This article is about the term for a practician of intellect. For the process of developing intellect, see Intellectualism
is a person who engages in critical thinking
, and reflection
to advance discussions of academic subjects. This often involves publishing work for consumption by the general public that adds depth to issues that affect society.
magazine named the lawyer Shirin Ebadi
a leading intellectual for her work protecting human rights in Iran.
It may also include directly addressing societal issues and proposing solutions for the normative
problems of society, making one a public intellectual.:433:1
The public intellectual may create or mediate culture
by participating in politics, either to defend a concrete proposition or to denounce an injustice, usually by either rejecting or producing or extending an ideology
, and by defending a system of values
The term "man of letters" derives from the French term belletrist
or homme de lettres
but is not synonymous with "an academic".
A "man of letters" was a literate man, able to read and write, as opposed to an illiterate
man in a time when literacy
was rare and thus highly valued in the upper strata of society. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the term Belletrist(s)
came to be applied to the literati
: the French participants in—sometimes referred to as "citizens" of—the Republic of Letters
, which evolved into the salon
, a social institution, usually run by a hostess, meant for the edification, education, and cultural refinement of the participants.
In the late 19th century, when literacy was relatively common in European countries such as the United Kingdom
, the "Man of Letters" (littérateur
denotation broadened to mean "specialized", a man who earned his living writing intellectually (not creatively) about literature: the essayist
, the journalist
, the critic
, et al. In the 20th century, such an approach was gradually superseded by the academic method, and the term "Man of Letters" became disused, replaced by the generic term "intellectual", describing the intellectual person.
The earliest record of the English noun "intellectual" is found in the nineteenth century, where in 1813, Byron reports that 'I wish I may be well enough to listen to these intellectuals'.:18
Over the course of the nineteenth century, other variants of the already established adjective 'intellectual' as a noun appeared in English and in French, where in the 1890s the noun ('intellectuels') formed from the adjective 'intellectuel' appeared with higher frequency in the literature. :20
Collini writes about this time that "[a]mong this cluster of linguistic experiments there occurred ... the occasional usage of ‘intellectuals’ as a plural noun to refer, usually with a figurative or ironic intent, to a collection of people who might be identified in terms of their intellectual inclinations or pretensions.":20
In early 19th century Britain, Samuel Taylor Coleridge
coined the term clerisy
, the intellectual class responsible for upholding and maintaining the national culture, the secular equivalent of the Anglican clergy. Likewise, in Tsarist
Russia, there arose the intelligentsia
(1860s–70s), who were the status class
workers. For Germany, the theologian Alister McGrath
said that "the emergence of a socially alienated, theologically
literate, antiestablishment lay intelligentsia is one of the more significant phenomena of the social history of Germany
in the 1830s".:53
An intellectual class in Europe was socially important, especially to self-styled intellectuals, whose participation in society's arts, politics, journalism, and education—of either nationalist
, or ethnic sentiment—constitute "vocation of the intellectual". Moreover, some intellectuals were anti-academic, despite universities (the Academy) being synonymous with intellectualism
In France, the Dreyfus affair
(1894–1906), an identity crisis of anti-semitic
nationalism for the French Third Republic
(1870–1940), marked the full emergence of the "intellectual in public life", especially Émile Zola
, Octave Mirbeau
and Anatole France
directly addressing the matter of French antisemitism
to the public; thenceforward, "intellectual" became common, yet initially derogatory, usage; its French noun usage is attributed to Georges Clemenceau
in 1898.
