Israeli–Palestinian peace process The Israeli–Palestinian peace process
refers to the intermittent discussions held by various parties and proposals put forward in an attempt to resolve the ongoing Israeli–Palestinian conflict
Since the 1970s, there has been a parallel effort made to find terms upon which peace can be agreed to in both the Arab–Israeli conflict
and in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. Some countries have signed peace treaties
, such as the Egypt–Israel
(1979) and Jordan–Israel
(1994) treaties, whereas some have not yet found a mutual basis to do so.
Sometime in the mid-1970s the term peace process became widely used to describe the American-led efforts to bring about a negotiated peace between Israel and its neighbors. The phrase stuck, and ever since it has been synonymous with the gradual, step-by-step approach to resolving one of the world's most difficult conflicts. In the years since 1967 the emphasis in Washington has shifted from the spelling out of the ingredients of "peace" to the "process" of getting there. … The United States has provided both a sense of direction and a mechanism. That, at its best, is what the peace process has been about. At worst, it has been little more than a slogan used to mask the marking of time.
Views of the peace process
Palestinian views on the peace process Palestinians
have held diverse views and perceptions of the peace process. A key starting point for understanding these views is an awareness of the differing objectives sought by advocates of the Palestinian cause. 'New Historian
' Israeli academic Ilan Pappe
says the cause of the conflict from a Palestinian point of view dates back to 1948 with the creation of Israel
(rather than Israel's views of 1967 being the crucial point and the return of occupied territories being central to peace negotiations), and that the conflict has been a fight to bring home refugees
to a Palestinian state
Therefore, this for some was the ultimate aim of the peace process, and for groups such as Hamas
still is. However Slater says that this "maximalist" view of a destruction of Israel in order to regain Palestinian lands, a view held by Arafat
and the PLO
initially, has steadily moderated from the late 1960s onwards to a preparedness to negotiate and instead seek a two-state solution.
The Oslo Accords
demonstrated the recognition of this acceptance by the then Palestinian leadership of the state of Israel's right to exist
in return for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip
and West Bank
However, there are recurrent themes prevalent throughout peace process negotiations including a feeling that Israel offers too little and a mistrust of its actions and motives.
Yet, the demand for a right of return
by the Palestinian refugees to Israel has remained a cornerstone of the Palestinian view and has been repeatedly enunciated by Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas who is leading the Palestinian peace effort.
Israeli views on the peace process
There are several Israeli
views of the peace process. The official position of the State of Israel is that peace ought to be negotiated on the basis of giving up some control of the occupied territories
in return for a stop to the conflict and violence.
Israel's position is that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas ought to be the negotiating partner in the peace talks, and not Hamas, which has at times engaged with Israel in escalations of the conflict and attacks Israel's civilian population.
The Oslo Accords
and the Camp David 2000 summit
negotiations revealed the possibility of a two state system being accepted by Israeli leadership as a possible peace solution.
The two-state solution
is the consensus position among the majority of Israelis.
However, the violence of the second intifada
and the political success of Hamas
(a group dedicated to Israel's destruction)
have convinced many Israelis that peace and negotiation are not possible and a two state system is not the answer.
Hardliners believe that Israel should annex all Palestinian territory, or at least all minus the Gaza Strip
Israelis view the peace process as hindered and near impossible due to terrorism
on the part of Palestinians and do not trust Palestinian leadership to maintain control.
In fact, Pedahzur goes as far as to say that suicide terrorism succeeded where peace negotiations failed in encouraging withdrawal by Israelis from cities in the West Bank
A common theme throughout the peace process has been a feeling that the Palestinians give too little in their peace offers.
US views on the peace process
There are divergent views on the peace process held by US officials, citizens and lobbying groups. All recent US Presidents have maintained a policy that Israel must give up some of the land that it conquered in the 1967 war in order to achieve peace;
that the Palestinians must actively prevent terrorism; and that Israel has an unconditional right to exist
. Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush publicly supported the creation of a new Palestinian state
out of most of the current Palestinian territories, based on the idea of self-determination for the Palestinian people,
and President Obama continued that policy.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton thought that peace can only be achieved through direct, bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
Obama outlined the pursuit of the two-state solution
as American policy for achieving Palestinian aspirations, Israeli security, and a measure of stability in the Middle East.
According to the sociologist Mervin Verbit
, American Jews
are "more right than left" on peace process issues. Verbit found that surveys
of American Jews often reflect the view of the poll's sponsors. Often it is the wording of the survey questions that bias the outcome (a headline illustrating this point reads "ADL poll shows higher support for Israel than did survey by dovish J Street"). Using survey data from the American Jewish Committee
where findings could not be attributed to wording biases, Verbit found American Jews took a rightward shift following the collapse of the Camp David talks in 2000, and the 9/11 attacks in 2001.
Major current issues between the two sides
There are numerous issues to resolve before a lasting peace can be reached, including the following:
From the Israeli perspective, a key concern is security, and whether the major Palestinian figures and institutions are in fact trying to fight terrorism and promote tolerance and co-existence with Israel. Israeli concerns are based on abundant documentary and empirical evidence of many Palestinian leaders having in fact promoted and supported terrorist groups and activities. Furthermore, there is much concrete evidence of Palestinians having supported and expressed incitement against Israel, its motives, actions, and basic rights as a state. The election of Hamas has provided evidence for this view, with the Hamas charter stating unequivocally that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist.
However, there remain some activists on the Palestinian side who claim that there are still some positive signs on the Palestinian side, and that Israel should use these to cultivate some positive interactions with the Palestinians, even in spite of Hamas's basic opposition to the existence of the Jewish State. Since mid-June 2007, Israel has cooperated with Palestinian security forces in the West Bank at unprecedented levels, thanks in part to United States-sponsored training, equipping, and funding of the Palestinian National Security Forces and Presidential Guard.
