is the idea in which elected leaders represent the interests of the people. Historically, it ranges from the rule of a representative minority or oligarchy to popular sovereignty
. It has had different definitions and interpretations which vary significantly based on historical context and methodological approach.
Republicanism may also refer to the non-ideological scientific approach to politics and governance. As the republican thinker and second president of the United States John Adams
stated in the introduction to his famous Defense of the Constitution,
the "science of politics is the science of social happiness" and a republic is the form of government arrived at when the science of politics is appropriately applied to the creation of a rationally designed government. Rather than being ideological, this approach focuses on applying a scientific methodology to the problems of governance through the rigorous study and application of past experience and experimentation in governance. This is the approach that may best be described to apply to republican thinkers such as Niccolò Machiavelli
(as evident in his Discourses on Livy
), John Adams, and James Madison
Historical development of republicanism
In Ancient Greece
, several philosophers and historians analysed and described elements we now recognize as classical republicanism
. Traditionally, the Greek concept of "politeia
" was rendered into Latin as res publica. Consequently, political theory until relatively recently often used republic in the general sense of "regime". There is no single written expression or definition from this era that exactly corresponds with a modern understanding of the term "republic" but most of the essential features of the modern definition are present in the works of Plato
, and Polybius
. These include theories of mixed government
and of civic virtue
. For example, in The Republic
, Plato places great emphasis on the importance of civic virtue (aiming for the good) together with personal virtue ('just man') on the part of the ideal rulers. Indeed, in Book V, Plato asserts that until rulers have the nature of philosophers (Socrates) or philosophers become the rulers, there can be no civic peace or happiness.
A number of Ancient Greek city-states
such as Athens
have been classified as "classical republics
", because they featured extensive participation by the citizens in legislation and political decision-making. Aristotle considered Carthage
to have been a republic as it had a political system similar to that of some of the Greek cities, notably Sparta, but avoided some of the defects that affected them.
, a Roman historian, and Plutarch
, who is noted for his biographies and moral essays, described how Rome had developed its legislation, notably the transition from a kingdom
to a republic
, by following the example of the Greeks. Some of this history, composed more than 500 years after the events, with scant written sources to rely on, may be fictitious reconstruction.
The Greek historian Polybius
, writing in the mid-2nd century BCE, emphasized (in Book 6) the role played by the Roman Republic
as an institutional form in the dramatic rise of Rome's hegemony over the Mediterranean. In his writing on the constitution of the Roman Republic,
Polybius described the system as being a "mixed" form of government. Specifically, Polybius described the Roman system as a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy with the Roman Republic constituted in such a manner that it applied the strengths of each system to offset the weaknesses of the others. In his view, the mixed system of the Roman Republic provided the Romans with a much greater level of domestic tranquility than would have been experienced under another form of government. Furthermore, Polybius argued, the comparative level of domestic tranquility the Romans enjoyed allowed them to conquer the Mediterranean. Polybius exerted a great influence on Cicero
as he wrote his politico-philosophical works in the 1st century BCE. In one of these works, De re publica
, Cicero linked the Roman concept of res publica
to the Greek politeia
The modern term "republic", despite its derivation, is not synonymous with the Roman res publica
. Among the several meanings of the term res publica
, it is most often translated "republic" where the Latin expression refers to the Roman state, and its form of government, between the era of the Kings and the era of the Emperors. This Roman Republic would, by a modern understanding of the word, still be defined as a true republic, even if not coinciding entirely. Thus, Enlightenment
philosophers saw the Roman Republic as an ideal system because it included features like a systematic separation of powers
Romans still called their state "Res Publica" in the era of the early emperors because, on the surface, the organization of the state had been preserved by the first emperors without significant alteration. Several offices from the Republican era, held by individuals, were combined under the control of a single person. These changes became permanent, and gradually conferred sovereignty on the Emperor.
Cicero's description of the ideal state, in De re Publica
, does not equate to a modern-day "republic"; it is more like enlightened absolutism
. His philosophical works were influential when Enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire
developed their political concepts.
In its classical meaning, a republic was any stable well-governed political community. Both Plato
identified three forms of government: democracy
, and monarchy
. First Plato and Aristotle, and then Polybius and Cicero, held that the ideal republic is a mixture
of these three forms of government. The writers of the Renaissance embraced this notion.