Nevertheless, by 1930 the term "intellectual" passed from its earlier pejorative associations and restricted usages to a widely accepted term and it was because of the Dreyfus Affair that the term also acquired generally accepted use in English.:21
In the 20th century, the term intellectual acquired positive connotations of social prestige
, derived from possessing intellect
, especially when the intellectual's activities exerted positive consequences in the public sphere
and so increased the intellectual understanding of the public, by means of moral
, and solidarity
, without resorting to the manipulations
The sociologist Frank Furedi
said that "Intellectuals are not defined according to the jobs they do, but [by] the manner in which they act, the way they see themselves, and the [social and political] values that they uphold.[page needed]
According to Thomas Sowell
, as a descriptive term of person, personality, and profession, the word intellectual
identifies three traits:
- Educated; erudition for developing theories;
- Productive; creates cultural capital in the fields of philosophy, literary criticism, and sociology, law, medicine, and science, etc.; and
- Artistic; creates art in literature, music, painting, sculpture, etc.[page needed]
The word intellectual is found in Indian scripture Mahabharata
in the Bachelorette meeting (Swayambara Sava) of Draupadi
. Immediately after Arjuna
and Raja-Maharaja (kings-emperors) came to the meeting, Nipuna Buddhijibina (perfect intellectuals)
appeared at the meeting.
Generally speaking, the record of these scholar-gentlemen has been a worthy one. It was good enough to be praised and imitated in 18th century Europe. Nevertheless, it has given China a tremendous handicap in their transition from government by men to government by law, and personal considerations in Chinese government have been a curse.:22
In Joseon Korea
(1392–1910), the intellectuals were the literati
, who knew how to read and write, and had been designated, as the chungin
(the "middle people"), in accordance with the Confucian system. Socially, they constituted the petite bourgeoisie
, composed of scholar-bureaucrats (scholars, professionals, and technicians) who administered the dynastic rule of the Joseon dynasty.:73–4
The term public intellectual
describes the intellectual participating in the public-affairs discourse
of society, in addition to an academic career.
Regardless of the academic
field or the professional
expertise, the public intellectual addresses and responds to the normative
problems of society, and, as such, is expected to be an impartial critic who can "rise above the partial preoccupation of one's own profession—and engage with the global issues of truth
, judgment, and taste
of the time".:32
In Representations of the Intellectual
(1994), Edward Saïd
said that the "true intellectual is, therefore, always an outsider, living in self-imposed exile, and on the margins of society".:1–2
Public intellectuals usually arise from the educated élite of a society; although the North American usage of the term "intellectual" includes the university academics.
The difference between "intellectual" and "academic" is participation in the realm of public affairs.
' Structural Transformation of Public Sphere
(1963) made significant contribution to the notion of public intellectual by historically and conceptually delineating the idea of private and public. Controversial, in the same year, was Ralf Dahrendorf
's definition: “As the court-jesters
of modern society, all intellectuals have the duty to doubt everything that is obvious, to make relative all authority, to ask all those questions that no one else dares to ask".:51
An intellectual usually is associated with an ideology
or with a philosophy
The Czech intellectual Václav Havel
said that politics and intellectuals can be linked, but that moral responsibility for the intellectual's ideas, even when advocated by a politician, remains with the intellectual. Therefore, it is best to avoid utopian
intellectuals who offer 'universal insights' to resolve the problems of political economy
with public policies
that might harm and that have harmed civil society; that intellectuals be mindful of the social and cultural ties created with their words, insights and ideas; and should be heard as social critics of politics
The determining factor for a Thinker
(historian, philosopher, scientist, writer, artist) to be considered a public intellectual is the degree to which he or she is implicated
with the vital reality of the contemporary world, i.e. participation in the public affairs of society.
Consequently, being designated as a public intellectual is determined by the degree of influence of the designator's motivations
, opinions, and options of action (social, political, ideological), and by affinity with the given thinker.
In the matters of public policy
, the public intellectual connects scholarly research to the practical matters of solving societal problems. The British sociologist Michael Burawoy
, an exponent of public sociology
, said that professional sociology has failed, by giving insufficient attention to resolving social problems, and that a dialogue between the academic and the layman would bridge the gap.[page needed]
An example is how Chilean
intellectuals worked to reestablish democracy
within the right-wing
governments of the Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–90)
, the Pinochet régime allowed professional opportunities for some liberal and left-wing social scientists to work as politicians and as consultants in effort to realize the theoretical economics of the Chicago Boys
, but their access to power
was contingent upon political pragmatism
, abandoning the political neutrality of the academic intellectual.