A further concern is whether, as a result of this security argument, Israel will in fact allow the Palestinian community to emerge as a viable and sovereign political unit, a viable and contiguous state. There are also various economic and political restrictions placed on Palestinian people, activities, and institutions which have had a detrimental effect on the Palestinian economy and quality of life.
Israel has said repeatedly that these restrictions are necessary due to security concerns, and in order to counteract ongoing efforts which promote terrorism which incite opposition to Israel's existence and rights as a country. The key obstacle therefore remains the Israeli demand for security versus Palestinian claims for rights and statehood.
Furthermore, the identification of 'Palestinian' with 'terrorist' can be construed as problematic, and Sayigh argues that this association is used as a rationale for maintaining the status quo, and that only by recognising the status of Jewish immigrants as 'settlers' can we conceptually move forwards 
However, it is the case that the Palestinian resort to militancy has made such conceptual clarity difficult to achieve.
Nevertheless, there is a range of ulterior motives for Israel's denial of Palestinian statehood. If Palestine were declared a state, then immediately, Israel, by its present occupation of the West Bank will be in breach of the United Nations Charter. Palestine, as a state, could legitimately call upon the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter to remove Israel from the occupied territories. Palestine, as a state, would be able to accede to international conventions and bring legal action against Israel on various matters. Palestine could accede to various international human rights instruments, such as the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It could even join the International Criminal Court and file cases against Israel for war crimes. It would be a tinderbox of a situation that is highly likely to precipitate conflict in the Middle East.
There is a lively debate around the shape that a lasting peace settlement would take (see for example the One-state solution
and Two-state solution
). Authors like Cook have argued that the one-state solution is opposed by Israel because the very nature of Zionism and Jewish nationalism calls for a Jewish majority state, whilst the two-state solution would require the difficult relocation of half a million Jewish settlers living in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
The Palestinian leaders such as Salam Fayyad
have rejected calls for a binational state
or unilateral declaration of statehood. As of 2010, only a minority of Palestinians and Israelis support the one-state solution.
Interest in a one-state solution is growing, however, as the two-state approach fails to accomplish a final agreement.
Peace efforts with confrontation states
This section needs expansion
with: Efforts with Egypt, Jordan, Syria post 1973. You can help by adding to it
. (September 2014)
There were parallel efforts for peace treaties between Israel and other "confrontation states": Egypt, Jordan and Syria after the Six-Day war
, and Lebanon afterwards.
UN resolution 242 was accepted by Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, but rejected by Syria until 1972–1973.
In 1970, US Secretary of State William P. Rogers
proposed the Rogers Plan
, which called for a 90-day cease-fire, a military standstill zone on each side of the Suez Canal, and an effort to reach agreement in the framework of UN Resolution 242. Israel
rejected the plan on 10 December 1969, calling it "an attempt to appease [the Arabs] at the expense of Israel." The Soviets dismissed it as "one-sided" and "pro-Israeli." President Nasser rejected it because it was a separate deal with Israel even if Egypt
recovered all of Sinai
No breakthrough occurred even after President Sadat in 1972 surprised most observers by suddenly expelling Soviet military advisers from Egypt and again signaled to the United States government
his willingness to negotiate based on the Rogers plan.
Arab–Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties
Recognition of Israel only
Recognition of Israel, with some relations to Palestinian State
Recognition of both Israel and Palestinian State
Recognition of Palestinian State, with some relations to Israel
Recognition of Palestinian State only
Various "transfers of power and responsibilities" in the Gaza Strip and West Bank from Israel to the Palestinians took place in the mid-1990s.
The Palestinians achieved self-governance of major cities in the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip. Israel maintained and continues to maintain a presence in the West Bank for security reasons. In 2013 Israel still had control of 61% of the West Bank, while the Palestinians had control of civic functions for most of the Palestinian population.
After the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin
in 1995, the peace process eventually ground to a halt. The settlements' population almost doubled in the West Bank. Later suicide bombing
attacks from Palestinian militant groups and the subsequent retaliatory actions from the Israeli military
made conditions for peace negotiations untenable.
Protocol Concerning the Redeployment in Hebron, also known as the Hebron Protocol or Hebron Agreement
, began 7 January and was concluded from 15 to 17 January 1997 between Israel and the PLO
. The agreement dealt with the redeployment of Israeli military forces in Hebron in accordance with the Oslo Accords, security issues and other concerns.
The Wye River Memorandum
was a political agreement negotiated to implement the Oslo Accords, completed on 23 October 1998. It was signed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat. It was negotiated at Wye River, Maryland (at the Wye River Conference Center) and signed at the White House with President Bill Clinton
as the official witness. On 17 November 1998, Israel's 120-member parliament, the Knesset
, approved the Memorandum by a vote of 75–19. The agreement dealt with further redeployments in the West Bank, security issues and other concerns.
Camp David 2000 Summit, Clinton's "Parameters," and the Taba talks
In 2000, US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak
. In May of that year, according to Nathan Thrall
, Israel had offered Palestinians 66% of the West Bank, with 17% annexed to Israel, and a further 17% not annexed but under Israeli control, and no compensating swap of Israeli territory.
The Israeli prime minister offered the Palestinian leader between 91%[note 1]
(sources differ on the exact percentage) of the West Bank and the entire Gaza Strip if 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the West Bank's Jewish settlers) be ceded to Israel. East Jerusalem
would have fallen for the most part
under Israeli sovereignty, with the exception of most suburbs with heavy non-Jewish populations surrounded by areas annexed to Israel.
The issue of the Palestinian right of return
would be solved through significant monetary reparations.
Arafat rejected this offer and did not propose a counter-offer.
No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even under intense U.S. pressure.
Clinton blamed Arafat for the failure of the Camp David Summit.
In the months following the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell
to lead a fact-finding committee that later published the Mitchell Report
Proposed in the fall of 2000 following the collapse of the Camp David talks, The Clinton Parameters
included a plan on which the Palestinian State was to include 94-96% of the West Bank, and around 80% of the settlers
were to become under Israeli sovereignty, and in exchange for that, Israel would concede some territory (so called 'Territory Exchange' or 'Land Swap') within the Green Line
(1967 borders). The swap would consist of 1–3% of Israeli territory, such that the final borders of the West Bank part of the Palestinian state would include 97% of the land of the original borders.
