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‘When Military Affairs were in Leo's Hands’ A Note on Byzantine Foreign Policy (886–912)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Extract

The sources for the reign of Leo VI the Wise (886–912) are numerous, but historians have been handicapped by the existence of two virtual Lives of Leo, the Logothete chronicle and the Vita Euthymii† (=VE), for the very natural result of the existence of these two apparent histories of his reign has been to form too exclusively the judgment of posterity on him and it. Both are, for different reasons, excessively restrictive: the Logothete is hostile and eliminates systematically any favorable information. The VE is favorable but, written as it is to justify the ascent of the patriarchal throne by the monk Euthymius, its almost exclusive concern is with Leo's matrimonial misfortunes and the picture it gives of him shows him always grovelling at the feet of Euthymius. The emperor as humble suppliant to the saint is a great theme of the Vita and coincides with the mosaic in St. Sophia usually considered to be his portrait. Actually, emperors were quite prone to demonstrations of humility before monks.

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References

For the complex tradition of this chronicle see Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, (Berlin 1958) 2nd ed. s. n. Theophanes continuatus, Symeon (Logothetes) and in particular, Georgius continuatus.Google Scholar

As Každan has underlined (XpοΗΚ CΜeοa ΠοΓοΦea, Viz. Vremennik 15 [1959] 125–43), the interdependence of these texts may well escape the reader of these notices (op. cit. 125), although it has been recognised ever since Hirsch's Byzantinische Studien (Leipzig 1876). For the reign of Leo VI in particular, all the chronicles, whether labelled Theophanes Continuatus, Georgius Monachus (Hamartolos) continuatus, Leo Grammaticus, Theodosius of Melitene or (Ps.-) Symeon Magister (Logothete), are merely various editions of one chronicle. At most, one manuscript will have a few interpolations, such as the items on the Phocas family of Vaticanus gr. 173 (see Grégoire, ‘La carrière du premier Nicéphore Phocas,’ Πϱοσοϱὰ εἰς Στ. Π. Kνϱιακίδην = ‘Eλληνιά Παϱάϱτημα 4 [Thessalonica 1953] 232–54), or preserve a detail the others have dropped, e.g. (Ps.-) Symeon Magister (v. infra) 700, 16 ἔνθα καὶ τελεντ. Thus the expression sometimes found, of ‘all the chroniclers,” has no real meaning. There is only one chronicler (Hirsch, op. cit.; Každan, op. cit., Jenkins, ‘The Chronological Accuracy of the ‘Logothete’ for the Years a.d. 867–913,’ Dumbarton Oaks Papers 19 [1965] 91–112; with the author's conclusions I am not, however, in complete agreement, as I propose to show elsewhere).

Written by a partisan of Romanus Lecapenus, the Logothete Chronicle is violently hostile to Leo VI.

Edition used: Theophanes continuatus and Georgius Monachus cont. in Theophanes contimatus rec. Im. Bekker (Bonn 1838).

Vita Euthymii ed. de Boor, C. (Berlin 1888) and Karlin-Hayter, P. in Byzantion 2527 (1955–7) 1–177.Google Scholar

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2 επὶ τ τῶν βουλγάρων σνμβάσει, an anonymous homily on the Bulgarian peace of 927. Ed. Uspenskij, in Letopis istor.-filol. Obščestva pri Imp. Novoross. Universitete 462 Odessa (1894) 48123. Reprinted in Fontes graeci historiae bulgaricae 5 (Fontes Historiae Bulgaricae 9; Sofia 1964) 82–101 (with Bulgarian translation). The author, sketching the events that led up to the peace, begins: νθει τὰ ἡμέτερα πάλαι … τε τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἐρρυθμίζετο λέοντι καὶ συνεβούλευεν ‘Aχιτόφελ καὶ δράκων καὶ σόλων ἐθέσπιζον etc. (Fontes 93, 10) — (Cf. Vita S. Theoctistate Lesbiae in insula Paro AA SS. Nov. t. 4, 224–33: λέοντοσ φημὶ τοῦ εὐτνχοῦσ ντωσ βααιλέωσ καὶ τὴν εὐτυχίαν ’ρωμαίων τῷ τάφῳ αυνθάψαντοσ, a remark made in a military context). Jenkins, R. J. H. has translated the most important chapters of this interesting and puzzling document and commented on them (‘The peace with Bulgaria (927) celebrated by Theodore Daphnopates,’ Festschrift Dölger [1967] 287–303). Some of his interpretations seem to me difficult to accept, for instance, the application to Symeon and Peter of the phrase: άλλ' ὁ μέν τὴν εἰρήνην τιμῶν καὶ ὑπ' αὐτῆσ τι τιμώμενοσ, ἀοτασίαστοσ τοῖσ ἀστασιάστοισ ἐφίσταται, καὶ τοῖσ αὐτοῖσ ὁ ἀδελφὸσ χνεσιν ἐπιβὰσ συναποίχεται τῷ παιδὶ τὰ σκῆπτρα λιπών (p. 94), meant, it sees to me, certainly for Leo and Alexander.Google Scholar

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4a ‘The town called Hypsele fell by treachery, and all the inhabitants were taken captive by the Agarenes’ (Theoph. Cont. [n. 1 above] 354).Google Scholar

5 Theme: mid-Byzantine term designating both a considerable administrative unit and the troops quartered in it. The thematic system was introduced progressively, beginning in the seventh century, to strenghten the defence of the Empire, and is characterised by the subordination of the civil to the military authority. This thematic organisation took a considerable step forward under Leo VI, partly by the incorporation of newly conquered territories, partly by reorganisation. The danger inherent in the system was the enormous power it put in the hands of individual generals as is shown, in Leo's reign, by the revolt of Andronicus Ducas. Bibliography in Ostrogorsky, Geschichte des byzantinischen Staates (3rd ed. Munich 1963) 80 n. 1.Google Scholar

