This article is about authoritarianism in political science and organizational studies. For authoritarianism in psychology, see Authoritarian personality
. For a form of government where power is held by a single individual, see Autocracy
In an influential 1964 work,
the political scientist Juan Linz
defined authoritarianism as possessing four qualities:
- Limited political pluralism, realized with constraints on the legislature, political parties and interest groups.
- Political legitimacy based upon appeals to emotion and identification of the regime as a necessary evil to combat "easily recognizable societal problems, such as underdevelopment or insurgency".
- Minimal political mobilization and suppression of anti-regime activities.
- Ill-defined executive powers, often vague and shifting, which extends the power of the executive.
Minimally defined, an authoritarian government lacks free and competitive direct elections
, free and competitive direct or indirect elections
, or both.
Broadly defined, authoritarian states include countries that lack the civil liberties
such as freedom of religion
, or countries in which the government and the opposition
do not alternate in power at least once following free elections.
Authoritarian states might contain nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures and elections which are managed to entrench authoritarian rule and can feature fraudulent, non-competitive elections.
Since 1946, the share of authoritarian states in the international political system increased until the mid-1970s, but declined from then until the year 2000.
Authoritarianism also tends to embrace the informal and unregulated exercise of political power
, a leadership that is "self-appointed and even if elected cannot be displaced by citizens' free choice among competitors", the arbitrary deprivation of civil liberties
and little tolerance for meaningful opposition
A range of social controls
also attempt to stifle civil society
while political stability is maintained by control over and support of the armed forces
, a bureaucracy staffed by the regime and creation of allegiance
through various means of socialization
Constitutions in authoritarian regimes
Authoritarian regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies such as constitutions
Constitutions in authoritarian states may serve a variety of roles, including "operating manual" (describing how the government is to function); "billboard" (signal of regime's intent), "blueprint" (outline of future regime plans), and "window dressing" (material designed to obfuscate, such as provisions setting forth freedoms that are not honored in practice).
Authoritarian constitutions may help legitimize, strengthen, and consolidate regimes.
An authoritarian constitution "that successfully coordinates government action and defines popular expectations can also help consolidate the regime's grip on power by inhibiting re coordination on a different set of arrangements".
Unlike democratic constitutions, authoritarian constitutions do not set direct limits on executive authority; however, in some cases such documents may function as ways for elites to protect their own property rights or constrain autocrats' behavior.
The concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet
Tushnet distinguishes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes from "liberal constitutionalist" regimes ("the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and from purely authoritarian regimes (which reject the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power).
He describes authoritarian constitutionalist regimes as (1) authoritarian dominant-party
states that (2) impose sanctions (such as libel judgments) against, but do not arbitrarily arrest
, political dissidents; (3) permits "reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair elections", without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail—and by a substantial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (6) create "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable".
Scholars such as Seymour Lipset,
Carles Boix, Susan Stokes
Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens and John Stephens
argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi
argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into a democracy).
Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances the bourgeoise
are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances.
Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term.
According to Michael Albertus, most land reform programs
tend to be implemented by authoritarian regimes that subsequently withhold property rights
from the beneficiaries of the land reform. Authoritarian regimes do so to gain coercive leverage over rural populations.
Within authoritarian systems, there may be nominally democratic institutions such as political parties, legislatures
and elections, but they are managed in a way so as to entrench authoritarian regimes.
Within democracies, parties serve to coordinate the pursuit of interests for like-minded citizens, whereas in authoritarian systems, they are a way for authoritarian leaders to find capable elites for the regime.
In a democracy, a legislature is intended to represent the diversity of interests among citizens, whereas authoritarians use legislatures to signal their own restraint towards other elites as well as to monitor other elites who pose a challenge to the regime.
Fraudulent elections may serve the role of signaling the strength of the regime (to deter elites from challenging the regime), as well as force other elites to demonstrate their loyalty to the regime, whereas in democracies, free and fair elections are used to select representatives who represent the will of the citizens.
Elections may also motivate authoritarian party members to strengthen patron–client and information-gathering networks, which strengthens the authoritarian regime.
Elections may also motivate members of the ruling class to engage in public goods provision.
According to one study, "most dictatorships led by parties have regular popular elections". Prior to the 1990s, most of these elections had no alternative parties or candidates for voters to vote on. Since the end of the Cold War, about two-thirds of elections in authoritarian systems allow for some opposition, but the elections are structured in a way to heavily favor the incumbent authoritarian regime.