Cicero expressed reservations concerning the republican form of government. While in his theoretical
works he defended monarchy, or at least a mixed monarchy/oligarchy, in his own political life, he generally opposed men, like Julius Caesar
, Mark Antony
, and Octavian
, who were trying to realise such ideals. Eventually, that opposition led to his death and Cicero can be seen as a victim of his own Republican ideals.
, a contemporary of Plutarch, was not concerned with whether a form of government could be analyzed as a "republic" or a "monarchy".
He analyzed how the powers accumulated by the early Julio-Claudian dynasty
were all given by a State that was still notionally a republic. Nor was the Roman Republic "forced" to give away these powers: it did so freely and reasonably, certainly in Augustus
' case, because of his many services to the state, freeing it from civil wars
Tacitus was one of the first to ask whether such powers were given to the head of state because the citizens wanted to give them, or whether they were given for other reasons (for example, because one had a deified ancestor
). The latter case led more easily to abuses of power. In Tacitus' opinion, the trend away from a true republic was irreversible
only when Tiberius
established power, shortly after Augustus' death in 14 CE (much later than most historians place the start of the Imperial form of government in Rome). By this time, too many principles defining some powers as "untouchable" had been implemented.
In Europe, republicanism was revived in the late Middle Ages
when a number of states, which arose from medieval communes
, embraced a republican system of government.
These were generally small but wealthy trading states in which the merchant class had risen to prominence. Haakonssen notes that by the Renaissance, Europe was divided, such that those states controlled by a landed elite were monarchies, and those controlled by a commercial elite were republics. The latter included the Italian city-states of Florence
, and Venice
and members of the Hanseatic League
. One notable exception was Dithmarschen
, a group of largely autonomous villages, which confederated in a peasants' republic. Building upon concepts of medieval feudalism
scholars used the ideas of the ancient world to advance their view of an ideal government. Thus the republicanism developed during the Renaissance is known as 'classical republicanism' because it relied on classical models. This terminology was developed by Zera Fink in the 1960s,
but some modern scholars, such as Brugger, consider it confuses the "classical republic" with the system of government used in the ancient world.
'Early modern republicanism' has been proposed as an alternative term. It is also sometimes called civic humanism
. Beyond simply a non-monarchy, early modern thinkers conceived of an ideal
republic, in which mixed government
was an important element, and the notion that virtue
and the common good
were central to good government. Republicanism also developed its own distinct view of liberty
. Renaissance authors who spoke highly of republics were rarely critical of monarchies. While Niccolò Machiavelli
's Discourses on Livy
is the period's key work on republics, he also wrote the treatise The Prince,
which is better remembered and more widely read, on how best to run a monarchy. The early modern writers did not see the republican model as universally applicable; most thought that it could be successful only in very small and highly urbanized city-states. Jean Bodin
in Six Books of the Commonwealth
(1576) identified monarchy with republic.
Classical writers like Tacitus
, and Renaissance writers like Machiavelli tried to avoid an outspoken preference for one government system or another. Enlightenment philosophers, on the other hand, expressed a clear opinion. Thomas More
, writing before the Age of Enlightenment, was too outspoken for the reigning king's taste, even though he coded his political preferences in a utopian allegory.
In England a type of republicanism evolved that was not wholly opposed to monarchy; thinkers such as Thomas More and Sir Thomas Smith
saw a monarchy, firmly constrained by law, as compatible with republicanism.
became more strident in the Dutch Republic
during and after the Eighty Years' War
, which began in 1568. This anti-monarchism was more propaganda than a political philosophy; most of the anti-monarchist works appeared in the form of widely distributed pamphlets
. This evolved into a systematic critique of monarchy, written by men such as the brothers Johan
and Peter de la Court
. They saw all monarchies as illegitimate tyrannies that were inherently corrupt. These authors were more concerned with preventing the position of Stadholder
from evolving into a monarchy, than with attacking their former rulers. Dutch republicanism
also influenced French Huguenots
during the Wars of Religion
. In the other states of early modern Europe republicanism was more moderate.
In the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth
, republicanism was the influential ideology. After the establishment of the Commonwealth of Two Nations, republicans supported the status quo, of having a very weak monarch, and opposed those who thought a stronger monarchy was needed. These mostly Polish republicans, such as Łukasz Górnicki
, Andrzej Wolan
, and Stanisław Konarski
, were well read in classical and Renaissance texts and firmly believed that their state was a republic on the Roman model, and started to call their state the Rzeczpospolita
. Atypically, Polish–Lithuanian republicanism was not the ideology of the commercial class, but rather of the landed nobility, which would lose power if the monarchy were expanded. This resulted in an oligarchy of the great landed magnates.