In The Sociological Imagination
(1959), C. Wright Mills
said that academics had become ill-equipped for participating in public discourse, and that journalists usually are "more politically alert and knowledgeable than sociologists, economists, and especially ... political scientists".:99
That, because the universities of the U.S. are bureaucratic, private businesses, they "do not teach critical reasoning
to the student", who then does not "how to gauge what is going on in the general struggle for power in modern society".[page needed]
Likewise, Richard Rorty
criticized the participation of intellectuals in public discourse as an example of the "civic irresponsibility of intellect
, especially academic intellect".:142
The American legal scholar Richard Posner
said that the participation of academic public intellectuals in the public life of society is characterized by logically untidy and politically biased statements of the kind that would be unacceptable to academia. That there are few ideologically and politically independent public intellectuals, and disapproves that public intellectuals limit themselves to practical matters of public policy, and not with values
or public philosophy
, or public ethics
, or public theology
, not with matters of moral and spiritual outrage.
Intellectuals as Social Class
Socially, intellectuals constitute the intelligentsia
, a status class
organised either by ideology
intellectuals etc.), or by nationality (American intellectuals, French intellectuals, Ibero–American intellectuals, et al.
). The term intelligentsiya
originated from the of Tsarist Russia
1860s–1870s), where it denotes the social stratum
of those possessing intellectual formation (schooling, education), and who were Russian society's counterpart to the German Bildungsbürgertum
and to the French bourgeoisie éclairée
, the enlightened middle classes
of those realms.:169–71
In Marxist philosophy
, the social class
function of the intellectuals (the intelligentsia
) is to be the source of progressive ideas for the transformation of society: providing advice and counsel to the political leaders, interpreting the country's politics to the mass of the population (urban workers and peasants). In the pamphlet What Is to Be Done?
(1902), Vladimir Lenin
(1870–1924) said that vanguard-party revolution
required the participation of the intellectuals to explain the complexities of socialist
ideology to the uneducated proletariat
and the urban industrial workers in order to integrate them to the revolution because "the history of all countries shows that the working class, exclusively by its own efforts, is able to develop only trade-union
consciousness" and will settle for the limited, socio-economic gains so achieved. In Russia as in Continental Europe
, socialist theory was the product of the "educated representatives of the propertied classes", of "revolutionary socialist intellectuals", such as were Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels
The Hungarian Marxist philosopher György Lukács
(1885–1971) identified the intelligentsia as the privileged social class who provide revolutionary leadership. By means of intelligible and accessible interpretation, the intellectuals explain to the workers and peasants the "Who?", the "How?" and the "Why?" of the social, economic and political status quo
—the ideological totality of society—and its practical, revolutionary application to the transformation of their society.
The Italian communist theoretician Antonio Gramsci
(1891–1937) developed Karl Marx
's conception of the intelligentsia to include political leadership in the public sphere. That because "all knowledge is existentially
-based", the intellectuals, who create and preserve knowledge, are "spokesmen for different social groups, and articulate particular social interests". That intellectuals occur in each social class and throughout the right-wing
, the centre
and the left-wing
of the political spectrum
and that as a social class the "intellectuals view themselves as autonomous from the ruling class
" of their society.
Addressing their role as a social class, Jean-Paul Sartre
said that intellectuals are the moral conscience of their age; that their moral and ethical responsibilities are to observe the socio-political moment, and to freely speak to their society, in accordance with their consciences.:119
Like Sartre and Noam Chomsky
, public intellectuals usually are polymaths
, knowledgeable of the international order
of the world, the political and economic organization of contemporary society, the institutions and laws that regulate the lives of the layman citizen, the educational systems, and the private networks of mass communication media
the broadcasting of information to the public.:xii
The American historian Norman Stone
said that the intellectual social class
misunderstand the reality of society and so are doomed to the errors of logical fallacy
, ideological stupidity, and poor planning hampered by ideology.
