Velarization degree and coarticulatory resistance for /I/ in Catalan and German
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Cited by (41)
Acoustic characteristics of Korean-English bilingual speakers’ /l/ and the relationship to their foreign accent ratings.
2021, Journal of Communication DisordersCitation Excerpt :Classic studies by Giles and Moll (1975) and Sproat and Fujimura (1993), however, showed that American English (AE) word-initial and -final /l/ both involve anterior as well as posterior constrictions, and the allophonic variation of light or dark /l/ is not a binary entity but is gradient in nature, which is affected by several factors, such as phonetic contexts, speaker age, gender, or dialects/languages. AE word-initial and -final /l/, although vary by the above listed factors, is in general reported to fall into the dark /l/ end of the continuum as compared to /l/ of other languages (e.g., Berkson, de Jong & Lulich, 2017; Chung, 2021; Lehiste, 1964; Recasens et al., 1995; Recasens, 2004; Recasens & Espinosa, 2005). In contrast to English /l/, Korean /l/ generally falls in to the light /l/end of the continuum.
Inconspicuous coarticulation: A complex path to sound change in the tone system of Hanoi Vietnamese
2016, Journal of PhoneticsAn acoustic study of coarticulatory resistance in "dark" and "light" alveolar laterals
2015, Journal of PhoneticsCitation Excerpt :If the “dark” variant is specified for a particular tongue dorsum configuration (medio-dorsum lowering and post-dorsum raising and backing, for instance), one would expect for this /l/ variant to be less affected by contextual vowels, as its own dorsal specification would be in competition with that of the neighboring vowels. Since this view of the role of the tongue dorsum on the articulation of /l/ helps to successfully predict the attested difference between the two /l/ variants with respect to their patterns of resistance to coarticulation (e.g. Recasens, 1987; Recasens & Espinosa, 2005; Recasens et al., 1995, 1996, 1998), this is a view that deserves serious attention. Recent articulatory data suggest, however, that both “dark” and “light” /l/ recruit the tongue dorsum to some extent (Sproat & Fujimura, 1993; Browman & Goldstein, 1995).
Articulatory synergies in the temporal organization of liquid clusters in Romanian
2014, Journal of PhoneticsCitation Excerpt :Clear /l/ is characterized by a fronted, raised tongue body. Dark /l/s, due to their pronounced postdorsal retraction gesture show a high degree of coarticulatory resistance (Recasens & Espinosa, 2005; Recasens et al., 1995, 1996, 1998). English dark /l/ and its prosodically conditioned allophony has been extensively studied: coda /l/ is produced with strong tongue body retraction that temporally precedes the coronal constriction, whereas onset /l/s are characterized by a wider tongue body constriction degree and a synchronous timing of the two gestures (e.g., Delattre, 1971; Giles & Moll, 1975; Narayanan, Alwan, & Haker, 1997; Scobbie & Pouplier, 2010; Sproat & Fujimura, 1993).
Dark and clear laterals in Catalan and Spanish: Interaction of phonetic categories in early bilinguals
2010, Journal of PhoneticsCitation Excerpt :In other words, a tongue tip raising gesture towards the alveolar ridge is characteristic of both sounds. What distinguishes them is that dark laterals have a dorsal approximation at the velar region as well as considerable pre-dorsal lowering (Narayanan, Alwan, & Haker, 1997; Recasens, 2004; Recasens & Espinosa, 2005; Recasens, Fontdevila, & Pallarès, 1995, 1996; Recasens, Pallarès, & Fontdevila, 1998; Sproat & Fujimura, 1993). Active dorsal backing and lowering in dark laterals triggers a lowering of the second formant (F2) and a raising of the first formant (F1) as compared with clear laterals (Recasens, 2004).
Prosodic and segmental effects on EPG contact patterns of word-initial German clusters
2010, Journal of Phonetics
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Also of Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona.