is an idea and movement that holds that the nation
should be congruent with the state
As a movement, nationalism tends to promote the interests of a particular nation
(as in a group of people
especially with the aim of gaining and maintaining the nation's sovereignty
) over its homeland
. Nationalism holds that each nation should govern itself, free from outside interference (self-determination
), that a nation is a natural and ideal basis for a polity
and that the nation is the only rightful source of political power (popular sovereignty
It further aims to build and maintain a single national identity
, based on shared social characteristics of culture
, geographic location
(or the government
and belief in a shared singular history
and to promote national unity or solidarity
Nationalism seeks to preserve and foster a nation's traditional cultures and cultural revivals have been associated with nationalist movements.
It also encourages pride in national achievements and is closely linked to patriotism
Nationalism can be combined with diverse political goals and ideologies such as conservatism
) or socialism
Throughout history, people have had an attachment to their kin group
, territorial authorities and their homeland, but nationalism did not become a widely recognized concept until the end of the 18th century.
There are three paradigms
for understanding the origins and basis of nationalism. Primordialism
(perennialism) proposes that there have always been nations and that nationalism is a natural phenomenon. Ethnosymbolism
explains nationalism as a dynamic, evolutionary phenomenon and stresses the importance of symbols, myths and traditions in the development of nations and nationalism. Modernization theory
proposes that nationalism is a recent social phenomenon that needs the socio-economic structures of modern society to exist.
There are various definitions of a "nation" which leads to different types of nationalism
. Ethnic nationalism
defines the nation in terms of shared ethnicity, heritage and culture while civic nationalism
defines the nation in terms of shared citizenship, values and institutions, and is linked to constitutional patriotism
. The adoption of national identity in terms of historical development has often been a response by influential groups unsatisfied with traditional identities due to mismatch between their defined social order and the experience of that social order by its members, resulting in an anomie
that nationalists seek to resolve.
This anomie results in a society reinterpreting identity, retaining elements deemed acceptable and removing elements deemed unacceptable, to create a unified community.
This development may be the result of internal structural issues or the result of resentment by an existing group or groups towards other communities, especially foreign powers that are (or are deemed to be) controlling them. National symbols
, national anthems
, national languages
, national myths
and other symbols of national identity are highly important in nationalism.
Title page from the second edition (Amsterdam 1631) of De jure belli ac pacis
The terminological use of "nations", "sovereignty" and associated concepts was significantly refined with the writing by Hugo Grotius
of De jure belli ac pacis
in the early 17th century. Living in the times of the Eighty Years' War
and the Netherlands and the Thirty Years' War
between Catholic and Protestant European nations (Catholic France being in the otherwise Protestant camp), it is not surprising that Grotius was deeply concerned with matters of conflicts between nations in the context of oppositions stemming from religious differences. The word nation
was also usefully applied before 1800 in Europe to refer to the inhabitants of a country as well as to collective identities that could include shared history, law, language, political rights, religion and traditions, in a sense more akin to the modern conception.
as derived from the noun designating 'nations' is a newer word; in English the term dates from 1844, although the concept is older.[failed verification]
It became important in the 19th century.
The term increasingly became negative in its connotations after 1914. Glenda Sluga
notes that "The twentieth century, a time of profound disillusionment with nationalism, was also the great age of globalism
Scholars frequently place the beginning of nationalism in the late 18th century or early 19th century with the American Declaration of Independence
or with the French Revolution
The consensus is that nationalism as a concept was firmly established by the 19th century.
In histories of nationalism, the French Revolution
(1789) is seen as an important starting point, not only for its impact on French nationalism
but even more for its impact on Germans
and Italians and on European intellectuals.
The template of nationalism, as a method for mobilising public opinion around a new state based on popular sovereignty, went back further than 1789: philosophers such as Rousseau
, whose ideas influenced the French Revolution, had themselves been influenced or encouraged by the example of earlier constitutionalist liberation movements, notably the Corsican Republic
(1755–68) and American Revolution
Due to the Industrial Revolution
, there was an emergence of an integrated, nation-encompassing economy and a national public sphere
, where the British people began to identify with the country at large, rather than the smaller units of their province, town or family. The early emergence of a popular patriotic nationalism took place in the mid-18th century, and was actively promoted by the British government and by the writers and intellectuals of the time. National symbols
, anthems, myths
, flags and narratives were assiduously constructed by nationalists and widely adopted. The Union Jack
was adopted in 1801 as the national one. Thomas Arne
composed the patriotic song "Rule, Britannia!
" in 1740,
and the cartoonist John Arbuthnot
invented the character of John Bull
as the personification of the English national spirit in 1712.
The political convulsions of the late 18th century associated with the American
revolutions massively augmented the widespread appeal of patriotic nationalism.
The Prussian scholar Johann Gottfried Herder
(1744–1803) originated the term in 1772 in his "Treatise on the Origin of Language" stressing the role of a common language.
He attached exceptional importance to the concepts of nationality and of patriotism – "he that has lost his patriotic spirit has lost himself and the whole world about himself", whilst teaching that "in a certain sense every human perfection is national".
The political development of nationalism and the push for popular sovereignty
culminated with the ethnic/national revolutions of Europe. During the 19th century nationalism became one of the most significant political and social forces in history; it is typically listed among the top causes of World War I
Napoleon's conquests of the German and Italian states around 1800–06 played a major role in stimulating nationalism and the demands for national unity.
English historian J. P. T. Bury argues:
Between 1830 and 1870 nationalism had thus made great strides. It had inspired great literature, quickened scholarship and nurtured heroes. It had shown its power both to unify and to divide. It had led to great achievements of political construction and consolidation in Germany and Italy; but it was more clearly than ever a threat to the Ottoman and Habsburg empires, which were essentially multi-national. European culture had been enriched by the new vernacular contributions of little-known or forgotten peoples, but at the same time such unity as it had was imperilled by fragmentation. Moreover, the antagonisms fostered by nationalism had made not only for wars, insurrections, and local hatreds —^they had accentuated or created new spiritual divisions in a nominally Christian Europe.
Nationalism in France gained early expressions in France's revolutionary government. In 1793, that government declared a mass conscription (levée en masse) with a call to service:
Henceforth, until the enemies have been driven from the territory of the Republic, all the French are in permanent requisition for army service. The young men shall go to battle; the married men shall forge arms in the hospitals; the children shall turn old linen to lint; the old men shall repair to the public places, to stimulate the courage of the warriors and preach the unity of the Republic and the hatred of kings.
This nationalism gained pace after the French Revolution came to a close. Defeat in war, with a loss in territory, was a powerful force in nationalism. In France, revenge and return of Alsace-Lorraine
was a powerful motivating force for a quarter century after their defeat by Germany in 1871. After 1895, French nationalists focused on Dreyfus and internal subversion, and the Alsace issue petered out.
