From an early age, Hoffa was a union activist, and he became an important regional figure with the IBT by his mid-twenties. By 1952, he was the national vice-president of the IBT and between 1957 and 1971 he was its general president. He secured the first national agreement for teamsters' rates in 1964 with the National Master Freight Agreement
. He played a major role in the growth and the development of the union, which eventually became the largest by membership in the United States, with over 2.3 million members at its peak, during his terms as its leader.
Hoffa became involved with organized crime
from the early years of his Teamsters work, a connection that continued until his disappearance in 1975. He was convicted of jury tampering
, attempted bribery
, and mail
and wire fraud
in 1964 in two separate trials. He was imprisoned in 1967 and sentenced to 13 years. In mid-1971, he resigned as president of the union as part of a commutation
agreement with US President Richard Nixon
and was released later that year, but Hoffa was barred from union activities until 1980. Hoping to regain support and to return to IBT leadership, he unsuccessfully tried to overturn the order.
Hoffa disappeared on July 30, 1975. He is believed to have been murdered by the Mafia
and was declared legally dead
in 1982. Hoffa's legacy continues to stir debate.
Early life and family
Hoffa was born in Brazil, Indiana
, on February 14, 1913, to John and Viola (née Riddle) Hoffa.
His father, who was of German descent
from what is now referred to as the Pennsylvania Dutch
died in 1920 from lung disease when Hoffa was seven years old.
His mother was of Irish ancestry
The family moved to Detroit
in 1924, where Hoffa was raised and lived the rest of his life. Hoffa left school at age 14 and began working full-time manual labor jobs to help support his family.
Hoffa married Josephine Poszywak, an 18-year-old Detroit laundry worker of Polish heritage
, in Bowling Green
, on September 24, 1936. The couple had met six months earlier during a nonunionized laundry workers' strike action
They had two children: a daughter, Barbara Ann Crancer
, and a son, James P. Hoffa
. The Hoffas paid $6,800 in 1939 for a modest home in northwestern Detroit.
The family later owned a simple summer lakefront cottage in Orion Township
, north of Detroit.
Early union activity
Hoffa began union organizational work at the grassroots level through his job as a teenager with a grocery chain, which paid substandard wages and offered poor working conditions with minimal job security. The workers were displeased with that situation and tried to organize a union
to better their lot. Although Hoffa was young, his courage and approachability in that role impressed fellow workers, and he rose to a leadership position. By 1932, after refusing to work for an abusive shift foreman, Hoffa left the grocery chain, partly because of his union activities. He was then invited to become an organizer with Local 299 of the Teamsters in Detroit.
Growth of Teamsters
The Teamsters, founded in 1903, had 75,000 members in 1933. As a result of Hoffa's work with other union leaders to consolidate local union trucker
groups into regional sections and then into a national body, which Hoffa ultimately completed over two decades, membership grew to 170,000 members by 1936, and three years later, there were 420,000. The number grew steadily during World War II
and in the postwar boom
to top a million members by 1951.
The Teamsters organized truck drivers and warehousemen throughout the Midwest
and then nationwide. Hoffa played a major role in the union's skillful use of "quickie strikes," secondary boycotts
, and other means of leveraging union strength at one company, then to move to organize workers, and finally to win contract demands at other companies. That process, which took several years starting in the early 1930s, eventually brought the Teamsters to a position of being one of the most powerful unions in the United States.
Trucking unions in that era were heavily influenced by—and in many cases controlled by elements of—organized crime
. For Hoffa to unify and expand trucking unions, he had to make accommodations and arrangements with many gangsters, beginning in the Detroit area. Organized crime influence on the IBT would expand as the union itself grew.
Rise to power
Hoffa worked to defend the Teamsters from raids
by other unions, including the Congress of Industrial Organizations
, and he extended the Teamsters' influence in the Midwest from the late 1930s to the late 1940s. Although he never actually worked as a truck driver, he became president of Local 299 in December 1946.
He then rose to lead the combined group of Detroit-area locals shortly afterwards and later advanced to become head of the Michigan Teamsters groups. Meanwhile, Hoffa obtained a deferment from military service in World War II by successfully making a case for his union leadership skills being of more value to the nation by keeping freight running smoothly to assist the war effort.
At the 1952 IBT convention in Los Angeles
, Hoffa was selected as national vice-president by incoming president Dave Beck
, the successor to Daniel J. Tobin
, who had been president since 1907. Hoffa had quelled an internal revolt against Tobin by securing Central States' regional support for Beck at the convention. In exchange, Beck made Hoffa a vice-president.