The first of the Enlightenment republics established in Europe during the eighteenth century occurred in the small Mediterranean island of Corsica
. Although perhaps an unlikely place to act as a laboratory for such political experiments, Corsica combined a number of factors that made it unique: a tradition of village democracy; varied cultural influences from the Italian city-states, Spanish empire
and Kingdom of France
which left it open to the ideas of the Italian Renaissance
, Spanish humanism
and French Enlightenment
; and a geo-political position between these three competing powers which led to frequent power vacuums in which new regimes could be set up, testing out the fashionable new ideas of the age.
From the 1720s the island had been experiencing a series of short-lived but ongoing rebellions against its current sovereign, the Italian city-state of Genoa
. During the initial period (1729–36) these merely sought to restore the control of the Spanish Empire; when this proved impossible, an independent Kingdom of Corsica
(1736–40) was proclaimed, following the Enlightenment ideal of a written constitutional monarchy
. But the perception grew that the monarchy had colluded with the invading power, a more radical group of reformers led by the Pasquale Paoli
pushed for political overhaul, in the form of a constitutional and parliamentary republic inspired by the popular ideas of the Enlightenment.
Its governing philosophy was both inspired by the prominent thinkers of the day, notably the French philosophers Montesquieu and Voltaire and the Swiss theorist Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Not only did it include a permanent national parliament with fixed-term legislatures and regular elections, but, more radically for the time, it introduced universal male suffrage
, and it is thought to be the first constitution in the world to grant women the right to vote female suffrage
may also have existed.
It also extended Enlightened principles to other spheres, including administrative reform, the foundation of a national university at Corte
, and the establishment of a popular standing army
The Corsican Republic lasted for fifteen years, from 1755 to 1769, eventually falling to a combination of Genoese and French forces and was incorporated as a province of the Kingdom of France. But the episode resonated across Europe as an early example of Enlightened constitutional republicanism, with many of the most prominent political commentators of the day recognising it to be an experiment in a new type of popular and democratic government. Its influence was particularly notable among the French Enlightenment philosophers: Rousseau's famous work On the Social Contract (1762: chapter 10, book II) declared, in its discussion on the conditions necessary for a functional popular sovereignty, that "There is still one European country capable of making its own laws: the island of Corsica. valour and persistency with which that brave people has regained and defended its liberty well deserves that some wise man should teach it how to preserve what it has won. I have a feeling that some day that little island will astonish Europe
."; indeed Rousseau volunteered to do precisely that, offering a draft constitution for Paoli'se use.
Similarly, Voltaire affirmed in his Précis du siècle de Louis XV
(1769: chapter LX) that "Bravery may be found in many places, but such bravery only among free peoples
". But the influence of the Corsican Republic as an example of a sovereign people fighting for liberty and enshrining this constitutionally in the form of an Enlightened republic was even greater among the Radicals of Great Britain
and North America
where it was popularised via An Account of Corsica
, by the Scottish essayist James Boswell
. The Corsican Republic went on to influence the American revolutionaries ten years later: the Sons of Liberty
, initiators of the American Revolution
, would declare Pascal Paoli to be a direct inspiration for their own struggle against despotism; the son of Ebenezer Mackintosh
was named Pascal Paoli Mackintosh in his honour, and no fewer than five American counties are named Paoli for the same reason.
set up a republic called the Commonwealth of England
(1649–1660) which he ruled after the overthrow of King Charles I
. James Harrington
was then a leading philosopher of republicanism. John Milton
was another important Republican thinker at this time, expressing his views in political tracts
as well as through poetry and prose. In his epic poem Paradise Lost
, for instance, Milton uses Satan's fall to suggest that unfit monarchs should be brought to justice, and that such issues extend beyond the constraints of one nation.
As Christopher N. Warren argues, Milton offers “a language to critique imperialism, to question the legitimacy of dictators, to defend free international discourse, to fight unjust property relations, and to forge new political bonds across national lines.”
This form of international Miltonic republicanism has been influential on later thinkers including 19th-century radicals Karl Marx
and Friedrich Engels
, according to Warren and other historians.