At the Taba summit
) in January 2001 talks continued based on the Clinton Parameters. The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map. The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas from the West Bank and offered a few thousand more refugees than they offered at Camp David to settle into Israel and hoped that this would be considered "implementation" of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194
The Palestinian side accepted this as a basis for further negotiation. However, Barak did not conduct further negotiations at that time; the talks ended without an agreement and the following month the right-wing Likud
party candidate Ariel Sharon
was elected Israeli prime minister in February 2001.
The Arab peace initiative and the Roadmap (2002/3)
The Beirut summit of Arab government leaders took place in March 2002 under the aegis of the Arab League
. The summit concluded by presenting a plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres
welcomed it and said, "... the details of every peace plan must be discussed directly between Israel and the Palestinians, and to make this possible, the Palestinian Authority
must put an end to terror, the horrifying expression of which we witnessed just last night in Netanya
referring to the Netanya suicide attack
perpetrated on the previous evening which the Beirut Summit failed to address. Israel was not prepared to enter negotiations as called for by the Arab League plan on the grounds that it did not wish for "full withdrawal to 1967 borders
and the right of return
for the Palestinian refugees
In July 2002, the "quartet" of the United States, the European Union
, the United Nations
, and Russia
outlined the principles of a "road map" for peace, including an independent Palestinian state. The road map was released in April 2003 after the appointment of Mahmoud Abbas
(AKA Abu Mazen) as the first-ever Palestinian Authority Prime Minister
. Both the US and Israel called for a new Prime Minister position, as both refused to work with Arafat anymore.
The plan called for independent actions by Israel and the Palestinian Authority, with disputed issues put off until a rapport can be established. In the first step, the Palestinian Authority must "undertake visible efforts on the ground to arrest, disrupt, and restrain individuals and groups conducting and planning violent attacks on Israelis anywhere" and a "rebuilt and refocused Palestinian Authority security apparatus" must "begin sustained, targeted, and effective operations aimed at confronting all those engaged in terror and dismantlement of terrorist capabilities and infrastructure." Israel was then required to dismantle settlements established after March 2001, freeze all settlement activity, remove its army from Palestinian areas occupied after 28 September 2000, end curfews and ease restrictions on movement of persons and goods.
Israeli–Palestinian talks in 2007 and 2008
From December 2006 to mid-September 2008, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and President Mahmoud Abbas of the Palestinian Authority met 36 times; there were also lower-level talks. In 2007 Olmert welcomed the Arab League
's re-endorsement of the Arab Peace Initiative
. In his bid to negotiate a peace accord and establish a Palestinian state, Olmert proposed a plan to the Palestinians.
The centerpiece of Olmert's detailed proposal is the suggested permanent border, which would be based on an Israeli withdrawal from most of the West Bank. Olmert proposed annexing at least 6.3% of Palestinian territory, in exchange for 5.8% of Israeli land, with Palestinians receiving alternative land in the Negev, adjacent to the Gaza Strip, as well as territorial link, under Israeli sovereignty, for free passage between Gaza and the West Bank. Israel insisted on retaining an armed presence in the future Palestinian state.
Under Abbas's offer, more than 60 percent of settlers would stay in place. Olmert, for his part, was presenting a plan in which the most sparsely populated settlements would be evacuated. Olmert and Abbas both acknowledged that reciprocal relations would be necessary, not hermetic separation. They also acknowledged the need to share a single business ecosystem, while cooperating intensively on water, security, bandwidth, banking, tourism and much more. Regarding Jerusalem the leaders agreed that Jewish neighborhoods should remain under Israeli sovereignty, while Arab neighborhoods would revert to Palestinian sovereignty.
The Palestinians asked for clarifications of the territorial land swap since they were unable to ascertain what land his percentages affected, since Israeli and Palestinian calculations of the West Bank differ by several hundred square kilometres. For them, in lieu of such clarifications, Olmert's 6.3–6.8% annexation might work out closer to 8.5%, 4 times the 1.9% limit the Palestinians argued a swap should not exceed.
The talks ended with both sides claiming the other side dropped follow-up contacts.
2010 direct talks
In June 2009, reacting to US President Barack Obama's Cairo Address
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared for the first time
conditional support for a future Palestinian state but insisted that the Palestinians would need to make reciprocal gestures and accept several principles: recognition of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people;demilitarization of a future Palestinian state, along with additional security guarantees, including defensible borders for Israel;
Palestinian would also have to accept that Jerusalem would remain the united capital of Israel, and renounce their claim to a right of return
. He also claimed that Israeli settlements retain a right to growth and expansion in the West Bank. Palestinians rejected the proposals immediately.
In September 2010, the Obama administration
pushed to revive the stalled peace process by getting the parties involved to agree to direct talks for the first time in about two years.
While U.S. President Barack Obama
was the orchestrator of the movement, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
went through months of cajoling just to get the parties to the table, and helped convince the reluctant Palestinians by getting support for direct talks from Egypt and Jordan.
The aim of the talks was to forge the framework of a final agreement within one year, although general expectations of a success were fairly low. The talks aimed to put the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to an official end by forming a two-state solution for the Jewish and Palestinian peoples, promoting the idea of everlasting peace and putting an official halt to any further land claims, as well as accepting the rejection of any forceful retribution if violence should reoccur. Hamas
, however threatened violence, especially if either side seemed likely to compromise in order to reach an agreement. As a result, the Israeli government publicly stated that peace couldn't exist even if both sides signed the agreement, due to the stance taken by Hamas
. The US was therefore compelled to re-focus on eliminating the threat posed by the stance of Hamas and Hezbollah as part of the direct talk progress. Israel for its part, was skeptical that a final agreement was reached that the situation would change, as Hamas and Hezbollah would still get support to fuel new violence. In addition, the Israeli government rejected any possible agreement with Palestine as long as it refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
This is in accordance with the principle of the two-state solution, first proposed in the 1980s. The mainstream within the PLO have taken the concept of territorial and diplomatic compromise seriously and have showed serious interest in this.
