They  made  prepara- 
tions to  sustain  a  siege,  and  to  gain  a  victory,  both  one  and 
the  other;  for  they  made  their  preparations  deliberately. 

The  Greeks,  when  they  learned  that  the  barbarians  had 
gone  to  the  continent,  were  vexed  that  they  had  escaped ;  and 
were  in  doubt  what  to  do,  whether  they  should  return  home 
or  sail  to  the  Hellespont :  at  length  they  determined  to  do 
neither  of  these,  but  to  sail  to  the  continent :  having,  there- 
fore, prepared  for  a  sea-fight,  both  boarding-ladders,  and  all 
other  things  that  were  necessary,  they  sailed  to  Mycale.  When 
they  were  near  the  camp,  and  no  one  was  seen  ready  to  meet 
them,  but  they  beheld  the  ships  drawn  up  within  the  fortifica- 
tion, and  a  numerous  land  force  disposed  along  the  beach, 
thereupon  Leotychides,  advancing  first  in  a  ship,  and  nearing 
the  beach  as  much  as  possible,  made  proclamation  by  a  herald 
to  the  Ionians,  saying :  "  Men  of  Ionia,  as  many  of  you  as 
hear  me,  attend  to  what  I  say ;  for  the  Persians  will  under- 
stand nothing  of  the  advice  I  give  you.  When  we  engage,  it 
behooves  every  one  first  of  all  to  remember  Liberty ;  and  next 
the  watch-word  Hebe;  and  let  him  who  does  not  hear  this 
learn  it  from  those  who  do  hear."  The  meaning  of  this  pro- 
ceeding was  the  same  as  that  of  Themistocles  at  Artemisium ; 
for  either  these  words,  being  concealed  from  the  barbarians, 
would  induce  the  Ionians  to  revolt,  or  if  they  should  be  re- 
ported to  the  barbarians,  would  make  them  distrustful  of  the 
Greeks.  Leotychides  having  made  this  suggestion,  the 
Grecians  in  the  next  place  did  as  follows :  putting  their  ships 
to  shore,  they  landed  on  the  beach  and  drew  up  in  order  of 
battle.  But  the  Persians,  when  they  saw  the  Greeks  prepar- 
ing themselves  for  action,  and  knew  that  they  had  admon- 
ished the  Ionians,  in  the  first  place  suspecting  that  the  Samians 
favoured  the  Greeks,  took  away  their  arms ;  for  when  the 
Athenian  captives,  whom,  being  left  in  Attica,  the  forces  of 
Xerxes  had  taken,  arrived  in  the  ships  of  the  barbarians,  hav- 
ing ransomed  them  all,  they  sent  them  back  to  Athens,  fur- 
nishing them  with  provisions  for  the  voyage ;  on  this  account 
they  were  under  no  slight  suspicion,  having  redeemed  five 
hundred  of  the  enemies  of  Xerxes.  In  the  next  place,  the 
passes  that  lead  to  the  heights  of  Mycale  they  appointed  the 
Milesians  to  guard,  because  forsooth  they  were  best  acquainted 
with  the  country,  but  they  did  it  for  this  purpose,  that  they 


99-102]  VICTORY  AT  MYCALE  527 

might  be  at  a  distance  from  the  army.  Those  of  the  Ionians, 
then,  who  they  suspected  might  attempt  something  new  if  they 
had  the  power,  the  Persians  took  such  precautions  against; 
and  they  themselves  brought  their  bucklers  together  to  serve 
as  a  rampart. 

When,  therefore,  the  Greeks  were  prepared,  they  advanced 
toward  the  barbarians ;  and  as  they  were  marching,  a  rumour 
flew  through  the  whole  army,  and  a  herald's  staff  was  seen 
lying  on  the  beach :  the  rumour  that  spread  among  them  was 
this,  that  the  Greeks  had  fought  and  conquered  the  army  of 
Mardonius  in  Boeotia.  Thus  the  interposition  of  heaven  is 
manifest  by  many  plain  signs ;  since  on  this  same  day  on 
which  the  defeat  at  Plataea  took  place,  and  when  that  at  Mycale 
was  just  about  to  happen,  a  rumour  reached  the  Greeks  in  this 
latter  place ;  so  that  the  army  was  inspired  with  much  greater 
courage,  and  was  more  eager  to  meet  danger.  There  was  also 
this  other  coincidence,  namely,  that  there  was  a  temple  of 
Eleusinian  Ceres  near  both  the  engagements.  For  at  Plataea, 
as  I  have  already  said,  the  battle  took  place  near  the  Temple 
of  Ceres ;  and  at  Mycale  it  was  about  to  happen  in  like  man- 
ner. The  rumour  that  a  victory  had  been  obtained  by  the 
Greeks  under  Pausanias  turned  out  to  be  correct ;  for  the  bat- 
tle of  Plataea  was  fought  while  it  was  yet  early  in  the  day,  and 
that  of  Mycale  toward  evening:  and  that  both  happened  on 
the  same  day  of  the  same  month,  not  long  afterward  became 
manifest  on  inquiry.  Before  the  rumour  reached  them  great 
alarm  prevailed  among  them,  not  so  much  for  themselves  as 
for  the  Greeks,  lest  Greece  should  stumble  in  the  contest  with 
Mardonius.  When,  however,  this  report  flew  among  them, 
they  advanced  with  greater  readiness  and  alacrity.  Accord- 
ingly, the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians  hastened  to  the  battle, 
as  both  the  islands  and  the  Hellespont  were  held  out  as  the 
reward  of  victory. 

The  Athenians,  and  those  who  were  drawn  up  next  them, 
forming  about  half  the  army,  had  to  advance  along  the  shore 
over  level  ground ;  but  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  those  drawn 
up  near  them,  along  a  ravine  and  some  hills.  So  that  while 
the  Lacedaemonians  were  making  a  circuit,  those  in  the  other 
wing  were  already  engaged.  Now,  so  long  as  the  bucklers 
of  the  Persians  remained  standing,  they  defended  themselves 
strenuously,  and  had  not  the  worst  of  the  battle ;  but  when 
the  Athenians  and  those  next  them,  having  mutually  encour- 
aged one  another,  in  order  that  the  victory  might  belong  to 
them,  and  not  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  applied  with  more  vig- 
our to  the  battle,  then  the  face  of  affairs  immediately  changed ; 


528  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [102-106 

for  having  broke  through  the  bucklers,  they  fell  in  a  body 
on  the  Persians ;  and  they  having  sustained  their  attack  and 
defended  themselves  for  a  considerable  time,  at  last  fled  to  the 
fortification.  The  Athenians,  Corinthians,  Sicyonians,  and 
Trcezenians,  for  thus  they  were  drawn  up  in  order,  following 
close  upon  them,  rushed  into  the  fortification  at  the  same  time. 
When,  therefore,  the  fortification  was  taken,  the  barbarians 
no  longer  thought  of  resisting,  but  all  except  the  Persians 
betook  themselves  to  flight;  they,  in  small  detachments, 
fought  with  the  Greeks  who  were  continually  rushing  within 
the  fortification.  And  of  the  Persian  generals,  two  made  their 
escape,  and  two  died.  Artayntes  and  Ithramitres,  commanders 
of  the  naval  forces,  escaped;  but  Mardontes,  and  Tigranes, 
general  of  the  land  army,  died  fighting.  While  the  Persians 
were  still  fighting,  the  Lacedaemonians  and  those  with  them 
came  up,  and  assisted  in  accomplishing  the  rest.  Of  the 
Greeks  themselves  many  fell  on  this  occasion ;  both  others, 
and  especially  the  Sicyonians,  and  their  general  Perilaus.  The 
Samians,  who  were  in  the  camp  of  the  Medes,  and  had  been 
deprived  of  their  arms,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  battle  turning, 
did  all  they  could,  wishing  to  help  the  Greeks ;  and  the  rest 
of  the  Ionians,  seeing  the  Samians  lead  the  way,  thereupon 
revolted  from  the  Persians  and  attacked  the  barbarians.  The 
Milesians  had  been  appointed  to  guard  the  passes  for  the 
Persians,  in  order  for  their  safety,  to  the  end  that  if  that  should 
befall  them  which  did  befall  them  they  might,  having  guides, 
get  safe  to  the  heights  of  Mycale.  The  Milesians  accordingly 
had  been  appointed  to  this  service  for  this  reason,  and  in  order 
that,  by  being  present  in  the  army,  they  might  not  form  any 
new  design.  They,  however,  did  everything  contrary  to  what 
was  ordered ;  both  guiding  them  in  their  flight  by  other  ways 
which  led  to  the  enemy,  and  at  last  themselves  became  most 
hostile  in  slaying  them.  Thus  Ionia  revolted  a  second  time 
from  the  Persians.  In  this  battle  of  the  Greeks,  the  Athenians 
most  distinguished  themselves ;  and  of  the  Athenians,  Her- 
molycus,  son  of  Euthynus,  who  had  practised  in  the  pan- 
cratium :  it  befell  this  Hermolycus  after  these  events,  when 
there  was  war  between  the  Athenians  and  the  Carystians,  to 
die  fighting  at  Cyrnus  of  the  Carystian  territory,  and  to  be 
buried  at  Gersestus.  After  the  Athenians,  the  Corinthians, 
Troezenians,  and  Sicyonians  distinguished  themselves.  When 
the  Grecians  had  killed  most  of  the  barbarians,  some  fighting 
and  others  flying,  they  burned  the  ships  and  the  whole  forti- 
fication, having  first  brought  out  all  the  booty  on  the  beach ; 
and  they  found  several  chests  of  money,  and  having  burned 


106-108]  VICTORY   AT   MYCALE  529 

the  fortification  and  the  ships  they  sailed  away.  The  Greeks, 
having  arrived  at  Samos,  consulted  about  transplanting  the 
Ionians,  and  in  what  part  of  Greece,  of  which  they  themselves 
were  masters,  it  would  be  best  to  settle  them,  intending  to 
leave  Ionia  to  the  barbarians :  for  it  was  clearly  impossible  for 
them  to  protect  and  guard  the  Ionians  forever;  and  if  they 
did  not  protect  them,  they  had  no  hope  that  the  Ionians  would 
escape  unpunished  by  the  Persians.  Upon  this  it  seemed  ex- 
pedient to  the  men  of  rank  among  the  Peloponnesians  to  re- 
move the  marts  of  the  Grecian  nations  that  had  sided  with  the 
Medes,  and  give  their  territory  to  the  Ionians  to  inhabit ;  but 
it  did  not  appear  at  all  expedient  to  the  Athenians  that  the 
Ionians  should  be  removed,  or  that  the  Peloponnesians  should 
give  advice  respecting  their  colonies.  However,  as  they  op- 
posed, the  Peloponnesians  readily  gave  way:  and  accordingly 
they  took  into  the  alliance  the  Samians,  Chians,  Lesbians,  and 
other  islanders,  who  were  then  serving  with  the  Greeks,  bind- 
ing them  by  pledges  and  oaths  that  they  would  remain  firm 
and  not  revolt :  when  they  had  bound  them  by  oaths,  they  set 
sail  to  destroy  the  bridges,  for  they  expected  to  find  them  still 
stretched  across :  accordingly  they  sailed  to  the  Hellespont. 

The  barbarians  who  fled,  and  were  shut  up  in  the  heights 
of  Mycale,  not  many  in  number,  got  safe  to  Sardis.  But  as 
they  were  marching,  on  their  way  Masistes,  son  of  Darius, 
having  been  present  at  the  defeat,  uttered  many  hard  words 
to  the  general  Artayntes ;  saying,  among  other  things,  that 
he  was  more  cowardly  than  a  woman,  for  having  commanded 
the  army  in  such  a  manner,  and  that  he  deserved  the  most 
extreme  punishment  for  having  brought  mischief  on  the  king's 
house.  Now  among  the  Persians  to  be  called  more  cowardly 
than  a  woman  is  the  greatest  affront :  he,  therefore,  when  he 
had  heard  a  good  deal,  being  exceedingly  indignant,  drew  his 
scimetar  upon  Masistes.  But  Xenagoras,  son  of  Praxilaus, 
a  Halicarnassian,  who  stood  behind  Artayntes,  perceiving  him 
rushing  forward,  seized  him  round  the  middle,  and,  having 
lifted  him  up,  threw  him  on  the  ground;  and  in  the  mean- 
while the  guards  of  Masistes  came  to  his  assistance.  Xenag- 
oras did  this,  thereby  laying  an  obligation  both  on  Masistes 
himself,  and  on  Xerxes,  by  saving  his  brother;  and  for  this 
action  Xenagoras  received  the  government  of  all  Cilicia,  as 
the  gift  of  the  king.  While  they  were  marching  on  the  road, 
nothing  more  than  this  occurred,  but  they  arrived  at  Sardis. 
At  Sardis  the  king  happened  to  be  from  the  time  when  he  fled 
thither  from  Athens,  after  his  failure  in  the  sea-fight. 

While  he  was  at  Sardis  he  fell  in  love  with  the  wife  of 
34 


530  HERODOTUS— BOOK    IX,  CALLIOPE  [108-110 

Masistes,  who  also  was  there ;  but  when  she  could  not  be 
moved  by  sending  to  solicit  her,  and  he  did  not  offer  violence, 
out  of  regard  for  his  brother  Masistes  (and  this  same  circum- 
stance restrained  the  woman,  for  she  well  knew  that  she  would 
not  meet  with  violence) ;  thereupon  Xerxes,  being  shut  out 
from  any  other  resource,  brought  about  the  marriage  of  his 
son  Darius  with  the  daughter  of  this  woman  and  Masistes ; 
thinking  that  he  should  get  possession  of  her  if  he  did  thus. 
Having,  therefore,  concluded  the  marriage,  and  performed  the 
usual  ceremonies,  he  departed  for  Susa.  When  he  arrived 
there,  he  introduced  the  wife  of  Darius  into  his  own  house ; 
and  then  his  passion  for  the  wife  of  Masistes  ceased;  and 
having  changed  his  inclinations,  he  fell  in  love,  and  succeeded, 
with  the  wife  of  Darius,  the  daughter  of  Masistes :  the  name 
of  this  woman  was  Artaynte.  In  course  of  time  the  matter 
was  discovered  in  the  following  manner:  Amestris,  the  wife 
of  Xerxes,  having  woven  a  large,  various  coloured,  and  beau- 
tiful mantle,  presented  it  to  Xerxes,  and  he,  being  delighted, 
put  it  on  and  went  to  Artaynte.  Being  pleased  also  with  her, 
he  bid  her  ask  whatever  she  pleased  as  a  reward  for  the  favours 
she  had  granted  him,  for  that  she  should  have  whatever  she 
asked.  Thereupon,  for  it  was  fated  that  misfortune  should 
befall  the  whole  family  by  her  means,  she  said  to  Xerxes, 
"  Will  you  give  me  whatever  I  shall  ask  of  you  ?  "  He,  im- 
agining she  would  ask  for  anything  rather  than  what  she  did, 
promised  and  swore;  and  she,  when  he  had  sworn,  boldly 
asked  for  the  mantle.  Xerxes  used  every  expedient,  not  wish- 
ing to  give  it;  for  no  other  reason  than  that  he  was  afraid 
of  Amestris,  lest  having  before  suspected  what  was  going 
on,  he  should  thus  be  detected ;  he  therefore  offered  her  cities, 
and  a  vast  quantity  of  gold,  and  an  army,  which  no  one  but 
herself  should  command:  but  an  army  is  a  common  Persian 
gift.  However,  as  he  could  not  persuade  her,  he  gave  her 
the  mantle;  and  she,  being  overjoyed  with  the  present,  wore 
it,  and  prided  herself  in  it:  and  Amestris  was  informed  that 
she  had  it.  Having  learned  what  had  been  done,  she  was  not 
angry  with  the  woman  herself ;  but  believing  that  her  mother 
was  the  cause,  and  that  she  had  done  this,  she  planned  the 
destruction  of  the  wife  of  Masistes.  Having  therefore  watched 
the  time  when  her  husband  Xerxes  should  give  the  royal  feast 
(this  feast  is  prepared  once  a  year,  on  the  day  on  which  the 
king  was  born ;  and  the  name  of  this  feast  is,  in  the  Persian 
language,  "  tycta,"  and  in  the  Grecian  language,  "  perfect  " ; 
and  then  only  the  king  washes  his  head  with  soap,  and  makes 
presents  to  the  Persians) ;  Amestris  then,  having  watched  that 


no-113]  XERXES  AND  ARTAYNTE  531 

day,  asked  Xerxes  to  give  her  the  wife  of  Masistes.  He  con- 
sidered it  a  dreadful  and  cruel  thing  first  of  all  to  give  up  the 
wife  of  his  brother,  and  next,  one  who  was  innocent  of  what 
had  taken  place;  for  he  understood  why  she  made  this  re- 
quest. 

At  last,  however,  as  she  persisted,  and  being  constrained 
by  custom,  for  it  is  not  allowed  for  any  petitioner  to  be  denied 
when  the  royal  feast  is  spread,  he  therefore  very  reluctantly 
granted  her  request ;  and  having  delivered  the  woman  to  her, 
he  did  as  follows :  he  bade  her  do  what  she  pleased,  and  then, 
having  sent  for  his  brother,  spoke  thus :  "  Masistes,  you  are 
the  son  of  Darius,  and  my  brother,  and,  moreover,  you  are 
also  a  brave  man.  Cohabit,  then,  no  longer  with  the  wife 
you  now  have;  and  instead  of  her  I  will  give  you  my  own 
daughter.  Cohabit  with  her;  but  the  wife  whom  you  now 
have,  as  it  does  not  seem  well  to  me,  no  longer  retain."  Ma- 
sistes, astonished  at  what  was  said,  answered :  "  Sire,  what 
mischievous  language  do  you  hold  to  me,  bidding  me  put 
away  a  wife  by  whom  I  have  three  young  sons  and  daughters, 
of  whom  you  have  married  one  to  your  own  son,  and  this  wife 
too  is  very  much  to  my  mind ;  you  bid  me  put  away  her,  and 
marry  your  own  daughter?  I,  however,  O  king,  though  I 
deem  it  a  great  honour  to  be  thought  worthy  of  your  daugh- 
ter, will  do  neither  of  these  things ;  and  do  not  you  use  force 
in  your  desire  to  accomplish  this  end.  Some  other  man,  not 
inferior  to  me,  will  be  found  for  your  daughter;  but  let  me 
cohabit  with  my  own  wife."  Such  was  the  answer  he  gave ; 
but  Xerxes  in  a  rage  replied :  "  Masistes,  you  have  thus  done 
for  yourself ;  for  neither  will  I  give  you  my  daughter  in  mar- 
riage, nor  shall  you  any  longer  cohabit  with  your  present 
wife ;  that  so  you  may  learn  to  accept  what  is  offered."  He, 
when  he  heard  this,  withdrew,  having  said  this  much,  "  Sire, 
you  have  not  yet  taken  away  my  life."  In  the  intermediate 
time,  while  Xerxes  was  in  conference  with  his  brother,  Ames- 
tris,  having  sent  for  the  body-guards  of  Xerxes,  mutilated  the 
wife  of  Masistes :  having  cut  off  her  breasts,  she  threw  them 
to  the  dogs,  and  also  her  nose,  ears,  and  lips ;  and  then,  hav- 
ing cut  out  her  tongue,  she  sent  her  home  thus  mutilated. 
Masistes,  who  had  not  yet  heard  anything  of  this,  but  suspect- 
ing some  evil  had  befallen  him,  rushed  home  in  great  haste ; 
and  seeing  his  wife  utterly  destroyed,  he  thereupon  consulted 
with  his  sons,  and  set  out  with  them  and  some  others  for  Bac- 
tria,  designing  to  induce  the  Bactrian  district  to  revolt,  and 
to  do  the  king  all  the  mischief  he  could ;  which,  in  my  opin- 
ion, would  have  happened  if  he  had  been  beforehand  in  going 


532  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [113-116 

up  to  the  Bactrians  and  Sacae ;  for  they  were  attached  to  him, 
and  he  was  governor  of  the  Bactrians.  But  Xerxes,  being  in- 
formed of  his  intentions,  sent  an  army  after  him,  and  slew 
him,  and  his  sons,  and  his  forces  upon  the  way.  Such  were 
the  circumstances  respecting  the  amour  of  Xerxes  and  the 
death  of  Masistes. 