The French reaction was a famous case of Revanchism ("revenge")
which demands the return of lost territory that "belongs" to the national homeland. Revanchism draws its strength from patriotic and retributionist thought and it is often motivated by economic or geo-political factors. Extreme revanchist ideologues often represent a hawkish stance, suggesting that their desired objectives can be achieved through the positive outcome of another war. It is linked with irredentism, the conception that a part of the cultural and ethnic nation remains "unredeemed" outside the borders of its appropriate nation state. Revanchist politics often rely on the identification of a nation with a nation state, often mobilizing deep-rooted sentiments of ethnic nationalism, claiming territories outside the state where members of the ethnic group live, while using heavy-handed nationalism to mobilize support for these aims. Revanchist justifications are often presented as based on ancient or even autochthonous occupation of a territory since "time immemorial", an assertion that is usually inextricably involved in revanchism and irredentism, justifying them in the eyes of their proponents.
The Dreyfus Affair
in France 1894–1906 made the battle against treason and disloyalty a central theme for conservative Catholic French nationalists. Dreyfus, a Jew, was an outsider, that is in the views of intense nationalists, not a true Frenchman, not one to be trusted, not one to be given the benefit of the doubt. True loyalty to the nation, from the conservative viewpoint, was threatened by liberal and republican principles of liberty and equality that were leading the country to disaster.
By the 1860s, as a result of educational indoctrination, and conservative resistance to ideas and ideologies from Western Europe, a pan-Slavic movement
had emerged that produce both a sense of Russian nationalism, and a nationalistic mission to support and protect pan-Slavism. This Slavophile
movement became popular in 19th-century Russia. Pan-Slavism was fueled by and was the fuel for Russia's numerous wars against the Ottoman Empire
with the goal of liberating Orthodox nations, such as Bulgarians
, Romanians, Serbs and Greeks, from Ottoman rule
. Slavophiles opposed the influences of Western Europe in Russia and were determined to protect Russian culture and traditions. Aleksey Khomyakov
, Ivan Kireyevsky
, and Konstantin Aksakov
are credited with co-founding the movement.
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An upsurge in nationalism in Latin America in 1810s and 1820s sparked revolutions that cost Spain nearly all its colonies
Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies so nationalism flourished and trade with Spain was suspended. The colonies set up temporary governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. These juntas were established as a result of Napoleon's resistance failure in Spain. They served to determine new leadership and, in colonies like Caracas, abolished the slave trade as well as the Indian tribute.
The division exploded between Spaniards who were born in Spain (called "peninsulares") versus those of Spanish descent born in New Spain
(called "criollos" in Spanish or "creoles
" in English). The two groups wrestled for power, with the criollos leading the call for independence. Spain tried to use its armies to fight back but had no help from European powers. Indeed, Britain
and the United States worked against Spain, enforcing the Monroe Doctrine
. Spain lost all of its American colonies, except Cuba and Puerto Rico, in a complex series of revolts
from 1808 to 1826.
In the German states west of Prussia, Napoleon
abolished many of the old or medieval relics, such as dissolving the Holy Roman Empire
He imposed rational legal systems and demonstrated how dramatic changes were possible. His organization of the Confederation of the Rhine
in 1806 promoted a feeling of nationalism.
Nationalists sought to encompass masculinity in their quest for strength and unity.
It was Prussian chancellor Otto von Bismarck
who achieved German unification through a series of highly successful short wars against Denmark, Austria and France which thrilled the pan-German nationalists in the smaller German states. They fought in his wars and eagerly joined the new German Empire, which Bismarck ran as a force for balance and peace in Europe after 1871.
In the 19th century, German nationalism was promoted by Hegelian-oriented academic historians who saw Prussia as the true carrier of the German spirit, and the power of the state as the ultimate goal of nationalism. The three main historians were Johann Gustav Droysen
(1808–1884), Heinrich von Sybel
(1817–1895) and Heinrich von Treitschke
(1834–1896). Droysen moved from liberalism to an intense nationalism that celebrated Prussian Protestantism, efficiency, progress, and reform, in striking contrast to Austrian Catholicism, impotency and backwardness. He idealized the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia. His large-scale History of Prussian Politics
(14 vol 1855–1886) was foundational for nationalistic students and scholars. Von Sybel founded and edited the leading academic history journal, Historische Zeitschrift
and as the director of the Prussian state archives published massive compilations that were devoured by scholars of nationalism.
The most influential of the German nationalist historians, was Treitschke who had an enormous influence on elite students at Heidelberg and Berlin universities.
Treitschke vehemently attacked parliamentarianism, socialism, pacifism, the English, the French, the Jews, and the internationalists. The core of his message was the need for a strong, unified state—a unified Germany under Prussian supervision. "It is the highest duty of the State to increase its power," he stated. Although he was a descendant of a Czech family he considered himself not Slavic but German: "I am 1000 times more the patriot than a professor."
German nationalism, expressed through the ideology of Nazism
, however, may also be understood as trans-national in nature. This aspect was primarily advocated by Adolf Hitler
, who later became the leader of the Nazi Party
. This party was devoted to what they identified as an Aryan race
, residing in various European countries, but sometime mixed with alien elements such as Jews.
Meanwhile, the Nazis rejected many of the well-established citizens within those same countries, such as the Romani
(Gypsies) and of course Jews, whom they did not identify as Aryan. A key Nazi doctrine was "Living Space" (for Aryans only) or "Lebensraum
," which was a vast undertaking to transplant Aryans throughout Poland
, much of Eastern Europe
and the Baltic nations
, and all of Western Russia
. Lebensraum was thus a vast project for advancing the Aryan race far outside of any particular nation or national borders. The Nazi's goals were racist focused on advancing the Aryan race as they perceived it, eugenics
modification of the human race, and the eradication of human beings that they deemed inferior. But their goals were trans-national and intended to spread across as much of the world as they could achieve. Although Nazism glorified German history, it also embraced the supposed virtues and achievements of the Aryan race
in other countries,
The Nazis' Aryanism longed for now-extinct species of superior bulls once used as livestock by Aryans and other features of Aryan history that never resided within the borders of Germany as a nation.
Italian nationalism emerged in the 19th century and was the driving force for Italian unification
or the Risorgimento
(meaning the "Resurgence" or "Revival"). It was the political and intellectual movement that consolidated the different states of the Italian peninsula
into the single state of the Kingdom of Italy
in 1861. The memory of the Risorgimento
is central to Italian nationalism but it was based in the liberal middle classes
and ultimately proved a bit weak.
The new government treated the newly-annexed South as a kind of underdeveloped province for its "backward" and poverty-stricken society, its poor grasp of standard Italian (as Italo-Dalmatian
dialects of Neapolitan
were prevalent in the common use) and its traditions.
The liberals had always been strong opponents of the pope
and the very well organized Catholic Church
. The liberal government under the Sicilian Francesco Crispi
sought to enlarge his political base by emulating Otto von Bismarck
and firing up Italian nationalism
with an aggressive foreign policy. It partially crashed and his cause was set back. Of his nationalistic foreign policy, historian R. J. B. Bosworth
[Crispi] pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled until the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friends with this suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies. His policies were ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colonial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted when on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian forces at Adowa
[...] in what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern army. Crispi, whose private life and personal finances [...] were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.