During the 2010 talks, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas
said that the Palestinians and Israel have agreed on the principle of a land swap, but Israel has yet to confirm. The issue of the ratio of land Israel would give to the Palestinians in exchange for keeping settlement blocs is an issue of dispute, with the Palestinians demanding that the ratio be 1:1, and Israel offering less.
In April 2012, Mahmoud Abbas
sent a letter to Benjamin Netanyahu
reiterating that for peace talks to resume, Israel must stop settlement building in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and accept the 1967 borders as a basis for a two-state solution.
In May 2012, Abbas reiterated his readiness to engage with the Israelis if they propose "anything promising or positive".
Netanyahu replied to Abbas' April letter less than a week later and, for the first time, officially recognised the right for Palestinians to have their own state, though as before
he declared it would have to be demilitarised,
and said his new national unity government furnished a new opportunity to renew negotiations and move forward.
Direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians began on 29 July 2013 following an attempt by United States Secretary of State John Kerry
to restart the peace process.
of the Brookings Institution in Washington, D.C. was appointed by the US to oversee the negotiations. Indyk served as U.S. ambassador to Israel and assistant secretary of state for Near East affairs during the Clinton administration. Hamas
, the Palestinian government in Gaza
, rejected Kerry's announcement, stating that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas
has no legitimacy to negotiate in the name of the Palestinian people.
The negotiations were scheduled to last up to nine months to reach a final status to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by mid-2014. The Israeli negotiating team was led by veteran negotiator Justice Minister Tzipi Livni
, while the Palestinian delegation was led by Saeb Erekat
, also a former negotiator. Negotiations started in Washington, DC
and were slated to move to the King David Hotel
in Jerusalem and finally to Hebron.
A deadline was set for establishing a broad outline for an agreement by 29 April 2014. On the expiry of the deadline, negotiations collapsed, with the US Special Envoy Indyk reportedly assigning blame mainly to Israel, while the US State Department
insisting no one side was to blame but that "both sides did things that were incredibly unhelpful."
Israel reacted angrily to the Fatah–Hamas Gaza Agreement of 23 April 2014
whose main purpose was reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, the formation of a Palestinian unity government and the holding of new elections.
Israel halted peace talks with the Palestinians, saying it "will not negotiate with a Palestinian government backed by Hamas, a terrorist organization that calls for Israel's destruction", and threatened sanctions against the Palestinian Authority,
including a previously announced Israeli plan to unilaterally deduct Palestinian debts to Israeli companies from the tax revenue Israel collects for the PA.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
accused Abbas of sabotaging peace efforts. He said that Abbas cannot have peace with both Hamas and Israel and has to choose.
Abbas said the deal did not contradict their commitment to peace with Israel on the basis of a two-state solution
and assured reporters that any unity government would recognize Israel, be non-violent, and bound to previous PLO agreements.
Shortly after, Israel began implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians and canceled plans to build housing for Palestinians in Area C of the West Bank.
Abbas also threatened to dissolve the PA, leaving Israel fully responsible for both the West Bank and Gaza,
a threat that the PA has not put into effect.
On 3 September 2014, Abbas presented a new proposal for the peace process to John Kerry.
The plan called for nine months of direct talks followed by a three-year plan for Israel to withdraw to the 1967 lines, leaving East Jerusalem as Palestine's capital.
The resumption of talks was contingent on an Israeli freeze on construction in the West Bank and east Jerusalem,
as well as release the final batch of prisoners from the previous talks.
The first three months of the plan would revolve around the borders and potential land swaps for the 1967 lines. The following six months would focus on issues including refugees, Jerusalem, settlements, security and water.
The US administration rejected the initiative, saying it was opposed to any unilateral move that could negatively impact the Israeli–Palestinian peace process.
Abbas stated that if Israel rejected the claim he would push for charges against Israel in the International Criminal Court
over the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict
Additionally, if rejected, Abbas stated he would turn to the UN Security Council for a unilateral measure for a Palestinian State.
On 1 October 2014, Abbas stated he would be presenting his plan to the UNSC within two to three weeks, with an application to the ICC to follow if it failed to pass the UNSC.
In December 2014, Jordan submitted the proposal to the UNSC, which failed when voted on later that month.
Later that month as previously threatened, Abbas signed the treaty to join the ICC.
Israel responded by freezing NIS 500 million (US$127 million) in Palestinian tax revenues,
in response to which, the PA banned the sale in the Palestinian territories of products of six major Israeli companies.
Trump plan map
Following the inauguration of US President Donald Trump
in January 2017, a period of uncertainty regarding a new peace initiative began. In early 2018, some media sources reported the new administration was preparing a new peace initiative for an Israeli-Palestinian deal. The White House unveiled the economic part of the Trump initiative, titled Peace to Prosperity: The Economic Plan
, in June 2019,
and the political portion of the plan in January 2020. Palestinian leaders boycotted and condemned the Bahrain
conference in late June 2019 at which the economic plan was unveiled.
In December 2017, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas
cut ties with the Trump administration after United States recognition of Jerusalem as capital of Israel
. The Trump administration further raised Palestinians' ire when it moved the US embassy to Jerusalem in May 2018, and cut hundreds of millions of dollars in annual aid to the Palestinians, citing the PA's refusal to take part in the administration's peace initiative.
In February 2020, on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference
, the foreign ministers of Egypt, France, German and Jordan, the Munich Group
, together discussed peace efforts.
In July, the same quartet issued a statement declaring that “any annexation of Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 would be a violation of international law” and “would have serious consequences for the security and stability of the region and would constitute a major obstacle to efforts aimed at achieving a comprehensive and just peace,”. The foreign ministers said they “discussed how to restart a fruitful engagement between the Israeli and the Palestinian side, and offer our support in facilitating a path to negotiations.”