The IBT moved its headquarters from Indianapolis
to Washington, DC
, taking over a large office building in the capital in 1955. IBT staff was also meanwhile enlarged, with many lawyers hired to assist with contract negotiations. Following his 1952 election as vice-president, Hoffa began spending more of his time away from Detroit, either in Washington or traveling around the country for his expanded responsibilities.
Hoffa's personal lawyer was Bill Bufalino
Teamsters expelled from AFL-CIO
The 1957 AFL–CIO
convention, held in Atlantic City
, New Jersey
, voted nearly five to one to expel the IBT. Vice-President Walter Reuther
led the fight to oust the IBT for charges of Hoffa's corrupt leadership.
President George Meany
gave an emotional speech, advocating the removal of the IBT and stating that he could agree to further affiliation of the Teamsters only if they would dismiss Hoffa as their president. Meany demanded a response from Hoffa, who replied through the press, "We'll see." At the time, IBT was bringing in over $750,000 annually to the AFL-CIO.
National Master Freight Agreement
Following his re-election as president in 1961, Hoffa worked to expand the union.
In 1964, he succeeded in bringing virtually all over-the-road truck drivers in North America under a single National Master Freight Agreement
, which may have been his biggest achievement in a lifetime of union activity.
Hoffa then tried to bring the airline workers and other transport employees into the union, with limited success. He was then facing immense personal strain as he was under investigation, on trial, launching appeals
of convictions, or imprisoned for virtually all of the 1960s.
Hoffa was re-elected without opposition to a third five-year term as president of the IBT, despite having been convicted of jury tampering
and mail fraud
in court verdicts that were stayed pending review on appeal. Delegates in Miami Beach also elected as first vice president Frank Fitzsimmons
, who would become president "if Hoffa has to serve a jail term."
Hoffa (right) and Bernard Spindel
after a 1957 court session in which they pleaded not guilty to illegal wiretap
Hoffa had first faced major criminal investigations in 1957, as a result of the McClellan Committee
. On March 14, 1957, Hoffa was arrested for allegedly trying to bribe an aide to the Select Committee.
Hoffa denied the charges (and was later acquitted), but the arrest triggered additional investigations and more arrests and indictments over the following weeks.
When John F. Kennedy
was elected president
in 1960, he appointed his younger brother Robert
as Attorney General
. Robert Kennedy had been frustrated in earlier attempts to convict Hoffa, while working as counsel to the McClellan subcommittee. As Attorney General from 1961, Kennedy pursued a strong attack on organized crime and he carried on with a so-called "Get Hoffa" squad of prosecutors
In May 1963, Hoffa was indicted for jury tampering
in Tennessee, charged with the attempted bribery
of a grand juror
during his 1962 conspiracy trial in Nashville
. Hoffa was convicted on March 4, 1964, and subsequently sentenced to eight years in prison and a $10,000 fine.
While on bail
during his appeal
, Hoffa was convicted in a second trial held in Chicago
, on July 26, 1964, on one count of conspiracy
and three counts of mail
and wire fraud
for improper use of the Teamsters' pension fund
, and sentenced to five years in prison.
Appoints Fitzsimmons as caretaker president
When Hoffa entered prison, Frank Fitzsimmons
was named acting president of the union,
and Hoffa planned to run the union from prison through Fitzsimmons.
Fitzsimmons was a Hoffa loyalist, fellow Detroit resident, and a longtime member of Teamsters Local 299, who owed his own high position in large part to Hoffa's influence. Despite this, Fitzsimmons soon distanced himself from Hoffa's influence and control after 1967, to Hoffa's displeasure. Fitzsimmons also decentralized power somewhat within the IBT's administration structure, forgoing much of the control Hoffa took advantage of as union president.
While still in prison, Hoffa resigned as Teamsters president on June 19, 1971,
and Fitzsimmons was elected Teamsters president on July 9, 1971.
On December 23, 1971, less than five years into his 13-year sentence, Hoffa was released from prison when US President Richard Nixoncommuted
it to time served.
As a result of Hoffa's previous resignation, he was awarded a $1.75 million lump sum termination benefit by the Teamsters Retirement and Family Protection Plan.
That type of pension settlement had never occurred with the Teamsters.