Hindrances to free and fair elections in authoritarian systems may include:
- Control of the media by the authoritarian incumbents.
- Interference with opposition campaigning.
- Electoral fraud.
- Violence against opposition.
- Large-scale spending by the state in favor of the incumbents.
- Permitting of some parties, but not others.
- Prohibitions on opposition parties, but not independent candidates.
- Allowing competition between candidates within the incumbent party, but not those who are not in the incumbent party.
Interactions with other elites and the masses
The foundations of stable authoritarian rule are that the authoritarian prevents contestation from the masses and other elites. The authoritarian regime may use co-optation or repression (or carrots and sticks) to prevent revolts.
In the 2010s, Kazakhstan has unsuccessfully tried to mobilize citizens and police to cooperate through the zero tolerance policing of petty crimes.
Manipulation of information
According to a 2019 study by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman, authoritarian regimes have over time become less reliant on violence and mass repression to maintain control. The study shows instead that authoritarians have increasingly resorted to manipulation of information as a means of control. Authoritarians increasingly seek to create an appearance of good performance, conceal state repression, and imitate democracy.
Systemic weakness and resilience
Andrew J. Nathan
notes that "regime theory holds that authoritarian systems are inherently fragile because of weak legitimacy, overreliance on coercion, over-centralization of decision making, and the predominance of personal power over institutional norms. [...] Few authoritarian regimes—be they communist, fascist, corporatist, or personalist—have managed to conduct orderly, peaceful, timely, and stable successions".
Political scientist Theodore M. Vestal writes that authoritarian political systems may be weakened through inadequate responsiveness to either popular or elite demands and that the authoritarian tendency to respond to challenges by exerting tighter control, instead of by adapting, may compromise the legitimacy
of an authoritarian state and lead to its collapse.
One exception to this general trend is the endurance of the authoritarian rule of the Chinese Communist Party
which has been unusually resilient among authoritarian regimes. Nathan posits that this can be attributed to four factors such as (1) "the increasingly norm-bound nature of its succession politics"; (2) "the increase in meritocratic as opposed to factional considerations in the promotion of political elites"; (3) "the differentiation and functional specialization of institutions within the regime"; and (4) "the establishment of institutions for political participation and appeal that strengthen the CCP's legitimacy among the public at large".
Yale University political scientist Milan Svolik argues that violence is a common characteristic of authoritarian systems. Violence tends to be common in authoritarian states because of a lack of independent third parties empowered to settle disputes between the dictator, regime allies, regime soldiers and the masses.
Authoritarians may resort to measures referred to as "coup-proofing
", i.e. structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creation of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and development of multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another.
Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring.
However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness,
and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract.
A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules
reduce the occurrence of coup attempts.
Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts
among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.
According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region.
A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories.
A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research
found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders.
A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science
found that personalist
dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler".
According to a 2019 study, personalist dictatorships are more repressive than other forms of dictatorship.
Several subtypes of authoritarian regimes have been identified by Linz and others.
Linz identified the two most basic subtypes as traditional authoritarian regimes and bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes:
- Traditional authoritarian regimes are those "in which the ruling authority (generally a single person)" is maintained in power "through a combination of appeals to traditional legitimacy, patron-client ties and repression, which is carried out by an apparatus bound to the ruling authority through personal loyalties". An example is Ethiopia under Haile Selassie I.
- Bureaucratic-military authoritarian regimes are those "governed by a coalition of military officers and technocrats who act pragmatically (rather than ideologically) within the limits of their bureaucratic mentality". Mark J. Gasiorowski suggests that it is best to distinguish "simple military authoritarian regimes" from "bureaucratic authoritarian regimes" in which "a powerful group of technocrats uses the state apparatus to try to rationalize and develop the economy" such as Singapore and South Korea under Lee Kuan Yew and Park Chung-hee respectively.
Subtypes of authoritarian regime identified by Linz are corporatist
or organic-statistic, racial and ethnic "democracy" and post-totalitarian.
- Corporatist authoritarian regimes "are those in which corporatism institutions are used extensively by the state to coopt and demobilize powerful interest groups". This type has been studied most extensively in Latin America.
- Racial and ethnic "democracies" are those in which "certain racial or ethnic groups enjoy full democratic rights while others are largely or entirely denied those rights", such as in South Africa under apartheid.