Italy joined the Allies in the First World War
after getting promises of territory, but its war effort were not honored after the war and this fact discredited liberalism paving the way for Benito Mussolini
and a political doctrine of his own creation, Fascism
. Mussolini's 20-year dictatorship involved a highly aggressive nationalism that led to a series of wars with the creation of the Italian Empire
, an alliance with Hitler's Germany, and humiliation and hardship in the Second World War. After 1945, the Catholics returned to government and tensions eased somewhat, but the former two Sicilies remained poor and partially underdeveloped (by industrial country standards). However in the fifties and early sixties Italy enjoyed an economic boom
, that pushed its economy to the fifth place between the world nations.
The working class in those decades voted mostly for the Communist Party
, and it looked to Moscow rather than Rome for inspiration, and was kept out of the national government even as it controlled some industrial cities across the North. In the 21st century, the Communists have become marginal but political tensions remained high as shown by Umberto Bossi
in the 1980s
(whose party Lega Nord
has come to partially embrace a moderate version of Italian nationalism over the years) and other separatist movements spread across the country.
Beginning in 1821, the Greek War of Independence
began as a rebellion by Greek revolutionaries against the ruling Ottoman Empire.
During the early 19th century, inspired by romanticism
, former movements of Greek nationalism and failed Greek revolts against the Ottoman Empire (such as the Orlofika revolt in southern Greece in 1770, and the Epirus-Macedonian revolt of Northern Greece in 1575), Greek nationalism led to the Greek war of independence
The Greek drive for independence from the Ottoman Empire
in the 1820s and 1830s inspired supporters across Christian Europe, especially in Britain, which was the result of western idealization
of Classical Greece
and romanticism. France, Russia and Britain critically intervened to ensure the success of this nationalist endeavour.
In 1918, the region of Banat, Bačka and Baranja
came under control of the Serbian army, later the Great National Assembly of Serbs, Bunjevci and other Slavs voted to join Serbia; the Kingdom of Serbia
joined the union with State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs
on 1 December 1918, and the country was named Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes
. It was renamed Yugoslavia
, and a Yugoslav identity
was promoted, which ultimately failed. After the Second World War, Yugoslav Communists
established a new socialist republic of Yugoslavia
. That state broke up
in the 1990s.
The cause of Polish nationalism was repeatedly frustrated before 1918. In the 1790s, the Habsburg Monarchy
invaded, annexed, and subsequently partitioned Poland
. Napoleon set up the Duchy of Warsaw
, a new Polish state that ignited a spirit of nationalism. Russia took it over in 1815 as Congress Poland
with the tsar proclaimed as "King of Poland". Large-scale nationalist revolts erupted in 1830
but were harshly crushed by Russia, which tried to make the Polish language
more like Russia's. The collapse of the Russian Empire in the First World War enabled the major powers to re-establish an independent Poland, which survived until 1939. Meanwhile, Poles in areas controlled by Germany moved into heavy industry but their religion came under attack by Bismarck in the Kulturkampf
of the 1870s. The Poles joined German Catholics in a well-organized new Centre Party
, and defeated Bismarck politically. He responded by stopping the harassment and cooperating with the Centre Party.
In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Polish nationalist leaders endorsed the Piast Concept
. It held there was a Polish utopia during the Piast Dynasty
a thousand years before, and modern Polish nationalists should restore its central values of Poland for the Poles. Jan Poplawski had developed the "Piast Concept" in the 1890s, and it formed the centerpiece of Polish nationalist ideology, especially as presented by the National Democracy Party
, known as the "Endecja," which was led by Roman Dmowski
. In contrast with the Jagiellon concept, there was no concept for a multi-ethnic Poland.
General Simón Bolívar
(1783–1830), a leader of independence in Latin America
The Piast concept stood in opposition to the "Jagiellon Concept," which allowed for multi-ethnicism and Polish rule over numerous minority groups such as those in the Kresy
. The Jagiellon Concept was the official policy of the government in the 1920s and 1930s. Soviet
dictator Josef Stalin
at Tehran in 1943 rejected the Jagiellon Concept because it involved Polish rule over Ukrainians
. He instead endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west.
After 1945 the Soviet-back puppet communist regime wholeheartedly adopted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to be the "true inheritors of Polish nationalism". After all the killings, including Nazi German occupation, terror in Poland and population transfers during and after the war, the nation was officially declared as 99% ethnically Polish.
modern nationalism emerged under Ottoman rule
in the late 18th and early 19th century, under the influence of western ideas such as liberalism and nationalism, which trickled into the country after the French Revolution.
The Bulgarian national revival started with the work of Saint Paisius of Hilendar
, who opposed Greek
domination of Bulgaria's culture and religion. His work Istoriya Slavyanobolgarskaya
("History of the Slav-Bulgarians"), which appeared in 1762, was the first work of Bulgarian historiography. It is considered Paisius' greatest work and one of the greatest pieces of Bulgarian literature. In it, Paisius interpreted Bulgarian medieval history with the goal of reviving the spirit of his nation.
His successor was Saint Sophronius of Vratsa
, who started the struggle for an independent Bulgarian church. An autonomous Bulgarian Exarchate
was established in 1870/1872 for the Bulgarian diocese wherein at least two-thirds of Orthodox Christians were willing to join it.
Jewish nationalism arose in the latter half of the 19th century and it was largely correlated with the Zionist movement
. This term originated from the word Zion
, which was one of the Torah
's names for the city of Jerusalem
. The end goal of the nationalists and Zionists was a Jewish majority and in most cases, a state, in the land of Palestine
. A tumultuous history of living in oppressive, foreign, and uncertain circumstances led the supporters of the movement to draft a declaration of independence, claiming Israel as a birthplace. The first and second destructions of the temple and ancient Torah prophecies largely shaped the incentives of the Jewish nationalists. Many prominent theories in Jewish theology and eschatology were formed by supporters and opponents of the movement in this era.
It was the French Revolution
of 1789 which sparked new waves of thinking across Europe regarding governance and sovereignty. A shift from the traditional hierarchy-based system towards political individualism and citizen-states posed a dilemma for the Jews. Citizenship was now essential, when it came to ensuring basic legal and residential rights. This resulted in more and more Jews choosing to identify with certain nationalities in order to maintain these rights. Logic said that a nation-based system of states would require the Jews themselves to claim their own right to be considered a nation due to a distinguishable language and history. Historian David Engel has explained that Zionism was more about fear that a majority of worldwide Jews would end up dispersed and unprotected, rather than fulfilling old prophecies and traditions of historical texts.
The awakening of nationalism across Asia helped shape the history of the continent. The key episode was the decisive defeat of Russia
by Japan in 1905, demonstrating the military advancement of non-Europeans in a modern war. The defeat which quickly led to manifestations of a new interest in nationalism in China, as well as Turkey, and Persia.
In China Sun Yat-sen
(1866–1925) launched his new party the Kuomintang
(National People's Party) in defiance of the decrepit Empire, which was run by outsiders. The Kuomintang recruits pledged:
[F]rom this moment I will destroy the old and build the new, and fight for the self-determination of the people, and will apply all my strength to the support of the Chinese Republic and the realization of democracy through the Three Principles, ... for the progress of good government, the happiness and perpetual peace of the people, and for the strengthening of the foundations of the state in the name of peace throughout the world.
The Kuomintang largely ran China until the Communists took over in 1949. But the latter had also been strongly influenced by Sun's nationalism as well as by the May Fourth Movement
in 1919. It was a nationwide protest movement about the domestic backwardness of China and has often been depicted as the intellectual foundation for Chinese Communism.