The IBT then endorsed Nixon, a Republican
, in his presidential re-election bid in 1972
. In prior elections, the union had normally supported Democratic
nominees but had endorsed Nixon in 1960
Hoffa regained his freedom, but the commutation from Nixon did not allow Hoffa to "engage in the direct or indirect management of any labor organization" until March 6, 1980.
Hoffa contended that he had never agreed to that condition.
Hoffa accused senior Nixon administration
figures, including Attorney General John N. Mitchell
and White House Special Counsel Charles Colson
, of depriving him of his rights by imposing that condition. It was suspected that the condition had been imposed upon Hoffa because of requests from the Teamsters' leadership, but that was denied by Fitzsimmons.
By 1973, Hoffa was planning to seize the presidency of the Teamsters again.
Hoffa sued to invalidate the restriction so that he could reassert his power over the Teamsters. John Dean
, former White House counsel to Nixon, was among those called upon for depositions
in 1974 court proceedings.
Dean, who had become famous as a government witness in prosecutions arising from the Watergate scandal
by mid-1973, had drafted the clause in 1971 at Nixon's request. Hoffa ultimately lost his court battle since the court ruled that Nixon had acted within his powers by imposing the restriction, as it had been based on Hoffa's misconduct while he was serving as a Teamsters official.
Hoffa faced immense resistance to his re-establishment of power from many corners and had lost much of his earlier support even in the Detroit area. As a result, he intended to begin his comeback at the local level with Local 299 in Detroit, where he retained some influence.
In 1975, Hoffa was working on an autobiography
, Hoffa: The Real Story
, which was published a few months after his disappearance.
He had earlier published a book titled The Trials of Jimmy Hoffa
Hoffa's plans to regain the leadership of the union were met with opposition from several members of the Mafia
, including some who were connected to his disappearance in 1975. One of them was Anthony Provenzano
, who had been a Teamsters local leader in New Jersey and a national vice-president of the union during Hoffa's second term as its president. Provenzano had once been a friend of Hoffa's but became an enemy after a reported feud when both were in federal prison at Lewisburg, Pennsylvania
, in the 1960s.
In 1973 and 1974, Hoffa asked him for his support to regain his former position, but Provenzano refused and threatened Hoffa by reportedly saying he would pull out his guts and kidnap his grandchildren.
Provenzano was a caporegime
in the New York City Genovese crime family
. At least two of Provenzano's union opponents had been murdered, and others who had spoken out against him had been assaulted.
Other Mafia figures who became involved were Anthony Giacalone
, an alleged kingpin in the Detroit Mafia
, and his younger brother, Vito
. The FBI believes that they were positioning themselves as "mediators" between Hoffa and Provenzano.
The brothers had made three visits to Hoffa's home at Lake Orion and one to the Guardian Building law offices. Their avowed purpose in meeting Hoffa was to set up a "peace meeting" between Provenzano and Hoffa. Hoffa's son, James, said, "Dad was pushing so hard to get back in office, I was increasingly afraid that the mob would do something about it." James was convinced that the "peace meeting" was a pretext to Giacalone's "setting Dad up" for a hit since Hoffa had been increasingly uneasy each time the Giacalone brothers arrived.
Events of July 30
Hoffa disappeared on July 30, 1975 after he had gone out to the meeting with Provenzano and Giacalone.
The meeting was due to take place at 2:00 p.m. at the Machus Red Fox restaurant in Bloomfield Township
, a Detroit suburb. The place was known to Hoffa, as it had been the site of the wedding reception of his son James.
Hoffa wrote Giacalone's initials and the time and location of the meeting in his office calendar: "TG—2 p.m.—Red Fox."
Hoffa left his home at 1:15 p.m. Before heading to the restaurant, he stopped at the office of his close friend Louis Linteau, a former president of Teamsters Local 614 who now ran a limousine service. Linteau and Hoffa had been enemies early in their careers but eventually became friends. When Hoffa left prison, Linteau had also become Hoffa's unofficial appointment secretary and arranged a dinner meeting between Hoffa and the Giacalone brothers on July 26 in which they had informed him of the July 30 meeting. Linteau was out to lunch when Hoffa stopped by and so Hoffa talked to some of the staff present and left a message for Linteau before he left for the Machus Red Fox.
Between 2:15 and 2:30 p.m., an annoyed Hoffa called his wife from a payphone
on a post in front of Damman Hardware, directly behind the Machus Red Fox, and complained that Giacalone had not shown up and that he had been stood up.