Meeting in Jordan on September 24 the four again called for a resumption of negotiations between the two sides. There will be “no comprehensive and lasting peace without solving the conflict on the basis of the two-state solution”, Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi told reporters following the meeting. The four also praised recent deals establishing ties between Israel and the United Arab Emirates
. Egypt's Sameh Shoukry said the deals are an “important development that would lead to more support and interaction in order to reach a comprehensive peace”. However Palestinians see the two accords as a betrayal.
On 11 January 2021, the group met in Cairo to discuss "possible steps to advance the peace process in the Middle East and create an environment conducive to the resumption of dialogue between the Palestinians and the Israelis." A joint statement of the quartet confirmed its intention to work with the incoming administration of President-elect Joe Biden. A further meeting is set to be held in Paris.
In July 2016, the Quartet reported:
The continuing policy of settlement construction and expansion in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, designation of land for exclusive Israeli use, and denial of Palestinian development, including the recent high rate of demolitions, is steadily eroding the viability of the two-state solution. This raises legitimate questions about Israel's long-term intentions, which are compounded by the statements of some Israeli ministers that there should never be a Palestinian state. In fact, the transfer of greater powers and responsibilities to Palestinian civil authority...has effectively been stopped.
It was within this context that the United Nations passed Security Council Resolution 2334
in December 2016 in another bid to address the settlement question.
The report was significantly altered to appease Israel and as well as urging Israel to stop its settlement policy, urged Palestine to end incitement to violence.
In a speech to the UN General Assembly in September, 2018, Mahmoud Abbas called Donald Trump's policies towards Palestinians an “assault on international law”. He said the US is “too biased towards Israel” indicating that others could broker talks and that the US could participate as a member of the Middle East peace Quartet.
Abbas reiterated this position at a UN Security Council meeting on February 11, 2020.
As of 16 September 2020, the UN has not been able to gather the consensus necessary for the Quartet or a group of countries linked to the Quartet to meet.
On 25 September 2020, at the UN, Abbas called for an international conference early in 2021 to “launch a genuine peace process."
On 15 February 2021, the quartet envoys met virtually and agreed to meet on a regular basis to continue their engagement.
On 23 March, 2021, the Quartet discussed the reviving of "meaningful negotiations" between Israel and the Palestinians who both need "to refrain from unilateral actions that make a two-state solution more difficult to achieve."
Alternative peace proposals
Another approach was taken by a team of negotiators led by former Israeli Justice MinisterYossi Beilin
, and former Palestinian Information Minister Yasser Abed Rabbo following two and a half years of secret negotiations. On 1 December 2003, the two parties signed an unofficial suggested plan for peace in Geneva (dubbed the Geneva Accord
). In sharp contrast to the road map, it is not a plan for a temporary ceasefire but a comprehensive and detailed solution aiming at all the issues at stake, in particular, Jerusalem, the settlements and the refugee problem.
It was met with bitter denunciation by the Israeli government and many Palestinians, with the Palestinian Authority staying non-committal, but it was warmly welcomed by many European governments and some significant elements of the Bush Administration, including Secretary of State Colin Powell
Yet another approach was proposed by a number of parties inside and outside Israel: a "binational solution
" whereby Israel would formally annex the Palestinian territories but would make the Palestinian Arabs citizens in a unitary secular state. Championed by Edward Said
and New York University
professor Tony Judt
, the suggestion aroused both interest and condemnation. It was not actually a new idea, dating back as far as the 1920s, but it was given extra prominence by the growing demographic
issues raised by a rapidly expanding Arab population in Israel and the territories. Considering the huge political and demographic issues that it would raise, however, it seems an improbable solution to the problem.
The Elon Peace Plan
is a solution for the Arab-Israeli conflict proposed in 2002 by former minister Binyamin Elon
. The plan advocates the formal annexation of West Bank and Gaza by Israel and that Palestinians will become either Jordanian
citizens or permanent residents in Israel so long as they remained peaceful and law-abiding residents. All these actions should be done in agreement with Jordan and the Palestinian population. This solution is tied to the demographics of Jordan
where it's claimed that Jordan is essentially already the Palestinian state, as it has so many Palestinian refugees and their descendants.
Some difficulties with past peace processes
A common feature of all attempts to create a path which would lead to peace is the fact that more often than not promises to carry out "good will measures" were not carried out by both sides.
Furthermore, negotiations to attain agreement on the "final status" have been interrupted due to outbreak of hostilities. The result is that both Israelis and Palestinians have grown weary of the process. Israelis point out the fact that the Gaza Strip is fully controlled by the Hamas who do not want peace with Israel.
According to the Israeli view, this limits the ability of the Palestinians to make peace with Israel and enforce it over the long term. Furthermore, in the Israeli view, a violent overtake of the West Bank by the Hamas as a result of the creation of an unstable new state is likely.
Lastly, rhetoric from high-ranking Fatah officials promising a full, literal Palestinian right of return
into Israel (a position no Israeli government can accept without destroying the Jewish character of Israel) makes peace negotiations more difficult for both sides.[page needed]
The Palestinians point out to the extensive and continuing Israeli settlement effort in the West Bank restricting the area available to the Palestinian state.
An attempt to change the rules was made by Condoleezza Rice
and Tzipi Livni when they brought forth the concept of a shelf agreement.
The idea was to disengage the linkage between negotiations and actions on the ground. In theory this would allow negotiations until a "shelf agreement" defining peace would be obtained. Such an agreement would not entail implementation. It would just describe what peace is. It would stay on the shelf but eventually will guide the implementation. The difficulty with this notion is that it creates a dis-incentive for Israel to reach such an agreement. The lack of clarity about what happens after agreement is reached will result in insurmountable pressures on Abbas to demand immediate implementation. However, from the Israeli point of view, the Palestinians are not ready to create a stable state, such an implementation process will almost guarantee instability in the Palestinian areas with a possible Hamas takeover as happened in Gaza.