The New Culture Movement
stimulated by the May Fourth Movement waxed strong throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Historian Patricia Ebrey says:
Nationalism, patriotism, progress, science, democracy, and freedom were the goals; imperialism
, autocracy, patriarchy
, and blind adherence to tradition were the enemies. Intellectuals struggled with how to be strong and modern and yet Chinese, how to preserve China as a political entity in the world of competing nations.
In the 1880s the European powers divided up almost all of Africa (only Ethiopia
were independent). They ruled until after World War II when forces of nationalism grew much stronger. In the 1950s and 1960s the colonial holdings became independent states. The process was usually peaceful but there were several long bitter bloody civil wars, as in Algeria,
and elsewhere. Across Africa nationalism drew upon the organizational skills that natives learned in the British and French and other armies in the world wars. It led to organizations that were not controlled by or endorsed by either the colonial powers nor the traditional local power structures that were collaborating with the colonial powers. Nationalistic organizations began to challenge both the traditional and the new colonial structures and finally displaced them. Leaders of nationalist movements took control when the European authorities exited; many ruled for decades or until they died off. These structures included political, educational, religious, and other social organizations. In recent decades, many African countries have undergone the triumph and defeat of nationalistic fervor, changing in the process the loci of the centralizing state power and patrimonial state.
, a British colony, was exceptional in that it became virtually independent by 1931. From 1948 it was controlled by white Afrikaner
nationalists focused on racial segregation and white minority rule known officially as apartheid
, which lasted until 1994, when elections
were held. The international anti-apartheid movement supported black nationalist until success was achieved and Nelson Mandela
was elected president.
, a movement toward liberating and empowering the Arab peoples of the Middle East, emerged during the latter 19th century, inspired by other independence movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. As the Ottoman Empire
declined and the Middle East was carved up by the Great Powers of Europe, Arabs sought to establish their own independent nations ruled by Arabs rather than foreigners. Syria
was established in 1920; Transjordan (later Jordan
) gradually gained independence between 1921 and 1946; Saudi Arabia
was established in 1932; and Egypt
achieved gradually gained independence between 1922 and 1952. The Arab League
was established in 1945 to promote Arab interests and cooperation between the new Arab states.
Parallel to these efforts was the Zionist movement
which emerged among European Jews in the 19th century. Beginning in 1882 Jews, predominantly from Europe, began emigrating to Ottoman Palestine
with the goal of establishing a new Jewish homeland. The effort culminated in the declaration of the State of Israel
in 1948. As this move conflicted with the belief among Arab nationalists that Palestine was part of the Arab nation, the neighboring Arab nations launched an invasion
to claim the region. The invasion was only partly successful and led to decades of clashes between the Arab and Jewish nationalist ideologies.
Break up of Yugoslavia
There was a rise in extreme nationalism after the Revolutions of 1989
triggered the collapse of communism
in the 1990s. When communism fell, it left many people with no identity. The people under communist rule had to integrate, and they found themselves free to choose. Given free choice, long dormant conflicts rose up and created sources of serious conflict.
When communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the rise in extreme nationalism.
In his 1992 article Jihad vs. McWorld, Benjamin Barber
proposed that the fall of communism will cause large numbers of people to search for unity and that small scale wars will become common; groups will attempt to redraw boundaries, identities, cultures and ideologies.
Communism's fall also allowed for an "us vs. them" mentality to sprout up.
Governments become vehicles for social interests and the country will attempt to form national policies based on the majority, for example culture, religion or ethnicity.
Some newly sprouted democracies have large differences in policies on matters that ranged from immigration and human rights to trade and commerce.
Academic Steven Berg felt that at the root of nationalist conflicts is the demand for autonomy and a separate existence.
This nationalism can give rise to strong emotions that may lead to a group fighting to survive, especially as after the fall of communism, political boundaries did not match ethnic boundaries.
Serious conflicts often arose and escalated very easily as individuals and groups acted upon their beliefs, causing death and destruction.
When this would happen, those states who were unable to contain the conflict ran the risk of slowing their democratization progress.
Yugoslavia was established after WWI and was a merger of three separate ethnic groups; Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The national census numbers for a ten-year span 1971–1981 measured an increase from 1.3 to 5.4% in their population that ethnically identified as Yugoslav.
This meant that the country, almost as a whole, was divided by distinctive religious, ethnic or national loyalties after nearly 50 years.
Within Yugoslavia, separating Croatia and Slovenia from the rest of Yugoslavia is an invisible line of previous conquests of the region. Croatia and Slovenia to the northwest were conquered by Catholics or Protestants, and benefited from European history; the Renaissance, French Revolution, Industrial Revolution and are more inclined towards democracy.
The remaining Yugoslavian territory was conquered by the Ottoman or Tsarists empires; are Orthodox or Muslims, are less economically advanced and are less inclined toward democracy.
In the 1970s the leadership of the separate territories within Yugoslavia protected only territorial interests at the expense of other territories. In Croatia, there was almost a split within the territory between Serbs and Croats so any political decision would kindle unrest, and tensions could cross the territories adjacent; Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Within Bosnia there was no group who had a majority; Muslim, Serb, Croat, and Yugoslav were all there so the leadership could not advance here either. Political organizations were not able to deal successfully with such diverse nationalism. Within the territories the leadership could not compromise. To do so would create a winner in one ethnic group and a loser in another, raising the possibility of a serious conflict. This strengthened the political stance promoting ethnic identities. This caused intense and divided political leadership within Yugoslavia.
In the 1980s Yugoslavia began to break into fragments.
The economic conditions within Yugoslavia were deteriorating. Conflict in the disputed territories was stimulated by the rise in mass nationalism and inter-ethnic hostilities.
The per-capita income of people in the northwest territory, encompassing Croatia and Slovenia, in contrast to the southern territory were several times higher. This combined with escalating violence from ethnic Albanians and Serbs within Kosovo intensified economic conditions.
This violence greatly contributed to the rise of extreme nationalism of Serbs in Serbia and within Yugoslavia. The ongoing conflict in Kosovo was propagandized by Communist Serbian Slobodan Milosevic to further increase Serb nationalism. As mentioned, this nationalism did give rise to powerful emotions which grew the force of Serbian nationalism through highly nationalist demonstrations in Vojvodina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Serbian nationalism was so high, Slobodan Milosevic was able to oust leaders in Vojvodina and Montenegro, further repressed Albanians within Kosovo and eventually controlled four of the eight regions/territories.
Slovenia, one of the four regions not under Communist control, favoring a democratic state.
Within Slovenia, fear was mounting because Milosevic was using the militia to suppress a in Kosovo, what would he do to Slovenia.
Half of Yugoslavia wanted to be democratic, the other wanted a new nationalist authoritarian regime. In fall of 1989 tensions came to a head and Slovenia asserted its political and economic independence from Yugoslavia and seceded. In January 1990, there was a total break with Serbia at the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, an institution conceived by Milosevic to strengthen unity and became the backdrop for the fall of communism within Yugoslavia.