In her memoirs, the Conservative
politician Margaret Thatcher
said that the anti-monarchical French Revolution
(1789–1799) was "a utopian
attempt to overthrow a traditional order [...] in the name of abstract ideas
, formulated by vain intellectuals".:753
Yet, as Prime Minister she asked Britain's academics to help her government resolve the social problems of British society—whilst she retained the populist
opinion of "The Intellectual" as being a man of un-British character, a thinker
, not a doer. Thatcher's anti-intellectualist perspective was shared by the mass media, especially The Spectator
and The Sunday Telegraph
newspapers, whose reportage documented a "lack of intellectuals" in Britain.[page needed]:127
The American academic Peter H. Smith
describes the intellectuals of Latin America as people from an identifiable social class, who have been conditioned by that common experience and thus are inclined to share a set of common assumptions
(values and ethics); that ninety-four per cent of intellectuals come either from the middle class
or from the upper class
and that only six per cent come from the working class
Philosopher Steven Fuller
said that because cultural capital
and social status as a status group they must be autonomous in order to be credible as intellectuals:
It is relatively easy to demonstrate autonomy, if you come from a wealthy or [an] aristocratic
background. You simply need to disown your status
and champion the poor and [the] downtrodden [...]. [A]utonomy is much harder to demonstrate if you come from a poor or proletarian
background [...], [thus] calls to join the wealthy in common cause appear to betray one's class origins.:113–4
The Congregational theologian Edwards Amasa Park
proposed segregating the intellectuals from the public sphere of society in the United States
Addressing the societal place, roles and functions of intellectuals in 19th century American society, the Congregational
theologian Edwards Amasa Park
said: "We do wrong to our own minds, when we carry out scientific difficulties down to the arena of popular dissension".:12
That for the stability of society (social, economic and political) it is necessary "to separate the serious, technical role
of professionals from their responsibility [for] supplying usable philosophies
for the general public". Thus, operated Socrate's cultural dichotomy of public-knowledge and private-knowledge, of "civic culture" and "professional culture", the social constructs that describe and establish the intellectual sphere of life
as separate and apart from the civic sphere of life.:12
In the Unites States, the intellectual status class are demographically
characterized as people who hold liberal
political perspectives about guns-or-butter fiscal policy
In "The Intellectuals and Socialism" (1949), the British economist Friedrich Hayek
said that "journalists, teachers, ministers, lecturers, publicists, radio commentators, writers of fiction, cartoonists, and artists" are the intellectual social class whose function is to communicate the complex and specialized knowledge of the scientist
to the general public. That in the 20th century, the intellectuals were attracted to socialism
and to social democracy
because the socialists offered "broad visions; the spacious comprehension of the social order, as a whole, which a planned system
promises" and that such broad-vision philosophies "succeeded in inspiring the imagination of the intellectuals" to change and improve their societies.
According to Hayek, intellectuals disproportionately support socialism for idealistic and utopian reasons that cannot be realized in practical terms.
Persecution of intellectuals
Totalitarian governments manipulate and apply anti-intellectualism
to repress political dissent. During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the following dictatorship (1939–1975) of General Francisco Franco, the reactionary repression of the White Terror (1936–1945) was notably anti-intellectual, with most of the 200,000 civilians killed being the Spanish intelligentsia, the politically active teachers and academics, artists and writers of the deposed Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939).
Intellectuals were also targeted by the Nazis, the Communist regime in China, the Khmer Rouge, the Young Turks, and in conflicts in Bangladesh, the former Yugoslavia, and Poland.
The economist Milton Friedman
identified the intelligentsia and the business class as interfering with capitalism.
In "An Interview with Milton Friedman" (1974), the American economist Milton Friedman
said that businessmen
and the intellectuals are enemies of capitalism
. The intellectuals because most believed in socialism while the businessman expected economic privileges. In his essay "Why do intellectuals oppose capitalism?" (1998), the American libertarian
philosopher Robert Nozick
of the Cato Institute
argued that intellectuals become embittered leftists because their academic skills, much rewarded at school and at university, are undervalued and underpaid in the capitalist market economy
. Thus, the intellectuals turned against capitalism—despite enjoying a more economically and financially comfortable life in a capitalist society than they might enjoy in either socialism or communism.