The  Greeks  having  set  out  from  Mycale  toward  the  Hel- 
lespont, being  overtaken  by  a  storm,  anchored  near  Lectis, 
and  from  thence  they  went  to  Abydos,  and  found  the  bridges 
broken  in  pieces,  which  they  expected  to  find  stretched  across ; 
and  for  this  reason  chiefly  they  came  to  the  Hellespont.    Upon 
this  the  Peloponnesians  with  Leotychides  determined  to  sail 
back  to  Greece ;  but  the  Athenians  and  their  commander  Xan- 
thippus  resolved  to  stay  there  and  make  an  attempt  on  the 
Chersonesus.     The  former,  therefore,  sailed  away;  but  the 
Athenians,  having  crossed  over  from  Abydos  to  Chersonesus, 
besieged  Sestos.  To  this  Sestos,  as  being  the  strongest  fortress 
in  these  parts,  when  they  heard  that  the  Greeks  were  arrived 
in  the  Hellespont,  there  came  together  men  from  other  neigh- 
bouring places,  and,  among  others,  CEobazus,  a  Persian  from 
Cardia,  who  had  had  all  the  materials  of  the  bridges  conveyed 
thither.     Native  iEolians  occupied  it,  and  there  were  with 
them  Persians,  and  a  great  body  of  other  allies.     Xerxes's 
viceroy  Artayctes  ruled  over  this  district,  a  Persian  wicked 
and  impious,  who  had  even  deceived  the  king,  on  his  march 
to  Athens,  by  secretly  taking  away  from  Elaeus  the  treasures 
of  Protesilaus,  son  of  Iphiclus.     For  in  Elaeus  of  the  Cher- 
sonesus is  a  sepulchre  of  Protesilaus,  and  a  precinct  around 
it,  where  were  great  treasures,  both  gold  and  silver  vessels, 
and  brass,  and  robes,  and  other  offerings,  which  Artayctes 
plundered  by  permission  of  the  king.    By  speaking  as  follows, 
he  deceived  Xerxes :  "  Sire,  there  is  here  the  habitation  of  a 
certain  Grecian,  who  having  carried  arms  in  your  territories, 
met  with  a  just  punishment  and  perished.    Give  me  this  man's 
house,  that  every  one  may  learn  not  to  carry  arms  against 
your  territory."     By  saying  this  he  would  easily  persuade 
Xerxes  to  give  him  the  man's  house,  as  he  had  no  suspicion 
of  his  intentions.     He  said  that  Protesilaus  had  carried  arms 
against  the  king's  territory,  thinking  thus :  the  Persians  con- 
sider that  all  Asia  belongs  to  them  and  the  reigning  monarch. 
When,  however,  the  treasures  were  granted,  he  carried  them 
away  from  Elaeus  to  Sestos,  and  sowed  part  of  the  precinct, 
and  pastured  it ;  and  whenever  he  went  to  Elaeus  he  used  to 
lie  with  women  in  the  sanctuary.    At  this  time  he  was  besieged 
by  the  Athenians,  neither  being  prepared  for  a  siege,  nor  ex- 


ii6-I2o]  FATE   OF   ARTAYCTES  533 

pecting  the  Greeks ;  so  that  they  fell  upon  him  somewhat  un- 
awares. But  when  autumn  came  on,  as  they  were  engaged 
in  the  siege,  and  the  Athenians  were  impatient  at  being  absent 
from  their  own  country,  and  not  able  to  take  the  fortification, 
they  besought  their  leaders  to  take  them  back  ;  they,  however, 
refused,  until  either  they  should  take  the  place  or  the  people 
of  Athens  should  recall  them;  accordingly,  they  acquiesced 
in  the  present  state  of  things. 

In  the  meanwhile  those  who  were  within  the  fortification 
were  reduced  to  the  last  extremity,  so  that  they  boiled  and  ate 
the  cords  of  their  beds ;  and  when  they  had  these  no  longer, 
then  the  Persians,  and  Artayctes  and  CEobazus,  made  their 
escape  by  night,  descending  by  the  back  of  the  fortification, 
where  it  was  most  deserted  by  the  enemy.  When  it  was  day, 
the  Chersonesians  from  the  towers  made  known  to  the  Athe- 
nians what  had  happened  and  opened  the  gates;  and  the 
greater  part  of  them  went  in  pursuit,  but  some  took  posses- 
sion of  the  city.  As  CEobazus  was  fleeing  into  Thrace,  the 
Apsinthian  Thracians  seized  him  and  sacrificed  him  to  Plis- 
torus,  a  god  of  the  country,  according  to  their  custom ;  but 
those  who  were  with  him  they  slaughtered  in  another  man- 
ner. Those  with  Artayctes,  who  had  taken  to  flight  the  last, 
when  they  were  overtaken  a  little  above  iEgos-Potami,  having 
defended  themselves  for  a  considerable  time,  some  were  killed, 
and  others  taken  alive,  and  the  Greeks,  having  put  them  in 
bonds,  conveyed  them  to  Sestos ;  and  with  them  they  took 
Artayctes  bound,  himself  and  his  son.  It  is  related  by  the 
Chersonitae  that  the  following  prodigy  occurred  to  one  of 
the  guards  as  he  was  broiling  salt  fish :  the  salt  fish  lying  on 
the  fire  leaped  and  quivered  like  fish  just  caught;  and  the  per- 
sons who  stood  around  were  amazed ;  but  Artayctes,  when 
he  saw  the  prodigy,  having  called  the  man  who  was  broiling 
the  salt  fish,  said :  "  Athenian  friend,  be  not  afraid  of  this 
prodigy,  for  it  has  not  appeared  to  you ;  but  Protesilaus,  who 
is  in  Elaeus,  intimates  to  me  that,  though  dead  and  salted,  he 
has  power  from  the  gods  to  avenge  himself  on  the  person  that 
has  injured  him.  Now,  therefore,  I  wish  to  make  him  repara- 
tion, and  instead  of  the  riches  which  I  took  out  of  his  temple, 
to  repay  one  hundred  talents  to  the  god ;  and  for  myself  and 
my  children,  I  will  pay  two  hundred  talents  to  the  Athenians 
if  I  survive."  By  offering  this  he  did  not  persuade  the  general 
Xanthippus;  for  the  Elaeans,  wishing  to  avenge  Protesilaus, 
begged  that  he  might  be  put  to  death,  and  the  mind  of  the 
general  himself  inclined  that  way.  Having,  therefore,  con- 
ducted him  to  that  part  of  the  shore  where  Xerxes  bridged 


534  HERODOTUS— BOOK   IX,   CALLIOPE  [120-122 

over  the  pass,  or,  as  others  say,  to  a  hill  above  the  city  of 
Madytus,  they  nailed  him  to  a  plank  and  hoisted  him  aloft, 
and  his  son  they  stoned  before  the  eyes  of  Artayctes.  Hav- 
ing done  these  things,  they  sailed  back  to  Greece,  taking  with 
them  other  treasures  and  the  materials  of  the  bridges,  in  order 
to  dedicate  them  in  the  temples ;  and  during  this  year  nothing 
more  was  done. 

Artembares,  the  grandfather  of  this  Artayctes  who  was 
hoisted  aloft,  was  the  person  who  originated  a  remark  which 
the  Persians  adopted  and  conveyed  to  Cyrus  in  these  terms: 
"  Since  Jupiter  has  given  the  sovereign  power  to  the  Persians, 
and  among  men,  to  you,  O  Cyrus,  by  overthrowing  Astyages ; 
as  we  possess  a  small  territory,  and  that  rugged,  come,  let  us 
remove  from  this  and  take  possession  of  another,  better. 
There  are  many  near  our  confines,  and  many  at  a  distance. 
By  possessing  one  of  these,  we  shall  be  more  admired  by  most 
men;  and  it  is  right  that  those  who  bear  rule  should  do  so; 
and  when  shall  we  have  a  better  opportunity  than  when  we 
have  the  command  of  many  nations,  and  of  all  Asia  ?  "  Cyrus 
having  heard  these  words,  and  not  admiring  the  proposal,  bade 
them  do  so ;  but  when  he  bade  them  he  warned  them  to  pre- 
pare henceforward  not  to  rule,  but  to  be  ruled  over;  for  that 
delicate  men  spring  from  delicate  countries,  for  that  it  is  not 
given  to  the  same  land  to  produce  excellent  fruits  and  men 
valiant  in  war.  So  that  the  Persians,  perceiving  their  error, 
withdrew  and  yielded  to  the  opinion  of  Cyrus ;  and  they  chose 
rather  to  live  in  a  barren  country,  and  to  command,  than  to 
cultivate  fertile  plains  and  be  the  slaves  of  others. 


INDEX 


Abae,  city  of  Phocis,  with  an  ora- 
xle  of  Apollo,  17,  451,  453.  485- 

Abantes,  58. 

Abaris,  a  Hyperborean,  223. 

Abdera,  Abderites,  town  and 
people  of  Thrace,  66,  332,  333, 
400,  403,  404,  480. 

Abrocomes,  son  of  Darius,  438. 

Abronychus,  son  of  Lysicles,  449. 

Abydos,  Abydoni,  city  and  people, 
of  the  Asiatic  side  of  the  Helles- 
pont, 254,  316,  380,  382,  384,  396, 
412,  423,  479,  483,  532. 

Acanthus,  Acanthians,  city  and 
people  of  Macedonia,  332,  377, 
402-404. 

Acarnania,  Acarnanians,  city  and 
people   of   Epirus,   23,  88,   404, 

437- 
Aceratus,    a    prophet   at    Delphi, 

454- 
Aces,  river  of  Asia,  196. 
Achaeans,   58,   299,  406,  426,   430, 

456,  464,  500. 
Achaemenes,  ancestor  of  the  Per- 
sian royal  family,  373. 
Achaemenes,   son  of  Darius,   157, 

368,  396,  441,  442. 
Achaemenidae,     royal     family     of 

Persia,  51,  81,  154,  179,  225,  285, 

390,  402. 
Achaeus,  118. 

Achaia,  396,  422,  429,  430,  453. 
Achelous,    river    of    JEtolia,    88, 

404. 


Acheron,  river  of  Epirus,  308,  456. 
Achilleium,    town    near    Sigeum, 

in  the  Troad,  309. 
Achilles,  Course  of,  district  near 

the     Borysthenes,     in     Scythia, 

229,  235. 
Acraephia,  city  of  Boeotia,  485. 
Acrisius,  father  of  Danae,  335. 
Acrothoon,  city  on  Mount  Athos, 

377- 
Adimantus,   father  of  Aristeas  of 

Corinth,  408,  445,  471. 
Adimantus,   son   of   Ocytus,   459, 

460. 
Adramyttium,  city,  384. 
Adrastus,  son  of  Gordius,  14-17. 
Adrastus,  son  of  Talaus,  296,  297. 
Adriatic  Sea,  64,  222,  277. 
Adrymachidae,  Libyan  nation,  264. 
.lEa,  city  of  Colchis,  2. 
jEaces,  son  of  Syloson,  tyrant  of 

Samos,  168,  205,  254,  322,  323, 

325,  326. 
^Eacidae,  the,  301,  461,  467. 
^Eacus,  304,  329,  461. 
.Ega,  404 
^Egaeae,  59. 
^Egaleos,  mountain  opposite  Sala- 

mis,  470. 
iEge,  58. 

^Egean  Sea,  118,  123,  239,  381,  388. 
yEgest scans,  417. 
Mgtus,  68,  258. 
.(Egialees,  Pelasgian,  ancient  name 

of  the  Ionians,  396. 


535 


53$ 


HERODOTUS 


.<Egialeus,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 

^Egicores,  296. 

.<Egidae,  Spartan  tribe,  258. 

^Egilia,  351,  353- 

^Egina,  daughter  of  Asopus,  301, 

329. 
.<Egina,    ^Eginetse,    151,    176,   202, 

301-305,  333,  337,  338,  341,  342, 
345-349,  4ii,  412,  425,  431,  444, 
455,  456,  459,  460,  461,  465-470, 
481,  484,  502,  503,  518-520,  522. 

JEgiroessa,  59. 

^Egium,  58. 

^Eglse,  the,  190. 

^gos-Potami,  533. 

JEgyra,  58. 

^Enea,  404. 

^Enesidemus,  son  of  Pataicus,  415, 

419. 
vEnianes,  426,  430. 
-dSnoe,  299. 

iEnos,  ^Eolian  city,  389. 
^Enus,  river,  240. 
^Enyra,  333- 
^Eolia,  iEolians,  3,  10,  56,  57,  59, 

66,  85,  151,  153,  189,  240,  254,  309, 

317,  3i8,  320,  327,  350,  370,  389, 

306,  424,  429,  532. 
yEolidse,  453. 
^Eolus,  430. 
Aeropus,  son  of  Philip,  486,  487, 

500. 
yEsanius,  258. 

jEschines,  son  of  Nothon,  351. 
^schirionians,  Samian  tribe,  163. 
^Eschrus,  447. 

^Eschylus,  son  of  Euphorion,  143. 
jElsop,  the  writer  of  fables,  134. 
^Etolia,  ^Etolians,  360,  464. 
Agseus,  360. 

Agamemnon,  125,  244,  407,  417. 
Agarista,  daughter  of  Hippocrates, 

wife  of  Xanthippus  and  mother 

of  Pericles,  359-362. 
Agasicles,  of  Halicarnassus,  58. 
Agathoergi,  the,  25. 


Agathyrsis,  216,  243,  244,  248,  250. 

Agbalus,  an  Aridian,  396. 

Agenor,  257,  395. 

Agesilaus,  432,  484. 

Agetus,  son  of  Alcides,  338. 

Agis,  338,  432. 

Aglauros,    daughter    of    Cecrops, 

458. 
Aglomachus,  263. 
Agora,  388. 
Agrianse,  the,  279. 
Agrianes,  240. 
Agrigentines,  419,  421. 
Agron,  son  of  Ninus,  4. 
Agyllseans,  65. 
Aia,  of  Colchis,  430. 
Aimne'stus,  514,  515. 
Aiorpata,  the  Amazons,  Scythian 

name,  245. 
Ajax,  206,  329,  461,  481. 
Alabanda,  city  of  Phrygia,  485. 
Alabandians,   a   people   of   Caria, 

429. 
Alalia,  city  of  Corsica,  65. 
Alarodians,  190,  393. 
Alazir,  King  of  Barca,  263,  264. 
Alazones,    Scythian    nation,    218, 

219,  228. 
Alcaeus,  the  poet,  309,  310. 
Alcseus,  son  of  Hercules,  4, 
Alcamenes,  son  of  Telecles,  432. 
Alcenor,  an  Argive,  32. 
Alcetes,  son  of  Aeropus,  father  of 

Amyntas,  487. 
Alcibiades,  father  of  Clinias,  448. 
Alcides,  father  of  Agetus,  338. 
Alcimachus,  father  of  Euphorbus, 

351- 
Alcmseon,  father  of  Megacles,  21. 
Alcmaeon,  son  of  Megacles,  359, 

360. 
Alcmaeonidse,  the,  22,  294-296,  298, 

305,  356-362. 
Alcmena,  mother  of  Hercules,  101, 

138. 
Alcon,  a  Mollosian,  360,  361. 


INDEX 


537 


Alean  Minerva.    See  Minerva. 
Aleian  Plain,  349. 
Aleuadae,  368,  406,  422,  512,  513. 
Alexander,  King  of  Macedon,  280, 

281,  423,  453,  481,  485-493,  507, 

508. 
Alexander,  son  of  Priam,  2. 
Alitta,  Alilat.    See  Venus. 
Alos,  in  Achaia,  429,  430. 
Alopecae,  village  of  Attica,  295. 
Alpeni,  village  near  Thermopylae, 

424,  435,  439- 
Alpheus,  son  of  Orisiphantus,  439. 
Alpis,  river,  228. 
Alus,  city  of  Achaia,  422. 
Alyattes,  son  of  Sadyattes,  King  of 

Sardis,  3,  6,  7,  9,  28,  29,  38,  171. 
Amasis,    King   of   Egypt,    11,    30, 

134,  138,  142,  145-154,  159,  168- 

171,  200. 
Amasis,    a    Persian     general    in 

Egypt,  264,  273,  274. 
Amathus,  Amathusians,  of  Cyprus, 

312-316. 
Amazons,  245-247,  501. 
Ambraciots,  456,  502,  503. 
Amestris,  daughter  of  Otanes,  wife 

of  Xerxes,  389,  401,  530-532. 
Amiantus,    son   of   Lycurgus,    an 

Arcadian    from   Trapezus,    360, 

361. 
Amilcar,  son  of  Hanno,  King  of 

the  Carthaginians,  419,  420. 
Aminias,  an  Athenian  captain,  467, 

470. 
Aminocles,  a  Magnesian,  428. 
Ammon,    oracle    of    Jupiter,    in 

Libya.    See  Jupiter. 
Ammon,  Ammonians,   17,  91,  96, 

100,  101,  160,  163,  168. 
Amompharetus,   son  of  Poliades, 

a  Spartan  general,  511,  512,  517, 

521. 
Amorges,  a  Persian  general,  317. 
Ampe,  city,  324. 
Ampelus,  Cape  of,  403. 


Amphiaraus,  oracle  of,  at  Thebes, 

in  Bceotia,  17-19,  38,  485. 
Amphiaraus,   father  of  Amphilo- 

chus,  189. 
Amphicaea,  a  Phocian  city,  453. 
Amphicrates,  King  of  Samos,  176. 
Amphictyons,  seat  and  council  of, 

151,  295,  431,  435,  439. 
Amphilochus,  son  of  Amphiaraus, 

189,  395- 
Amphilytus,  a  prophet  of  Acar- 

nania,  23. 
Amphimnestus,    son    of    Epistro- 

phus,  an  Epidamnian,  360,  361. 
Amphion,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  306. 
Amphissa,   city  of    the   Locrians, 

452,  453- 
Amphitryon,   father  of  Hercules, 

101,  102,  139,  294,  335. 
Amyntas,  King  of  Macedonia,  279- 

281,  309,  423,  485,  487. 
Amyntas,  son  of  Bubares,  485. 
Amyrgian  Scythians.    See  Sacae. 
Amyris,  360. 
Amyrtaeus,    King   of   Egypt,    136, 

159- 
Anacharsis,  227,  235,  236. 
Anacreon,  of  Teos,  the  poet,  198. 
Anactorians,  of  Epirus,  502,  503. 
Anaphes,  son  of  Otanes,  leader  of 

the  Cissians,  390. 
Anaphlystus,  village  of  Attica,  243. 
Anaua,  city  of  Phrygia,  380. 
Anaxander,  son  of  Eurycrates,  431. 
Anaxandrides,  King  of  Sparta,  25, 

208,  287,  288,  333,  353,  354,  431, 

432,  494,  514. 
Anaxandrides,  son  of  Theopom- 

pus,  484. 
Anaxilaus,    tyrant    of    Rhegium, 

325,  419,  420,  422,  484. 
Anchimolius,     son    of    Aster,    a 

Lacedaemonian,  295. 
Andreas,  359. 