In August 1990, a warning to the region was issued when ethnically divided groups attempted to alter the government structure. The republic borders established by the Communist regime in the postwar period were extremely vulnerable to challenges from ethnic communities. Ethnic communities arose because they did not share the identity with everyone within the new post-Communist borders.
This threatened the new governments. The same disputes were erupting that were in place prior to Milosevic and were compounded by actions from his regime.
Also within the territory the Croats and the Serbs were in direct competition for control of government. Elections were held and increased potential conflicts between Serb and Croat nationalism. Serbia wanted to be separate and decide its own future based on its own ethnic composition. But this would then give Kosovo encouragement to become independent from Serbia. Albanians in Kosovo were already independent from Kosovo. Serbia didn't want to let Kosovo become independent. Muslims nationalists wanted their own territory but it would require a redrawing of the map, and would threaten neighboring territories. When communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the rise in extreme nationalism.
Nationalism again gave rise to powerful emotions which evoked in some extreme cases, a willingness to die for what you believe in, a fight for the survival of the group.
The end of communism began a long period of conflict and war for the region. In the six years following the collapse 200,000-500-000 people died in the Bosnian war.
Bosnian Muslims suffered at the hands of the Serbs and Croats.
The war garnered assistance from groups; Muslim, Orthodox and Western Christian as well as state actors who supplied all sides; Saudi Arabia and Iran supported Bosnia, Russia supported Serbia, Central European and Western countries including the U.S. supported Croatia, and the Pope supported Slovenia and Croatia.
In Japan, nationalist
influences in the government developed over the course of the early 21 century, thanks in large part to the Nippon Kaigi
organization. The new movement has advocated re-establishing Japan as a military power and revising historical narratives to support the notion of a moral and strong Japan.
The 2016 United States presidential campaign
saw the unprecedented rise of Donald Trump
, a businessman with no political experience who ran on a populist/nationalist platform and struggled to gain endorsements from mainstream political figures, even within his own party. Trump's slogans "Make America Great Again
" and "America First
" exemplified his campaign's repudiation of globalism and its staunchly nationalistic outlook. His unexpected victory in the election was seen as part of the same trend that had brought about the Brexit
On 22 October 2018, two weeks before the mid-term elections President Trump openly proclaimed that he was a nationalist to a cheering crowd at a rally in Texas in support of re-electing Senator Ted Cruz
who was once an adversary.
On 29 October 2018 Trump equated nationalism to patriotism, saying "I'm proud of this country and I call that 'nationalism.'"
In 2016, Rodrigo Duterte
became president of the Philippines
running a distinctly nationalist campaign. Contrary to the policies of his recent predecessors, he distanced the country from the Philippines' former ruler, the United States, and sought closer ties with China (as well as Russia).
In 2017, Turkish nationalism propelled President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
to gain unprecedented power in a national referendum
Reactions from world leaders were mixed, with Western European leaders generally expressing concern while the leaders of many of the more authoritarian regimes as well as President Trump offered their congratulations.
Many political scientists
have theorized about the foundations of the modern nation-state and the concept of sovereignty. The concept of nationalism in political science draws from these theoretical foundations. Philosophers like Machiavelli
, and Rousseau
conceptualized the state as the result of a "social contract
" between rulers and individuals. Max Weber
provides the most commonly used definition of the state, "that human community which successfully lays claim to the monopoly of legitimate physical violence within a certain territory".
According to Benedict Anderson
, nations are "Imagined Communities
", or socially constructed institutions.
Many scholars have noted the relationship between state-building
, and nationalism. Many scholars believe that the development of nationalism in Europe and subsequently the modern nation-state was due to the threat of war. "External threats have such a powerful effect on nationalism because people realize in a profound manner that they are under threat because of who they are as a nation; they are forced to recognize that it is only as a nation that they can successfully defeat the threat".
With increased external threats, the state's extractive capacities increase. Jeffrey Herbst
argues that the lack of external threats to countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, post-independence, is linked to weak state nationalism and state capacity
argues that nationalism increases the intensity of war, and that states deliberately promote nationalism with the aim of improving their military capabilities.
Most new nation-states since 1815 have emerged through decolonization.
The sociological or modernist interpretation of nationalism and nation-building argues that nationalism arises and flourishes in modern societies that have an industrial economy capable of self-sustainability, a central supreme authority capable of maintaining authority and unity, and a centralized language understood by a community of people.
Modernist theorists note that this is only possible in modern societies, while traditional societies typically lack the prerequisites for nationalism. They lack a modern self-sustainable economy, have divided authorities, and use multiple languages resulting in many groups being unable to communicate with each other.
In his analysis of the historical changes and development of human societies, Henry Maine
noted that the key distinction between traditional societies defined as "status" societies based on family association and functionally diffuse roles for individuals and modern societies defined as "contract" societies where social relations are determined by rational contracts pursued by individuals to advance their interests. Maine saw the development of societies as moving away from traditional status societies to modern contract societies.
In his book Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft
(1887), Ferdinand Tönnies
defined a Gemeinschaft
("community") as being based on emotional attachments as attributed with traditional societies while defining a Gesellschaft
("society") as an impersonal society that is modern. Although he recognized the advantages of modern societies, he also criticized them for their cold and impersonal nature that caused alienation
while praising the intimacy of traditional communities.
expanded upon Tönnies' recognition of alienation, and defined the differences between traditional and modern societies as being between societies based upon "mechanical solidarity" versus societies based on "organic solidarity".
Durkheim identified mechanical solidarity as involving custom, habit, and repression that was necessary to maintain shared views. Durkheim identified organic solidarity-based societies as modern societies where there exists a division of labour based on social differentiation that causes alienation. Durkheim claimed that social integration in traditional society required authoritarian culture involving acceptance of a social order. Durkheim claimed that modern society bases integration on the mutual benefits of the division of labour, but noted that the impersonal character of modern urban life caused alienation and feelings of anomie
claimed the change that developed modern society and nations is the result of the rise of a charismatic leader to power in a society who creates a new tradition or a rational-legal system that establishes the supreme authority of the state. Weber's conception of charismatic authority has been noted as the basis of many nationalist governments.
Primordialist evolutionary interpretation
Another approach emerging from biology and psychology looks at long-term evolutionary forces that might lead to nationalism. The primordialist perspective is based upon evolutionary theory.
This approach has been popular with the general public but is typically rejected by experts. Laland and Brown report that "the vast majority of professional academics in the social sciences not only ... ignore evolutionary methods but in many cases [are] extremely hostile to the arguments" that draw vast generalizations from rather limited evidence.
The evolutionary theory of nationalism perceives nationalism to be the result of the evolution of human beings into identifying with groups, such as ethnic groups, or other groups that form the foundation of a nation.
Roger Masters in The Nature of Politics
describes the primordial explanation of the origin of ethnic and national groups as recognizing group attachments that are thought to be unique, emotional, intense, and durable because they are based upon kinship
and promoted along lines of common ancestry.
The primordialist evolutionary views of nationalism often reference the evolutionary theories of Charles Darwin
as well as Social Darwinist
views of the late nineteenth century. Thinkers like Herbert Spencer
and Walter Bagehot
reinterpreted Darwin's theory of natural selection "often in ways inconsistent with Charles Darwin's theory of evolution" by making unsupported claims of biological difference among groups, ethnicities, races, and nations.