The economist Thomas Sowell
said in his book Intellectuals and Society
(2010) that lacking disincentives
in professional life, the intellectual (producer of knowledge, not material goods) tends to speak outside his or her area of expertise and expects social and professional benefits from the halo effect
, derived from possessing professional expertise. In relation to other professions, the public intellectual is socially detached from the negative and unintended consequences
of public policy
derived from his or her ideas. As such, the philosopher and mathematician Bertrand Russell
(1872–1970) advised the British government against national rearmament in the years before World War I
(1914–1918) while the German Empire
prepared for war. Yet, the post-war intellectual reputation of Russell remained almost immaculate and his opinions respected by the general public because of the halo effect.:218–276
- ^ Amburn, Brad (2009). "The World's Top 20 Public Intellectuals". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 31 January 2020.
- ^ Bullock, A; Trombley, S, eds. (1999). The New Fontana dictionary of Modern Thought (3 ed.). London: HarperCollins Publishers.
- ^ a b c d e Jennings, Jeremy; Kemp-Welch, Tony (1997). "The Century of the Intellectual: From Dreyfus to Salman Rushdie". In Jennings, Jeremy; Kemp-Welch, Tony (eds.). Intellectuals in Politics: From the Dreyfus Affair to Salman Rushdie. Routledge. pp. 100–110. ISBN 0-415-14995-9.
- ^ Ory, Pascal; Sirinelli, Jean-François (2002). Les Intellectuels en France. De l’affaire Dreyfus à nos jours. Paris: Armand Colin.
- ^ The Oxford English Reference Dictionary Second Edition, (1996) p. 130.
- ^ The New Cassel's French–English, English–French Dictionary (1962) p. 88.
- ^ "Littérateur, n.". Discover the Story of English (Second (1989) ed.). Oxford English Dictionary. June 2012 [First published in New English Dictionary, 1903].
- ^ a b c d e Collini, Stefan (2006). Absent Minds. Intellectuals in Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199291055.
- ^ Kramer, Hilton (1999). The Twilight of the Intellectuals. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee.
- ^ a b Williams, Raymond. Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (1983)
- ^ a b Furedi, Frank (2004). Where Have All The Intellectuals Gone?. London and New York: Continuum Press.
- ^ Sowell, Thomas (1980). Knowledge and Decisions. Basic Books.
- ^ Charles Alexander Moore, ed. (1967). The Chinese Mind: Essentials of Chinese Philosophy and Culture. U of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0824800758.
- ^ The Korea Foundation (2016). Koreana – Winter 2015. ISBN 979-1156041573.
- ^ Etzioni, Amitai. Ed., Public Intellectuals, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2006.
- ^ Bauman, 1987: 2.
- ^ McKee (2001)
- ^ Bourdieu 1989
- ^ Ralf Dahrendorf, Der Intellektuelle und die Gesellschaft, Die Zeit, 20 March 1963, reprinted in The Intellectual and Society, in On Intellectuals, ed. Philip Rieff, Garden City, NY, 1969
- ^ McLennan, Gregor (2004). "Traveling With Vehicular Ideas: The Case of the Third Way". Economy and Society. 33 (4): 484–99.
- ^ Gattone, Charles (2006). The Social Scientist As Public Intellectual: Critical Reflections In A Changing World. Rowman and Littlefield.
- ^ Sorkin (2007)
- ^ a b Mills, Charles Wright (1959). The Sociological Imagination. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- ^ a b c Bender, Thomas (1993). Intellect and Public Life. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
- ^ Le Blanc, Paul. Revolution, Democracy, Socialism: Selected Writings of Lenin (Pluto Press, London: 2008)
- ^ Scriven 1993
- ^ Scriven 1999
- ^ Thatcher, Margaret (1993). The Downing Street Years. London: HarperCollins. ISBN 0-8317-5448-6.