As things stand now this brings the process to another impasse. To avoid it some definition of what happens after a shelf agreement is needed. One possible idea by this essay is to agree ahead of time that following attainment of a final status agreement there will be a negotiated detailed and staged implementation agreement which would define a process which would allow the creation of a stable functional Palestinian state in stages and over time.
In Aug 2013 an indication that such an idea can be acceptable to the Palestinians was given by Mahmud Abbas in a meeting with Meretz MK-s.
In the meeting Abbas stated "that there cannot be an interim agreement but only a final status deal that can be implemented in stages".
Joint economic effort and development
Despite the long history of conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, there are many people working on peaceful solutions that respect the rights of peoples on both sides.
In March 2007, Japan
proposed a plan for peace based on common economic development and effort, rather than on continuous wrangling over land. Both sides stated their support.
This became the Peace Valley plan
, a joint effort of the Israeli, Palestinian and Jordanian governments to promote economic cooperation, and new business initiatives which can help both sides work together, and create a better diplomatic atmosphere and better economic conditions. It is mainly designed to foster efforts in the private sector, once governments provide the initial investment and facilities.
The 91% land offer was based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank, but this differs by approximately 5 percentage points from the Palestinian definition. Palestinians use a total area of 5,854 square kilometers. Israel, however, omits the area known as No Man's Land (50 sq. km near Latrun), post-1967 East Jerusalem (71 sq. km), and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195 sq. km), which reduces the total to 5,538 sq. km. Thus, an Israeli offer of 91% (of 5,538 sq. km) of the West Bank translates into only 86% from the Palestinian perspective.
Jeremy Pressman, International Security
, vol 28, no. 2, Fall 2003, "Visions in Collision: What Happened at Camp David and Taba?"
. On 
. See pp. 16–17
- ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 121.
- ^ Quandt, William (2005). Peace process: American diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution and University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-22374-8. Accessible at Google Books.
- ^ a b Pappe, I., 2004, A History of Modern Palestine: One Land, Two Peoples, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Slater, J., 2001, "What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process," Political Science, Volume 116, Issue 2, pp. 171–199, p. 176.
- ^ a b c d Slater, J., 2001, What Went Wrong? The Collapse of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, Political Science, Volume 116, Issue 2, pp. 171–199.
- ^ Bregman, A. & El-Tahri, J., 1998, The Sixty Year War: Israel and the Arabs, London, Penguin Books.
- ^ LeVine, Mark (23 September 2011). "Why Palestinians have a right to return home". Al Jazeera English. Retrieved 21 June 2015.
- ^ Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 52.
- ^ Saletan, William (9 July 2014). "Gaza civilian casualties: While Hamas targets innocent people, Israel tries to spare them". Slate. Retrieved 4 January 2016. It [Hamas] has been firing the new [longer-range] missiles at cities anyway. Hamas has also flatly rejected the principle of sparing civilians. According to a Hamas spokesman, 'All Israelis have now become legitimate targets.'
- ^ Azulay, Moran. "Peres to Ynet: Abbas, not Hamas, is the partner." Ynetnews. 23 November 2012. 23 November 2012.
- ^ Peretz, Martin. Letter. New York Times. 6 August 2020. 6 August 2020.
- ^ Oren, Michael. "Hamas Left Israel No Choice but to Strike." New York Times. 20 November 2012. 20 November 2012.
- ^ Pedahzur, A., 2005, Suicide Terrorism, Cambridge, Polity Press, p. 65.
- ^ Levy, Elior. "PA challenges Netanyahu to accept 1967 lines." Ynetnews. 22 May 2011. 22 May 2011.
- ^ Kessler, Glenn (5 October 2005). "Talking Points Aside, Bush Stance on Palestinian State Is Not a First". The Washington Post.
- ^ Nasaw, Daniel (18 May 2009). "Obama restates support for Palestinian state during Netanyahu visit". The Guardian. London.
- ^ "Clinton laments ‘counter-productive’ U.N. vote on Palestine." Jewish Journal. 29 November 2012. 29 November 2012.
- ^ Kaplan, Rebecca. "Obama: Differences with Netanyahu are not personality clashes." CBS News. 24 March 2015. 25 March 2015.
- ^ F. Verbit, Mervin. "American Jews – More Right than Left on the Peace Process". erusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA). Berman Jewish Policy Archive. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ Mishal, S. and Sela, A, 'The Palestinian Hamas: Vision, Violence and Coexistence' (Columbia University Press, 2006) p. 275.
- ^ Nathan Thrall (14 October 2010). "Our Man in Palestine". The New York Review of Books. Retrieved 30 September 2010.
- ^ Senker, C, 'the ArAb-Israeli Conflict', (UK, 2004) pp. 4–9.
- ^ Halliday, F., 'The Middle East in International Relations', (Cambridge, 2005), p. 307.
- ^ Sayigh, R., 'The Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries' (New York, 2007) p. 200.
- ^ Chakrabarti, Ran. "Palestine and International Law.", Fair Observer. 30 January 2013.
- ^ Cook, J., 'Disappearing Palestine', (London, 2008), pp. 244–246.
- ^ "Middle East News - The Jerusalem Post". jpost.com. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
- ^ Rachel Shabi, "The death of the Israel-Palestine two-state solution brings fresh hope," The Guardian (23 October 2012). Retrieved 17 December 2013.
- ^ David Poort, "The threat of a one-state solution," Al Jazeera (26 January 2011). Retrieved 17 December 2013.
- ^ Pearson Education (1 October 2006). The Changing Dynamics of Energy in the Middle East [Two Volumes]. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 66–. ISBN 978-0-313-08364-8.
- ^ Yezid Sayigh; Avi Shlaim (22 May 1997). The Cold War and the Middle East. Clarendon Press. pp. 4–. ISBN 978-0-19-157151-0.