His wife told him she had not heard from anyone. He told her he would be home at 4:00 p.m., and to grill steaks for dinner. Several witnesses saw Hoffa standing by his car and pacing the restaurant's parking lot. Two men saw Hoffa, recognized him, and stopped to chat with him briefly and to shake his hand.
Hoffa also made a call to Linteau in which he again complained that the men were late. Linteau gave the time as 3:30 p.m., but the FBI suspected that it was earlier, based on the timing of other phone calls from Linteau's office from around that time.
The FBI estimates that Hoffa left the location without a struggle around 2:45–2:50 p.m.
One witness reported seeing Hoffa in the back of a maroon "Lincoln or Mercury" car with three other people.
At 7 a.m. the next day, Hoffa's wife called her son and daughter to say that their father had not come home. On her way home, Hoffa's daughter claimed to have had a vision
of her father, who, she was already sure, was dead. He was slumped over and wore a dark-colored, short-sleeved polo shirt. It has mystified her ever since that although she could not have possibly known that prior to her arrival at Lake Orion, the clothing in her vision was exactly what Hoffa was wearing when he disappeared.
At 7:20 a.m., Linteau went to the Machus Red Fox and found Hoffa's unlocked car in the parking lot, but there was no sign of Hoffa nor any indication of what had happened to him. He called the police, who later arrived at the scene. The Michigan State Police
were brought in, and the FBI
was alerted. At 6 p.m., Hoffa's son, James, filed a missing person
The Hoffa family offered a $200,000 reward for any information about the disappearance.
The primary piece of physical evidence obtained in the investigation was a maroon 1975 Mercury Marquis Brougham
, which belonged to Anthony Giacalone's son Joseph. The car had been borrowed earlier that day by Charles "Chuckie" O'Brien to deliver fish.
O'Brien was Hoffa's foster son although relations between them had soured in the years preceding Hoffa's disappearance.
Investigators and Hoffa's family suspected that O'Brien had a role in Hoffa's disappearance.
On August 21, police dogs identified Hoffa's scent in the car.
Giacalone and Provenzano, who denied having scheduled a meeting with Hoffa, were found not to have been near the restaurant that afternoon.
Provenzano told investigators that he was playing cards with Stephen Andretta, Thomas Andretta
's brother, in Union City, New Jersey
, the day that Hoffa disappeared.
Despite extensive surveillance and bugging, investigators found that the Mafia members who they thought were involved were generally unwilling to talk about Hoffa's disappearance, even in private.
On December 4, 1975, a federal investigator in Detroit said in court, presided by James Paul Churchill
, that a witness had identified three New Jersey men as having participated "in the abduction and murder of James R. Hoffa." The three men were close associates of Provenzano, namely, Salvatore Briguglio, Salvatore's brother Gabriel Briguglio, and Thomas Andretta.
After years of investigation, involving numerous law enforcement agencies including the FBI, officials have not reached a definitive conclusion as to Hoffa's fate and who was involved. Hoffa's wife, Josephine, died on September 12, 1980 and is interred at White Chapel Memorial Cemetery
in Troy, Michigan
On December 9, 1982, Hoffa was declared legally dead
as of July 30, 1982, by Oakland County, Michigan
Probate Judge Norman R. Barnard.
In 1989, Kenneth Walton, the agent-in-charge of the FBI's Detroit office, told The Detroit News
that he knew what had happened to Hoffa. "I'm comfortable I know who did it, but it's never going to be prosecuted because we would have to divulge informants
, confidential sources."
In 2001, the FBI matched DNA
from Hoffa's hair, taken from a brush, with a strand of hair found in Joseph Giacalone's car,
but it is possible that Hoffa had traveled in the car on a different day.
On June 16, 2006, the Detroit Free Press
published the entire "Hoffex Memo," a 56-page report prepared by the FBI for a January 1976 briefing on the case at the FBI headquarters in Washington. Although not claiming conclusively to establish the specifics of his disappearance, the memo records a belief that Hoffa was murdered at the behest of organized crime figures, who regarded his efforts to regain power in the Teamsters as a threat to their control of the union's pension fund.
As of 2019, digs are still periodically conducted in the Detroit area in search of Hoffa's body, but a common theory among experts is that the body was cremated
Claims and developments
Crime historians and investigators
There is wide agreement among crime historians and investigators that Hoffa was murdered on the order of his enemies in the Mafia. However, key details remain either unknown or unprovable, and this has ensured that no individuals have ever been charged in relation to the case.