- ^ Fuller, Steve (2005). The Intellectual: The Positive Power of Negative Thinking. Cambridge: Icon.
- ^ "Public Praises Science; Scientists Fault Public, Media: Section 4: Scientists, Politics and Religion – Pew Research Center for the People & the Press". People-press.org. 9 July 2009. Retrieved 14 April 2010.
- ^ "The Intellectuals and Socialism", The University of Chicago Law Review (Spring 1949)
- ^ "Papers of Interest" (PDF). Mises Institute.
- ^ Annie Cohen-Solal, Sartre, Gallimard, 1989
- ^ Nozick, Robert (January–February 1998). "Why do intellectuals oppose capitalism?". Cato Policy Report. 20 (1): 1, 9–11.
- ^ Sowell, Thomas (2010). Intellectuals and Society. Basic Books.
- Aron, Raymond (1962) The Opium of the Intellectuals. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers.
- Basov, Nikita et al. (2010). The Intellectual: A Phenomenon in Multidimensional Perspectives, Inter-Disciplinary Press.
- Bates, David, ed., (2007). Marxism, Intellectuals and Politics. London: Palgrave.
- Benchimol, Alex. (2016) Intellectual Politics and Cultural Conflict in the Romantic Period: Scottish Whigs, English Radicals and the Making of the British Public Sphere (London: Routledge).
- Benda, Julien (2003). The Treason of the Intellectuals. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers.
- Camp, Roderic (1985). Intellectuals and the State in Twentieth-Century Mexico. Austin: University of Texas Press.
- Coleman, Peter (2010) The Last Intellectuals. Sydney: Quadrant Books.
- Di Leo, Jeffrey R., and Peter Hitchcock, eds. (2016) The New Public Intellectual: Politics, Theory, and the Public Sphere. (Springer).
- Finkielkraut, Alain (1995). The Defeat of the Mind. Columbia University Press.
- Gella, Aleksander, Ed., (1976). The Intelligentsia and the Intellectuals. California: Sage Publication.
- Gouldner, Alvin W. (1979). The Future of the Intellectuals and the Rise of the New Class. New York: The Seabury Press.
- Gross, John (1969). The Rise and Fall of the Man of Letters. New York: Macmillan.
- Huszar, George B. de, ed., (1960). The Intellectuals: A Controversial Portrait. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press. Anthology with many contributors.
- Johnson, Paul (1990). Intellectuals. New York: Harper Perennial ISBN 0-06-091657-5. Highly ideological criticisms of Rousseau, Shelley, Marx, Ibsen, Tolstoy, Hemingway, Bertrand Russell, Brecht, Sartre, Edmund Wilson, Victor Gollancz, Lillian Hellman, Cyril Connolly, Norman Mailer, James Baldwin, Kenneth Tynan, Noam Chomsky, and others.
- Kennedy, Michael D. (2015). Globalizing knowledge: Intellectuals, universities and publics in transformation (Stanford University Press). 424pp online review.
- Konrad, George et al. (1979). The Intellectuals On The Road To Class Power. Sussex: Harvester Press.
- Lasch, Christopher (1997). The New Radicalism in America, 1889–1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type. New York: W.W. Norton & Co.
- Lemert, Charles (1991). Intellectuals and Politics. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications.
- McCaughan, Michael (2000). True Crime: Rodolfo Walsh and the Role of the Intellectual in Latin American Politics. Latin America Bureau ISBN 1-899365-43-5.
- Michael, John (2000). Anxious Intellects: Academic Professionals, Public Intellectuals, and Enlightenment Values. Duke University Press.
- Misztal, Barbara A. (2007). Intellectuals and the Public Good. Cambridge University Press.
- Molnar, Thomas (1961). The Decline of the Intellectual. Cleveland: The World Publishing Company.
- Piereson, James (2006). "The Rise & Fall of the Intellectual," The New Criterion, Vol. XXV, p. 52.