Androbulus,  father  of  Timon,  410. 
Androcrates,  499. 


538 


HERODOTUS 


Androdamas,  father  of  Theomes- 
tor,  468. 

Androgyni,  232. 

Andromeda,  daughter  of  Cepheus, 
wife  of  Perseus,  389,  390,  414. 

Androphagi,  219,  243-245,  248,  250. 

Andros,  Andrians,  284,  462,  476- 
478,  481,  504- 

Androsphinxes,  150. 

Aneristus,  father  of  Sperthies,  407. 

Aneristus,  son  of  Sperthies,  408. 

Angites,  river,  401. 

Angrus,  river  of  Illyria,  227. 

Anopaea,  mountain  pass  near  Ther- 
mopylae, 435. 

Antacaeus,  a  fish,  229. 

Antagoras,  518. 

Antandros,  282. 

Anthela,  village  near  Thermopylae, 

424,  431- 
Anthemus,  in  Macedonia,  309. 
Anthylla,  city  of  Egypt,  118. 
Antichares,  an  Elian,  288. 
Anticyra,  city  of  Thessaly,  430,  435, 

449- 
Antidorus,    a    Lemnian,     deserts 

from  Xerxes's  fleet,  447. 
Antiochus,    father   of   Tisamenus, 

503- 
Antipater,  a  Thasian,  son  of  Or- 

ges,  402. 
Antiphemus,  founder  of  Gela,  415. 
Antrandus,  Pelasgian,  384. 
Anysis,  King  of  Egypt,  135,  136, 

H7- 
Anysus,    father   of  Tetramnestus, 

396. 
Aparytae,  a  people  of  Asia,  190. 
Apaturian  festival,  59. 
Aphetae,   port  of   Magnesia,   429, 

445-447- 
Aphidnae,  town  in  Attica,  354,  482, 

518. 
Aphrodisias,  island  off  the  coast  of 

Libya,  265. 
Aphthis,  district  in  Egypt,  147. 


Aphytis,  city  of  Pallene,  404. 
Apia  (the  Earth),  Scythian  god- 
dess, 230. 
Apidanus,  river  of  Thessaly,  405. 
Apis,  city  in  Egypt,  91. 
Apis  (Epaphus),  an  Egyptian  god, 

142,  163,  164,  166,  178. 
Apollo,  26,  35,  151,  217,  218,  357, 

379;  Egyptian  (Orus),  113,  138, 

143,  261;  Ptoan,  485;  Scythian 
(OZtosyrus),  230;  Triopian,  58; 
Ismenian,  temple  of,  at  Thebes, 
of  Boeotia,  19,  37,  294,  485.  See 
Abae,  Branchidae,  Delphi. 

Apollonia,  city  of  the  Euxine,  240, 

241. 
Apollonia,  city  on  the  Ionian  Gulf, 

S24,  525. 
Apollophanes,   father  of  Bisaltes, 

326. 
Apoxais,  ancestor  of  the  Scythians, 

214. 
Apries,   King  of  Egypt,   145-148, 

153,  154,  261,  262. 
Apsynthians,    people    of    Thrace, 

328,  329,  533. 
Arabia,  Arabians,  54,  78,  87-90,  95, 

in,  137,  144,  154-156,  188,  191, 

193-195,  224,  391,  394,  426. 
Arabian  Gulf,  119,  144,  224,  225; 

mountain,  130. 
Aratus,  river  of  Scythia,  227. 
Araxes,  river,  78-82,  84,  216,  224. 
Arcadia,  Arcadians,  24,  25,  58,  148, 

291,  342,  360,  395,  422,  431,  451, 

464,  501,  504. 
Arcesilaus,  son  of  Battus,  founder 

of  Cyrene,  261. 
Arcesilaus,   son   of  Battus   "  The 

Fortunate,"  262. 
Arcesilaus,   son   of  Battus   "  The 

Lame,"  151,  262-264,  273. 
Archander,  son  of  Phthius,  118. 
Archandropolis,  118. 
Archelai,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 
Archelaus,  of  Sparta^  432. 


INDEX 


539 


Archestratides,  a  Samian,  523. 

Archias,  174. 

Archias,  son  of  Samius,  174. 

Archidamus,  of  Sparta,  son  of 
Zeuxidemus,  341,  484. 

Archidice,  134. 

Archilochus,  a  Parian  poet,  5. 

Arderica,  town  in  Assyria,  71. 

Ardericca,  town  in  Cissia,  357. 

Ardys,  son  of  Gyges,  King  of  Sar- 
dis,  6. 

Areopagus,  hill  at  Athens,  457. 

Argades,  son  of  Ion,  296. 

Argseus,  son  of  Perdiccas,  487. 

Arganthonius,  King  of  the  Tartes- 
sians,  64,  65. 

Arge  and  Opis,  Hyperborean  vir- 
gins, 223. 

Argia,  daughter  of  Autesion,  wife 
of  Aristodemus,  334. 

Argilus,  city,  402. 

Argiopius,  512. 

Argippaei,  the,  220. 

Argo,  the,  256,  266,  267,  428,  429. 

Argonauts,  the,  256. 

Argos,  Argives,  1,  11,  12,  22,  32, 
33,  202,  203,  281,  291,  293,  294, 
296,  297,  303,  3 IS,  324,  342-345, 
348,  349,  360,  4",  413,  4H,  464, 
486,  494,  495,  50i,  504,  5i8. 

Argus,  precinct  of,  342-345- 

Ariabignes,  son  of  Darius,  396, 
469. 

Arians,  ancient  name  of  the  Medes, 

390- 
Arians,  190,  390. 
Ariantas,  a  Scythian  king,  238. 
Ariapithes,  Scythian  king,  235,  236. 
Ariaramnes,  a  Persian,  373,  470. 
Aridolus,  tyrant  of  the  Albandians, 

429. 
Arimaspians,  people  of  northern 

Europe,  196,  217,  218,  221. 
Arimnestus,  a  Plataean,  517. 
Ariomardus,  general  of  the  Cas- 

pians,  brother  of  Artyphius,  391. 


Ariomardus,   son   of   Darius   and 

Parmys,  393. 
Arion,  8,  9. 
Ariphron,   father  of   Xanthippus, 

362,  363,  380,  384. 
Arisba,  6b. 

Aristagoras  of  Cyme,  254,  287. 
Aristagoras  of  Cyzicus,  254. 
Aristagoras,   son  of   Molpagoras, 

283-287,  290-292,  293,  296,  310- 

321,  323,  324,  369- 

Aristeas,  son  of  Caystrobius,  217, 
218. 

Aristeas,  son  of  Adimantus,  a  Co- 
rinthian, 408. 

Aristides,  an  Athenian,  son  of 
Lysimachus,  466,  467,  471,  502. 

Aristocrates,  father  of  Casambus, 
342. 

Aristocyprus,  son  of  Philocyprus, 
King  of  the  Solians,  316. 

Aristodemus,  King  of  Sparta,  257, 
334,  432,  439,  440,  484,  517. 

Aristodicus,  son  of  Heraclides, 
62,  63. 

Aristogiton,  293,  354,  358. 

Aristolaides,  an  Athenian,  21. 

Aristomachus,  father  of  Aristode- 
mus, 334,  432,  484- 

Ariston,  King  of  Sparta,  25,  299, 

333,  337-341,  366,  433- 
Ariston  of  Byzantium,  254. 
Aristonica,    a    Pythian    priestess, 

409. 
Aristonymus,   of   Sicyon,    son   of 

Myron,  359. 
Aristophantus,    father   of   Cobon, 

339- 
Aristophilides,  King  of  the  Taren- 

tines,  204. 
Arizanti,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41. 
Arizus,  a  Persian  prince,  393. 
Armamithres,  son  of  Datis,  304. 
Armenia,   Armenians,  27,  70,   76, 

190,  291,  292,  392. 
Arsamenes,  son  of  Darius,  391. 


54Q 


HERODOTUS 


Arsames,  grandfather  of  Darius, 
81,  373,  438. 

Arsames,  son  of  Darius  and  Arty- 
stone,  391. 

Artabanus,  son  of  Hystaspes,  238, 
256,  371-376,  384-387,  390,  392, 
393,  458. 

Artabates,  a  Persian,  390. 

Artabazanes,  eldest  son  of  Darius, 
366,  367. 

Artabazus,  son  of  Pharnaces,  Per- 
sian general,  390,  482,  483,  506, 
507,  513,  SIS,  5i6,  519,  522,  523. 

Artace,  city  of  the  Propontis,  328. 

Artachaees,  a  Persian  general,  402. 

Artachaeus,  son  of  Artaeus,  377. 

Artachaeus,  father  of  Otaspes,  377- 

390. 
Artachaeus,    father    of   Artayntes, 

483. 

Artaeans,  ancient  name  of  the  Per- 
sians, 389. 

Artaeus,  father  of  Artachaeus,  377. 

Artaeus,  father  of  Azanes,  390. 

Artanes,  brother  of  Darius,  438. 

Artaphernes,  brother  of  Darius, 
son  of  Hystaspes,  284-286,  299, 
310,  311,  318-320,  327,  331. 

Artaphernes,  son  of  Artaphernes, 

349-357,  369,  37i,  392. 
Artaxerxes,   son  of  Xerxes,   350, 

399,  414- 
Artayctes,  son  of  Cherasmis,  393. 
Artayctes,  a  Persian  general,  380, 

393,  532,  534- 
Artaynte,    daughter    of    Masistes, 

530-532. 
Artayntes,  Persian  admiral,  son  of 

Artachaeus,  483,  528,  529. 
Artazostra,    daughter    of    Darius, 

wife  of  Mardonius,  331. 
Artembares,  a  Mede,  46,  47. 
Artembares,  a  Persian,  534. 
Artemisia,  daughter  of  Lygdamis, 

Queen    of    Halicarnassus,    397, 

462,  463,  468-471,  473,  474- 


Artemisum,  a  port  of  Eubcea,  423- 
425,  428,  429,  444-450,  454-456, 
462,  465,  467,  475,  526. 

Artimpasa.     See  Venus. 

Artiscus,  river  of  Scythia,  241. 

Artochmes,  son-in-law  of  Darius, 
392. 

Artontes,  father  of  Bagaeus,  201. 

Artontes,  son  of  Mardonius,  521. 

Artybius,  314,  315- 

Artyntes,  son  of  Ithamatres,  391, 

483. 
Artyphius,  son  of  Artabanus,  390, 

391. 

Artystona,  daughter  of  Cyrus,  188, 
39i,  392. 

Aryandes,  264,  273. 

Aryenis,  daughter  of  Alyattes,  29. 

Asbystae,  a  Libyan  nation,  265. 

Ascalon,  city  of  Palestine,  42,  43. 

Asia,  wife  of  Prometheus,  226. 

Asia,  geography  and  naming  of, 
226. 

Asia,  surname  of  Athene,  in  Col- 
chis, 429. 

Asian  tribe,  at  Sardis,  226. 

Asius,  son  of  Cotys,  226. 

Asine,  464. 

Asmak.    See  Automoli. 

Asonides,  425. 

Asopians,  a  people  of  Boeotia,  495. 

Asopodorus,  a  Theban  command- 
er, 516. 

Asopus,  river  in  Boeotia,  301,  354, 
430,  431,  435,  495,  497,  502,  505- 
507,  5io,  513- 

Aspathines,  a  Persian  prince,  181- 
188,  396. 

Assa,  city  of  Mount  Athos,  403. 

Assesian  Minerva,  7,  8. 

Assesus,  town  of  the  Milesians,  7. 

Assyria,  Assyrians,  39,  42,  43,  54, 
69,  00,  137,  141,  190,  224,  335, 
370,  390. 

Astacus,    father    of    Melanippus, 

297- 


INDEX 


541 


Aster,  father  of  Achimolius,  295. 
Astrabacus,  a  hero  of  Sparta,  340. 
Astyages,  King  of  the  Medes,  17, 

28,  29,  43-53,  63,  368,  534- 
Asychis,  King  of  Egypt,  134,  135. 
Atarantes,     Libyan     nation,     268, 

269. 
Atarbechis,  city  of  Egypt,  100. 
Atarnes,  river  of  Thrace,  227. 
Atarneus,    city    and    territory    in 

Mysia,  63,  319,  327,  384,  475- 
Athamas,  son  of  JEolus,  388,  430. 
Athenades,  a  Trachinian,  kills  the 

traitor  Ephialtes,  435. 
Athenagoras,  son  of  Archestrati- 

des,  523,  524. 
Athens,  Athenians,  passim. 
Athos,  Mount,  332,  349,  377,  378, 

382,  402,  403,  427. 
Athres,  river  of  Thrace,  227. 
Athribis,  district  in  Egypt,  147. 
Atlantes,  or  Atarantes,  people  of 

Libya,   269. 
Atlantic  Ocean,  79. 
Atlas,  river  of  Mount  Haemus,  227. 
Atlas,  Mount,  269. 
Atossa,   daughter   of   Cyrus,    180, 

188,  202,  203,  366,  367,  390,  393. 
Atridae,  expedition  of  the,  against 

Ilium,  377. 
Attaginus,  son  of  Phrynon,  a  The- 

ban,  496,  522. 
Attica,  Attic  people,  243,  294-296, 

299-305,  342,  351,  357,  363,  365, 

408,  427,  448,  454,  457,  458,  461, 

47i,  477,  490,  492-501. 
Atys,  King  of  Sardis,  4,  38,  379, 

392. 
Atys,  son  of  Croesus,  13-16. 
Auchatae,  214. 
Augila,  Augilae,  town  and  people 

of  Libya,  265,  268. 
Augites,  401. 
Auras,  river,  227. 
Auschisae,  Libyan  nation,  265. 
Auses,  Libyan  nation,  267,  270. 


Autesion,  son  of  Tisamenus,  257, 

334- 
Automoli,  95,  96. 
Autonus,  454. 
Auxesia,  302-304. 
Axius,  river,  404. 
Axus,  city  of  Crete,  259. 
Azanes,  son  of  Artseus,  390. 
Azenian,  360. 

Aziris,  city  in  Africa,  261-265. 
Azotus,  city  in  Syria,  144. 

Babylon,  Babylonians,  30,  38,  61, 
69-78,  190,  209-213,  272,  390. 

Bacchus,  Arabian  (Orotal),  155; 
Egyptian  (Osiris),  100,  103,  105, 
113,  130,  138,  139,  143,  I9i;  Ethi- 
opian, 95;  Grecian,  103,  138,  139, 
191,  236,  237,  245,  276,  297,  401; 
Temple  of,  at  Byzantium,  239. 

Bacchiadae,  the,  of  Corinth,   306, 

307. 
Bacis,  oracles  of,  449,  466,  471,  472, 

507. 

Bactra,  321. 

Bactria,  Bactrians,  61,  190,  192, 
274,  390,  394,  478,  503,  531,  532. 

Badres,  a  Persian  admiral,  264, 
392. 

Bagaeus,  son  of  Artontes,  201. 

Bagaeus,  father  of  Mardontes,  483. 

Barce,  Barcaeans,  157,  189,  262-265, 
269,  273,  274. 

Basilides,  an  Ionian,  484. 

Bassaces,  son  of  Artabanus,  392. 

Battus,  son  of  Polymnestus.  found- 
er of  Cyrene,  151,  258-261. 

Battus,  "  The  Fortunate,"  261. 

Battus,  "The  Lame,"  262. 

Battiadae,  the,  274 

Belbinite,  482. 

Belidian  Gate,  Babylon,  211,  212. 

Belus,  father  of  Ninus,  4. 

Belus,  father  of  Cepheus,  389. 

Belus.    See  Jupiter. 

Bermion,  Mount,  487. 


542 


HERODOTUS 


Bessi,  priestesses  of  the  oracle  of 

Bacchus,  401. 
Bias,  of  Priene,  10,  66. 
Bias,  brother  of  Melampus,  504. 
Bisaltes,  son  of  Apollophanes,  326. 
Bisaltia,  Bisaltae,  402,  479. 
Bisanthe,  on  the  Hellespont,  408. 
Bistonians,  Thracian  nation,  401. 
Bistonis,  lake,  400. 
Bithynia,  Bithynians,  10,  392. 
Biton,   Cleobis  and,   story  of   11, 

12. 
Bcebeis,  a  lake  in  Thessaly,  405. 
Bceotia,    Boeotians,    37,    104,    293, 

294,  297,  299,  300-305,  328,  354, 

406,  431,  453,  454,  456,  457,  462, 

478,  400-497,  499-522,  527. 
Boges,  Persian  governor  of  Eion, 

400,  401. 
Bolbitine  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91. 
Boreas,  427,  428. 
Borysthenes,  river  of  Scythia,  214, 

219,  220,  227,  229,  233,  238,  243, 

244. 
Borysthenitse,  218,  219,  229,  236, 

237- 
Bosphorus,      Thracian,      238-240, 
247,  371;    Cimmerian,  217,  221, 

243. 

Bottisea,  Bottiseans,  404,  426,  482. 

Branchidae,  17,  62,  144,  286. 

Branchis,  city  of  the  Milesians,  37. 

Brauron,  town  in  Attica,  256,  364. 

Briantica,  400. 

Briges,  ancient  name  of  the  Phry- 
gians, 392. 

Brongus,  river,  227. 

Brundusium,  city  of  Italy,  243. 

Brygi,  Thracians,  332,  426. 

Bubares,  son  of  Megabyzus,  281, 

377,  485. 
Bubastis,  city  of  Egypt,  106,  107, 

109,   142,  144,   147. 
Bubastis.     See  Diana. 
Bucolic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91. 
Budii,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41. 


Budini,  the,  tribe  of  the  Scythians, 

219,  244,  245,  248,  249,  254. 
Bulis,  son  of  Nicolaus,  a  Spartan, 

407,  408. 
Bura,  city  of  Achaia,  158. 
Busse,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41. 
Busiris,  city  of  Egypt,  106,  107,  146. 
Butacides,  father  of  Philip  of  Cro- 

tona,  290. 
Buto,  city  of  Egypt,  with  an  oracle 

of  Latona,  106,  107,  109,  111,  113, 

122,  133,  142,  143,  178. 
Bybassus,  68. 
Byzantium,    Byzantines,   239,   240, 

254,  256,  282,  312,  320,  326,  328, 

523- 

Cabales,  Libyan  nation,  265. 

Cabalian  Meionians,  392. 

Cabalians,  189. 

Cabeiri,  104,  168. 

Cadmaeans,  20,  58,  65,  257,  293,  294, 

501. 
Cadmus,  son  of  Agenor,  104,  138, 

257,  293,  294. 
Cadmus,  son  of  Scythes,  a  Coan, 

419. 
Cadytis,  city  in  Syria,  144,  154,  155. 
Caeneus,  306. 
Caicus,  river  of  Mysia,  384;  plain 

of  Mysia,  327. 
Calami,  in  Ionia,  525. 
Calantians.     See  Indians. 
Calasiries,  Egyptian  war  tribe,  146, 

147,  503. 
Calchas,  395. 
Cale  Acte,  325. 

Callatebus,  city  of  Lydia,  380. 
Callatians,  168. 
Calliades,  archon  at  Athens  at  the 

time  of  the  invasion,  457. 
Callias  of  Elis,  a  diviner,  289. 
Callias,  son  of  Hipponicus,  414. 
Callias,  son  of  Phcenippus,  father 

of  Hipponicus,  358. 
Calibrates,  517,  521. 