In discussing potential motives, both the 1976 Hoffex Memo and scholarship prior to its release focus on Mafia opposition to Hoffa's plans to regain the Teamsters' leadership and the threat Hoffa posed to the Mafia's control over the union's pension fund. The Hoffex Memo noted that Provenzano was not senior enough to order a Mafia hit, though it did not rule out the possibility that his or someone else's personal vendetta against Hoffa was a motive.
Scott Burnstein, a crime historian and journalist, argued in 2019 that Provenzano's role in the entire case was limited to acting as a lure.
mentioned the possibility that Hoffa had retaliated against his Mafia opponents by co-operating with investigations against them.
The Hoffex Memo includes this as a possible motivation.
Vincent Piersante, the state government's former chief investigator into the Hoffa case, doubted that Hoffa could have seriously threatened the Mafia in this way, as any incriminating information he knew either would have incriminated himself or concerned crimes that were outside of the statute of limitations
Piersante suggested that the killing was accidental, and that the men who were sent to meet Hoffa were only meant to be "insultingly low-level messengers". He argued that Hoffa had no realistic prospects for a comeback, that the disappearance did not share the usual characteristics of a Mafia hit and that it risked encouraging action against organized crime (as indeed happened). This theory did not gain wide acceptance among criminologists.
In his 1991 book Hoffa
, Arthur A. Sloane said that the most common theory of FBI investigators was that Russell Bufalino
was the mob boss who ordered the murder, and Salvatore "Sally Bugs" Briguglio, his brother Gabriel Briguglio, Thomas Andretta
and Charles "Chuckie" O'Brien were the men who lured Hoffa away from the restaurant. The theory is that O'Brien was used as an "unwitting dupe" to lure Hoffa away, because Hoffa was suspicious of Provenzano and would not have entered the car unless there was a familiar figure present.
Keith Corbett, a former US Prosecuting Attorney, has since suggested that O'Brien would have been considered too unreliable to be entrusted with a role in such a high-profile murder. He instead suggested that Vito "Billy" Giacalone
was the familiar figure.
The location of the murder is also unknown, but any violence in the restaurant parking lot would have easily attracted witnesses.
Therefore, the Hoffex Memo suspects Hoffa was lured away to a separate murder location.
James Buccellato, a professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Northern Arizona University
, suggested in 2017 that Hoffa was likely murdered one mile away from the restaurant at the house of Carlo Licata, the son of the mobster Nick Licata
Sloane listed a local waste incinerator
and a landfill in Jersey City
as the possible locations where the body was taken;
the latter is also supported by Dan Moldea
Buccellato listed two waste incinerators and a crematorium
, all in the Detroit area. He doubted the body had been transported a long distance: "It's just not practical."
The Hoffex Memo similarly said: "If the Detroit LCN was used to assist in the disappearance, it is unknown why the body would be transported back to New Jersey when Detroit Organized Crime people have proven in the past that they are capable of taking care of such things."
Other accounts and speculation
In the book I Heard You Paint Houses: Frank "The Irishman" Sheeran and the Closing of the Case on Jimmy Hoffa
(2004), author Charles Brandt
writes that Frank Sheeran
, an alleged professional killer
for the mob and a longtime friend of Hoffa, confessed to assassinating him. According to the book, Sheeran claims O'Brien drove him, Hoffa, and fellow mobster Sal Briguglio to a house in Detroit where he shot Hoffa twice in the back of the head. Further, in 1975 Sheeran admitted to reporters that he murdered Hoffa,
although blood stains found in the Detroit house in which Sheeran claimed the murder had happened
were determined not to match Hoffa's DNA.
The truthfulness of the book, including Sheeran's confessions to killing Hoffa, has been disputed by "The Lies of the Irishman," an article in Slate
by Bill Tonelli, and "Jimmy Hoffa and 'The Irishman': A True Crime Story?" by Harvard Law School
Professor Jack Goldsmith
, which appeared in The New York Review of Books
Buccellato doubts that the Mafia would have entrusted an Irish American
with this role and also believes that Hoffa would have refused to travel that far from the restaurant.