The collapse of the Commonwealth of England
in 1660 and the restoration
of the monarchy under Charles II
discredited republicanism among England's ruling circles. Nevertheless, they welcomed the liberalism
, and emphasis on rights, of John Locke
, which played a major role in the Glorious Revolution
of 1688. Even so, republicanism flourished in the "country" party of the early 18th century (commonwealthmen
), which denounced the corruption of the "court" party, producing a political theory that heavily influenced the American colonists. In general, the English ruling classes of the 18th century vehemently opposed republicanism, typified by the attacks on John Wilkes
, and especially on the American Revolution
and the French Revolution
French and Swiss thought
Liberalism and republicanism were frequently conflated during this period, because they both opposed absolute monarchy. Modern scholars see them as two distinct streams that both contributed to the democratic ideals of the modern world. An important distinction is that, while republicanism stressed the importance of civic virtue
and the common good
, liberalism was based on economics and individualism
. It is clearest in the matter of private property, which, according to some, can be maintained only under the protection of established positive law
, Prime Minister of France from 1880 to 1885, followed both these schools of thought. He eventually enacted the Ferry Laws
, which he intended to overturn the Falloux Laws
by embracing the anti-clerical thinking of the Philosophes
. These laws ended the Catholic Church's involvement in many government institutions in late 19th-century France, including schools.
Republicanism in the Thirteen British Colonies in North America
In recent years a debate has developed over the role of republicanism in the American Revolution
and in the British radicalism of the 18th century. For many decades the consensus was that liberalism
, especially that of John Locke
, was paramount and that republicanism had a distinctly secondary role.
The new interpretations were pioneered by J.G.A. Pocock
, who argued in The Machiavellian Moment
(1975) that, at least in the early 18th century, republican ideas were just as important as liberal ones. Pocock's view is now widely accepted. Bernard Bailyn
and Gordon Wood
pioneered the argument that the American founding fathers were more influenced by republicanism than they were by liberalism. Cornell University professor Isaac Kramnick
, on the other hand, argues that Americans have always been highly individualistic and therefore Lockean. Joyce Appleby
has argued similarly for the Lockean influence on America.
In the decades before the American Revolution (1776), the intellectual and political leaders of the colonies studied history intently, looking for models of good government. They especially followed the development of republican ideas in England.
Pocock explained the intellectual sources in America:
The Whig canon and the neo-Harringtonians, John Milton
, James Harrington
, together with the Greek, Roman, and Renaissance masters of the tradition as far as Montesquieu
, formed the authoritative literature of this culture; and its values and concepts were those with which we have grown familiar: a civic and patriot ideal in which the personality was founded in property, perfected in citizenship but perpetually threatened by corruption; government figuring paradoxically as the principal source of corruption and operating through such means as patronage, faction, standing armies (opposed to the ideal of the militia), established churches (opposed to the Puritan and deist modes of American religion) and the promotion of a monied interest – though the formulation of this last concept was somewhat hindered by the keen desire for readily available paper credit common in colonies of settlement. A neoclassical politics provided both the ethos of the elites and the rhetoric of the upwardly mobile, and accounts for the singular cultural and intellectual homogeneity of the Founding Fathers and their generation.
The commitment of most Americans to these republican values made the American Revolution
inevitable. Britain was increasingly seen as corrupt and hostile to republicanism, and as a threat to the established liberties the Americans enjoyed.
Leopold von Ranke
in 1848 claimed that American republicanism played a crucial role in the development of European liberalism:
By abandoning English constitutionalism and creating a new republic based on the rights of the individual, the North Americans introduced a new force in the world. Ideas spread most rapidly when they have found adequate concrete expression. Thus republicanism entered our Romanic/Germanic world.... Up to this point, the conviction had prevailed in Europe that monarchy best served the interests of the nation. Now the idea spread that the nation should govern itself. But only after a state had actually been formed on the basis of the theory of representation did the full significance of this idea become clear. All later revolutionary movements have this same goal... This was the complete reversal of a principle. Until then, a king who ruled by the grace of God had been the center around which everything turned. Now the idea emerged that power should come from below.... These two principles are like two opposite poles, and it is the conflict between them that determines the course of the modern world. In Europe the conflict between them had not yet taken on concrete form; with the French Revolution it did.
Republicanism, especially that of Rousseau
, played a central role in the French Revolution
and foreshadowed modern republicanism. The revolutionaries, after overthrowing the French monarchy in the 1790s, began by setting up a republic; Napoleon converted it into an Empire with a new aristocracy. In the 1830s Belgium adopted some of the innovations of the progressive political philosophers of the Enlightenment.