INDEX 


543 


Callimachus,  354-356. 

Callipidae,  218,  219. 

Callipolitae,  4*5- 

Callista,  island,  afterward  Thera, 

257- 
Calyndians,  397,  468,  469. 
Camarina,  Camarinaeans,  415,  416. 
Cambyses,  father  of  Cyrus,  17,  28, 

43,  50,  373,  376. 
Cambyses,   son  of  Cyrus,  81,  85, 

152-168,   170,   176-179,    182,    183, 

188,  198-200,  205,  264,  282,  366. 
Cameirus,  58. 

Camicus,  city  of  Sicily,  421. 
Campsa,  404. 
Canae,  Mount,  384. 
Canastraeum,  Cape  of,  403. 
Candaules    (Myrsilus),    tyrant    of 

Sardis,  4. 
Candaules,   father  of  Damasithy- 

mus,  397. 
Canopic  mouth   of  the   Nile,  91, 

123,  151- 
Canopus,  city  of  Egypt,  90,  118. 
Caphareus,  445. 

Cappadocia,  27,  291,  292,  378,  392. 
Car,  brother  of  Lydus  and  Mysus, 

67. 
Carcinitis,  city  of  Scythia,  229,  243. 
Cardamyle,  464. 
Cardia,  328-330,  388,  532. 
Carenus,  father  of  Evansetus,  423. 
Caria,  Carians,  10,  57,  66-68,  107, 

142,  143,  146,  156,  189,  304,  312, 

315-317,  324,  326,  380,  395-397, 

429,  449,  450. 
Carina,  city  of  Mysia,  384. 
Carnean  festival,  432,  464. 
Carpathius,    island    near    Rhodes, 

170. 
Carpis,  river,  228. 
Carthage,   Carthaginians,  65,   160, 

225,  271,  272,  288,  324,  417,  420. 
Caryanda,  226. 
Carystus,  Carystians,  222,  350,  351, 

435,  462,  478,  481,  528. 


Casambus,  son  of  Aristocrates,  342. 
Casius,  Mount,  in  Arabia,  87,  144, 

155. 
Casmene,  city  of  Sicily,  416. 
Caspatyrus,  city  of  Pactyica,  192, 

226. 
Caspian  Sea,  79,  224. 
Caspians,  190,  390,  391,  394. 
Caspiri,  394. 
Cassadane,  daughter  of  Pharnas- 

pes,  wife  of  Cyrus,  85,  154. 
Cassiterides  Islands,  196. 
Castalian  Spring,  454. 
Casthanaea,  city,  425,  427. 
Catarractes,  river  of  Asia  Minor, 

379- 
Catiari,  Scythian  tribe,  214. 
Caucasus,  Mount,  42,  79,  191,  217, 

285. 
Caucones,  258. 

Caunia,  Caunians,  66,  67,  69,  312. 
Cayster,  river,  311. 
Caystrobius,    father    of    Aristeas, 

217. 
Cecropidae,   ancient  name   of  the 

Athenians,  456. 
Cecrops,  King  of  Athens,  410,  456, 

458. 
Celaenae,  379. 
Celeas,  289. 
Celts,  the,  97,  228. 
Ceos,   Ceians,  223,  312,  444,  456, 

465- 
Cephallenia,  502. 
Cephenes,    ancient    name    of   the 

Persians,  389. 
Cepheus,    father    of    Andromeda, 

389,  390,  414. 
Cephissus,  river  of  Phocis,  453. 
Cephisus,  father  of  Thyia,  424. 
Ceramic  Gulf,  68. 
Cercasorus,  city  in  Egypt,  90,  91, 

118. 
Cercopes,  435. 
Ceres,    Egyptian   (Isis),    129,    130, 

143,  144,  148;  Grecian,  148,  229, 


544 


HERODOTUS 


294,  348,  362,  363,  410,  431,  461, 

512,  514-516,  525-527- 
Chalcedon,     Chalcedonians,     239, 

256,  282,  328. 
Chalcis,    Chalcidians,    of    Euboea, 

290-301,  305,  311,  351,  357,  425- 

427,  444,  445,  456,  482,  502,  503. 
Chaldaeans,  70,  71,  210,  390. 
Chalestra,  404. 
Chalybians,  10. 
Charadra,  Phocian  city,  453. 
Charaxus,  of  Mitylene,  brother  of 

Sappho,  134. 
Charilaus,  24  (note),  207-209. 
Charillus,  son  of  Eunomus,  484. 
Charopinus,  a  Milesian,  brother  of 

Aristagoras,  311. 
Chemmis,  floating  island,  143,  144. 
Chemmis,  city  in  Egypt,  115,  146. 
Cheops,  King  of  Egypt,  130-132. 
Chephren,    King    of    Egypt,    131, 

132. 
Cherasmis,  393. 
Chersis,  312,  396,  447. 
Chersonesus,  Chersonitse,  243,  254, 

255,  328-330,  352,  365,  377,  380, 

388,  483,  532,  533- 
Chileus,  of  Tegea,  493,  494. 
Chilon,  a  Lacedaemonian,  21,  339, 

441. 
Chios,  Chians,  7,  57,  63,  64,   134, 

151,  254,  285,  311,  319-321,  323, 

326,  327,  475,  484,  529- 
Choaspes,  river  near  Susa,  73,  291, 

292. 
Chcerea,  city  of  Eubcea,  351. 
Choereatae,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 
Chcerus,  421. 

Chorasmians,  190,  196,  390. 
Chromius,  an  Argive,  32. 
Chytri,  hot  baths  at  Thermopylae, 

424. 
Cicilians,  317. 
Ciconians,   Thracian   nation,   389, 

400,  401. 
Cilicia,  Cilicians,  10,  27,  90,  97,  189, 


291,  292,  320,  331,  349,  392,  395, 

396,  448,  463,  473,  529. 
Cilix,  son  of  Agenor,  a  Phoenician, 

395- 
Cilia,  an  ^solian  city,  59. 
Cimmeria,    Cimmerians,   3,  6,   42, 

213,  216,  217,  221,  226,  240,  371, 

377- 
Cimmerian    Bosphorus,    221,    240, 

371. 
Cimon,    father   of   Miltiades,   328, 

330,  351,  352. 
Cimon,  son  of  Miltiades,  363,  400. 
Cineas,   King  of  Thessaly,  295. 
Cinyps,  district  of  Libya,  272. 
Cinyps,  river,  266,  288. 
Cissia,  Cissians,  190,  291,  292,  357, 

390,  394,  434- 
Cissian  Gate,  Babylon,  211,  212. 
Cithaeron,    Mount,   410,   497,   499, 

505,  506,  510,  512,  516. 
Cius,  of  Mysia,  317. 
Clazomenae,  7,  18,  57,  151,  318. 
Cleades,  son  of  Autodicus,  a  Pla- 

taean,  522. 
Cleander,  a  prophet,  345. 
Cleander,  son  of  Hippocrates,  ty- 
rant of  Syracuse,  416. 
Cleander,  son  of  Pantares,  415. 
Cleobis  and  Biton,  story  of,  11,  12. 
Cleodaeus,  334,  432,  484. 
Cleombrotus,     son     of     Anaxan- 

drides,  238,  285,  288,  432,  464, 

494,  514. 
Cleomenes,  King  of  Sparta,  208, 

209,  287-300,  305,  310,  333,  337- 

345,  353,  413,  432. 
Cleonae,  city  of  Mount  Athos,377. 
Clinias,  son  of  Alcibiades,  448. 
Clisthenes,  tyrant  of  Sicyon,  296, 

297,  359-362. 
Clisthenes,  of  Athens,  296-299,  361, 

362. 
Clytiadae,  an  Elian  family,  503. 
Cnidus,  Cnidians,  58,  68,  151,  205, 

263. 


INDEX 


545 


Cncethus,  347. 

Cobon,  son  of  Aristophantus,  a 
Delphian,  339. 

Codrus,  son  of  Melanthus,  59,  296, 
300,  526. 

Coenyra,  town  in  Thasos,  333. 

Coes,  son  of  Erxandrus,  a  Mity- 
lenian,  242,  277,  287. 

Coela,  352,  447. 

Coeli,  district  of  Chios,  326. 

Colaeus,  a  Samian  sea  captain,  259. 

Colaxais,  ancestor  of  the  Scyth- 
ians, 214,  215. 

Colchis,  Colchians,  2,  42,  120,  121, 
191,  224,  226,  390,  393,  430. 

Colias,  in  Attica,  471,  472. 

Colophon,  Colophonians,  6,  7,  57, 

59- 

Colossae,  380. 

Combrea,  404. 

Compsatus,  river,  400. 

Conium,  city,  295. 

Contadesdus,  river,  240. 

Copais,  lake,  485. 

Corcyra,  Corcyrseans,  171-174,  411, 
415,  420,  421. 

Coressus,  Ephesian  city,  311. 

Corinth,  Corinthians,  6,  8,  9,  18, 
147,  171-174,  203,  263,  267,  299, 
300,  304,  306-309,  348,  354,  361, 
408,  415,  429,  431,  444,  445,  449, 
455,  456,  459,  464,  466,  471,  50i, 
516,  522,  525,  528. 

Corobius,  a  Cretan  purple-dyer, 
258,  259. 

Coronseans,  301. 

Corycian    cavern,    of    Parnassus, 

453- 

Corydallus,  of  Antcyra,  435. 

Corys,  river  of  Arabia,  156. 

Cos,  Coans,  58,  397,  419,  518. 

Cotys,  son  of  Manes,  226. 

Cranai,  ancient  name  of  the  Athe- 
nians, 456. 

Cranaspes,  son  of  Mitrobates,  200. 

Cranonians,  360. 
35 


Crastis,   river,   called  "  the   dry," 

289. 
Crathis,  river  of  Achaia,  58. 
Cremni,  219,  245,  246. 
Crestona,    Crestonaeans,    20,    276, 

404,  405,  479- 
Crete,  Cretans,  2,  24,  67,  170,  175, 

176,  226,  258,  259,  262,  395,  397, 

411,  421,  422. 
Cretinus,  father  of  Aminocles,  428. 
Crinippus,  father  of  Terillus,  419. 
Crisaean  plain,  of  Locri,  452,  453. 
Critalla,  city  in  Cappadocia,  378. 
Critines,   father  of  Anaxilaus,   of 

Rhegium,  419. 
Critobulus,  151. 
Critobulus,  of  Torone,  482. 
Crius,  father  of  Polycritus,  470. 
Crius,  son  of  Polycritus,  of  iEgina, 

333,  342. 
Crobyzi,  river  in  Thrace,  227. 
Crocodiles,    city    of,    in     Egypt, 

139. 
Croesus,  King  of  Lydia,  3,  10,  24, 

26-39,  53,  57,  61,  62,  80-82,  158, 

166,  167,  171,  286,  329,  359,  380, 

453,  481. 
Crophi,  mountain  in  Upper  Egypt, 

94- 
Crossaea,    district    of    Macedonia, 

404. 
Crotona,  Crotonians,  199,  201,  202, 

204,  205,  289,  290,  324,  456. 
Cuphagoras,  an  Athenian,  357. 
Curium,  Curians,  315. 
Cyanean  Islands,  in  the  Euxine, 

239,  240. 
Cyaxares,  King  of  the  Medes,  6, 

17,  28,  42,  43. 
Cybebe,  Temple  of,  at  Sardis,  312. 
Cybele,  mountain  of,  31. 
Cyberniscus,  son  of  Sicas,  a  Ly- 

cian,  396. 
Cyclades  Islands,  284. 
Cydippe,  daughter  of  Terillus,  wife 

of  Anaxilaus,  419. 


546 


HERODOTUS 


Cydonia,  city  in  Crete,   170,   175, 

176. 
Cydrara,  city  in  Phrygia,  380. 
Cyllyrii,  Sicilian  slaves,  416. 
Cylon,  an  Athenian,  298. 
Cyme,  Cymaeans,  59,  62,  63,  254, 

287,  318,  429,  483. 
Cynaegeirus,    son    of    Euphorion, 

356. 
Cynetae,  Cynesians,  97,  228. 
Cyneus,  an  Eretrian,  351. 
Cyniscus,  son  of  Leuty chides,  341. 
Cyno,  or  Spaco,  nurse  of  Cyrus, 

44,  50. 
Cynosarges,  in  Attica,  295,  356. 
Cynosura,  an  island  near  Salamis, 

465,  466. 
Cynurians,  464. 
Cyprian  verses,  125. 
Cyprus,  Cyprians,  28,  42,  78,  112, 

152,  160,  263,  277,  284,  291,  312- 

316,  320,  395,  397,  463,  473- 
Cypselidae,  of  Corinth,  361, 
Cypselus,  son  of  Eetion,  tyrant  of 

Corinth,  6,  8,  171,  307,  308. 
Cypselus,  father  of  Miltiades,  328. 
Cyraunis,  island  near  Libya,  271. 
Cyrene,    Cyrenaeans,   06,   97,    145, 

151,  152,  157,  189,  202,  259-265, 

269,  272-274,  290. 
Cyrnus,  island,  65,  66,  419. 
Cyrnus,  a  hero,  65,  66. 
Cyrnus,  a  city  of  Carystia,  528. 
Cyrus,  King  of  Persia,  17,  27-83, 

85,   153,   154,   165-167,   180,   183, 

188,  189,  198,  212,  292,  366,  368, 

369,  376,  386,  534- 
Cythera,  island  off  the  Pelopon- 
nesus, 32,  43,  441. 
Cythnus,  Cythnians,  395,  456,  462. 
Cytissorus,  son  of  Phryxus,  430. 
Cyzicus,  Cyzicenians,  217,  218,  235, 

254,  328. 

Dadicae,  the,  190,  390. 
Daedalus,  421. 


Daians,  Persian  tribe,  51. 

Damasithymus,  King  of  the  Ca- 
lyndians,  468. 

Damasthymus,  son  of  Candaules, 
397- 

Damasus,  son  of  Amyris,  of  Siris, 
called  the  Wise,  360,  361. 

Damia,  302-304. 

Danae,  mother  of  Perseus,  115,  335, 
389,  414. 

Danaus,  115,  118,  148,  152,  396. 

Daphnae,  Pelusian,  of  Egypt,  95, 
121. 

Daphnis,  of  Abydos,  254. 

Dardanians,  73. 

Dardanus,  316,  384. 

Daritae,  190. 

Darius,  son  of  Hystaspes,  King  of 
Persia,  53,  71,  73,  81,  82,  122,  144, 
168,  181-215,  224-226,  238-256, 
264,  274-286,  313-319,  321-333, 
34i,  345,  349-358,  366,  367,  369, 
37i,  373,  376,  377,  379,  387,  389, 
390-393,  396,  399,  406-408,  429, 
438,  469- 

Darius,  son  of  Xerxes,  530. 

Dascylium,  198,  200,  328. 

Dascylus,  father  of  Gyges,  4. 

Datis,  Persian  general  at  Mara- 
thon, 349-357,  369,  371,  392,  394- 

Datus,  city  of  the  Edonians,  518. 

Daulians,  453. 

Daurises,    son-in-law    of    Darius, 

317- 

Decelea,  349,  495,  517,  518. 

Decelus,  517. 

Deioces,  6,  28,  30-41. 

Deiphonus,  son  of  Evenius,  a  di- 
viner, 524,  525. 

Delium  of  the  Thebans,  357. 

Delos,  Delians,  23,  148,  222,  223, 
350,  357,  484,  523,  525- 

Delphi,  Delphians,  6-9,  17-19,  24, 
25,  34,  36-38,  65,  68,  134,  151,  175, 
218,  258,  260-263,  266,  288,  295, 
297,  299,  302,  304,  306,  307,  324, 


INDEX 


547 


326,  328,  329,  334,  339,  341,  342, 
347,  359,  363,  365,  401,  406,  409, 
410,  413,  419-421,  437,  442,  451, 
453,  454,  467,  478,  481,  503,  507, 
520,  524. 

Delta  of  the  Nile,  89-91,  106,  151. 

Demaratus,  son  of  Ariston,  King 
of  Sparta,  299,  300,  333,  337~342, 
345,  366,  367,  397-399,  433,  44°- 
443,  461. 

Demarmenus,  288,  339. 

Demeter,  106. 

Democedes,  a  physician  of  Cro- 
tona,  199,  201-205. 

Democritus,  a  Naxian,  present  at 
Salamis,  456. 

Demonax,  a  Mantinean,  262. 

Demonous,  429. 

Demophilus,  son  of  Diadromas, 
Thespian  commander  at  Ther- 
mopylae, 437. 

Dersaei,  Thracian  nation,  401. 

Derusiaeans,  Persian  tribe,  51. 

Deucalion,  20. 

Diactorides,  father  of  Eurydame, 

341- 
Diactorides,  a  Cranonian,  360,  361. 
Diana,    Egyptian   (Bubastis),    106, 

XI3,  135,  136,  143;    Grecian,  10, 

139,  172,  223,  239,  276,  364,  423, 

466. 
Dicaea,  city  of  Thrace,  400. 
Dicaeus,  461. 
Dictynna,  Temple  of,  at  Cydonia, 

176. 
Didymi,  temple  at,  324. 
Dieneces,  a  Spartan,  438,  439. 
Dion,  city,  377. 
Diomede,  125. 

Dionysiophanes,  an  Ephesian,  521. 
Dionysius,  a  Phocaean,  321-324. 
Dioscuri,  the,  101,  104,  360. 
Dipaea,  504. 
Dithyrambus,  son  of  Harmatides, 

439- 
Doberes,  the,  279,  401. 


Dodona,  oracle  at,  17,  104-106,  222, 

524. 

Dolonci,  Thracian,  328-330. 

Dolopes,   406,  426. 

Dorians,  3,  10,  20,  56,  58,  67,  148, 
151,  297,  299,  300,  304,  335,  370, 
395-398,  455,  456,  462,  464. 

Dorieus,  son  of  Anaxandrides,  288- 
290,  414,  432,  494. 

Doris,  formerly  Dryopis,  452,  455. 

Doriscus,  311,  378,  389,  399,  400, 
4°3- 

Dorus,  son  of  Hellen,  King  of  the 
Dorians,  20. 

Doryssus,  son  of  Leobotes,  432. 

Dotus,  son  of  Megasidrus,  a  Per- 
sian general,  392. 

Dropicians,  Persian  tribe,  51. 

Drymus,  Phocian  city,  burned  by 
Xerxes,  453. 

Dryopis,  Dryopians,  20,  58,  452, 
455,  456,  464- 

Dyma,  town  in  Achaia,  58. 

Dymanatae,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 

Dyras,  river  of  Trachinia,  430. 

Dysorum,  mountain,  279. 

Ecbatana,  of  Media,  40,  41,  44,  61, 

178,  190;  in  Syria,  177,  178. 
Echecrates,  306. 
Echemus,  son  of  Aeropus,  500. 
Echestratus,  432. 
Echidorus,  river  of  Thrace,  404, 

405- 

Echinades  Islands,  88. 

Edonia,  Edonians,  277,  318,  401, 
518. 

Eetion,  6,  306,  307. 

Egestaeans,  289,  290. 

Egypt,  Egyptians,  2,  11,  30,  38,  42, 
61,  71,  75,  77,  85-164,  168-171, 
189,  201,  205,  206,  224-227,  255, 
261,  262,  264,  267,  273,  320,  335, 
337,  366-368,  376,  378,  380,  300, 
391,  395,  396,  448,  463,  473,  503. 

Egyptus,  152. 