Hoffa's body was rumored to be buried in Giants Stadium
. In an episode of the Discovery Channel
, "The Hunt for Hoffa
," the locations in the stadium in which Hoffa was rumored to be buried were scanned with a ground penetrating radar
. That was intended to reveal if any disturbances indicated a human body had been buried there, but no trace of any human remains was found. In addition, no human remains were found when Giants Stadium was demolished in 2010.
In January 2013, the reputed gangster Tony Zerilli
implied that Hoffa was originally buried in a shallow grave, with a plan to move his remains later to a second location. Zerilli said that the plans were abandoned and that Hoffa's remains lay in a field in northern Oakland County, Michigan
, not far from the restaurant in which he had been last seen. Zerilli denied any responsibility for or association with Hoffa's disappearance.
On June 17, 2013, investigating the Zerilli information, the FBI was led to a property in Oakland Township
, in northern Oakland County, which was owned by Detroit mob boss Jack Tocco
After three days, the FBI called off the dig. No human remains were found, and the case remains open
, who died in 2019, and his brother Stephen, who reportedly died of cancer in 2000, were named by the FBI as suspects. Both were New Jersey Teamsters and reputed Genovese crime family
mob associates. The FBI called Thomas Andretta a "trusted associate of Anthony Provenzano
; reported to be involved in the disappearance of Hoffa."
In an April 2019 interview with DJ Vlad
, the former Colombo crime family
capo Michael Franzese
stated that he was certain that Hoffa's disappearance had been mob-related, that he was aware of the location of Hoffa's body and of the identity of his shooter, and had tapes that revealed details of his disappearance. Franzese said, "I can tell you that it's wet, that's for sure," and "Upon good information, again, I think I know who the real shooter was; still alive today, in prison."
Hoffa's legacy remains controversial.
Arthur Sloane wrote, "To many, Hoffa was a kind of latter-day Al Capone
... others, he was... hugely successful in improving working conditions for [his truck-driver constituents]."
In film and fiction
In the 2003 comedy/drama film Bruce Almighty
, the titular character uses powers endowed by God to manifest Hoffa's body in order to procure a story interesting enough to reclaim his career in the news industry.
- ^ a b "Jimmy Hoffa's Legacy". New York Times. New York City: The New York Times Company. July 24, 1994. p. 27. Archived from the original on 2020-07-24. Retrieved 2020-07-25.
- ^ a b "Out of the Jungle". nytimes.com. September 9, 2001. Archived from the original on 2019-12-11. Retrieved 2019-12-11.
- ^ Sloane 1991, p. 3. "Hoffa's father was a coal miner and of Pennsylvania Dutch (German) lineage."
- ^ Martin, John Bartlow (1959). Jimmy Hoffa's Hot: A Crest special. Fawcett Publications. p. 28. Archived from the original on 2016-05-05. Retrieved 2014-10-27.
- ^ Sloane 1991, p. 25–26.
- ^ a b "Obituaries". Santa Cruz Sentinel. September 14, 1980. Archived from the original on 2021-03-08. Retrieved 2020-01-03.
- ^ Ralph James and Estelle James (1965). Hoffa and the Teamsters: A Study of Union Power. Van Nostrand. pp. 13–15.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Sloane 1991, p. [page needed].
- ^ a b Moldea 1978, p. [page needed].
- ^ Moldea 1978, pp. 48–49.
- ^ "Guide to James R. Hoffa Documentation Collection, 1954–1976". Special Collections Research Center, Estelle and Melvin Gelman Library, The George Washington University. Archived from the original on 2014-12-09.
- ^ Fowler, Glenn (May 15, 1990). "William Bufalino Sr., 72, Lawyer For Hoffa and Teamsters' Union". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 2018-03-16. Retrieved 2018-03-15.
- ^ "Hoffa is Elected Teamsters Head; Warns of Battle", New York Times, p. 1 (October 5, 1957)
- ^ Beck entry says 117 times
- ^ Moldea 1978, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Congress, United States (July 1, 1969). "Congressional Record, Proceedings and Debates of the 91st Congress, Volume 115, Part 13". p. 18099. Archived from the original on 2021-03-09. Retrieved 2019-12-10.
- ^ Moldea 1978, pp. 83–84.
- ^ The IBT was readmitted to the AFL-CIO in 1985 but was again disaffiliated from the AFL-CIO in 2005.
- ^ "Robt. Kennedy Stands Firm Against Hoffa". Chicago Tribune. July 8, 1961. Archived from the original on 2017-09-26. Retrieved 2019-12-15.