- Post-totalitarian authoritarian regimes are those in which totalitarian institutions (such as the party, secret police and state-controlled mass media) remain, but where "ideological orthodoxy has declined in favor of routinization, repression has declined, the state's top leadership is less personalized and more secure, and the level of mass mobilization has declined substantially". Examples include the Russian Federation and Soviet Eastern Bloc states in the mid-1980s. The post-Mao Zedong People's Republic of China was viewed as post-totalitarian in the 1990s and early 2000s, with a limited degree of increase in pluralism and civil society. however, in the 2010s, particularly after Xi Jinping succeeded as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and rose to power in 2012, Chinese state repression sharply increased, aided by digital control and mass surveillance.
Authoritarian regimes are also sometimes subcategorized by whether they are personalistic or populist
Personalistic authoritarian regimes are characterized by arbitrary rule and authority
exercised "mainly through patronage networks and coercion rather than through institutions and formal rules".
Personalistic authoritarian regimes have been seen in post-colonial Africa. By contrast, populist authoritarian regimes "are mobilizational regimes in which a strong, charismatic, manipulative leader rules through a coalition involving key lower-class groups".
Examples include Argentina
under Jua Perón
under Gamal Abdel Nasser
under Hugo Chávez
and Nicolás Maduro
A typology of authoritarian regimes by political scientists Brian Lai and Dan Slater includes four categories: machine (oligarchic party dictatorships); bossism (autocratic party dictatorships); juntas
(oligarchic military dictatorships); and strongman
(autocratic military dictatorships).
Lai and Slater argue that single‐party regimes are better than military regimes at developing institutions (e.g. mass mobilization
, patronage networks ad coordination of elites) that are effective at continuing the regime's incumbency and diminishing domestic challengers; Lai and Slater also argue that military regimes more often initiate military conflicts or undertake other "desperate measures" to maintain control as compared to single‐party regimes.
Authoritarianism and democracy
A further distinction that liberal democracies have rarely made war with one another; research has extended the theory and finds that more democratic countries tend to have few wars (sometimes called militarized interstate disputes
) causing fewer battle deaths with one another and that democracies have far fewer civil wars
Research shows that the democratic nations have much less democide
or murder by government. Those were also moderately developed nations before applying liberal democratic policies.
Research by the World Bank
suggests that political institutions are extremely important in determining the prevalence of corruption
and that parliamentary systems, political stability and freedom of the press
are all associated with lower corruption.
A 2006 study by economist Alberto Abadie
has concluded that terrorism is most common in nations with intermediate political freedom
. The nations with the least amount of terrorism
are the most and least democratic nations, and that "transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy may be accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism".
Studies in 2013 and 2017 similarly found a nonlinear relationship between political freedom and terrorism, with the most terrorist attacks occurring in partial democracies and the fewest in "strict autocracies and full-fledged democracies".
A 2018 study by Amichai Magen demonstrated that liberal democracies and polyarchies
not only suffer fewer terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, but also suffer fewer casualties in terrorist attacks as compared to other regime types, which may be attributed to higher-quality democracies' responsiveness to their citizens' demands, including "the desire for physical safety", resulting in "investment in intelligence, infrastructure protection, first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which averts casualties.
Magen also noted that terrorism in closed autocracies sharply increased starting in 2013.
Competitive authoritarian regimes
Another type of authoritarian regime is the competitive authoritarian regime, a type of civilian regime that arose in the post-Cold War era. In a competitive authoritarian regime, "formal democratic institutions exist and are widely viewed as the primary means of gaining power, but ... incumbents' abuse of the state places them at a significant advantage vis-à-vis their opponents".
The term was coined by Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in their 2010 book of the same name to discuss a type of hybrid regime
that emerged during and after the Cold War
Competitive authoritarian regimes differ from fully authoritarian regimes in that elections are regularly held, the opposition can openly operate without a high risk of exile or imprisonment and "democratic procedures are sufficiently meaningful for opposition groups to take them seriously as arenas through which to contest for power".
However, competitive authoritarian regimes lack one or more of the three characteristics of democracies such as free elections (i.e. elections untainted by substantial fraud or voter intimidation); protection of civil liberties (i.e. the freedom of speech, press and association) and an even playing field (in terms of access to resources, the media and legal recourse).
Authoritarianism and fascism
Authoritarianism is considered a core concept of fascism
and scholars agree that a fascist regime is foremost an authoritarian form of government, although not all authoritarian regimes are fascist. While authoritarianism is a defining characteristic of fascism, scholars argue that more distinguishing traits are needed to make an authoritarian regime fascist.