- Posner, Richard A. (2002). Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press ISBN 0-674-01246-1.
- Rieff, Philip, Ed., (1969). On Intellectuals. New York: Doubleday & Co.
- Sawyer, S., and Iain Stewart, eds. (2016) In Search of the Liberal Moment: Democracy, Anti-totalitarianism, and Intellectual Politics in France since 1950 (Springer).
- Showalter, Elaine (2001). Inventing Herself: Claiming A Feminist Intellectual Heritage. London: Picador.
- Viereck, Peter (1953). Shame and Glory of the Intellectuals. Boston: Beacon Press.
- Aczél, Tamás & Méray, Tibor. (1959) The Revolt of the Mind. New York: Frederick A. Praeger.
- Barzun, Jacques (1959). The House of Intellect. New York: Harper.
- Berman, Paul (2010). The Flight of the Intellectuals. New York: Melville House.
- Carey, John (2005). The Intellectuals And The Masses: Pride and Prejudice Among the Literary Intelligensia, 1880–1939. Chicago Review Press.
- Chomsky, Noam (1968). "The Responsibility of Intellectuals." In: The Dissenting Academy, ed. Theolord Roszak. New York: Pantheon Books, pp. 254–298.
- Grayling, A.C. (2013). "Do Public Intellectuals Matter?," Prospect Magazine, No. 206.
- Hamburger, Joseph (1966). Intellectuals in Politics. New Haven: Yale University Press.
- Hayek, F.A. (1949). "The Intellectuals and Socialism," The University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. XVI, No. 3, pp. 417–433.
- Huizinga, Johan (1936). In the Shadows of Tomorrow. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.
- Kidder, David S., Oppenheim, Noah D., (2006). The Intellectual Devotional. Emmaus, Pennsylvania: Rodale Books ISBN 1-59486-513-2.
- Laruelle, François (2014). Intellectuals and Power. Cambridge: Polity Press.
- Lilla, Mark (2003). The Reckless Mind – Intellectuals in Politics. New York: New York Review Books.
- Lukacs, John A. (1958). "Intellectuals, Catholics, and the Intellectual Life," Modern Age, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 40–53.
- MacDonald, Heather (2001). The Burden of Bad Ideas. New York: Ivan R. Dee.
- Milosz, Czeslaw (1990). The Captive Mind. New York: Vintage Books.
- Molnar, Thomas (1958). "Intellectuals, Experts, and the Classless Society," Modern Age, Vol. II, No. 1, pp. 33–39.
- Moses, A. Dirk (2009) German Intellectuals and the Nazi Past. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Rothbard, Murray N. (1989). "World War I as Fulfillment: Power and the Intellectuals," The Journal of Libertarian Studies, Vol. IX, No. 1, pp. 81–125.
- Sapiro, Gisèle. (2014). The French Writers' War 1940–1953 (1999; English edition 2014); highly influential study of intellectuals in the French Resistance online review.
- Shapiro, J. Salwyn (1920). "The Revolutionary Intellectual," The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. CXXV, pp. 320–330.
- Shenfield, Arthur A. (1970). "The Ugly Intellectual,"The Modern Age, Vol. XVI, No. 1, pp. 9–14.
- Shlapentokh, Vladimir (1990) Soviet Intellectuals and Political Power. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
- Shore, Marci (2009). Caviar and Ashes. New Haven: Yale University Press.
- Small, Helen (2002). The Public Intellectual. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.
- Strunsky, Simeon (1921). "Intellectuals and Highbrows," Part II, Vanity Fair, Vol. XV, pp. 52, 92.
- Whittington-Egan, Richard (2003-08-01). "The Vanishing Man of Letters: Part One". Contemporary Review.
- Whittington-Egan, Richard (2003-10-01). "The Vanishing Man of Letters: Part Two". Contemporary Review.
- Wolin, Richard (2010). The Wind from the East: French Intellectuals, the Culture Revolution and the Legacy of the 1960s. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
Last edited on 6 May 2021, at 14:02
Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0
unless otherwise noted.