[ERODOTUS 


Eion,  city  on  the  Strymon,  378, 
400,  401,  480.  \ 

Elaeus,  city  in  the  Chersonesus, 
36s,  377,  380,  532,  533- 

Elatea,  Phocian  city,  453.  \ 

Elbo,  island  of  the  blind  king 
Any  sis,  136. 

Eleans,  145,  258,  360,  451,  464,  503, 

519. 
Eleon,  288. 
Elephantine,  city  of  Upper  Egypt, 

88,  91,  94-96,  no,  150,  160. 
Eleusinian  Ceres,  512,  525-527. 
Eleusis,  11,  299,  300,  338,  342,  461, 

468,  497,  501. 
Elis,  202,  222,  289,  341,  464. 
Elisycians,  419. 
Ellopia,  450. 
Elorus,  river,  415. 
Enarees,  43,  232. 
Encheleae,  204,  507. 
Enienes,  406. 

Enipeus,  river  of  Thessaly,  405. 
Eniti,  the,  277. 

Eordi,  a  people  of  Macedonia,  426. 
Epaphus,  99,  142,  163,  164. 
Ephesus,  Ephesians,  10,  37,  57,  59, 

88,  121,  139,  293,  311,  312,  323, 

345,  474,  475,  521. 
Ephialtes,   son   of   Eurydemus,   a 

Malian,  434~438. 
Ephori,  the,  209,  287,  288,  338,  339. 

344,  492-494- 
Epicydes,  father  of  Glaucus,  346. 
Epidamnus,  on  the  Ionian   Gulf, 

360. 
Epidanus,  river  of  Thessaly,  429. 
Epidaurus,    Epidaurians,    58,    172, 

174,  302,  303,  397,  444,  455,  456, 

464,  501-503. 
"  Epigoni,"  the,  222. 
Epistrophus,   father  of  Amphim- 

nestus,  360. 
Epium,  258. 

Epizelus,  son  of  Cuphagoras,  357. 
Epizephyrian  Locrians,  325. 


Erasinus,  river,  343. 
Erectheus,  302,  427,  456,  458. 
Eretria,    Eretrians,    22,    293,    311, 

312,  331,  349-351,  353,  356-358, 

360,  444,  456,  502,  503. 
Eridanus,  river,  195,  196. 
Erineum,  455. 

Erochus,  Phocian  city,  453. 
Erxandrus,  242,  287. 
Erythia,  island  near  Gades,  215. 
Erythrse,   Erythraeans,  7,  57,  321, 

495,  497-499- 
Erythrebolus,  city  of  Egypt,  123. 
Eryx,  in  Sicily,  288,  289. 
Eryxo,  262. 
Etearchus,  King  of  Axus  in  Crete, 

259,  260. 
Etearchus,  King  of  the  Ammoni- 

ans,  96,  97. 
Eteocles,  294. 
Etesian  winds,  92,  365,  421. 
Ethiopia,  Ethiopians,  94,  95,  119, 

120,  122,  135,  136,  139,  145,  160- 

163,  190,  191,  268,  272,  391,  395, 

503. 
Euaenetus,  son  of  Carenus,  423. 
Eualcis,  an  Eretrian  general,  312. 
Eubcea,  Euboeans,  58,  222,  284,  300, 

351,  360,  416,  423,  425,  427,  428, 

445-449,  462,  463,  468. 
Euclides,  son  of  Hippocrates,  ty- 
rant of  Syracuse,  416. 
Euelthon,   King  of  Salamis,  263, 

312. 
Euesperides,  islands,  265. 
Euesperides,  a  people  of  Libya, 

272. 
Eumenes,  an  Anagyrasian,  470. 
Eumenides,  temple  of  the,  at  My- 

cale,  258,  525. 
Eunomus,  484. 
Eupalinus,  son  of  Naustropus,  a 

Megarian  architect,  176. 
Euphemus,  258. 
Euphorbus,    son    of   Alcimachus, 

351. 


INDEX 


549 


Euphorion,    father   of   ^Eschylus, 

143,  356. 
Euphorion,    father    of    Laphanes, 

360. 
Euphrates,  70,  71,  75,  292. 
Euripus,  the,  300,  422,  425,  445,  448, 

462. 
Europa,  of  Tyre,  2,  67,  102,  226, 

257. 
Europe,  42,  90,  97,  120,  195,  196, 

224,  226,  228,  240,  255,  328,  331, 

377,  388,  495- 
Europus,  484. 
Euryanax,    son   of    Dorieus,    494, 

Eurybates,  of  Argos,  349,  518. 

Eurybiades,  son  of  Euryclides, 
commander  of  the  fleet,  444,  445, 
455,  457,  459,  460,  461,  464,  466, 
476,  481. 

Eurycrates,  son  of  Polydorus,  431. 

Eurycratides,   son   of  Anaxander, 

431. 

Eurydame,  daughter  of  Diactori- 

des,  wife  of  Zeuxidemus,  341. 
Eurydemus,  434. 
Euryleon,  289,  290. 
Eurymachus,  father  of  Leontiades, 

432. 
Eurymachus,   son   of  Leontiades, 

440. 
Euryphon,  son  of  Procles,  484. 
Eurypilus,  one  of  the  Aleuadae,  512. 
Eurysthenes,  son  of  Aristodemus, 

257,  287,  334,  432. 
Eurystheus,  King  of  Argos,  500, 

501. 
Eurytus,  439. 
Euthynus,  528. 
Eutychides,    father    of    Sophanes, 

517. 
Euxine  Sea,  3,  28,  29,  44,  90,  97, 

224,  226,  239,  240,  328,  381. 
Evagoras,  a  Lacedaemonian,  352. 
Evenius,  524,  525. 
Exampseus,  228,  238. 


Gaeson,  river,  525. 

Galepsus,  city  of  Macedonia,  403. 

Gallaica,  400. 

Gamori,  tribe  of  Syracusans,  416. 

Gandarians,  a  people  of  Asia,  190, 

390- 
Garamantes,  a  Libyan  nation,  266, 

268. 
Gargaphia,  fountain  of,  499,  509, 

510. 
Gauanes,  486,  487. 
Gebeleizis  (Zalmoxis),  241. 
Gela,  Geloans,  325,  415,  416. 
Geleon,  son  of  Ion,  296. 
Gelon,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  41 1-420. 
Gelonus,  city  of  Scythia,  244,  245, 

248,  249,  254. 
Gelonus,  son  of  Hercules,  216. 
Gephyraeans,  293,  294. 
Geraestus,   town    of   Euboea,   445, 

528. 
Gergis,  son  of  Arizus,  393. 
Gergithae,  318,  384. 
Germanians,  Persian  tribe,  51. 
Gerrhus,     river    and    region    of 

Scythia,  219,  227,  229,  233. 
Gersis,  a  Persian  commander,  403. 
Geryon,  215. 

Getae,  a  people  of  Thrace,  241,  242. 
Gigonus,  404. 

Giligammae,  Libyan  nation,  265. 
Gillus,  205. 

Gindanes,  the,  Libyan  nation,  266. 
Glaucon,  518. 
Glaucus,  a  Chian,  inventor  of  the 

art  of  inlaying  iron,  10. 
Glaucus,  son  of  Hippolochus,  59. 
Glaucus,    son    of    Epicydes,    346, 

347- 

Glisas,  507. 

Gnurus,  236. 

Gobryas,  a  Persian  nobleman,  fa- 
ther of  Mardonius,  181-188,  252, 
253,  33i,  366,  367,  393- 

Gobryas,  son  of  Darius  and  Arty- 
stone,  392. 


55o 


HERODOTUS 


Gonnus,  city  of  Thessaly,  405,  423. 
Gordias,  father  of  Midas,  6,  487. 
Gordias,  son  of  Midas,  14. 
Gorgo,    daughter   of    Cleomenes, 

290-292,  443. 
Gorgus,  King  of  the  Salaminians, 

312,  313.  3i6,  396,  447- 
Graces,  the,  104,  266. 
Greeks,  passim. 
Grinus,  King  of  Thera,  258. 
Grynia,  an  ^Eolian  city,  59. 
Gygsea,  daughter  of  Amyntas,  281, 

485- 
Gygean  Lake,  38. 
Gyges,  King  of  Sardis,  4,  37,  198, 

317. 
Gymnopaediae,  the,  public  games  at 

Sparta,  339. 
Gyndes,  river  of  Armenia,  73,  74, 

79,  292. 
Gyzantes,  a  people  of  Libya,  271. 

Hades,  129. 
Haemus,  Mount,  227. 
Haliacmon,  river,  404. 
Halicarnassus,  city  of  Asia  Minor, 

1,  58,  68,  151,  154,  155.  397,  474, 

529. 
Halys,  river  of  Asia  Minor,  3,  10, 

27-29,  42,  S3,  292,  312,  379. 
Hanno,  father  of  Amilcar,  419. 
Harmatides,  439. 
Harmocydes,  a  Phocian  general, 

496,  497. 
Harmodius,  293,  354,  358. 
Harpagus,  a  Medic  prince,  31-53, 

63-66,  68,  69. 
Harpagus,  Persian  general,  327. 
Heads  of  Oak,  the,  pass  of  Mount 

Cithaeron,  506. 
Hebe,  526. 

Hebrus,  river,  240,  389. 
Hecatseus,  the  historian,  137,  138, 

318,  363,  364. 
Hector,  126. 
Hegesander,  318. 


Hegesicles,  King  of  Sparta,  24. 
Hegesipyle,   daughter  of  Olorus, 

wife  of  Miltiades,  330. 
Hegesistratus,  son  of  Hippias,  309. 
Hegesistratus,  son  of  Aristagoras, 

523,  524- 
Hegesistratus,  a  diviner,  507. 
Hegetorides,  518,  519. 
Hegias,  brother  of  Tisamenus,  504. 
Helen,  wife  of  Menelaus,  2,  123- 

127,  309,  337,  5*7- 

Helice,  58. 

Heliopolis,  86-88,  106,  107,  no. 

Hellas,  106. 

Helle,  daughter  of  Athamas,  388. 

Hellen,  father  of  Dorus,  20. 

Hellenium,  the,  sacred  precinct  at 
Naucratis,  151. 

Hellespont,  20,  189,  224,  235,  239- 
241,  254,  256,  275,  277,  278,  281, 
285,  305,  312,  316,  317,  326,  328, 
33i,  349,  365,  368,  369,  371,  380, 
381,  384,  387,  388,  400,  408,  412, 
416,  419,  427,  457,  475-477,  479, 
480,  515,  526,  527,  529,  532. 

Helots,  of  Sparta,  336,  342,  344, 
451,  501. 

Hephaestra,  365. 

Hephaestopolis,  father  of  Iadmon, 

134- 
Heraclea,  in  Sicily,  288. 
Heraaopolis,  240. 
Heraeum,  511,  516. 
Heraclidae,  3,  37,  288,  479,  500. 
Heraclides,  287,  317. 
Hercules,  4,  100-102,  113,  123,  138, 

139,  215,  216,  230,  238,  288,  295, 

335,  353,  356,  424,  428-430,  432, 

433,  437,  455,  484- 
Hercules,  Pillars  of,  97,  215,  225, 

259,  268,  269,  272,  484. 
Hermione,  Hermionians,  175,  368, 

455,  464,  502,  503. 
Hermippus,  an  Atarnian,  319,  320. 
Hermolycus,  son  of  Euthynus,  528. 
Hermophantus,  311. 


INDEX 


551 


Hermopolis,  109. 
Hermotimus,  474,  475. 
Hermotybies,  Egyptian  war  tribe, 

146,  147,  S03. 
Hermus,  river  in  Asia  Minor,  20, 

3i.  312. 
Herodotus,  I. 

Herodotus,  son  of  Basilides,  484. 
Herophantus,  of  Parium,  254. 
Herpys,  505. 
Hesiod,  105,  222. 
Hexapolis,  58. 

Hiero,  brother  of  Gelon,  416. 
Hieronymus,  of  Andros,  504. 
Himera,  a  city  of  Sicily,  326,  419. 
Hipparchus,    son    of    Pisistratus, 

293,  294,  358,  368. 

Hippias,  son  of  Pisistratus,  22,  293, 

294,  305,  306,  309,  3io,  35i.  353, 
355,  358. 

Hippobotae,  the,  300. 
Hippocles,  of  Lampsacus,  254. 
Hippoclides,  son  of  Tisander,  360, 

361. 
Hippocoon,  294. 
Hippocrates,  father  of  Pisistratus, 

21,  296,  351. 

Hippocrates,  tyrant  of  Gela,  325, 

326,  415,  416. 
Hippocrates,  son  of  Megacles,  361, 

362. 
Hippocrates,  father  of  Smindyri- 

des,  360. 
Hippocratides,  484. 
Hippoleon,  promontory  of,  229. 
Hippolochus,  59. 
Hippomachus,  a  Leucadian,  505. 
Hipponicus,     father     of     Callias, 

414. 
Hipponicus,  son  of  Callias,  358. 
Histiaea,  450,  451,  462. 
Histiaeotis,  20,  423,  450. 
Histiaeus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  254, 

255,  277,  281-286,  313,  314,  318- 

320,  326,  327.  332,  37i- 
Histiaeus,  father  of  Phylacus,  468. 


Histiaeus,  tyrant  of  Termera,  287, 

397- 
Homer,  93,  105,  124,  125,  221,  222, 

296,  418. 
Hoples,  son  of  Ion,  296. 
Hundred  Islands,  60. 
Hyacinthia,  the,  492-494. 
Hyampeian    Summit,    of    Mount 

Parnassus,  454. 
Hyampolis,  a  Phocian  city,  451- 

453- 
Hyatas,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 
Hybla,  in  Sicily,  416. 
Hydarnes,  181-188,  362,  390,  407. 
Hydarnes,  son  of  Hydarnes,  393, 

434-436,  478,  480. 
Hyela,  65. 

Hygennians,  a  people  of  Asia,  189. 
Hylaea,  a  region  of  Scythia,  215, 

219,  229,  235. 
Hylleans,  a  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 
Hyllus,  river  in  Asia  Minor,  31. 
Hyllus,  son  of  Hercules,  334,  432, 

484,  500. 
Hymees,    son-in-law    of    Darius, 

316-318. 
Hymettus,  Mount,  363,  364. 
Hypachaeans,  ancient  name  of  the 

Cilicians,  395. 
Hypacyris,  river  of  Scythia,  227, 

229. 
Hypanis,  river  of  Scythia,  219,  227, 

228,  238. 
Hyperanthes,  son  of  Darius,  438. 
Hyperboreans,  217,  222,  223. 
Hypernotians,  223. 
Hyperoche,  a  Hyperborean  virgin, 

222,  223. 
Hyrcanians,  196,  390. 
Hyrgis,  river  of  Scythia,  230. 
Hyria,  city  of  Italy,  421. 
Hyrceades,  a  Mardian,  in  Cyrus's 

army,  33. 
Hysiae,  299,  354,  495,  499- 
Hystanes,  392. 
Hystaspes,  governor  of  Persia,  fa- 


552 


HERODOTUS 


ther  of  Darius,  81,  82,  181,  188, 
238,  299,  373- 
Hystaspes,    son    of    Darius    and 
Atossa,  390. 

Iacchus,  461. 

Iadmon,    son    of    Hephaestopolis, 

master  of  JEsop,  134. 
Ialyssus,  a  Doric  city,  58. 
Iamidae,  289,  503. 
Iapygia    (Japygia),    Apulia,    205, 

243,  421. 
Iatragoras,  287. 
Ibanolis,  287,  317. 
Iberia,  64,  419. 
Icarian  Sea,  349. 
Ichnae,  404. 

Ichthyophagi,  160-162,  164. 
Ida,  Mount,  60,  384. 
Idanthyrsus,  King  of  Scythia,  235, 

236,  249-251. 
Idrias,  a  region  of  Caria,  316. 
"  Iliad,"  the,  125. 
Ilissus,  river,  428. 
Ilithya,  223. 

Ilium,  88,  125,  309,  3*7,  377,  384. 
Ulyria,  Illyrians,  76,  227,  486,  507. 
Imbros,  283,  330,  331,  352. 
"  Immortals  "  of  the  Persian  army, 

380,  393,  394,  434,  478. 
Inachus,  King  of  Argos,  2. 
Inarus,  King  of  Libya,   157,   159, 

368. 
India,  Indians,   1^8,   190-193,  224, 

226,  275,  37o,  390,  394,  478,  503. 
Indus,  river,  226. 
Ino,  430. 
Intaphernes,  a  Persian  prince,  181- 

188,  197,  198. 
Inycum,  city  of  Sicily,  325,  336. 
Io,  daughter  of  Inachus,  2,  100. 
Iolcus,  town  of  Magnesia,  309. 
Ion,  son  of  Xuthus,  ancestor  of 

the  Ionians,  296,  396,  456. 
Ionia,  Ionians,  3,  7,  10,  30,  37,  56- 

59,  66,  67,  85,  90,  no,  121,  142, 


143,  146,  151,  153,  168,  189,  198, 
200,  223,  240,  242,  251-255,  283, 
290,  291,  294,  296,  304,  310-328, 
331,  346,  349,  350,  370,  37i,  386, 
387,  396,  428,  446,  449,  45o,  456, 
464,  468-470,  477,  483,  484,  Soo, 
S23,  525,  528,  529. 

Ionian  Gulf,  360,  524. 

Ionian   Sea,  377. 

Iphiclus,  532. 

Iphigenia,  daughter  of  Agamem- 
non, 244. 

Ipni,  427. 

I  rasa,  261. 

Is,  city  of  Assyria,  70. 

Isagoras,  son  of  Tysander,  296, 
298,  299. 

Ischenous,  425. 

Isis,  of  the  Egyptians,  100,  106, 
107,  129,  130,  143,  150,  269. 

Island  of  the  Blessed.    See  Oasis. 

Ismaris,    lake   of  Thrace,   400. 

Ismenian  Apollo.     See  Apollo. 

Issedones,  78,  217,  218,  221,  222. 

Ister,  river  of  Scythia,  79,  97,  227- 

229,  237,  240-243,  247,  249,  251, 
253-255,  277,  371- 

Istria,  Milesian  colony,  97,  236. 
Italy,  9,  204,  205,  218,  288,  360. 
Itanus,  city  of  Crete,  258. 
Ithamatres,  391. 
Ithamitres,   Persian   admiral,   483, 

528. 
Ithomae,  504. 
Iyrcae,  the,  219. 

Jardanus,  4. 

Jason,  266,  267,  428,  429. 

Jenysus,  city,  155. 

Juno,   11,  27,    104,    151,   152,   199, 

240,  259,  308,  309,  344,  5io,  511, 

514,  525. 
Jupiter,    Scythian   (Papaeus),   214, 

230,  251;  of  the  Persians,  54, 
313,  383,  479;  Babylonian  (Be- 
lus),  70,  71,  212;  Egyptian  (Am- 


INDEX 


553 


mon  and  Theban),  17,  ft,  91, 
100,  101,  105,  106,  in,  113,  162, 
268;  Ethiopian,  95,  162;  Gre- 
cian, 16,  67,  87,  139,  151,  199, 
200,  206,  207,  267,  274,  290,  291, 
296,  317,  335,  340,  388,  389,  410, 
430,  493,  520,  534. 

Labda,  daughter  of  Amphion, 
306,  307. 

Labdacus,  son  of  Polydorus,  294. 

Labranda,   317. 

Labynetus,  29,  30,  73. 

Labyrinth  of  the  Twelve  Kings, 
139,  140. 

Lacedaemon,  Lacedaemonians,  pas- 
sim. 

Lacmon,  Mount,  524. 

Lacrines,  60. 

Lade,  island  near  Miletus,  320, 
321. 

Ladice,  wife  of  Amasis,  151,  152. 