6 Even if there were no other evidence, the insistence, after July 920, of Nicolas Mysticus in his letters to the Bulgarian tsar who has invaded the Empire, on the healing of the schism and on the peace which, says he, now reigns in the Church and, by implication, the commonwealth, would be sufficient warrant for this conclusion. (PG 111. 100–101, 112 D, 180 AB). Particularly remarkable is the first of these passages. It comes from the letter (n° 14, loc. cit. 100–105) in which he announces the good news to Symeon. About half the letter is devoted to the event itself and to saying how delighted Symeon will be to hear it: εὐαγγέλια οσ πέπεισμαι τὴν σὴν εὐφρανθῆναι ψυχὴν σον ἐπ' οὐδενὶ λλῳ τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισ παρέχειν εὐφροσύνην εδότων (101 A.), … εὐαγγελιζόμεθα σόι, τέκνον μῶν, εὐαγγέλια, ν καὶ σοὶ τὸ ἀκοῦσαι πάντων ἡδύτατον, καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ εὐαγγελίσασθαι πρεπωδέστατον πάντων καὶ οκειότατον. Hνωται ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκκλησία (100 B).Google Scholar

6a The other half is devoted to begging Symeon to stop the horrors of war! τὴν πειρον τῶν αμάτων χύσιν καὶ τὴν τοσαύτην ἐρημίαν, ομοι ἐρημίαν ἐκκλησιῶν Θεοῦ, διαιτημάτων παρθένων… μοναστηρίων ἀνδρῶν, ονύκτα καὶ ἡμέραν Θεόσ ὑμνολογεῖτο καὶ ἐδοξάζετο. τί με δεῖ λέγειν πόλεων, χώρασ λλησ, οκων … τὴν λλην συμφοράν … χηρείαν φημί, όρφανίαν, ἀδελφῶν ἀποστέρησιν, αχμαλωσίαν δουλεαν … Google Scholar

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7 ‘Unter den ausgeschriebenen Quellen nennt er selbst Ailianos, Arrianos und Onasandros. Eine Randnotiz in einer Wiener Handschrift des X. Jahrhunderts nennt ausserdem noch Polyainos, Plutarchos und andere, uns unbekannte Schriftsteller als seine Quellen. Sonderbar ist aber, dass weder Leon noch die genannte Randnotiz die Hauptquelle des Werkes erwähnt, die unter dem Namen des Maurikios oder Urbikios verbreitete Taktik’ (Moravcsik 402). Composed for war waged with infantry, cavalry, the bow, ramparts and siege-machines, they only became really obsolete with the appearance of firearms.Google Scholar

8 PG 107.673 BC.Google Scholar

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12 Gay, Jules, L'Italie méridionale et l'Empire byzantin depuis l'avènement de Basile Ier jusqu'à la prise de Bari par les Normands (867–1071) (Paris 1904) ch. III, covering the years 883 to 917 (132–163). Re the defeat of Constantine ὁ ἐπὶ τραπέζησ he remarks: ‘Cette nouvelle dut produire à Byzance une vive impression: la défaite des Grecs est un des rares évènements de l'histoire d'Italie mentionnés par les historiens de Léon VI. Mais si l'on s'en tenait à leur témoignage, on pourrait croire que la défaite n'a pas été réparée: il est singulier que dans les mêmes textes aucune allusion ne soit faite à la victoire définitive, par laquelle le prestige de Byzance est rétabli en Italie’ (143). When Gay wrote these lines, the hostile bias of the Logothete chronicler was not yet generally recognized.Google Scholar

13 Radelchis, (Gay, , op. cit. 107).Google Scholar

13a Annales Fuldenses , 410412 (MGH SS 343–415).Google Scholar

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17 The Byzantine term for the Byzantine or Eastern Roman Empire.Google Scholar

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21 Tactica PG 107. 976 D.Google Scholar

22 MGH Scriptores 1 (Hannover 1826) 599600.Google Scholar

23 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando Imperio , ed. Moravcsik-Jenkins, 2 Comm. 144.Google Scholar

24 Kαί τίσ τὰσ ἐνθυμήσεισ τε καὶ προτάσεισ, τίσ δὲ τὰσ ἐπιβουλὰσ ἐκείνου ἐξαριθμήσαιτο; οδα, φησὶν ὁ μῦθοσ, ψάμμου τ' ἀριθμὸν καὶ μέτρα θαλάσσησ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡσ εἰδέναι τὰ ἐκείνου ἀμήχανον οσ καὶ δίχα σιδήρου διὰ βίου τὸν αδερ ὑπεκράτει τε καὶ ἀνέστελλεν-op. cit (n. 2 above) 94, Jenkins, , op. cit (n. 2) 291. 295.Google Scholar

25 John, , a contemporary († 931) was, as Catholicus of Armenia, close to Smbat and not only a witness but an actor in the events he records in the latter part of his History of Armenia. Unfortunately he describes them with studied imprecision. I have used the translation by Saint-Martin, J. ( Histoire d'Arménie par le patriarche Jean VI dit Jean Catholicos trad, par Saint-Martin, M. J., Paris 1841. Relations with Leo: 144–7, 147, 189, 225 ['Basil' but in reality Leo]. Appeal to Baghdad for help against Yusuf: 226). Its inaccuracy does not affect the principal information I draw from it: that diplomatic exchanges were sustained and cordial.Google Scholar

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