Authoritarianism and totalitarianism
Linz distinguished new forms of authoritarianism from personalistic dictatorships and totalitarian states, taking Francoist Spain
as an example. Unlike personalistic dictatorships, new forms of authoritarianism have institutionalized representation of a variety of actors (in Spain's case, including the military, the Catholic Church
and others). Unlike totalitarian states, the regime relies on passive mass acceptance rather than popular support. Totalitarianism
is an extreme version of authoritarianism. Authoritarianism primarily differs from totalitarianism in that social and economic institutions exist that are not under governmental control. Building on the work of Yale political scientist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of the University of Colorado at Colorado Springs
has examined the characteristics of authoritarian and totalitarian dictators and organized them in a chart:
Sondrol argues that while both authoritarianism and totalitarianism are forms of autocracy
, they differ in "key dichotomies
(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian dictators develop a charismatic
" and a mass-based, pseudo-democratic interdependence
with their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic image.
role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians. Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely content to control and often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largely teleological
. The tyrant
is less a person than an indispensable function to guide and reshape the universe.
(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the binding appeal of ideology
, authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and granting rewards to loyal collaborators, engendering a kleptocracy
Compared to totalitarianism, "the authoritarian state still maintains a certain distinction between state and society. It is only concerned with political power and as long as that is not contested it gives society a certain degree of liberty. Totalitarianism, on the other hand, invades private life
and asphyxiates it".
Another distinction is that "authoritarianism is not animated by utopian ideals in the way totalitarianism is. It does not attempt to change the world and human nature". Carl Joachim Friedrich
writes that "a totalist ideology, a party reinforced by a secret police
, and monopoly control of [...] industrial mass society" are the three features of totalitarian regimes that distinguish them from other autocracies.
Effect on development
Some commentators such as Seymour Martin Lipset
argue that low-income authoritarian regimes have certain technocratic "efficiency-enhancing advantages" over low-income democracies that gives authoritarian regimes an advantage in economic development
By contrast, Morton H. Halperin
, Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M. Weinstein (2005) argue that democracies "realize superior development performance" over authoritarianism, pointing out that poor democracies are more likely to have steadier economic growth and less likely to experience economic and humanitarian catastrophes (such as refugee crises) than authoritarian regimes; that civil liberties in democracies act as a curb on corruption and misuse of resources; and that democracies are more adaptable than authoritarian regimes.
Studies suggest that several health indicators (life expectancy and infant and maternal mortality) have a stronger and more significant association with democracy than they have with GDP
per capita, size of the public sector or income inequality.
Prominent economist Amartya Sen
has theorized that no functioning liberal democracy has ever suffered a large-scale famine
Post-World War II anti-authoritarianism
Both World War II
(ending in 1945) and the Cold War
(ending in 1991) resulted in the replacement of authoritarian regimes by either democratic regimes or regimes that were less authoritarian.
In South America, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from dictatorships to democracies between 1982 and 1990.
With the fall of the Berlin Wall
in 1989 and the Soviet Union
in 1991, the other authoritarian/totalitarian "half" of the Allied Powers of World War II collapsed. This led not so much to revolt against authority in general, but to the belief that authoritarian states (and state control of economies) were outdated.
The idea that "liberal democracy was the final form toward which all political striving was directed"
became very popular in Western countries and was celebrated in Francis Fukuyama
's book The End of History and the Last Man
According to Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all the new states that stumbled out of the ruins of the Soviet bloc, except Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, seemed indeed to be moving toward democracy in the early 1990s" as where the countries of East Central Europe and the Balkans.
2000s authoritarian revival
Since 2005, observers noted what some have called a "democratic recession
although some such as Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have disputed that there was a significant democratic decline before 2013.
In 2018, the Freedom House
declared that from 2006 to 2018 "113 countries" around the world showed "a net decline" in "political rights and civil liberties" while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement".
Its 2020 report marked the fourteenth consecutive year of declining scores.
By 2020, all countries marked as "not free" by Freedom House
had also developed practices of transnational authoritarianism
, aiming to police and control dissent beyond state borders.
Writing in 2018, American political journalist David Frum
The hopeful world of the very late 20th century—the world of NAFTA
and an expanding NATO
; of the World Wide Web 1.0 and liberal interventionism; of the global spread of democracy under leaders such as Václav Havel
and Nelson Mandela
—now looks battered and delusive.
