U.S. President Woodrow Wilson
The United States had joined the Triple Entente
in fighting the Central Powers
on April 6, 1917. Its entry into the war had in part been due to Germany's resumption of submarine warfare
against merchant ships trading with France and Britain and also the interception of the Zimmermann Telegram
. However, Wilson wanted to avoid the United States' involvement in the long-standing European tensions between the great powers
; if America was going to fight, he wanted to try to separate that participation in the war from nationalistic disputes or ambitions. The need for moral aims was made more important, when after the fall of the Russian government
, the Bolsheviks
disclosed secret treaties
made between the Allies. Wilson's speech also responded to Vladimir Lenin's Decree on Peace
of November 1917, immediately after the October Revolution in 1917.
The speech made by Wilson took many domestic progressive ideas
and translated them into foreign policy (free trade
, open agreements
). Three days earlier United Kingdom Prime Minister Lloyd George had made a speech setting out the UK's war aims which bore some similarity to Wilson's speech but which proposed reparations be paid by the Central Powers and which was more vague in its promises to the non-Turkish subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The Fourteen Points in the speech were based on the research of the Inquiry
, a team of about 150 advisers led by foreign-policy adviser Edward M. House
, into the topics likely to arise in the anticipated peace conference
Original Fourteen Points speech, January 8, 1918.
The immediate cause of the United States' entry into World War I
in April 1917 was the German announcement of renewed unrestricted submarine warfare
and the subsequent sinking of ships with Americans on board. But President Wilson's war aims went beyond the defense of maritime interests. In his War Message to Congress, Wilson declared that the United States' objective was "to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world." In several speeches earlier in the year, Wilson sketched out his vision of an end to the war that would bring a "just and secure peace," not merely "a new balance of power."
President Wilson subsequently initiated a secret series of studies named the Inquiry
, primarily focused on Europe, and carried out by a group in New York which included geographers, historians and political scientists; the group was directed by Edward M. House
Their job was to study Allied and American policy in virtually every region of the globe and analyze economic, social, and political facts likely to come up in discussions during the peace conference.
The group produced and collected nearly 2,000 separate reports and documents plus at least 1,200 maps.
The studies culminated in a speech by Wilson to Congress on January 8, 1918, wherein he articulated America's long-term war objectives. The speech was the clearest expression of intention made by any of the belligerent nations, and it projected Wilson's progressive domestic policies into the international arena.
The speech, known as the Fourteen Points, was developed from a set of diplomatic points by Wilson
and territorial points drafted by the Inquiry's general secretary, Walter Lippmann
, and his colleagues, Isaiah Bowman
, Sidney Mezes
, and David Hunter Miller
Lippmann's draft territorial points were a direct response to the secret treaties
of the European Allies, which Lippmann had been shown by Secretary of War Newton D. Baker
Lippmann's task, according to House, was "to take the secret treaties, analyze the parts which were tolerable, and separate them from those which were regarded as intolerable, and then develop a position which conceded as much to the Allies as it could, but took away the poison.... It was all keyed upon the secret treaties."
Though Wilson's idealism
pervaded the Fourteen Points, he also had more practical objectives in mind. He hoped to keep Russia in the war by convincing the Bolsheviks that they would receive a better peace from the Allies, to bolster Allied morale, and to undermine German war support. The address was well received in the United States and Allied nations and even by Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin
, as a landmark of enlightenment in international relations. Wilson subsequently used the Fourteen Points as the basis for negotiating the Treaty of Versailles
, which ended the war.
Wilson's Fourteen Points as the only way to peace for German government, American political cartoon, 1918.
In his speech to Congress, President Wilson declared fourteen points which he regarded as the only possible basis of an enduring peace.:
has original text related to this article:
II. Absolute freedom of navigation
upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions
among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims
, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory
and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia
as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy
and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored
, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act
the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
, and Montenegro
should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XIV. A general association of nations
must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
Wilson with his 14 points choosing between competing claims. Babies represent claims of the British, French, Italians, Polish, Russians, and enemy. American political cartoon, 1919.
Wilson at first considered abandoning his speech after Lloyd George delivered a speech outlining British war aims, many of which were similar to Wilson's aspirations, at Caxton Hall
on January 5, 1918. Lloyd George stated that he had consulted leaders of "the Great Dominions overseas" before making his speech, so it would appear that Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and Newfoundland were in broad agreement.
Wilson was persuaded by his adviser House to go ahead, and Wilson's speech overshadowed Lloyd George's and is better remembered by posterity.
The speech was made without prior coordination or consultation with Wilson's counterparts in Europe. Clemenceau, upon hearing of the Fourteen Points, was said to have sarcastically proclaimed, "The good Lord had only ten
!" (Le bon Dieu n'en avait que dix !
). As a major public statement of war aims, it became the basis for the terms of the German surrender at the end of the First World War
. After the speech, House worked to secure the acceptance of the Fourteen Points by Entente
leaders. On October 16, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson and Sir William Wiseman
, the head of British intelligence in America, had an interview. This interview was one reason why the German government accepted the Fourteen Points and the stated principles for peace negotiations.
The report was made as negotiation points, and the Fourteen Points were later accepted by France
on November 1, 1918. Britain later signed off on all of the points except the freedom of the seas
The United Kingdom also wanted Germany to make reparation payments
for the war, and thought that should be added to the Fourteen Points. The speech was delivered 10 months before the Armistice with Germany
and became the basis for the terms of the German surrender, as negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference
The speech was widely disseminated as an instrument of Allied propaganda
and was translated into many languages for global dissemination.