- ^ Moldea 1978, pp. 171–172.
- ^ "Teamsters Reelect Hoffa President," Chicago Tribune, July 8, 1966, p. 1
- ^ Loftus, Joseph A. (March 14, 1957). "F.B.I. Seizes Hoffa In A Plot To Bribe Senate Staff Aide". The New York Times.
- ^ a b Sloane 1991, p. [page needed].
- ^ Loftus, Joseph A. (March 15, 1957). "Unionist Denies Bribery". The New York Times.
• Loftus, Joseph A. (March 19, 1957). "U.S. Jury Indicts 4 Teamster Aides Silent In Inquiry". The New York Times.
• Loftus, Joseph A. (March 20, 1957). "U.S. Jury Indicts Hoffa, Attorney". The New York Times.
• "8 Hoffa Aides in Detroit Get Subpoenas to Appear Before U.S. Rackets Jury Here". The New York Times. March 20, 1957.
• "Hoffa, Attorney Plead Not Guilty". The New York Times. March 30, 1957.
• Loftus, Joseph A. (April 23, 1957). "Hoffa Urges Court to Quash Charges". The New York Times.
• Ranzal, Edward (May 15, 1957). "Jury Here Indicts Hoffa On Wiretap". The New York Times.
- ^ Kennedy, Robert F. (1960). The Enemy Within.[page needed]
- ^ Lichtenstein, Alex (July 17, 2015). "Inside the long-running conflcit between Bobby Kennedy and Jimmy Hoffa". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 2015-08-22.
- ^ a b "United States v. Hoffa, 367 F.2d 698". casetext.com. Archived from the original on 2019-12-08. Retrieved 2019-12-08.
- ^ a b c Brill, Steven (1979). The Teamsters (Paperback ed.). New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-82905-X.[page needed]
- ^ Hoffa was convicted of embezzling money from a Teamster-run pension fund and using it to invest in a Florida retirement community. In return, Hoffa had a 45 percent interest in the project, and he and several others received kickbacks in the form of "finder's fees" from developers for securing the money.
- ^ a b c "Nixon Commutes Hoffa Sentence, Curbs Union Role". The New York Times. December 24, 1971. Archived from the original on 2019-12-08. Retrieved 2019-12-08.
- ^ a b c "Hoffa v. Fitzsimmons, 673 F.2d 1345". casetext.com. Archived from the original on 2019-12-08. Retrieved 2019-12-08.
- ^ "Board Acts on Succession". The New York Times. March 1, 1967.
• Jones, David R. (May 4, 1966). "Successor Choice Named By Hoffa". The New York Times.
• Jones, David R. (June 29, 1966). "Hoffa's Candidate Gets Clear Field as Potential President of Teamsters". The New York Times.
• Jones, David R. (July 8, 1966). "Hoffa Re-Elected Teamsters' Chief". The New York Times.
- ^ Jones, David R. (June 15, 1966). "Hoffa Plans Way to Retain Power". The New York Times.
- ^ Shabecoff, Philip (June 4, 1971). "Hoffa Is Stepping Aside As Teamsters' President". The New York Times.
• Salpuka, Agis (July 9, 1971). "Teamsters Elect Fitzsimmons To Succeed Hoffa as President". The New York Times.
- ^ Moldea 1978, p. [page needed].
- ^ Dray, Philip (2010). There Is Power in a Union: The Epic Story of Labor in America. Anchor. ISBN 978-0385526296.
- ^ Sloane, Arthur A. (1991). Hoffa. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-19309-2. Retrieved 2020-01-03 – via Internet Archive. Via Google Books. Archived 2021-03-09 at the Wayback Machine[page needed]
- ^ Moldea 1978, pp. 293–294, 321–322, 342–344.
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- All-American Mobster, by Charles Rappleye and Ed Becker, [about John Roselli] Barricade Books, 1995, ISBN 1-56980-027-8.
- Out of the Jungle: Jimmy Hoffa and the Remaking of the American Working Class, by Thaddeus Russell, 2001, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, ISBN 0-375-41157-7.
- Watergate: The Hidden History, by Lamar Waldron, 2012, Counterpoint, Berkeley, California.
- I Heard You Paint Houses: Frank "The Irishman" Sheeran and the Inside Story of the Mafia, the Teamsters, and the Last Ride of Jimmy Hoffa [Paperback], by Charles Brandt
Last edited on 27 April 2021, at 23:19
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