Modern evolutionary sciences have distanced themselves from such views, but notions of long-term evolutionary change remain foundational to the work of evolutionary psychologists like John Tooby
and Leda Cosmides
Approached through the primordialist perspective, the example of seeing the mobilization of a foreign military force on the nation's borders may provoke members of a national group to unify and mobilize themselves in response.
There are proximate environments where individuals identify nonimmediate real or imagined situations in combination with immediate situations that make individuals confront a common situation of both subjective and objective components that affect their decisions.
As such proximate environments cause people to make decisions based on existing situations and anticipated situations.
Critics argue that primordial models relying on evolutionary psychology are based not on historical evidence but on assumptions of unobserved changes over thousands of years and assume stable genetic composition of the population living in a specific area, and are incapable of handling the contingencies that characterize every known historical process. Robert Hislope argues:
[T]he articulation of cultural evolutionary theory represents theoretical progress over sociobiology, but its explanatory payoff remains limited due to the role of contingency in human affairs and the significance of non-evolutionary, proximate causal factors. While evolutionary theory undoubtedly elucidates the development of all organic life, it would seem to operate best at macro-levels of analysis, "distal" points of explanation, and from the perspective of the long-term. Hence, it is bound to display shortcomings at micro-level events that are highly contingent in nature.
In 1920, English historian G. P. Gooch
argued that "[w]hile patriotism is as old as human association and has gradually widened its sphere from the clan and the tribe to the city and the state, nationalism as an operative principle and an articulate creed only made its appearance among the more complicated intellectual processes of the modern world."
's Marxism and the National Question
(1913) declares that "a nation is not a racial
, but a historically constituted community of people;" "a nation is not a casual or ephemeral conglomeration
, but a stable community of people"; "a nation is formed only as a result of lengthy and systematic intercourse
, as a result of people living together generation after generation"; and, in its entirety: "a nation is a historically constituted, stable community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture."
Historians, sociologists and anthropologists have debated different types of nationalism since at least the 1930s.
Generally, the most common way of classifying nationalism has been to describe movements as having either "civic" or "ethnic" nationalist characteristics. This distinction was popularized in the 1950s by Hans Kohn
who described "civic" nationalism as "Western" and more democratic while depicting "ethnic" nationalism as "Eastern" and undemocratic.
Since the 1980s, however, scholars of nationalism have pointed out numerous flaws in this rigid division and proposed more specific classifications and numerous varieties.
Crowd demonstrates against Britain in Cairo
on 23 October 1951 as tension continued to mount in the dispute between Egypt and Britain over control of the Suez Canal
and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan
Anti-colonial nationalism is an intellectual framework that preceded, accompanied and followed the process of decolonization
in the mid-1900s. Benedict Anderson
defined a nation as a socially constructed community that is co-created by individuals who imagine themselves as part of this group.
He points to the New World
as the site that originally conceived of nationalism as a concept, which is defined by its imagination of an ahistorical identity that negates colonialism by definition. This concept of nationalism was exemplified by the transformation of settler colonies into nations, while anti-colonial nationalism is exemplified by movements against colonial powers in the 1900s.
Anti-colonial independence movements in Africa and Asia in the 1900s were led by individuals who had a set of shared identities and imagined a homeland without external rule. Anderson argues that the racism often experienced as a result of colonial rule and attributed to nationalism is rather due to theories of class.
theory of nationalism argues that nationalism works for combining one culture or ethnicity in one state, which leads to that state’s success. For Gellner, nationalism is ethnic, and state political parties should reflect the ethnic majority in the state. This definition of nationalism also contributes to anti-colonial nationalism, if one conceives of anti-colonial movements to be movements consisting of one specific ethnic group against an outside ruling party.
Edward Said also saw nationalism as ethnic, at least in part, and argued that nationalist narratives often go hand in hand with racism, as communities define themselves in relation to the other.
Anti-colonial nationalism is not static, and is defined by different forms of nationalism depending on location. In the anti-colonial movement that took place in the Indian subcontinent, Mahatma Gandhi
and his allies argued for a composite nationalism, not believing that nation should be defined by religious identity.
Because of the British policies of divide and rule, they fomented divisions between groups that had never before been divided along those lines. However, Pakistan and India were partitioned on religious lines after independence, and those not within majority religious groups living in both countries continue to experience discrimination as a result.
Because of colonialism’s creation of state and country lines across ethnic, religious, linguistic and other historical boundaries, anti-colonial nationalism is largely related to land first. After independence, especially in countries with particularly diverse populations with historic enmity, there have been a series of smaller independence movements that are also defined by anti-colonialisms.
Philosopher and scholar Achille Mbembe argues that post-colonialism is a contradictory term, because colonialism is ever present.
Those that participate in this intellectual practice envision a post-colonialism despite its being the defining frame for the world. This is the case with anti-colonialism as well. Anti-colonial nationalism as an intellectual framework persisted into the late 20th century with the resistance movements i
n Soviet satellite states, and continues with independence movements
in the Arab world in the 21st century.
Civic nationalism and liberal nationalism
Civic nationalism defines the nation as an association of people who identify themselves as belonging to the nation, who have equal and shared political rights, and allegiance to similar political procedures.
According to the principles of civic nationalism, the nation is not based on common ethnic ancestry, but is a political entity whose core identity is not ethnicity. This civic concept of nationalism is exemplified by Ernest Renan
in his lecture in 1882 "What is a Nation?
", where he defined the nation as a "daily referendum" (frequently translated "daily plebiscite
") dependent on the will of its people to continue living together.
Civic nationalism is normally associated with liberal nationalism
, although the two are distinct, and did not always coincide. On the one hand, until the late 19th and early 20th century adherents to anti-Enlightenment movements such as French Legitimism
or Spanish Carlism
often rejected the liberal, national unitary state, yet identified themselves not with an ethnic nation but with a non-national dynasty and regional feudal privileges. Xenophobic movements in long-established Western European states indeed often took a 'civic national' form, rejecting a given group's ability to assimilate with the nation due to its belonging to a cross-border community (Irish Catholics in Britain, Ashkenazic Jews in France). On the other hand, while subnational separatist movements were commonly associated with ethnic nationalism, this was not always so, and such nationalists as the Corsican Republic
, United Irishmen
, Breton Federalist League
or Catalan Republican Party
could combine a rejection of the unitary civic-national state with a belief in liberal universalism.
Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism
and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is usually contrasted with ethnic nationalism
. Civic nationalism is correlated with long-established states whose dynastic rulers had gradually acquired multiple distinct territories, with little change to boundaries, but which contained historical populations of multiple linguistic and/or confessional backgrounds. Since individuals resident within different parts of the state territory might have little obvious common ground, civic nationalism developed as a way for rulers to both explain a contemporary reason for such heterogeneity and to provide a common purpose (Ernest Renan
's classic description in What is a Nation?
(1882) as a voluntary partnership for a common endeavour). Renan argued that factors such as ethnicity, language, religion, economics, geography, ruling dynasty and historic military deeds were important but not sufficient. Needed was a spiritual soul that allowed as a "daily referendum" among the people.
Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy
in multiethnic countries such as the United States and France, as well as in constitutional monarchies such as Great Britain, Belgium and Spain.
German philosopher Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach does not think liberalism and nationalism are compatible, but she points out there are many liberals who think they are. Kirloskar-Steinbach states:
Justifications of nationalism seem to be making a headway in political philosophy. Its proponents contend that liberalism and nationalism are not necessarily mutually exclusive and that they can in fact be made compatible. Liberal nationalists urge one to consider nationalism not as the pathology of modernity but as an answer to its malaise. For them, nationalism is more than an infantile disease, more than "the measles of mankind" as Einstein once proclaimed it to be. They argue that nationalism is a legitimate way of understanding one's role and place in life. They strive for a normative justification of nationalism which lies within liberal limits. The main claim which seems to be involved here is that as long as a nationalism abhors violence and propagates liberal rights and equal citizenship for all citizens of its state, its philosophical credentials can be considered to be sound.
Creole nationalism is the ideology that emerged in independence movements among the creoles (descendants of the colonizers), especially in Latin America in the early 19th century. It was facilitated when French Emperor Napoleon seized control of Spain and Portugal, breaking the chain of control from the Spanish and Portuguese kings to the local governors. Allegiance to the Napoleonic states was rejected, and increasingly the creoles demanded independence. They achieved it after civil wars 1808–1826.
Ethnic nationalism, also known as ethno-nationalism, is a form of nationalism wherein the "nation" is defined in terms of ethnicity
The central theme of ethnic nationalists is that "nations are defined by a shared heritage, which usually includes a common language
, a common faith, and a common ethnic ancestry
It also includes ideas of a culture
shared between members of the group, and with their ancestors. However, it is different from a purely cultural definition of "the nation," which allows people to become members of a nation by cultural assimilation
; and from a purely linguistic definition, according to which "the nation" consists of all speakers of a specific language.
Whereas nationalism in and of itself does not imply a belief in the superiority of one ethnicity or country over others, some nationalists support ethnocentric
supremacy or protectionism.
The humiliation of being a second-class citizen led regional minorities in multiethnic states, such as Great Britain, Spain, France, Germany, Russia and the Ottoman Empire, to define nationalism in terms of loyalty to their minority culture, especially language and religion. Forced assimilation was anathema.
For the politically dominant cultural group, assimilation was necessary to minimize disloyalty and treason and therefore became a major component of nationalism. A second factor for the politically dominant group was competition with neighboring states—nationalism involved a rivalry, especially in terms of military prowess and economic strength.
Economic nationalism, or economic patriotism, is an ideology that favors state interventionism
in the economy, with policies that emphasize domestic control of the economy, labor, and capital formation
, even if this requires the imposition of tariffs
and other restrictions on the movement of labor, goods and capital.
Gendered and muscular nationalism
Feminist critique interprets nationalism as a mechanism through which sexual control and repression are justified and legitimised, often by a dominant masculine power. The gendering
of nationalism through socially constructed notions of masculinity
not only shapes what masculine and feminine participation in the building of that nation will look like, but also how the nation will be imagined by nationalists.
A nation having its own identity is viewed as necessary, and often inevitable, and these identities are gendered.
The physical land itself is often gendered as female (i.e. "Motherland"), with a body in constant danger of violation by foreign males, while national pride and protectiveness of "her" borders is gendered as masculine.
World War II United States Patriotic Army Recruiting Poster
History, political ideologies, and religions place most nations along a continuum of muscular nationalism.
Muscular nationalism conceptualises a nation's identity as being derived from muscular or masculine attributes that are unique to a particular country.
If definitions of nationalism and gender are understood as socially and culturally constructed, the two may be constructed in conjunction by invoking an "us" versus "them" dichotomy
for the purpose of the exclusion of the so-called "other," who is used to reinforce the unifying ties of the nation.
The empowerment of one gender, nation or sexuality tends to occur at the expense and disempowerment of another; in this way, nationalism can be used as an instrument to perpetuate heteronormative
structures of power.
The gendered manner in which dominant nationalism has been imagined in most states in the world has had important implications on not only individual's lived experience, but on international relations. Colonialism
is heavily connected to muscular nationalism, from research linking British hegemonic masculinity
oppression being justified by colonialist images of “others”, a practice integral in the formation of Western identity.
This “othering” may come in the form of orientalism
, whereby the East is feminized
by the West. The imagined feminine East, or “other,” exists in contrast to the masculine West.
The status of conquered nations can become a causality dilemma: the nation was “conquered because they were effeminate and seen as effeminate because they were conquered.”
In defeat they are considered militaristically unskilled, not aggressive, and thus not muscular. In order for a nation to be considered “proper”, it must possess the male-gendered characteristics of virility, as opposed to the stereotypically female characteristics of subservience and dependency.
Muscular nationalism is often inseparable from the concept of a warrior
, which shares ideological
commonalities across many nations; they are defined by the masculine notions of aggression, willingness to engage in war, decisiveness, and muscular strength, as opposed to the feminine notions of peacefulness, weakness, non-violence, and compassion.
This masculinized image of a warrior has been theorised to be “the culmination of a series of gendered historical and social processes" played out in a national and international context.
Ideas of cultural dualism—of a martial man and chaste woman—which are implicit in muscular nationalism, underline the raced
, and heteronormative
nature of dominant national identity.
Nations and gender systems are mutually supportive constructions
: the nation fulfils the masculine ideals of comradeship and brotherhood.
Masculinity has been cited as a notable factor in producing political militancy.
A common feature of national crisis is a drastic shift in the socially acceptable ways of being a man,
which then helps to shape the gendered perception of the nation as a whole.
Integral nationalism, irredentism and pan-nationalism
There are different types of nationalism including Risorgimento nationalism and Integral nationalism.
Whereas risorgimento nationalism applies to a nation seeking to establish a liberal state (for example the Risorgimento
in Italy and similar movements in Greece
, Germany, Poland
during the 19th century or the civic American nationalism
), integral nationalism results after a nation has achieved independence and has established a state. Fascist Italy
and Nazi Germany
, according to Alter and Brown, were examples of integral nationalism.
Some of the qualities that characterize integral nationalism are anti-individualism
, statism, radical extremism, and aggressive-expansionist militarism. The term Integral Nationalism often overlaps with fascism, although many natural points of disagreement exist. Integral nationalism arises in countries where a strong military ethos has become entrenched through the independence struggle, when, once independence is achieved, it is believed that a strong military is required to ensure the security and viability of the new state. Also, the success of such a liberation struggle results in feelings of national superiority that may lead to extreme nationalism.
Pan-nationalism is unique in that it covers a large area span. Pan-nationalism focuses more on "clusters" of ethnic groups. Pan-Slavism
is one example of Pan-nationalism. The goal is to unite all Slavic people
into one country. They did succeed by uniting several south Slavic
people into Yugoslavia
A political mural in Caracas
featuring an anti-American and anti-imperialist message
Left-wing nationalism, occasionally known as socialist nationalism, not to be confused with the German fascist National Socialism
is a political movement that combines left-wing politics
Among the first advocates of national-anarchism were Hans Cany, Peter Töpfer and former National Front
activist Troy Southgate
, founder of the National Revolutionary Faction
, a since disbanded British-based organization which cultivated links to certain far-left
circles in the United Kingdom and in post-Soviet states
, not to be confused with the national-anarchism of the Black Ram Group.