Various explanations have been offered for the new spread of authoritarianism. They include the downside of globalization, and the subsequent rise of populist neo-nationalism
and the success of the Beijing Consensus
, i.e. the authoritarian model of the People's Republic of China
In countries such as the United States, factors blamed for the growth of authoritarianism include the financial crisis of 2007–2008
and slower real wage growth
as well as social media's elimination of so-called "gatekeepers" of knowledge – the equivalent of disintermediation
in economics – so that a large fraction of the population considers to be opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable facts" – including everything from the danger of global warming to the preventing the spread of disease through vaccination – and considers to be fact what are actually only unproven fringe opinions.
There is no one consensus definition of authoritarianism, but several annual measurements are attempted, including Freedom House
's annual Freedom in the World
report. Some countries such as Venezuela, among others, that are currently or historically recognized as authoritarian did not become authoritarian upon taking power or fluctuated between an authoritarian, flawed
regime. The time period reflects their time in power rather than the years they were authoritarian regimes. Some countries such as China and fascist
regimes have also been characterized as totalitarian
, with some periods being depicted as more authoritarian, or totalitarian, than others.
The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which are currently or frequently characterized as authoritarian.
The following is a non-exhaustive list of examples of states which were historically authoritarian.
- ^ a b Furio Cerutti (2017). Conceptualizing Politics: An Introduction to Political Philosophy. Routledge. p. 17. Political scientists have outlined elaborated typologies of authoritarianism, from which it is not easy to draw a generally accepted definition; it seems that its main features are the non-acceptance of conflict and plurality as normal elements of politics, the will to preserve the status quo and prevent change by keeping all political dynamics under close control by a strong central power, and lastly, the erosion of the rule of law, the division of powers, and democratic voting procedures.
- ^ a b Natasha M. Ezrow & Erica Frantz (2011). Dictators and Dictatorships: Understanding Authoritarian Regimes and Their Leaders. Continuum. p. 17.
- ^ a b c Brian Lai & Dan Slater (2006). "Institutions of the Offensive: Domestic Sources of Dispute Initiation in Authoritarian Regimes, 1950-1992". American Journal of Political Science. 50 (1): 113–126. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00173.x. JSTOR 3694260.
- ^ Richard Shorten, Modernism and Totalitarianism: Rethinking the Intellectual Sources of Nazism and Stalinism, 1945 to the Present Archived 2020-01-09 at the Wayback Machine (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p. 256 (note 67): "For a long time the authoritative definition of authoritarianism was that of Juan J. Linz."
- ^ Juan J. Linz, "An Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Spain," in Erik Allardt and Yrjö Littunen, eds., Cleavages, Ideologies, and Party Systems: Contributions to Comparative Political Sociology (Helsinki: Transactions of the Westermarck Society), pp. 291-342. Reprinted in Erik Allardt & Stine Rokkan, eds., Mas Politics: Studies in Political Sociology (New York: Free Press, 1970), pp.251-83, 374-81.
- ^ Gretchen Casper, Fragile Democracies: The Legacies of Authoritarian Rule Archived 2020-01-09 at the Wayback Machine (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995), pp. 40–50 (citing Linz 1964).
- ^ Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 22–23. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21. I follow Przeworski et al. (2000), Boix (2003), and Cheibub et al. (2010) in defining a dictatorship as an independent country that fails to satisfy at least one of the following two criteria for democracy: (1) free and competitive legislative elections and (2) an executive that is elected either directly in free and competitive presidential elections or indirectly by a legislature in parliamentary systems. Throughout this book, I use the terms dictatorship and authoritarian regime interchangeably and refer to the heads of these regimes' governments as simply dictators or authoritarian leaders, regardless of their formal title.
- ^ Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. p. 20. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21. More demanding criteria may require that governments respect certain civil liberties– such as the freedom of religion (Schmitter and Karl 1991; Zakaria 1997) — or that the incumbent government and the opposition alternate in power at least once after the first seemingly free election (Huntington 1993; Przeworski et al. 2000; Cheibib et al. 2010).
- ^ a b c d e Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 8, 12, 22, 25, 88, 117. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
- ^ Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. p. 25. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
- ^ a b c d e f Theodore M. Vesta, Ethiopia: A Post-Cold War African State. Greenwood, 1999, p. 17.
- ^ Przeworski, Adam (26 July 1991). Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. Cambridge University Press. p. 58. ISBN 9780521423359.