, in theory, makes anti-discrimination laws unnecessary, but some critics argue that colour-blind laws
serve to perpetuate discrimination.
Republicanism in Ireland
Inspired by the American and French Revolutions, the Society of United Irishmen was founded in 1791 in Belfast and Dublin. The inaugural meeting of the United Irishmen in Belfast on 18 October 1791 approved a declaration of the society's objectives. It identified the central grievance that Ireland had no national government: "...we are ruled by Englishmen, and the servants of Englishmen, whose object is the interest of another country, whose instrument is corruption, and whose strength is the weakness of Ireland..."
They adopted three central positions: (i) to seek out a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance essential to preserve liberties and extend commerce; (ii) that the sole constitutional mode by which English influence can be opposed, is by a complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in Parliament; (iii) that no reform is practicable or efficacious, or just which shall not include Irishmen of every religious persuasion. The declaration, then, urged constitutional reform, union among Irish people and the removal of all religious disqualifications.
The movement was influenced, at least in part, by the French Revolution. Public interest, already strongly aroused, was brought to a pitch by the publication in 1790 of Edmund Burke
's Reflections on the Revolution in France
, and Thomas Paine's response, Rights of Man
, in February 1791.
Theobald Wolfe Tone
wrote later that, "This controversy, and the gigantic event which gave rise to it, changed in an instant the politics of Ireland."
Paine himself was aware of this commenting on sales of Part I of Rights of Man
in November 1791, only eight months after publication of the first edition, he informed a friend that in England "almost sixteen thousand has gone off – and in Ireland above forty thousand".
Paine my have been inclined to talk up sales of his works but what is striking in this context is that Paine believed that Irish sales were so far ahead of English ones before Part II had appeared. On 5 June 1792, Thomas Paine
, author of the Rights of Man
was proposed for honorary membership of the Dublin Society of the United Irishmen.
The fall of the Bastille
was to be celebrated in Belfast on 14 July 1791 by a Volunteer meeting. At the request of Thomas Russell
, Tone drafted suitable resolutions for the occasion, including one favouring the inclusion of Catholics in any reforms. In a covering letter to Russell, Tone wrote, "I have not said one word that looks like a wish for separation, though I give it to you and your friends as my most decided opinion that such an event would be a regeneration of their country".
By 1795, Tone's republicanism and that of the society had openly crystallized when he tells us: "I remember particularly two days thae we passed on Cave Hill. On the first Russell, Neilson, Simms, McCracken and one or two more of us, on the summit of McArt's fort, took a solemn obligation...never to desist in our efforts until we had subverted the authority of England over our country and asserted her independence."
The culmination was an uprising against British rule in Ireland
lasting from May to September 1798 – the Irish Rebellion of 1798
– with military support from revolutionary France in August and again October 1798. After the failure of the rising of 1798 the United Irishman, John Daly Burk, an émigré in the United States in his The History of the Late War in Ireland
written in 1799, was most emphatic in its identification of the Irish, French and American causes.
During the Enlightenment, anti-monarchism
extended beyond the civic humanism of the Renaissance. Classical republicanism, still supported by philosophers such as Rousseau
, was only one of several theories seeking to limit the power of monarchies rather than directly opposing them.
The French version of republicanism after 1870 was called "Radicalism"; it became the Radical Party
, a major political party. In Western Europe, there were similar smaller "radical" parties. They all supported a constitutional republic and universal suffrage
, while European liberals
were at the time in favor of constitutional monarchy
and census suffrage
. Most radical parties later favored economic liberalism
. This distinction between radicalism and liberalism had not totally disappeared in the 20th century, although many radicals simply joined liberal parties. For example, the Radical Party of the Left
in France or the (originally Italian) Transnational Radical Party
, which still exist, focus more on republicanism than on simple liberalism.
Increasingly, after the fall of communism in 1989 and the collapse of the Marxist interpretation of the French Revolution, France increasingly turned to republicanism to define its national identity. Charles de Gaulle
, presenting himself as the military savior of France in the 1940s, and the political savior in the 1950s, refashioned the meaning of republicanism. Both left and right enshrined him in the Republican pantheon.