Laius,  258,  288,  294. 

Lampito,  daughter  of  Zeuxide- 
mus,  341. 

Lampon,  son  of  Pytheus,  519,  520. 

Lampon,  son  of  Thrasycleus,  523, 

524- 
Lamponium,  283. 
Lampsacus,    Lampsacenians,    254, 

3i6,  329,  330. 
Laodamas,  son  of  Eteocles,  294. 
Laodamas,  of  Phocsea,  254. 
Laodamus,  of  ^Egina,  259 
Laodice,  Hyperborean  virgin,  222, 

223. 
Laos,  324. 
Laphanes,  son  of  Euphorion,  an 

Azenian,  360,  361. 
Lapithae,  306. 
Larissa,  491. 
Larissae,  59. 
Lasonians,  a  people  of  Asia,  189, 

392. 
Lasus,  the  Hermionian,  368. 
Latona,    oracle    of,    at    Buto,    in 


Egypt,    106,    107,    109,    ill,   113, 

122,  133,  142,  143,  178. 
Laureum,  mines  at,  411. 
Leagrus,  son  of  Glaucon,  518. 
Learchus,  262. 
Lebaea,  486. 
Lebadea,  485. 
Lebedus,  57. 
Lectis,  532. 

Leietum,  Achaean  Prytaneum,  430. 
Leleges,     ancient     name     of    the 

Carians,  66. 
Lemnos,  Lemnian,  256,  283,  363- 

365,  368,  447,  464,  467- 
Leo,  King  of  Sparta,  24. 
Leobotas,    King    of    Sparta,    24, 

432. 
Leocedes,  son  of  Pheidon,  an  Ar- 

give,  360,  361. 
Leon,  King  of  Sparta,  425,  431. 
Leonidas,    King    of    Sparta,    288, 

431-443,  448,  449,  464,  478,  479, 

494,  514,  519. 
Leontiades,    son  of   Eurymachus, 

432,  440. 
Leontines,  a  people  of  Sicily,  415. 
Leoprepes,    father    of    Theasides, 

345- 
Leoprepes,    father    of    Simonides, 

439- 
Leotychides,     son     of     Menares, 

King   of   Sparta,   338-342,   345- 

347,  484,  523,  526-529,  532. 
Leotychides,  father  of  Hippocrati- 

des,  484. 
Leprium,  Lepreatae,  258,  502,  503. 
Leros,  island  near  Miletus,  318. 
Lesbos,  9,  60,  63,  79,  169,  230,  283, 

311,  320,  321,  323,  326,  327,  529. 
Leucadians,  456,  502,  503. 
Leuce-Acte,  378. 
Leucon,  in  Libya,  262. 
Libya,  Libyans,  17,  87,  89-97,  105, 

106,  126,  157,  160,  189,  191,  195, 

221,  224-226,   256,  258-274,  288, 

39i,  394,  419,  426. 


554 


HERODOTUS 


Libyan  mountain,  118,  130. 

Lichas,  25,  26. 

Ligyes,  a  people  of  Gaul,  277,  419. 

Ligyes,  a  people  of  Asia,  391,  392. 

Limenion,  7. 

Lindus,  a  Doric  city,  58,  152,  171, 

415- 
Linus,  a  song,  112. 
Lipaxus,  404. 
Lipoxais,  214. 
Lipsydrium,  295. 
Lisae,  404. 

Lissus,  a  river  of  Thrace,  400. 
Locrians,  406,  432,  435,  462,  503; 

Epizephyrian,    325  ;     Opuntian, 

431,  444- 
Lotophagi,  Libyan  nation,  266, 268. 
Lycaretus,    brother    of    Mseandri- 

us,  207,  283. 
Lycia,  Lycians,  10,  66-69,  x54,  l&9> 

223,  226,  392,  395,  396. 
Lycidas,  492. 

Lycomedes,  son  of  iEschreus,  447. 
Lycopas,  174. 
Lycophron,  son  of  Periander,  172- 

174. 

Lycurgus,  son  of  Aristolaides,  21, 
24. 

Lycus,  river  of  Scythia,  250. 

Lycus,  river  of  Phrygia,  380. 

Lycus,  son  of  Spargapithes,  236. 

Lycus,  son  of  Pandion,  68,  395. 

Lyda,  mountain,  69. 

Lydia,  Lydians,  6,  10,  27-29,  31, 
33.  37-39,  42,  56,  57,  61,  62,  67, 
147,  189,  200,  226,  278,  290,  292, 
311,  312,  328,  359,  380,  384,  392. 

Lydias,   river,  404. 

Lydus,  son  of  Atys,  4,  67,  392. 

Lygdamis,  of  Naxos,  22,  23. 

Lygdamis,  father  of  Artemisia,  397. 

Lynceus,   115. 

Lysagoras,  son  of  Tisias,  a  Parian, 
362. 

Lysagoras,  father  of  Histiaeus.  283. 

Lysanias,  an  Eretrian,  360,  361. 


Lysimachus,    father   of   Aristides, 

502. 
Lysistratus,    an    Athenian   augur, 

471,  472. 

Macae,  Libyan  nation,  266,  288. 

Macednum,  20. 

Macedonia,  Macedonians,  279-281, 

309,  332,  370,  378,  392,  404,  405, 

423,  426,  453,  455,  479,  482,  485- 

487,  503,  523- 
Machlyes,  Libyan  nation,  266,  267. 
Macistius.     See   Masistius. 
Macistus,  258. 

Macrobian  Ethiopians.    See  Ethi- 
opians. 
Macrones,  the,  120,  190,  393. 
Mactorium,  city,  415. 
Madyes,    King  of  the   Scythians, 

son  of  Protothyas,  42. 
Madytus,  380,  534. 
Mseander,  river  of  Asia  Minor,  7, 

63,  88,  94,  198,  316,  317,  379,  380. 
Mseandrius,  a   Samian,   199,  206- 

209,  283. 
Mselians,  429. 
Mseonians,  Lydian,  4. 
Maeotians,  250. 
Maeotis,  lake,  42,  214,  219,  226,  229, 

239,  243,  244,  249,  250,  252. 
Magabazus,  son  of  Megabates,396. 
Magacreon  of  Abdera,  403. 
Magdolus,  144. 
Magi,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41,  43, 

49,  52,  54,  56;  slaughter  of  the, 

185. 
Magnesia,    Magnesians,    63,    189, 

198,  199,  423,  425,  426,  428. 
Magnetes,  406. 
Malca,  32,  266,  421. 
Malene,  327. 
Males,  brother  of  Titormus,  360, 

361. 
Maliac  Gulf,  222. 
Malis,  Malians,  430,  431,  434,  435, 

452,  455,  456,  462. 


INDEX 


555 


Mandane,  mother  of  Cyrus,  43,  44. 
Mandrocles,   a   Samian   architect, 

239,  240. 
Maneros.     See  Linus. 
Manes,  King  of  Lydia,  38,  226. 
Mantinea,    Mantineans,    262,   431, 

504,  519. 

Mantyes,  277. 

Mapen,  son  of  Siromus,  a  Tyrian, 
396. 

Maraphians,  Persian  tribe,  51,  264. 

Marathon,  22,  351,  353-358,  362, 
363,  366»  501,  508. 

Mardians,  Persian  tribe,  33,  51. 

Mardonius,  son  of  Gobryas,  331, 
332,  349,  367,  370-373,  393,  400, 
403,  451,  462,  463,  472-475,  478, 
479,  482-494,  502,  505-507,  509, 
512-521,  523,  527. 

Mardontes,  son  of  Bagaeus,  a  Per- 
sian general,  393,  483,  528. 

Marea,  a  city  of  Egypt,  91,  95. 

Mares,  393. 

Mariandynians,  10,  189,  391,  392. 

Maris,  a  river  of  Scythia,  227. 

Maron,  son  of  Orisiphantus,  439. 

Maronea,  a  city  of  Thrace,  400. 

Mars,  106-108,  113,  230,  231,  276, 
392,  409,  466. 

Marsians,  190. 

Marsyas,  379. 

Marsyas,    river    of    Phrygia,    316, 

317- 

Mascames,  son  of  Megadostes, 
399,  400. 

Masistes,  son  of  Darius  and  Atos- 
sa,  393,  403,  520-532. 

Masistius,  commander  of  the  Per- 
sian cavalry,  408,  499,  502. 

Masistius,  son  of  Siromitres,  393. 

Maspians,  Persian  tribe,  51. 

Massages,  son  of  Oarizus,  391. 

Massagetae,  78-84,  167,  216,  265, 
376. 

Massilia.  277. 

Matienian  Mountains,  73,  79. 


Matienians,  28,  73,  190,  291,  292, 

391,  392. 
Mausolus,  317. 

Maxyes,  Libyan  nation,  270,  271. 
Mazares,  a  Mede,  62,  63. 
Mecistes,  brother  of  Adrastus,297. 
Mecyberna,  city  of  Thrace,  403. 
Medea,  daughter  of  the  King  of 

Colchis,  2,  390. 
Media,  Medes,  6,  19,  27-29,  39-41, 

43,  51-53,  71,  72,   179,   190,  213, 

214,  217,  224,  390,  394,  396,  426, 

434,  439,  478,  483,  503. 
Megabates,  285,  286,  396. 
Megabyzus,  181-188,  209,  225,  255, 

256,  275,  277-279,  281,  282,  310, 

377,  39i,  400,  403. 
Megabyzus,  son  of  Zopyrus,  212, 

393- 
Megacles,  son  of  Alcmaeon,  21-24, 

359-362. 
Megacles,  son  of  Hippocrates,  362. 
Megadostes,  399. 
Megapanus,  390. 
Megara,  Megarians,  21,  176,  300, 

456,  459,  460,  465,  492,  495,  498, 

502,  503,  516,  521. 
Megarians  of  Sicily,  416. 
Megasidrus,  father  of  Dotus,  392. 
Megistias,    an    augur,    with    the 

Greeks  at  Thermopylae,  436,  437, 

439- 

Megureans,  444. 

Meionians,  392. 

Melampus,  son  of  Amytheon,  a 
seer,  103,  104,  437,  504. 

Melampygus,  rock  near  the  Aso- 
pus,  435. 

Melanchlaeni.219,  243-245,  248,  250. 

Melanippus,  of  Mitylene,  310. 

Melanippus,  son  of  Astacus,  297. 

Melanthius,  an  Athenian  com- 
mander, 310. 

Melanthus,  father  of  Codrus,  59, 
296. 

Melas,  river  of  Thessaly,  389,  430. 


I 


556 


HERODOTUS 


Melas,  Gulf  of,  330,  389. 

Meles,  King  of  Sardis,  33. 

Melians,  406,  503. 

Melibcea,  427. 

Melissa,   wife   of   Periander,    172, 

308,  309. 
Membliares,  son  of  Paeciles,  257. 
Memnon,  121. 
Memnonia,  292. 
Memnonian  Susa,  414. 
Memphis,  86-89,  118,  119,  123,  124, 

126,  141,  142,  144,  ISO,  155,  157- 

159,  163,  167,  190,  205. 
Menares,    father   of    Leotychides, 

338,  484. 
Menda,  a  city  of  Pallene,  404. 
Mendes,  Pan  (Egyptian),  100,  102. 
Mendesian  district,  in  Egypt,  100, 

102,  147. 
Mendesian  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91. 
Menelaus,  123-127,  309,  421,  422. 
Menelaus,  port  of,  in  Libya,  265. 
Menes,   King  of   Egypt,  86,    118, 

119. 
Menius,  brother  of  Eurydame,34l. 
Merbalus,    son    of    Agbalus,    an 

Aridian,  396. 
Mercury,  104,  136,  138;  Thracian, 

276. 
Mermnadae,  kings  of  Sardis,  4. 
Meroe,  city  and  capital  of  Ethi- 
opia, 95. 
Mesambria,    city  of  Thrace,  241, 

328,  400. 
Messana,  city  of  Sicily,  419. 
Messenians  of  Peloponnesus,  171, 

291,  334,  S04,  515- 
Metapontium,  in  Italy,  218. 
Methymna,  Methymnaeans,  8,  60. 
Metiochus,  son  of  Miltiades,  330, 

331- 

Metrodorus  of  Proconnesus,  254. 
Micythus,  son  of  Chcerus,  servant 

of  Anaxilaus,  421,  422. 
Midas,  son  of  Gordias,  King  of 

Phrygia,  6,  14,  487. 


Miletus,  Milesians,  6-8,  57,  66,  144, 

151,  169,  236,  254,  277,  282-287, 

296,  308-314,  317-327,  346,  347, 

526,  528. 
Milo,  a  wrestler,  205. 
Miltiades,   son   of   Cypselus,  328- 

330,  352. 
Miltiades,  son  of  Cimon,  tyrant  of 

Chersonesus,  254,  328-331,  351- 

355,  362-365,  400. 
Milyas,  Milyans,  67,  392. 
Milyens,  189. 
Minerva,  7,  8,  23,  25,  63,  94,  106, 

113,  148-150,  152,  171,  176,  267, 

270,  289,  301,  302,  309,  384,  410, 

454,  458,  47i,  474,  5i6. 
Minoa,  289. 

Minos,  the  Cnossian,  198. 
Minos,  son  of  Europa,  66,  67,  421, 

422. 
Minyae,  256-258. 
Minyan-Orchomenians,  58. 
Mitra.     See  Venus. 
Mitradates,  44-47. 
Mitrobates,  a  Persian  prince,  198- 

200. 
Mitylene,  Mityleneans,  10,  63,  134, 

151,  157,  158,  242,  277,  287,  309, 

310,  320. 
Mnesarchus,  father  of  Pythagoras, 

241. 
Mnesiphilus,  an  Athenian,  459. 
Moeris,  King  of  Egypt,  89,  119. 
Mceris,  lake,  89,  no,  119,  139-141, 

189. 
Moloeis,  river  of  Boeotia,  512. 
Molossi,  a  people  of  Epirus,  58, 

360. 
Molpagoras,  father  of  Aristagoras, 

283. 
Momemphis,   city  of  Egypt,   146, 

147. 
Mophi,  mountain  in  Upper  Egypt, 

94- 

Moschians,  a  people  of  Asia,  190, 
392,  393- 


INDEX 


557 


Mosynoeci,  a  people  of  Asia,  190, 

393- 
Mouths  of  the  Nile,  91. 
Munychia,  a  port  of  Attica,  465. 
Murychides,  a  Hellespontine,  491, 

492. 
Musaeus,  oracles  of,  368,  471,  472. 
Mycale,  opposite  Samos,  323,  393, 

523,  525-529,  532. 
Mycenae,  Mycenaeans,  431,501-503. 
Mycephoris,   a  district  of  Egypt, 

147. 
Mycerinus,   King  of   Egypt,   132, 

133- 

Mycians,  190,  391. 

Myconus,  island  near  Delos,  357. 

Mygdonian,  a  district  of  Mace- 
donia, 404. 

Mylasa,  town  in  Caria,  67,  287,  317. 

Mylitta.    See  Venus. 

Myndians,  285. 

Myrcinus,  city  of  Edonia,  277,  281, 
282,  318. 

Myriandrian  Gulf,  224. 

Myrina,  59. 

Myrinaeans  of  Lemnos,  365. 

Myris,  Lake,  86. 

Myrmex,  425. 

Myron,  father  of  Aristonymus, 
son  of  Andreas,  359. 

Myrsilus.     See  Candaules. 

Myrsus,  father  of  Candaules,  4. 

Myrsus,  son  of  Gyges,  198,  317. 

Mys,  consults  the  oracles  in  be- 
half of  Mardonius,  484,  485. 

Mysia,  Mysians,  10,  14,  67,  189, 
317,  327,  377,  392,  503- 

Mysus,  67. 

Myus,  Myusians,  57,  286,  287,  320. 

Naparis,  river  of  Scythia,  227. 
Nasamonians,  a  nation  of  Libya, 

96,  97,  265,  266,  268,  270. 
Natho,  an  island  of  the  Nile,  146. 
Naucratis,  118,  134,  151. 
Naucrari,  the,  298. 


Nauplia,  343. 

Naustrophus,  father  of  Eupalinus, 

176. 
Naxos,  Naxians,  22,  23,  283,  286, 

349,  350,  415,  456. 
Neapolis,  city  of  Egypt,  115. 
Neapolis,  town  of  Pallene,  404. 
Neco,    King   of   Egypt,    141,    144, 

224,  225. 
Neleidae,  296. 

Neleus,  son  of  Codrus,  526. 
Neocles,    father   of   Themistocles, 

410,  423. 
Neon,  town  of  Phocis,  452,  453. 
Neon-teichos,  ^Eolian  town,  59. 
Neptune,  59,  101,  104,  230,  267,  270, 

402,  405,  406,  428,  458,  481,  483, 

520. 
Nereids,  the,  104,  428. 
Nestor,  father  of  Pisistratus,  296. 
Nestus,  river,  400,  404. 
Neuri,  a  people  of  Scythia,  219, 

228,  243,  244,  248,  250. 
Nicander,  King  of  Sparta,  484. 
Nicandra,  priestess  of  Jupiter,  105. 
Nicodromus,  son  of  Cncethus,  347, 

348. 
Nicolaus,  father  of  Bulis,  407. 
Nicolaus,  son  of  Bulis,  408. 
Nile,  the  river,  87-97,  no,  115,  117- 

119,  123,  130,  132,  136,  140-142, 

144,  151,  156,  224-229. 
Nine  Springs,  the,  364. 
Nineveh,  42,  69,  71,  75,  141,  210. 
Nine  Ways,  of  the  Edonians,  401. 
Ninus,  son  of  Belus,  4. 
Nisaea,  Nisaean,  21,  193,  383,  498. 
Nisyrians,  397. 
Nitetis,  daughter  of  Apries,   153, 

154. 
Nitocris,  Queen  of  Babylon,  71- 

74,  H9. 
Nitocris,  Queen  of  Egypt,  119. 
Noes,  river,  227. 
Nonacris,  city  of  Arcadia,  342. 
Nothon,  father  of  jEschines,  351. 


558 


HERODOTUS 


Notium,  an  ^Eolian  town,  59. 

Nudium,  258. 

Nymphodorus,  son  of  Pytheas  of 

Abdera,  408. 
Nypsaei,  241. 
Nyssa,  139,  191. 

Oarizus,  391. 

Oarus,  a  river  of  Scythia,  250. 

Oasis,  city  of  Libya,  163. 

Ocean,  the  river,  93,  215,  223,  224. 

Octamasades,   brother   of   Scylas, 

237- 

Ocytus,  445. 

Odomanti,  279,  401. 

Odrysae,  241. 

"  Odyssey,"  the,  125,  221. 

OZa,  302. 

OZbares,   groom   of   Darius,    187, 

188. 
GEbares,  son  of  Megabasus,  328. 
OZdipus,  son  of  Laius,  258,  294. 
OZnoe,  v,  74. 
OEnone,  456. 
CEnotria,  65. 
OZnyssse  Islands,  64,  65. 
OZobarus,  238,  391,  532,  533. 
Oeroe,  daughter  of  Asopus,  510. 
OZta,  Mount,  424. 
OZtseans,  435. 
OEtosyrus  (Apollo),  Scythian  god, 

230. 
Oiolycus,  258. 
Olbiopolitse,  219. 
Olen,  a  Lycian  poet,  223. 
Olenus,  town  of  Achaia,  58. 
Oliatus,  son  of  Ibanolis,  tyrant  of 

Mylassa,  287. 
Olophyxus,  town  of  Mount  Athos, 

377- 
Olorus,  King  of  the  Thracians,  330. 
Olympia,  Olympic  games,  21,  145, 

281,  290,  298,  329,  341,  352,  358- 

360,  422,  432,  451,  464,  485,  504, 

520. 
Olympieni,  392. 


Olympiodorus,  son  of  Lampon, 
498. 