In the United Kingdom, national-anarchists worked with Albion Awake
, Alternative Green
(published by former Green Anarchist
editor Richard Hunt
) and Jonathan Boulter to develop the Anarchist Heretics Fair.
Those national-anarchists cite their influences primarily from Mikhail Bakunin
, William Godwin
, Peter Kropotkin
, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
, Max Stirner
and Leo Tolstoy
Although the term national-anarchism
dates back as far as the 1920s, the contemporary national-anarchist movement has been put forward since the late 1990s by British political activist Troy Southgate
, who positions it as being "beyond left and right
The few scholars who have studied national-anarchism conclude that it represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension on the political spectrum.
National-anarchism is considered by anarchists as being a rebranding of totalitarian fascism
and an oxymoron
due to the inherent contradiction of anarchist philosophy of anti-fascism
, abolition of unjustified hierarchy
, dismantling of national borders
and universal equality
between different nationalities as being incompatible with the idea of a synthesis between anarchism and fascism.
National-anarchism has elicited skepticism and outright hostility from both left-wing
and far-right critics.
Critics, including scholars, accuse national-anarchists of being nothing more than white nationalists
who promote a communitarian
form of ethnic and racial separatism while wanting the militant chic
of calling themselves anarchists
without the historical and philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim, including the anti-racist egalitarian
anarchist philosophy and the contributions of Jewish anarchists
Some scholars are skeptical that implementing national-anarchism would result in an expansion of freedom and describe it as an authoritarian anti-statism
that would result in authoritarianism and oppression, only on a smaller scale.
Nativist nationalism is a type of nationalism similar to creole or territorial types of nationalism, but which defines belonging to a nation solely by being born on its territory. In countries where strong nativist nationalism exists, people who were not born in the country are seen as lesser nationals than those who were born there and are called immigrants
even if they became naturalized. It is cultural as people will never see a foreign-born person as one of them and is legal as such people are banned for life from holding certain jobs, especially government jobs. In scholarly studies, nativism
is a standard technical term, although those who hold this political view do not typically accept the label. "[N]ativists . . . do not consider themselves nativists. For them it is a negative term and they rather consider themselves as 'Patriots
Some nationalists exclude certain groups. Some nationalists, defining the national community in ethnic, linguistic, cultural, historic, or religious terms (or a combination of these), may then seek to deem certain minorities as not truly being a part of the 'national community' as they define it. Sometimes a mythic homeland is more important for the national identity than the actual territory occupied by the nation.
Territorial nationalists assume that all inhabitants of a particular nation owe allegiance to their country of birth or adoption.
A sacred quality is sought in the nation and in the popular memories it evokes. Citizenship is idealized by territorial nationalists. A criterion of a territorial nationalism is the establishment of a mass, public culture based on common values, codes and traditions of the population.
Sport spectacles like football's World Cup command worldwide audiences as nations battle for supremacy and the fans invest intense support for their national team. Increasingly people have tied their loyalties and even their cultural identity to national teams.
The globalization of audiences through television and other media has generated revenues from advertisers and subscribers in the billions of dollars, as the FIFA Scandals of 2015 revealed.
Jeff Kingston looks at football, the Commonwealth Games, baseball, cricket, and the Olympics and finds that, "The capacity of sports to ignite and amplify nationalist passions and prejudices is as extraordinary as is their power to console, unify, uplift and generate goodwill."
The phenomenon is evident across most of the world.
The British Empire
strongly emphasized sports among its soldiers and agents across the world, and often the locals joined in enthusiastically.
It established a high prestige competition in 1930, named the British Empire Games from 1930–50, the British Empire and Commonwealth Games from 1954–66, British Commonwealth Games from 1970–74 and since then the Commonwealth Games
The French Empire was not far behind the British in the use of sports to strengthen colonial solidarity with France. Colonial officials promoted and subsidized gymnastics, table games, and dance and helped football spread to French colonies.
Critics of nationalism have argued that it is often unclear what constitutes a nation, or whether a nation is a legitimate unit of political rule. Nationalists hold that the boundaries of a nation and a state should coincide with one another, thus nationalism tends to oppose multiculturalism
It can also lead to conflict when more than one national group finds itself claiming rights to a particular territory or seeking to take control of the state.
Philosopher A. C. Grayling
describes nations as artificial constructs, "their boundaries drawn in the blood of past wars". He argues that "there is no country on earth which is not home to more than one different but usually coexisting culture. Cultural heritage is not the same thing as national identity".
Nationalism is inherently divisive because it highlights perceived differences between people, emphasizing an individual's identification with their own nation. The idea is also potentially oppressive because it submerges individual identity within a national whole and gives elites or political leaders potential opportunities to manipulate or control the masses
Much of the early opposition to nationalism was related to its geopolitical ideal of a separate state for every nation. The classic nationalist movements of the 19th century rejected the very existence of the multi-ethnic empires in Europe. However, even in that early stage there was an ideological critique of nationalism which has developed into several forms of internationalism
and anti-nationalism. The Islamic revival
of the 20th century also produced an Islamist
critique of the nation-state. (see Pan-Islamism
In his classic essay on the topic, George Orwell
distinguishes nationalism from patriotism which he defines as devotion to a particular place. More abstractly, nationalism is "power-hunger tempered by self-deception".
For Orwell, the nationalist is more likely than not dominated by irrational negative impulses:
There are, for example, Trotskyists who have become simply enemies of the U.S.S.R. without developing a corresponding loyalty to any other unit. When one grasps the implications of this, the nature of what I mean by nationalism becomes a good deal clearer. A nationalist is one who thinks solely, or mainly, in terms of competitive prestige. He may be a positive or a negative nationalist—that is, he may use his mental energy either in boosting or in denigrating—but at any rate his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations. He sees history, especially contemporary history, as the endless rise and decline of great power units and every event that happens seems to him a demonstration that his own side is on the upgrade and some hated rival is on the downgrade. But finally, it is important not to confuse nationalism with mere worship of success. The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him.
In the liberal
political tradition there was mostly a negative attitude toward nationalism as a dangerous force and a cause of conflict and war between nation-states. The historian Lord Acton
put the case for "nationalism as insanity" in 1862. He argued that nationalism suppresses minorities, it places country above moral principles and especially it creates a dangerous individual attachment to the state. However, Acton opposed democracy and was trying to defend the pope from Italian nationalism.
Since the late 20th century, liberals have been increasingly divided, with some philosophers such as Michael Walzer
, Isaiah Berlin
, Charles Taylor
and David Miller
emphasizing that a liberal society needed to be based in a stable nation state.
critique of nationalism also concentrates on the violence of nationalist movements, the associated militarism
, and on conflicts between nations inspired by jingoism
. National symbols and patriotic assertiveness are in some countries discredited by their historical link with past wars, especially in Germany. British Socialist pacifist Bertrand Russell
criticized nationalism for diminishing the individual's capacity to judge his or her fatherland's foreign policy. Albert Einstein
stated that "Nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind".
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