Republicanism became the dominant political value of Americans during and after the American Revolution
. The Founding Fathers
were strong advocates of republican values, especially Thomas Jefferson
, Samuel Adams
, Patrick Henry
, Thomas Paine
, Benjamin Franklin
, John Adams
, James Madison
and Alexander Hamilton
However, in 1854, social movements started to harness values of abolitionism
and free labour.
These burgeoning radical traditions in America became epitomized in the early formation of the Republican Party
, known as "red republicanism."
The efforts were primarily led by political leaders such as Alvan E. Bovay
, Thaddeus Stevens
, and Abraham Lincoln
The British Empire and the Commonwealth of Nations
, the government gave the promise of a referendum on becoming a republic in August 2008, but it was postponed due to the change of government in the 2008 election. A plan to becoming a republic was still in place in September 2020, according to the current PM, with a target date of late 2021.
In South Africa
, republicanism in the 1960s was identified with the supporters of apartheid
, who resented British interference in their treatment of the country's black population.
, the debate between republicans and monarchists is still active, and republicanism draws support from across the political spectrum. Former Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull
was a leading proponent of an Australian republic prior to joining the centre-right Liberal Party
, and led the pro-republic campaign during the failed 1999 Australian republic referendum
. After becoming Prime Minister in 2015, he confirmed he still supports a republic, but stated that the issue should wait until after the reign of Queen Elizabeth II.
The centre-left Labor Party
officially supports the abolition of the monarchy and another referendum on the issue.
On 22 March 2015, Prime Minister Freundel Stuart
announced that Barbados will move towards a republican form of government "in the very near future". His government was defeated in the next election.
In September 2020, the government of Prime Minister Mia Mottley
announced that Barbados intended to become a republic by 30 November 2021, the 55th anniversary of its independence. The plan would require a two-thirds majority vote in both houses of Parliament.
If the goal is achieved, the Queen will be replaced as head of state by an elected Barbadian official.
Whether that process could be completed in 2021 is "not clear", according to an investigation of the situation by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
Republican groups are also active in the United Kingdom
. The major organisation campaigning for a republic in the United Kingdom is 'Republic
The Netherlands have known two republican periods: the Dutch Republic
(1581–1795) that gained independence from the Spanish Empire
during the Eighty Years' War
, followed by the Batavian Republic
(1795–1806) that after conquest by the French First Republic
had been established as a Sister Republic
. After Napoleoncrowned himself Emperor of the French
, he made his brother Louis Bonaparte King of Holland
(1806–1810), then annexed the Netherlands into the French First Empire
(1810–1813) until he was defeated at the Battle of Leipzig
. Thereafter the Sovereign Principality of the United Netherlands
(1813–1815) was established, granting the Orange-Nassau
family, who during the Dutch Republic had only been stadtholders
, a princely title over the Netherlands, and soon William Frederick
even crowned himself King of the Netherlands. His rather autocratic tendencies in spite of the principles of constitutional monarchy met increasing resistance from Parliament and the population, which eventually limited the monarchy's power and democratised the government, most notably through the Constitutional Reform of 1848
. Since the late 19th century, republicanism has had various degrees of support in society, which the royal house generally dealt with by gradually letting go of its formal influence in politics and taking on a more ceremonial and symbolic role. Nowadays, popularity of the monarchy is high, but there is a significant republican minority that strives to abolish the monarchy altogether.
There is a renewed interest in republicanism in Spain
after two earlier attempts: the First Spanish Republic
(1873–1874) and the Second Spanish Republic
(1931–1939). Movements such as Ciudadanos Por la República [es]
, Citizens for the Republic in Spanish
, have emerged, and parties like United Left (Spain)
and the Republican Left of Catalonia
increasingly refer to republicanism. In a survey conducted in 2007 reported that 69% of the population prefer the monarchy to continue, compared with 22% opting for a Republic.
In a 2008 survey, 58% of Spanish citizens were indifferent, 16% favored a republic, 16% were monarchists, and 7% claimed they were Juancarlistas
(supporters of continued monarchy under King Juan Carlos I
, without a common position for the fate of the monarchy after his death).
In recent years, there has been a tie between Monarchists and Republicans. 
is the effort by current scholars to draw on a classical republican tradition in the development of an attractive public philosophy intended for contemporary purposes.
Neorepublicanism emerges as an alternative postsocialist critique of market society from the left.
Prominent theorists in this movement are Philip Pettit
and Cass Sunstein
, who have each written several works defining republicanism and how it differs from liberalism. Michael Sandel
, a late convert to republicanism from communitarianism
, advocates replacing or supplementing liberalism with republicanism, as outlined in his Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy.