Olympus,  Mount,  in  Thessaly,  405, 
422;  in  Mysia,  14,  20,  392. 

Olynthus,  Olynthians,  403,  482. 

Oneatse,  Sicyonian  tribe,  297. 

Onesilus,  son  of  Chersus,  312-316. 

Onetes,  son  of  Phanagoras,  a 
Carystian,  435. 

Onochonus,  river  of  Thessaly,  405, 
429. 

Onomacritus,  an  Athenian  sooth- 
sayer, 368. 

Onomastus,  son  of  Agaeus,  an 
Elean,  360,  361. 

Onuphis,  147. 

Ophrynium,  384. 

Opis,  Hyperborean  virgin,  223. 

Opis,  city  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Tigris,  73. 

Opoea,  wife  of  Scylas,  236. 

Opuntian  Locrians,  431,  444. 

Oracles,  6,  17,  19,  23-25,  30,  34,  37, 
63,  68,  91,  105,  122,  133,  134,  136, 
139-142,  144,  149,  175,  209,  218, 
258,  260,  261,  263,  297,  299,  301, 
306,  307,  316,  324,  328,  343,  347, 
350,  363.  409,  4io,  413,  421,  427, 
437,  449,  453,  466,  472,  507. 

Orbelus,  Mount,  279. 

Orchomenus,  Orchomenians,  58, 
431,  453,  496,  501. 

Ordessus,  river  of  Scythia,  227. 

Orestes,  son  of  Agamemnon,  25, 26. 

Oresteum,  494. 

Orges,  father  of  Antipater,  402. 

Oricus,  port  of,  524. 

Oricus,  son  of  Scylas,  236. 

Orisiphantus,  439. 

Orithyia,  daughter  of  Erectheus, 
427. 

Orneatse,  464. 

Oroetes,  governor  of  Sardis,  198- 
201,  206. 

Oromedon,  396. 

Oropus,  351. 


INDEX 


559 


"  Orosangae,"  468. 
Orotal  (Bacchus),  155. 
Orpheus,  113. 
Orthian  strain,  9. 
Orthocorybantes,  190. 
Orthosian,  epithet  of  Diana,  239. 
Orus  (Apollo),  son  of  Osiris,  138, 

143- 
Osiris  (Bacchus),  100,  138,  143. 
Ossa,  Mount,  20,  405,  422. 
Otanes,  179-188,  207-209,  282,  283, 

316,  318,  331,  383,  389,  390,  393. 
Otaspes,  son  of  Artachaeus,  390. 
Othryades,  a  Lacedaemonian,  32, 

33- 

Othrys,  Mount,  405. 
Ozolae,  of  the  Locrians,  452. 

Pactolus,  river,  312. 

Pactya,  329,  394. 

Pactyas,  a  Lydian,  60-63. 

Pactyes,  391. 

Pactyica,  190,  192,  226. 

Padaeans,  192. 

Paeaneans,  22. 

Paeciles,  257. 

Paeon,  the,  275. 

Paeonia,  Paeonians,  223,  227,  275, 

277-279,  281,  295,  310,  311,  401, 

404,  426,  479,  503. 
Paeoplae,  279,  401. 
Paeos,  360. 
Paesus,  316. 

Paeti,  a  Thracian  nation,  401. 
Pagasae,  428. 
Paleans,  502,  503. 
Palestine,  42,   155,    189,  224,   395. 
Palladia,  the,  270. 
Pallas,  301,  410. 
Pallene,  Pallenians,  404,  467,  482, 

483,  SOI. 
Pallenian  Minerva.    See  Minerva. 
Pamisus,  a  river  of  Thessaly,  405. 
Pammon,  a  Scyrian,  425. 
Pamphylians,    a    people    of    Asia 

Minor,  10,  189,  395,  463. 


Pamphylians,    a    Sicyonian    tribe, 

297. 
Pan,  100,  102,  138,  139,  352. 
Panaetius,  son  of  Socimenes,  467. 
Panathenaic  festival,  293. 
Pandion,  68,  395. 
Pangaeus,  Mount,  279,  401,  402. 
Panionia,  59. 

Panionium,  57-59,  66,  320. 
Panionius,  a  Chian,  474,  475. 
Panites,  a  Messenian,  334. 
Panopians,  453. 
Panormus,  62. 
Pantagnatos,   168. 
Pantaleon,  son  of  Alyattes,  38. 
Pantares,  415. 

Panthialaeans,  Persian  tribe,  51. 
Panticapes,  river  of  Scythia,  219, 

227,  229. 
Pantimathians,  190. 
Pantites,  440. 
Papaeus   (Jupiter),    Scythian   god, 

230. 
Paphos,  Paphians,  429. 
Paphlagonians,  a  people  of  Asia 

Minor,  3,  10,  28,  189,  391. 
Papremis,   a  city  of   Egypt,   106, 

107,  no,  146,  157. 
Paraebates,  289. 
Paralatae,  215. 
Parapotamii,  Phocian  city  burned 

by  Xerxes,  453. 
Parataceni,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41. 
Paricanians,  190,  391,  394. 
Paris,  123-127. 
Parium,  254,  316. 
Parmys,  daughter  of  Smerdis,  188, 

393- 
Parnassus,   Mount,  53,  451-454. 
Paroreates,  257,  464. 
Paros,  Parians,  283,  284,  362,  363, 

462,  478. 
Parthenius,  river  of  Thrace,  120. 
Parthenion,  Mount,  352. 
Parthians,  190.  196.  390. 
Pasargadae,  Persian  tribe,  51. 


56o 


HERODOTUS 


Pasicles,  526. 

Pataici,  168. 

Pataicus,  415. 

Patarae,  in  Lycia,  71. 

Patarbemis,  146. 

Patiramphes,  son  of  Otanes,  383. 

Patizithes,   the    Magus,    176,    177, 

184. 
Patrees,  58. 

Patumos,  an  Arabian  city,  144. 
Pausanias,    son    of    Cleombrotus, 

238,  285,  444,  494,  495.  498,  501, 

508-522,  527. 
Pausicae,  190. 

Pausiris,  son  of  Amyrtaeus,  159. 
Pedasus,    Pedasians,   68,   69,   317, 

324,  474- 
Pedieae,  town  in  Phocis,  453. 
Pelasgians,  20,   58,   104,    105,   148, 

256,  283,  363-365,  396,  456. 
Peleus,  428. 
Pelion,  Mount,  266,  405,  427,  446, 

447- 

Pella,  404. 

Pellene,  58. 

Peloponnesus,  Peloponnesians,  20, 
22,  26,  58,  148,  175,  209,  236,  262, 
266,  288,  299,  360,  395,  396,  408, 
409,  412,  419,  420,  431,  432,  439, 
441,  452,  454,  455,  457,  459,  460, 
463-466,  473,  476,  478,  492,  497, 
500,  501,  529,  532. 

Pelops,  a  Phrygian,  369,  417. 

Pelusiac  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91, 
142,  156. 

Pelusium,  90,  137. 

Penelope,  138,  139. 

Peneus,  a  river  of  Thessaly,  377, 
405,  406,  422,  425. 

Pentapolis,  58. 

Penthylus,  son  of  Demonous,  429. 

Percalus,  daughter  of  Chilon,  339. 

Percote,  316. 

Perdiccas,  ancestor  of  Amyntas, 
281,  486,  487- 

Pergamus,  citadel  of  Troy,  384. 


Pergamus,  a  fort  in  Thrace,  401. 
Perialla,  prophetess  at  Delphi,  cor- 
rupted by  Cleomenes,  339. 
Periander,  King  of  Corinth,  8,  g, 

171-174,  308-310. 
Pericles,  362. 
Perilaus,   general  of  the  Sicyoni- 

ans,  528. 
Perinthus,    Perinthians,    240,   275, 

328,  378. 
Perpherees,  223. 
Perrhasbi,  the,  405,  406,  423,  426. 
Perses,  son  of  Perseus  and  An- 
dromeda, 389,  390,  414. 
Perseus,    son   of   Danae,   90,    115, 

335,  389,  390,  414,  437- 
Persians,  passim. 
Petra,  306,  307. 
Phaedyma,    daughter    of    Otanes, 

wife  of  Cambyses,  180,  181,  183. 
Phagres,  401. 
Phalerus,  295,  302,  303,  356,  462, 

470,  471,  475,  476,  503. 
Phanagoras,  father  of  Onetes,  435. 
Phanazathres,    son    of   Artabates, 

390. 
Phanes,  a  Halicarnassian,  154-156. 
Pharandates,  son  of  Theaspes,  518. 
Pharbaethis,  district  of  Egypt,  147. 
Pharees,  town  of  Achaia,  58. 
Pharnaces,  390,  482. 
Pharnaspes,  85,  154,   179. 
Pharnuches,  394,  395. 
Phaselis,  a  Doric  town,  151. 
Phasis,  a  river  of  Colchis,  2,  42, 

120,  224,  226,  239,  345. 
Phayllus,  of  Crotona,  456. 
Phegeus,  500. 
Pheidon,   tyrant   of  the   Argives, 

360. 
Pheneum,  town  of  Arcadia,  342. 
Pherendates,   son  of  Megabyzus, 

391- 
Pherendates,  son  of  Teaspes,  393. 
Pheretime,     wife     of    Arcesilaus, 

262-264,  273,  274. 


INDEX 


56l 


Pheron,  King  of  Egypt,  122,  123. 

Phidippides,  352,  353. 

Phigalea,  345. 

Philaeus,  son  of  Ajax,  329. 

Philaon,  son  of  Chersis,  447. 

Philargus,  son  of  Cyneus,  351. 

Phileus,  176. 

Philip,  son  of  Argseus,  487. 

Philippus,  of  Crotona,  son  of  Bu- 

tacides,  290. 
Philistius,  son  of  Pasicles,  526. 
Philition,  a  shepherd,  132. 
Phillis,  401. 
Philocyon,  517. 
Philocyprus,  316. 
Phla,  island  in  Lake  Tritonis,  266. 
Phlegra,  404. 

Phliasians,  464,  502,  503,  516,  521. 
Phlius,  431. 
Phocaea,  Phocseans,  31,  57,  64,  65, 

121,  151,  254,  321-323,  424- 
Phocis,  Phocians,  58,  328,  431-436, 

451-453,  496,  497,  503,  515,  523- 
Phoebus,  Temple  of,  at  Therapne, 

337- 

Phoenicia,  Phoenicians,  13,  43,  57, 
96,  104-106,  112,  120,  123,  125, 
154,  155,  160,  168,  189,  104,  195, 
204,  224-226,  257,  271,  272,  289, 
293,  294,  314,  319,  320,  323,  324, 
326-328,  330,  333,  352,  357,  378, 
380,  384,  395,  396,  419,  468-470, 
473,  48o,  525. 

Phoenippus,  358. 

Phoenix,  river,  424,  431. 

Phormus,  an  Athenian  command- 
er, 425. 

Phraortes,  father  of  Deioces,  28, 

39- 
Phraortes,  son  of  Deioces,  41,  42. 
Phrataguna,  daughter  of  Artanes, 

438. 
Phriconis.     See  Cyme. 
Phrixas,  258. 
Phronima,  daughter  of  Etearchus, 

259,  260. 

36 


Phrygia,  Phrygians,  6,  10,  14,  28, 

86,   189,  200,  290-292,  310,  379, 

380,  392,  485,  503. 
Phrynichus,  325. 
Phrynon,  496. 
Phryxus,  430. 
Phthiotis,  20,  406. 
Phthius,  son  of  Achseus,  118. 
Phya,  22. 
Phylacus,  454. 
Phylacus,  son  of  Histiaeus,  a  Sa- 

mian,  468. 
Phylocion,  521. 

Pieria,  Pierians,  401,  406,  424,  426. 
Pigres,  277. 

Pillar  of  Heaven.    See  Atlas. 
Pillars  of  Hercules.   See  Hercules. 
Pilorus,  town  of  Mount  Athos,  403. 
Pindar,  the  poet,  168. 
Pindus,  Mount,  405,  455. 
Pirseus,  468. 
Pirene,  306. 
Piromis,  138. 
Pirus,  river  of  Achaia,  58. 
Pisa,  town  of  Elis,  87. 
Pisistratidse,  294-296,  298,  300,  305, 

309,  330,  349,  358,  368,  457. 
Pisistratus,    son    of    Hippocrates, 

21-23,  293,  296,  298,  309,  328,  329, 

35i,  352,  358,  368. 
Pisistratus,  son  of  Nestor,  296. 
Pistyrus,  town  of  Thrace,  401. 
Pitane,  59,  174. 
Pitanetae,  511. 
Pittacus,  of  Mitylene,  10. 
Pixodarus,  son  of  Mausolus,  316, 

317. 
Placia,  20. 
Plataea,    Plataeans,    353-356,    406, 

423,  440,  444,  455-457,  462,  482, 

492,  495,  496,  527;  battle  of,  409- 

522. 
Platea,  island  off  Libya,  258,  259, 

261,  265. 
Pleistarchus,  son  of  Leonidas,  494. 
Plistorus,  533. 


562 


HERODOTUS 


Plinthinetic  Bay,  87. 

Plunus,  harbour  in  Libya,  265. 

Pogon,  harbour  of  the  Trcezeni- 

ans,  455. 
Polemarchs,  423. 
Poliades,   father   of  Amomphare- 

tus,  511. 
Polias.     See  Minerva,  302. 
Polichne,  of  the  Chians,  326. 
Polichnitae,  421. 
Polyas  of  Anticyra,  449. 
Polybus,  297. 
Polycrates,  son  of  ^Eaces,  tyrant 

of  Samos,  152,  168-171,  174,  175, 

198-202,  205,  206. 
Polycritus,  son  of  Crius,  an  ^Egi- 

netan,  333,  470. 
Polydamna,  125. 
Polylectes,  484. 
Polydorus,   son  of  Cadmus,  294, 

431. 

Polymnestus,  father  of  Battus,  258, 

260. 
Polynices,   father   of  Thersander, 

257,  334,  50i. 
Pontus,  215,  216,  220,  226,  238-243, 

320,  326,  381,  388,  396,  412. 
Porata  (Pyretos),  river  of  Scythia, 

227. 
Poseideium,  town  of  Cilicia,  189. 
Posidonians,  65. 
Posidonius,  a  Spartan,  517,  521. 
Potidaea,  Potidaeans,  404,  482,  483, 

501. 
Praesians,  421. 
Prasias,  Lake,  279. 
Praxilaus,  529. 
Praxinus,  425. 
Prexaspes,  164-167,  177-179,  182- 

184. 
Prexaspes,  son  of  Aspathines,  306. 
Priam,  King  of  Troy,  2,  126,  384. 
Priene,   Prienians,   6,    10,    57,   63, 

320. 
Prinetades,  son  of  Demarmenus, 

288. 


Procles,  son  of  Aristodemus,  173, 

257,  334,  484. 
Procles,  tyrant  of  Epidaurus,  172. 
Proconnesus,  217,  218,  254,  328. 
Prodigies,  357,  388,  454,  533. 
Promenia,  priestess  of  Jupiter,  105. 
Prometheus,  226. 
Pronaea,  Minerva,  37,  454. 
Propontis,  239,  317. 
Proserpine,  461. 
Prosopitis,  island  of  the  Nile,  100, 

146. 
Protesilaus,  son  of  Iphichis,  380, 

532,  533. 
Proteus,  King  of  Egypt,  123-127. 
Protothyas,  a  Scythian,  42. 
Proxeni,  Spartan  officer,  335. 
Prytaneum,  the,  of  the  Athenians, 

352,  365,  430;  of  Siphnus,  175. 
Prytanis,  King  of  Sparta,  484. 
Psammenitus,  King  of  Egypt,  son 

of  Amasis,  156-159. 
Psammis,  King  of  Egypt,  144,  145. 
Psammitichus,  King  of  Egypt,  42, 

85,  86,  94,  95,  I4I-I45. 
Psylli,  Libyan  nation,  266. 
Psyttalea,  a  small  island  near  Sala- 

mis,  465,  471. 
Pteria,  city  in  Cappadocia,  29-31. 
Ptoan  Apollo,  485. 
Pygres,  son  of  Seldomus,  397. 
Pylae  (Thermopylae),  431,  435. 
Pylagori,  435. 
Pylians,  296. 
Pylus,  420,  504. 
Pyramids,  Cheops,  130,  131;  Che- 

phren,  132;  Mycerinus,  133;  Asy- 

chis,  135;  Twelve  Kings,  140. 
Pyrene,  97. 
Pyretos.    See  Porata. 
Pyrgus,  258. 

Pythagoras,  citizen  of  Miletus,  318. 
Pythagoras,    son   of   Mnesarchus, 

241. 
Pythagoras,  tyrant  of  Selinus,  289. 
Pythagoreans,  113. 


INDEX 


563 


Pytheas,  470. 

Pytheas,  of  Abdera,  408. 

Pytheas,  son  of  Ischenous,  425. 

Pythermus,  60. 

Pythian    Apollo,    oracle    of.     See 

Apollo  and  Delphi. 
Pythian  games,  456. 
Pythius,  a  Lydian,  379,  382,  383. 
Pythogenes,  brother  of  Scythes,  a 

Zanclaean,  325. 

Red  Sea,  1,  70,  73,  79,  87,  88,  119, 
144,  156,  165,  190,  224,  225,  324, 

395- 
Rhaetium,  city,  384. 
Rhampsinitus,     King    of     Egypt, 

127-130. 
Rhegium,  a  town  of  Italy,  65,  325, 

419,  421,  422. 
Rhenea,  island  near  Delos,  350. 
Rhodes,  68,  151,  415. 
Rhodope,  Mount,  of  Thrace,  227, 

479- 
Rhodopis,  134. 
Rhcecus,  son  of  Phileus,  a  Sami- 

an  architect,  176. 
Rhypes,  58. 

Sabacon,  King  of  the  Ethiopians, 

135,  136,  141. 
Sabyllus,  citizen  of  Gela,  assassin 

of  Cleander,  415. 
Sacae,  61,  190,  356,  370,  390,  396, 

426,  478,  503,  517,  532. 
Sadyattes,  son  of  Ardys,  6,  7,  28. 
Sagartians,  51,  190,  394. 
Sais,  city  of  Egypt,  94,   106,   107, 

132,  146-150,  159- 
Saitic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91. 
Sala,  a  Samothracian  city,  389. 
Salamis,  395,  410,  411,  420,  421,  447, 

454-474,  481-483,  491,  492,  497- 
Salamis,  in  Cyprus,  263,  312-316. 
Salmydessus,  241. 
Samos,   Samians,   18,  27,   57,    134, 

139,  147,  151,  152,  163,  168-176, 


198,  202,  205-209,  225,  240,  241, 

254,  259,  263,  311,  315,  321-326, 

349,  419,  468,  483,  484,  523-529- 
Samothrace,    Samothracians,    104, 

333,  389,  400,  469,  47o. 
Sana,  town  of  Mount  Athos,  377, 

404. 
Sandanis,  a  Lydian,  27. 
Sandocles,  son  of  Thaumasius,  a 

Persian  judge,  429. 
Sapaei,  Thracian  nation,  401. 
Sappho,  the  poetess,   134. 
Sarangeans,  190,  196,  391. 
Sardanapalus,    King  of  Nineveh, 

141. 
Sardinia,  Sardinians,  66,  314,  318, 

319,  419- 

Sardinian  Sea,  65. 