Copies were also dropped behind German lines, to encourage the Central Powers
to surrender in the expectation of a just settlement.
Indeed, in a note sent to Wilson by Prince Maximilian of Baden
, the German imperial chancellor
, in October 1918 requested an immediate armistice and peace negotiations on the basis of the Fourteen Points.
, in a January 1919 article titled, "The League of Nations", published in Metropolitan Magazine
, warned: "If the League of Nations is built on a document as high-sounding and as meaningless as the speech in which Mr. Wilson laid down his fourteen points, it will simply add one more scrap to the diplomatic waste paper basket. Most of these fourteen points... would be interpreted... to mean anything or nothing."
Senator William Borah
after 1918 wished "this treacherous and treasonable scheme" of the League of Nations to be "buried in hell" and promised that if he had his way it would be "20,000 leagues under the sea".
Treaty of Versailles
President Wilson contracted Spanish flu
at the beginning of the Paris Peace Conference
and became severely ill with high fevers and bouts of delirium
giving way to French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau
to advance demands that were substantially different from Wilson's Fourteen Points. Clemenceau viewed Germany as having unfairly attained an economic victory over France because of the heavy damage German forces dealt to France's industries even during the German retreat, and he expressed dissatisfaction with France's allies at the peace conference.
Notably, Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles
, which would become known as the War Guilt Clause, was seen by the Germans as assigning full responsibility for the war
and its damages on Germany; however, the same clause was included in all peace treaties and historian Sally Marks has noted that only German diplomats saw it as assigning responsibility for the war. The Allies would initially assess 269 billion marks
. In 1921, this figure was established at 192 billion marks. However, only a fraction of the total had to be paid. The figure was designed to look imposing and show the public that Germany was being punished, but it also recognized what Germany could not realistically pay.
Germany's ability and willingness to pay that sum continues to be a topic of debate among historians.
Germany was also denied an air force, and the German army was not to exceed 100,000 men.
The text of the Fourteen Points had been widely distributed in Germany as propaganda prior to the end of the war and was well known by the Germans. The differences between this document and the final Treaty of Versailles fueled great anger in Germany.
German outrage over reparations and the War Guilt Clause is viewed as a likely contributing factor to the rise of National Socialism
. By the time of the Armistice of 11 November 1918, foreign armies had only entered Germany's prewar borders twice: at the Battle of Tannenberg
in the East Prussia
and following the Battle of Mulhouse
, the settlement of the French army in the Thann valley
. These were both in 1914. This lack of any Allied incursions at the end of the War contributed to the popularization of the stab-in-the-back myth
in Germany after the war.
At the time Ukrainian delegations failed to receive any support from France and UK. Although some agreements were reached, but neither of the states provided any actual support as in general their agenda was to restore Poland and unified anti-bolshevik Russia.
Thus Ukrainian representatives Arnold Margolin
and Teofil Okunevsky had high hopes for American mission, but in the end found it even more categorical than French and British:
This meeting, which took place on June 30, made a tremendous impression on both Okunevsky and me. Lansing
showed complete ignorance of the situation and blind faith in Kolchak
. He categorically insisted that the Ukrainian government recognise Kolchak as the supreme ruler and leader of all anti-Bolshevik armies. When it came to the Wilson principles, the application of which was predetermined in relation to the peoples of the former Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Lansing said that he knew only about the single Russian people and that the only way to restore Russia was a federation modeled on the United States. When I tried to prove to him that the example of the United States testifies to the need for the preliminary existence of separate states as subjects for any possible agreements between them in the future, he evaded answering and began again stubbornly urging us to recognise Kolchak. [...] Thats how in reality these principles were implemented. USA supported Kolchak, England — Denikin and Yudenich
, France — Galler... Only Petliura
was left without any support.
— Arnold Margolin
, Ukraine and Policy of the Entente (Notes of Jew and Citizen)
- ^ Irwin Unger, These United States (2007) 561.
- ^ Hannigan, Robert E. (2016-11-11). The Great War and American Foreign Policy, 1914-24. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 125–129. ISBN 9780812248593.
- ^ a b c "Wilson's Fourteen Points, 1918 - 1914–1920 - Milestones - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Retrieved 2016-01-02.
- ^ a b Heckscher, p. 470.
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- ^ Heckscher, pp. 479-88.
- ^ Cited in Newer Roosevelt Messages, (ed. Griffith, William, New York: The Current Literature Publishing Company 1919). vol III, p 1047.
- ^ Cited in Ivo Daalder and James Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2003), p 7.
- ^ Solly, Meilan (October 2, 2020), "What Happened When Woodrow Wilson Came Down With the 1918 Flu?", Smithsonian Magazine, retrieved 2020-12-07
- ^ Markwell, Donald (2006). John Maynard Keynes and International Relations: Economic Paths to War and Peace. Oxford University Press.
- ^ Hantke, Max; Spoerer, Mark (2010). "The imposed gift of Versailles: the fiscal effects of restricting the size of Germany's armed forces, 1924–9" (PDF). Economic History Review. 63 (4): 849–864. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0289.2009.00512.x. S2CID 91180171. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-10-27.
- ^ The Concise Encyclopedia of World History (edited by John Bowle), publisher: Hutchinson of London (Great Portland Street) printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & co. in 1958, chapter 20 by John Plamenatz (no ISBN available)
- ^ THE POST- GREAT WAR SETTLEMENT OF 1919 AND UKRAINE
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