- ^ Sela, Avraham, "Arab-Israeli Conflict," The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58–121.
- ^ Benny Morris (25 May 2011). Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–1998. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. p. 354. ISBN 978-0-307-78805-4. The Israeli cabinet publicly rejected the plan in communiques issued on December 10 and 22, calling it "an attempt to appease [the Arabs] at the expense of Israel." ...But it was Egypt and the USSR who in fact definitively shot down the plan. The Soviets dismissed it as "one-sided" and "pro-Israeli." Nasser rejected a separate deal with Israel (even if he recovered all of Sinai) as well as demilitarization of the peninsula after Israeli withdrawal, freedom of maritime passage for Israeli vessels, and various security arrangements—all stipulated in the Rogers Plan as part of the quid pro quo.
- ^ "Report of the Secretary-General Under Security Council Resolution 331 (1973) of 20 April 1973". United Nations, Security Council. 18 May 1973. Archived from the original on 7 April 2014. The Search for a Settlement from 1967 to date
- ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 137.
- ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 138.
- ^ Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 53.
- ^ a b c d e Nathan Thrall, 'What Future for Israel?,' New York Review of Books 15 August 2013 pp. 64–67.
- ^ "Mr. Clinton's Mideast Peace Plan." New York Times. 27 December 2000. 10 December 2019.
- ^ "Camp David Summit 2000." ADL. 10 December 2019.
- ^ History of failed peace talks (BBC, 26 November 2007).
- ^ Gold, Dore. The Fight for Jerusalem: Radical Islam, the West, and the Future of the Holy City. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2007. p. 1.
- ^ Camp David: What Really Happened (PLO Negotiations Support Unit, July 2002)Archived 21 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Oren, Michael B. Power, Faith, and Fantasy: American in the Middle East, 1776 to the Present. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007. p. 579.
- ^ a b c Ross, Dennis. Doomed to Succeed: The U.S.-Israel Relationship From Truman to Obama. New York: Farrar, Starus and Giroux, 2015. p. 293.
- ^ Ben-Meir, Alon. "The Palestinian Refugees: A Reassessment and a Solution." Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture, vol. 15/16, no. 4, 2009, pp. 65-71. ProQuest.
- ^ a b Hirsh, Michael. "Clinton To Arafat: it's All Your ...." Newsweek. 26 June 2001. 17 November 2020.
- ^ Clinton Parameters Archived 17 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine, The Jewish Peace Lobby website, full text (English).
- ^ Beilin, Yossi. "What really happened at Taba."Palestinian Refugee ResearchNet. 16 July 2002. 10 December 2020.
- ^ Salem, Tanja. "Palestinian Refugees." Centre for European Policy Studies. July 2003.
- ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002, p. 147.
- ^ a b A Plan for Peace That Still Could Be, New York Times Magazine, 13 February 2011.
- ^ a b PA rejects Olmert's offer to withdraw from 93% of West Bank (Haaretz, 12 August 2008).
- ^ Israel Agrees to Truce with Hamas on Gaza, The New York Times, 18 June 2008.
- ^ Mark Tessler, "The Israeli–Palestinian Conflict," in Ellen Lust (ed.),The Middle East, Sage Publications, 2013 pp. 287–366, p. 364.
- ^ Netanyahu's revolution, Haaretz, 18 June 2009
- ^ Full text of Netanyahu's foreign policy speech at Bar Ilan, Haaretz, 14 June 2009.
- ^ Dan Cohn-Sherbok, Dawoud El-Alami, The Palestine–Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide, Oneworld Publications 2015 p. 87.
- ^ a b Burns, Robert (1 September 2010). "Obama Opens Long-Shot Talks on Mideast Peace". ABC News. Associated Press.
- ^ Landler, Mark (5 September 2010). "In Middle East Peace Talks, Clinton Faces a Crucial Test". The New York Times. p. A1.
- ^ Tessler, Mark A. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Google Books. Originally published in 1994. 1 January 2011. p. 718. "Inhabitants of the occupied territories and other Palestinians had shown interest in a two-state solution since the mid-1970s, and the mainstream of the PLO had since the 1982 Arab summit."
- ^ Abu Toameh, Khaled. "Abbas: Land swap principle reached". Jerusalem Post.
- ^ Bronner, Ethan (17 April 2012). "Palestinians Restate Demands to Netanyahu". New York Times. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
- ^ Mahmoud Abbas (15 April 2012). "Text of Abbas's letter to Netanyahu". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 18 April 2012.
- ^ Stott, Michael; Nakhoul, Samia (9 May 2012). "Abbas ready to engage with Israel but says settlement building 'destroying hope'". Al Arabiya News. Reuters. Retrieved 9 May 2012.
- ^ "Netanyahu backs demilitarized Palestinian state". Haaretz. 14 June 2009. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
- ^ Winer, Stuart; Ahren, Raphael (14 May 2012). "PM promises Abbas a demilitarized Palestinian state". The Times of Israel. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
- ^ Ravid, Barak (14 May 2012). "Netanyahu to Abbas: Israeli unity cabinet is a new opportunity for Mideast peace". Haaretz. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
- ^ Ravid, Barak (29 July 2013). "Obama welcomes renewal of Israeli-Palestinian talks, but says 'hard choices' lie ahead". Haaretz. Retrieved 7 February 2014.
- ^ "Hamas rejects Kerry's announcement: Abbas has no authority to negotiate". Ynet. 20 July 2013. Retrieved 23 July 2013.
- ^ Booth, William (29 July 2013). "Peace talks set to begin after Israel agrees to free 104 Palestinian prisoners". The Washington Post.
- ^ Berman, Lazar. (7 August 2013) US peace envoy to come to Israel next week. The Times of Israel. Retrieved on 14 August 2013.
- ^ AFP, 'US denies dismantling peace negotiators team,' Ynet, 6 May 2014.
- ^ "Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal". BBC. 23 April 2014.