Sardis,  4,  11,  26,  28,  30-34,  37,  57, 
60-62,  J21,  155,  171,  172,  198, 
200,  201,  226,  277,  278,  281,  282, 
284,  292,  293,  299,  310-320,  327, 

33i,  351,  359,  366,  369,  373,  378, 
380,  382-384,  388,  394,  411,  412, 
475,  480,  491,  529- 

Sarpedon,  67,  68. 

Sarpedon,  Cape,  388. 

Sarta,  town  of  Mount  Athos,  403. 

Saspires,  44,  190,  224,  393. 

Sataspes,  son  of  Teaspes,  a  Per- 
sian, 225. 

Satrae,  Thracian  nation,  401. 

Sattagydae,  the,  190. 

Saulius,  King  of  Scythia,  235,  236. 

Sauromatae,  a  Scythian  people, 
219,  229,  244-251,  254. 

Scaeus,  a  boxer,  294. 

Scamander,   river  of  Troas,   206, 

384. 
Scamandronymus,  134. 
Scapte-Hyle,  gold  mines  of,  332, 

333- 
Sciathus,  423,  425,  445,  470. 
Scionaeans,  482,  483. 
Scione,  404. 
Scios,  river  of  Scythia,  227. 


564 


HERODOTUS 


Scironian,  464. 

Sciton,     servant    of    Democedes, 

202. 
Scolopois,  river,  525. 
Scoloti,  215. 
Scolus,  495. 
Scopades,  360. 
Scopasis,  King  of  the  Scythians, 

248,  251. 
Scydrus,  324. 
Scylace,  20. 
Scylas,  son  of  Ariapithes,  King  of 

the  Scythians,  235-237. 
Scylax  of  Caryanda,  226. 
Scylax,  a  Myndian  captain,  285. 
Scyllias,  of  Scyone,  a  diver,  446. 
Scyone,  446. 
Scyrian,  425. 
Scyrmiadae,  241. 
Scythes,  son  of  Hercules,  216. 
Scythes,  a  Coan  tyrant,  419. 
Scythes,  King  of  the  Zanclseans, 

325,  326. 
Scythia,  Scythians,  6,  28,  42,  43,  78, 

83,  92,   120,   122,   147,  203,  213- 

256,  282,  330,  331,  345,  371,  376, 

377,  387,  389,  390. 
Sebennys,  district  of  Egypt,  147. 
Sebennytic  mouth  of  the  Nile,  91, 

143. 
Seldomus,  father  of  Pigres,  397. 
Selinus,  Selinuntians,  289. 
Selybrie,  328. 
Semele,  daughter  of  Cadmus,  138, 

139. 
Semiramis,  Queen  of  Babylon,  71, 

210. 
Sennacherib,  King  of  Assyria,  137. 
Sepia,  343. 

Sepias,  425,  427-429,  462. 
Serbonis,  Lake,  87,  155. 
Seriphians,  456. 

Sermyla,  a  Greek  town  of  Sitho- 
.  nia,  403. 
Serrhium,  a  promontory  of  Thrace, 

389. 


Sesostris,  King  of  Egypt,  1 19-122, 

135. 
Sestos,  255,  380,  393,  532-534- 
Sethon,  King  of  Egypt,  136,  137, 

139- 
Sicania,   ancient   name   of   Sicily, 

421. 
Sicas,  father  of  Cyberniscus,  396. 
Sicily,  Sicilians,  9,  288,  289,  324- 

326,  411,  415-421,  432,  444- 
Sicinnus,    preceptor   to   the   chil- 
dren of  Themistocles,  465,  477. 
Sicyon,   Sicyonians,   58,  296,  297, 

348,  359-361,  444,  455,  464,  501, 

528. 
Sidon,    Sidonians,    125,    145,    204, 

384,  396,  397,  405,  462,  470. 
Sigaeum,  224. 

Sigeum,  296,  305,  309,  310. 
Sigynnae,  277. 
Silenus,  Marsyas,  379,  487. 
Simonides,  the  poet,  312,  439. 
Sindus,  404. 
Singus,  403. 
Sinope,  on  the  Euxine,  29,  97,  217, 

239- 
Siphnus,  Siphnians,  175,  456. 
Siris,  town  in  Italy,  460. 
Siris,  of  Paeonia,  360,  479. 
Siromitres,  son  of  GEobazus,  391, 

393- 

Siromus,  son  of  Euelthon,  312. 

Siromus,  father  of  Mapen,  396. 

Siropaeonians,  279. 

Sisamaces,  317. 

Sisamnes,  son  of  Hydarnes,  390. 

Sisamnes,  father  of  Otanes,  282. 

Sitalces,   son   of  Teres,    King   of 

Thracians,  237,  408. 
Sithonia,  403. 

Siuph,  a  city  of  Egypt,  148. 
Smerdis,  son  of  Cyrus,   164,  165, 

176-183,  188,  393- 
Smerdis,  the  Magus,  176-184. 
Smerdomenes,  son  of  Otanes,  393, 

403. 


INDEX 


565 


Smila,  404. 

Smindyrides,  son  of  Hippocrates, 

a  Sybarite,  360,  361. 
Smyrna,  Smyrneans,  6,  39,  58-60, 

121. 
Socimenes,  467. 
Sogdians,  190,  390. 
Soli,  Solians,  315,  316. 
Solois,    western    promontory    of 

Libya,  96,  225. 
Solon,  11,  34,  150,  316. 
Solymi,  67. 

Sophanes  of  Decelea,  349,  517-518. 
Sosicles,  the  Corinthian,  306-309. 
Sostratus,    son   of   Laodamus,   of 

^Egina,  259. 
South  Sea,  160. 
Spaco,  nurse  of  Cyrus,  44. 
Spargapises,  son  of  Tomyris,  82, 

83. 

Spargapithes,   King  of  the  Aga- 

thyrsi,  236. 
Sparta,    Spartans.      See    Lacedae- 

mon. 
Sperchius,  river  of  Thessaly,  430, 

439- 
Sperthies,   son  of  Aneristus,  407, 

408. 
Sphendale,  495. 
Stagirus,  city,  402. 
Stentoris,  a  lake  of  Thrace,  389. 
Stenyclerus,  515. 
Stesagoras,  328,  351,  352. 
Stesagoras,  son  of  Cimon,  330. 
Stesenor,  tyrant  of  Curium,  315. 
Stesilaus,  son  of  Thrasylus,  356. 
Strattis,  tyrant  of  Chios,  254,  484. 
Struchates,  tribe  of  the  Medes,  41. 
Stryme,  city  of  the  Thasians,  400. 
Strymon,  the  river,  23,  275,  278, 

281,  310,  378,  392,  400,  401,  479, 

480. 
Strymonians,  392. 
Stymphalis,  Lake,  343. 
Styreans,  353.  444,  456,  502,  503. 
Styx,  the,  342. 


Summer  and  Winter  (statues  at 
Memphis),  127. 

Sunium,  promontory  of  Attica, 
243,  347,  348,  356,  481. 

Susa,  73,  178,  181,  190,  201,  202, 
206,  238,  239,  282,  283,  286,  291- 
293,  314,  319,  324,  327,  357,  366- 
368,  387,  407,  414,  442,  458,  472, 
530. 

Syagrus,  Lacedaemonian  ambassa- 
dor to  Gelon,  in  Sicily,  415-419. 

Sybaris,  Sybarites,  289,  324,  360. 

Syene,  city  in  Thebais,  94. 

Syennesis,  King  of  the  Cilicians, 
29,  317,  396. 

Syleus,  plain  of,  402. 

Syloson,  son  of  ^aces,  brother  of 
Polycrates,  168,  205-209,  322. 

Syme,  68. 

Syracuse,  Syracusans,  199,415-420. 

Syrgis,  river,  250. 

Syria,  Syrians,  3,  27,  30,  42,  89,  92, 
95,  120,  125,  144,  155,  189,  224, 
291,  390-392,  395,  409- 

Syrtis,  the,  96,  141,  265,  266. 

Tabalus,   a    Persian   governor   of 

Sardis,  60-63. 
Tahiti  (Vesta),  Scythian  goddess, 

230. 
Tachompso,  island  in  the  Nile,  94. 
Taenarus,  9,  420. 
Talaus,  father  of  Adrastus,  206. 
Talthybius,  herald  of  Agamemnon, 

hero  worshipped  at  Sparta,  407, 

408. 
Tamynae,  351. 
Tanagra,  town  of  Boeotia,  293,  301, 

495,  504. 

Tanais,  river  of  Scythia,  219,  226, 
227,  229,  243,  247,  249,  250. 

Tanis,  a  district  of  Egypt,  147. 

Tarentum,  city  of  Italy,  9,  204, 
205,  421,  422. 

Targitaus,  ancestor  of  the  Scyth- 
ians, 214,  215. 


566 


HERODOTUS 


Tarichaea,  city  of  Pelusium,  in 
Egypt,  90,  123. 

Tartessus,  Tartessians,  64,  259,  271. 

Tauchira,  city  of  Barcaea,  265. 

Taurica,  Tauri,  219,  243,  244,  248. 

Taurus,  Mount,  214. 

Taxacis,  249. 

Taygetus,  Mount,  256,  257. 

Teams,  river,  240. 

Teaspes,  225,  393. 

Tegea,  Tegeans,  24-26,  341,  352, 
422,  431,  481,  494,  499-502,  504, 
505,  5",  513,  5H,  5i6,  517,  521. 

Teians,  66,  320,  321. 

Teispes,  373. 

Telamon,  461. 

Teleboans,  294. 

Telecles,  169. 

Teleclus,  432. 

Telemachus,  125. 

Telesarchus,  207. 

Telines,  415. 

Telliadas,  505. 

Tellias,  an  Elean  prophet,  451. 

Tellus,  the  Athenian,  story  of,  11. 

Telmessus,  Telmessians,  30,  33. 

Telus,  island,  415. 

Telys,  King  of  the  Sybarites,  289, 
290. 

Temenidae,  486. 

Temenus,  ancestor  of  the  Mace- 
donian kings,  486. 

Temnos,  59. 

Tempe,  405,  422. 

Tenedos,  60,  327,  330. 

Tenos,  Tenians,  222,  350,  462,  467. 

Teos,  57,  66,  151,  198. 

Teres,  408. 

Terillus,  son  of  Crinippus,  tyrant 
of  Himera,  419,  420. 

Termera,  287. 

Termilas,  ancient  name  of  the  Ly- 
cians,  68,  395. 

Tereus,  237. 

Tethronium,  Phocian  city  burned 
by  Xerxes,  453. 


Tetramnestus,  son  of  Anysus,  a 
Sidonian,  396. 

Teucria,  Teucrians,  125,  278,  318, 
377,  392. 

Teucrians,  Gergithae,  384. 

Teuthrania,  88. 

Thales,  a  Milesian,  28,  29,  66. 

Thamanaeans,   190,   196. 

Thamimasadas  (Neptune),  Scyth- 
ian god,  230. 

Thannyras,  son  of  Inarus,  159. 

Thasos,  Thasians,  101,  102,  327, 
332,  333,  400,  402. 

Thaumasius,  429. 

Theasides,  son  of  Leoprepes,  345. 

Theaspes,  518. 

Thebais,  94.  . 

Thebe,  daughter  of  Asopus,  301. 

Thebes,  plain  of,  in  Asia  Minor, 

384. 

Thebes,  Thebans,  of  Bceotia,  18, 
22,  37,  294,  297,  301,  304,  347, 
353,  354,  357,  406,  431,  432,  437, 
438,  440,  485,  49i,  495,  496,  501, 
503,  506,  513,  515,  5i6,  522;  of 
Egypt,  71,  86,  88,  90,  100,  101, 
105,  106,  no,  in,  147,  156,  163, 
267,  268. 

Themis,   104. 

Themiscyra,  239. 

Themison,  a  Theraean  merchant, 
259,  260. 

Themistocles,  son  of  Neocles,  410, 
411,  423,  445,  449,  450,  459,  460, 
465-470,  476-478,  481,  482,  526. 

Theocydes,  461. 

Theodorus,  a  Samian  engineer,  18. 

Theomestor,  son  of  Androdamas, 
a  Samian,  468,  523. 

Theophanian  festival,  18. 

Theopompus,  484. 

Theoris,  347. 

Thera,  Theraeans,  257-264,  288. 

Therambus,  404. 

Therapne,  337. 

Theras,  son  of  Autesion,  257,  258. 


INDEX 


567 


Therma,  403-406,  425,  482. 
Thermodon,   river,    120,  239,  245, 

501,  507. 
Thermopylae,    423-425,    427,    431- 

443,  448-451,  462,  464,  517,  5IQ- 
Theron,  son  of  ^Enisidemus,  King 

of  the  Agrigentines,  419,  420. 
Thersander,  son  of  Polynices,  257, 

334- 

Thersander,  an  Orchomenian,  496. 

Theseus,  517. 

Thesmophoria,  148,  323,  362. 

Thespia,  Thespians,  301,  406,  431, 
437-439,  450,  457,  462,  465,  502. 

Thesprotia,  Thesprotians,  106,  308, 
424,  456. 

Thessaliotis,  20. 

Thessaly,  Thessalians,  191,  295, 
309,  341,  342,  360,  368,  400,  405, 
406,  422-424,  428,  429,  433,  435, 
440,  451,  452,  478,  479,  482,  484, 
485,  491,  497,  503,  508,  519,  522, 
523- 

Thessalus,  289. 

Thestes,  fountain  of,  in  Libya,  262. 

Thetis,  428. 

Thmuis,  a  district  of  Egypt,  147. 

Thoas,  King  of  Lemnos,  364. 

Thonis,  124,  125. 

Thorax,  of  Larissa,  491,  512. 

Thoricus,  in  Attica,  243. 

Thornax,  Mount,  in  Laconia,  26. 

Thrace,  Thracians,  10,  66,  120,  134, 
147,  189,  223,  227,  237,  240,  241, 
243,  244,  247,  255,  275-278,  281, 
318,  328,  330,  332,  349,  377,  378, 
389,  392,  399-402,  408,  423,  426, 
479,  503,  523,  533- 

Thrasybulus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  8, 
308. 

Thrasycleus,  523. 

Thrasydeius,  512. 

Thrasylas,  356. 

Three  Heads,  the,  pass  of  Mount 
Cithaeron,  506. 

Thriasian  Plain,  in  Attica,  461, 493. 


Thyia,  424. 

Thynians,  10. 

Thyrea,  an  island  near  Peloponne- 
sus, 32,  33,  175,  343. 

Thyssagetae,  219,  250. 

Thyssus,  city,  377. 

Tiarantus,  a  river  of  Scythia,  227. 

Tibarenians,  190,  393. 

Tibisis,  a  river  of  Scythia,  227. 

Tigranes,  commander  of  the  Per- 
sian forces  at  Mycale,  390,  525- 
528. 

Tigris,  river,  73,  75,  141,  292,  324. 

Timagenides,  son  of  Herpys,  505, 
522. 

Timagoras,  397. 

Timander,  516. 

Timarete,  priestess  of  Jupiter,  105. 

Timesthius,  of  Delphi,  299. 

Timesius,  of  Clazomenae,  66. 

Timnes,  a  Scythian,  235. 

Timo,  a  priestess,  362,  363. 

Timodemus,  of  Aphidnae,  481. 

Timon,  son  of  Androbulus,  a  Del- 
phian, 410. 

Timonax,  son  of  Timagoras,  a 
Cyprian,  397. 

Timoxenus,  general  of  the  Sci- 
onaeans,  482,  483. 

Tiryns,  Tirynthians,  343,  345,  408, 

503. 
Tisamenus,    son    of    Thersander, 

257,  334- 
Tisamenus,  son  of  Antiochus,  a  di- 
viner with  the  Greeks  at  Plataea, 

503,  504. 
Tisander,  360,  361. 
Tisias,  a  Parian,  362. 
Titacus,  of  Aphidnae,  518. 
Tithaeus,  son  of  Datis,  394. 
Tithorea,  452. 

Titormus,  brother  of  Males,  360. 
Tmolus,  Mount,  near  Sardis,  33, 

38,  311,  312. 
Tomyris,    Queen    of   the    Massa- 

getae,  80-83. 


568 


HERODOTUS 


Torone,  377,  403,  482. 

Trachea,  243. 

Trachis,  Trachinians,  423,  430,  431, 

435,  438,  439,  449,  452,  462. 
Trapezus,  360. 
Traspies,  214. 
Trausi,  276. 

Travus,  river  of  Thrace,  400. 
Triballic  Plain,  227. 
Triopium,  58,  224,  415. 
Tritaea,  town  of  Achaia,  58. 
Tritantaechmes,  son  of  Artabanus, 

75,  393,  403,  451. 
Triteae,  Phocian  city,  453. 
Triton,  river  of  Libya,  266,  267, 

270. 
Triton,  a  divinity,  267,  270. 
Tritonis,  lake  in  Libya,  266,  267, 

269,  270. 
Troezene,    Trcezenians,    175,    397, 

425,    444,    455,    464,    502,    503, 

528. 
Troglodytes,  268. 
Trophonius,  oracle,  17,  485. 
Troy,  Trojans,  3,  124-126,  138,  270, 

278,  377,  395,  4i8,  422,  501. 
Twelve  kings,   Egypt  under  the, 

139-142. 
Tydeus,  297. 
Tymnes,  father  of  Histiaeus,  287, 

397- 
Tyndaridse,  256,  300,  517,  518. 
Tyndarus,   125. 
Typhon,  138,  143,  155. 
Tyras  (Tyres),  river,  217,  227,  228, 

238. 
Tyre,  Tyrians,  101,  123,  145,  396, 

462. 
Tyritae,  228. 
Tyrodiza,  378. 
Tyrrhenia,  Tyrrhenians,  20,  38,  39, 

65,  324,  325. 
Tyrrhenian  Sea,  64. 
Tyrrhenus,  39. 


Umbrici,  the,  39,  228. 
Urania.    See  Venus. 
Utians,  190,  391. 

Venetians,  of  Illyria,  76. 

Venus,  152,  232;  Assyrian  (Mylit- 
ta),  54,  78;  Arabian  (Alitta),  54, 
155;  Persian  (Mitra),  54;  Scyth- 
ian (Artimpasa),  230:  temples 
of,  at  Ascalon,  42;  in  Egypt,  100, 
123. 

Vesta,  104;  Scythian  (Tahiti),  230, 
251. 

Vulcan,  86,  119,  121-123,  127,  134, 
136,  137,  139,  141.  142,  150,  167, 
168,  472. 

"Winter  and   Summer   (statues   at 

Memphis),  127. 
White  Columns,  316. 

Xanthippus,  son  of  Ariphon,  fa- 
ther  of   Pericles,   361-363,   380, 

484,  532-534- 
Xanthus,  a  Samian,  134. 
Xanthus,  Xanthians,  69. 
Xenagoras,    son   of   Praxilaus,    a 

Halicarnassian,  529. 
Xerxes,   son   of  Darius,   71,   225, 

350,  366-490,  503,  519,  525,  526, 

529-532. 
Xuthus,  father  of  Ion,  396. 

Zacynthus,  Zacynthians,  176,  271, 

341,  505. 
Zalmoxis,  241,  242. 
Zancle,  Zanclseans,  of  Sicily,  325, 

326,  415,  419. 
Zaveces,  271. 
Zeuxidemus,  341. 
Zona,  a  town  of  Samothracia,  389. 
Zopyrus,    son    of    Megabyzus,    a 

Persian  prince,  209-212,  225. 
Zopyrus,  a  Persian  deserter,  212. 
Zosta,  promontory,  475. 


THE   END 


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