- ^ Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, "The Political Economy of Autocratic Constitutions", in Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 80.
- ^ Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 3–10.
- ^ Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 54.
- ^ Davis S. Law & Mila Versteeg, "Constitutional Variation Among Strains of Authoritarianism" in Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 173.
- ^ Michael Albertus & Victor Menaldo, Constitutions in Authoritarian Regimes (eds. Tom Ginsburg & Alberto Simpser: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. 54, 80.
- ^ a b c d e Tushnet, Mark (January 2015). "Authoritarian Constitutionalism" Archived 2020-01-17 at the Wayback Machine. Cornell Law Review. Cambridge University Press. 100 (2): 36–50. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107252523.004.
- ^ Lipset, Seymour Martin (1959). "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy". The American Political Science Review. 53 (1): 69–105. doi:10.2307/1951731. ISSN 0003-0554. JSTOR 1951731. S2CID 53686238.
- ^ Boix, Carles; Stokes, Susan C. (July 2003). "Endogenous Democratization". World Politics. 55 (4): 517–549. doi:10.1353/wp.2003.0019. ISSN 0043-8871. S2CID 18745191.
- ^ Capitalist Development and Democracy. University Of Chicago Press. 1992.
- ^ Przeworski, Adam; Limongi, Fernando (1997). "Modernization: Theories and Facts". World Politics. 49 (2): 155–183. doi:10.1353/wp.1997.0004. ISSN 0043-8871. JSTOR 25053996. S2CID 5981579.
- ^ Bellin, Eva (January 2000). "Contingent Democrats: Industrialists, Labor, and Democratization in Late-Developing Countries". World Politics. 52 (2): 175–205. doi:10.1017/S0043887100002598. ISSN 1086-3338. S2CID 54044493.
- ^ Magaloni, Beatriz (September 2006). "Voting for Autocracy: Hegemonic Party Survival and its Demise in Mexico". Cambridge Core. Archived from the original on 2020-04-05. Retrieved 2019-12-17.
- ^ Albertus, Michael (2021). Property without Rights: Origins and Consequences of the Property Rights Gap. Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781108891950. ISBN 978-1-108-83523-7.
- ^ Gandhi, Jennifer; Noble, Ben; Svolik, Milan (2020). "Legislatures and Legislative Politics Without Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 53 (9): 1359–1379. doi:10.1177/0010414020919930. ISSN 0010-4140.
- ^ a b c d e Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph; Frantz, Erica (2018). How Dictatorships Work. Cambridge University Press. pp. 137–140. doi:10.1017/9781316336182. ISBN 978-1-316-33618-2.
- ^ Hong, Hao; Wong, Tsz-Ning (2020). "Authoritarian election as an incentive scheme". Journal of Theoretical Politics. 32 (3): 460–493. doi:10.1177/0951629820910563. ISSN 0951-6298. S2CID 13901166.
- ^ a b Milan W. Svolik (2012). The Politics of Authoritarian Rule. Cambridge University Press. pp. 2, 15, 23. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
- ^ Albertus, Michael; Fenner, Sofia; Slater, Dan (2018). "Coercive Distribution by Michael Albertus". Elements in the Politics of Development. Archived from the original on 25 April 2020. Retrieved 5 November 2019.
- ^ Slade, Gavin; Trochev, Alexei; Talgatova, Malika (2020-12-02). "The Limits of Authoritarian Modernisation: Zero Tolerance Policing in Kazakhstan". Europe-Asia Studies. 0: 1–22. doi:10.1080/09668136.2020.1844867. ISSN 0966-8136. Archived from the original on 2021-01-19. Retrieved 2020-12-04.
- ^ Guriev, Sergei; Treisman, Daniel (2019). "Informational Autocrats". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 33 (4): 100–127. doi:10.1257/jep.33.4.100. ISSN 0895-3309.
- ^ a b Andrew J. Nathan, "Authoritarian Resilience" Archived 2018-10-05 at the Wayback Machine, Journal of Democracy, 14.1 (2003), pp. 6–17.
- ^ Quinlivan, James T. (1999). "Coup-Proofing". RAND Corporation. Archived from the original on 2019-10-21. Retrieved 2019-10-21.
- ^ Powell, Jonathan (1 December 2012). "Determinants of the Attempting and Outcome of Coups d'état". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 56 (6): 1017–1040. doi:10.1177/0022002712445732. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 54646102.
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