- ^ Sanctions and suspended talks - Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation Ynet News 24 April 2014
- ^ Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians after Fatah-Hamas deal. The Guardian, 24 April 2014
- ^ Israel suspends peace talks with Palestinians. Batsheva Sobelman, Los Angeles Times, 24 April 2014
- ^ Fatah and Hamas agree landmark pact after seven-year rift. Peter Beaumont and Paul Lewis, The Guardian, 24 April 2014
- ^ The rival Palestinian leaderships of Fatah and Hamas made a fresh attempt ... Archived 24 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine. France 24/AP, 23 April 2014
- ^ "Hamas and Fatah unveil Palestinian reconciliation deal". 23 April 2014.
- ^ "PLO, Hamas unity constitute reuniting West Bank and Gaza: Ban Ki-moon". 29 April 2014. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 1 May 2014.
- ^ Israel begins implementing economic sanctions against Palestinians Ynet News 29 April 2014
- ^ New York Times, 22 April 2014,Abbas Renews Threat to Dissolve Palestinian Authority if Peace Talks Fail
- ^ Rasgon, Adam. "Palestinian Leadership Considers ...." The Jerusalem Post. 23 August 2017. 4 November 2019.
- ^ Sanctions and suspended talks – Israel responds to Palestinian reconciliation – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ Abbas to Submit 'Surprising' Proposal to Kerry – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ a b c US rejected Abbas's peace plan, PA says – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ Abbas Peace Plan Calls for Israeli Withdrawal Within 3 Years – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ a b Report: Abbas peace plan calls for Israeli withdrawal from West Bank – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ Abbas' peace plan: Israeli withdrawal from West Bank within three years – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ Abu Mazen's Three-Year Peace Plan for Israel – Retrieved 4 September 2014
- ^ Abbas: If Security Council bid fails, we may end security cooperation with Israel – Retrieved 1 October 2014
- ^ "Palestinians sign up to join ICC". 31 December 2014. Retrieved 19 March 2018 – via www.bbc.com.
- ^ Staff. "Israel freezes Palestinian funds in response to ICC bid". Times of Israel. Retrieved 7 February 2015.
- ^ "Palestinians to ban sale of products from 6 major Israeli companies". jpost.com. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
- ^ Peace to Prosperity: The Economic Plan
- ^ Times of Israel, 26 September 2019, At UN, Abbas threatens to nix agreements with Israel if West Bank land annexed
- ^ Statement
- ^ a b "A New 'Quartet' for Israeli-Palestinian Peace". 20 July 2020. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
- ^ Statement
- ^ "Arab, European states call Israel and Palestine to restart talks". Aljazeera. 24 September 2020. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
- ^ "Amman's closing statement on the Middle East Peace Process". Roya news. 24 September 2020. Retrieved 24 September 2020.
- ^ "Egypt, Germany, France, Jordan meet to revive Mideast talks". WAPO. 11 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
- ^ "Arab, European foreign ministers discuss Palestinian, Israeli Occupation peace process in Cairo". RoyaNews. 11 January 2021. Retrieved 11 January 2021.
- ^ "The Middle East, including the Palestinian Question: Briefing and Consultations". SecurityCouncilReport. 24 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
- ^ Shahram Akbarzadeh; Kylie Baxter (13 June 2018). Middle East Politics and International Relations. Taylor & Francis. pp. 77–78. ISBN 978-1-351-67715-8.
- ^ "Report of the Middle East Quartet". UN. 1 July 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
- ^ "Israel/Palestine: Parameters for a Two-State Settlement". International Crisis Group. 28 November 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
- ^ "Diplomatic Quartet releases report on advancing two-state solution to Israel-Palestine conflict". UN. 1 July 2016. Retrieved 25 March 2021.
- ^ "Rejecting Trump, Abbas at UN says US is too biased to mediate peace talks". 27 September 2018. Retrieved 18 September 2020.
- ^ Security Council Report
- ^ "UN unable to convene Quartet to discuss annexation". MEMO. 27 June 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
- ^ "Abraham Accord, Quartet – Press Conference by Secretary-General António Guterres at UN Headquarters (SG/SM/20258) (Excerpts)". UN. 25 September 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
- ^ "Palestinian leader calls for new peace process in UN speech". WAPO. 25 September 2020. Retrieved 25 September 2020.
- ^ "A New Tune From The Middle East Quartet – OpEd". Eurasia review. 26 February 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
- ^ "Mideast Quartet Discusses Reviving 'Meaningful' Israel, Palestinian Peace Talks". Haaretz. 24 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
- ^ "Statement by the Middle East Quartet Envoys". UNSCO. 23 March 2021. Retrieved 24 March 2021.
- ^ Brynen, Rex. "The 'Geneva Accord' and the Palestinian Refugee Issue." ResearchGate. 29 February 2004.
- ^ Amishav Medved, Yael. "Jordan as the Palestinian Arab state". Israel Science and Technology. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ "ZOA:Palestinian Arab Violations of Road Map". IMRA. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ "Hamas." Encyclopædia Britannica. 17 January 2019. 6 December 2020.
- ^ al-Mughrabi, Nidal (9 November 2007). "Hamas leader sees W.Bank takeover if Israel leaves". Reuters.
- ^ Schwartz, Adi and Einat Wilf. "The War of Return." Google Books. 28 April 2020. 7 December 2020.
- ^ 
- ^ Al Tamimi, Jumana (26 August 2008). "Rice discusses 'shelf agreement'". gulfnews. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ "Shelf Agreement: Attempt to Anchor the Two State Solution may Bury" (PDF). Reut Institute. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ "A better route to Israeli-Palestinian peace?". MideastWeb Middle East Web Log. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ "Abbas tells Meretz MKs: No progress in peace talks with Israel". Jpost. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
- ^ Israelis, Palestinians applaud Japanese development plan Associated Press via Haaretz.com, 15 March 2007.
Last edited on 19 April 2021, at 12:51
Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0
unless otherwise noted.