A revolutionary republican hand-written bill from the Stockholm riots during the Revolutions of 1848
, reading: "Dethrone Oscar
he is not fit to be a king – rather the Republic! Reform! Down with the Royal house – long live Aftonbladet
! Death to the king – Republic! Republic! – the people! Brunkeberg
this evening." The writer's identity is unknown.
In the late 18th century there was convergence of democracy and republicanism. Republicanism is a system that replaces or accompanies inherited rule. There is an emphasis on liberty, and a rejection of corruption.
It strongly influenced the American Revolution
and the French Revolution
in the 1770s and 1790s, respectively.
Republicans, in these two examples, tended to reject inherited elites and aristocracies, but left open two questions: whether a republic, to restrain unchecked majority rule, should have an unelected upper chamber
—perhaps with members appointed as meritorious experts—and whether it should have a constitutional monarch
Though conceptually separate from democracy, republicanism included the key principles of rule by consent of the governed
and sovereignty of the people. In effect, republicanism held that kings and aristocracies were not the real rulers, but rather the whole people were. Exactly how
the people were to rule was an issue of democracy: republicanism itself did not specify a means.
In the United States, the solution was the creation of political parties
that reflected the votes of the people and controlled the government (see Republicanism in the United States
). Many exponents of republicanism, such as Benjamin Franklin
, Thomas Paine
, and Thomas Jefferson
were strong promoters of representative democracy.
Other supporters of republicanism, such as John Adams
and Alexander Hamilton
, were more distrustful of majority rule and sought a government with more power for elites.
In Federalist No. 10
, James Madison
rejected democracy in favor of republicanism. There were similar debates in many other democratizing
Democracy and republic
The Founding Fathers of the United States
rarely praised and often criticized democracy, which in their time tended to specifically mean direct democracy
and which they equated with mob rule
; James Madison
argued that what distinguished a democracy
from a republic
was that the former became weaker as it got larger and suffered more violently from the effects of faction, whereas a republic could get stronger as it got larger and combatted faction by its very structure.
What was critical to American values, John Adams
insisted, was that the government should be "bound by fixed laws, which the people have a voice in making, and a right to defend."
Constitutional monarchs and upper chambers
Some countries (such as the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Scandinavian countries, and Japan) turned powerful monarchs into constitutional ones with limited, or eventually merely symbolic, powers. Often the monarchy was abolished along with the aristocratic system, whether or not they were replaced with democratic institutions (such as in France, China, Iran, Russia, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Greece, Turkey and Egypt). In Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Papua New Guinea, and some other countries the monarch, or its representative, is given supreme executive power, but by convention acts only on the advice of his or her ministers. Many nations had elite upper houses of legislatures, the members of which often had lifetime tenure, but eventually these houses lost much power (as the UK House of Lords
), or else became elective and remained powerful.
- ^ "The Works of John Adams, 10 vols". oll.libertyfund.org – Online Library of Liberty. Retrieved 2019-01-10.
- ^ Mortimer N. S. Sellers. American Republicanism: Roman Ideology in the United States Constitution. (New York University Press, 1994. p. 71.)
- ^ Paul A. Rahe, Republics ancient and modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution (1992).
- ^ Polybius; Shuckburgh, Evelyn S. (2009). The Histories of Polybius. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9781139333740. ISBN 978-1139333740.
- ^ see for example Ann. IV, 32–33
- ^ Ann. I–VI
- ^ J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition (1975)
- ^ Zera S. Fink, The classical republicans: an essay on the recovery of a pattern of thought in seventeenth-century England (2011).
- ^ Bill Brugger, Republican Theory in Political Thought: Virtuous or Virtual? (1999).
- ^ John M. Najemy, "Baron's Machiavelli and renaissance republicanism." American Historical Review 101.1 (1996): 119–29.
- ^ Eco Haitsma Mulier, "The language of seventeenth-century republicanism in the United Provinces: Dutch or European?." in Anthony Pagden, ed., The Languages of political theory in early-modern Europe (1987): 179–96.
- ^ Jerzy Lukowski, Disorderly Liberty: The political culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eighteenth century (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2010).[ISBN missing]
- ^ Lucien Felli, "La renaissance du Paolisme". M. Bartoli, Pasquale Paoli, père de la patrie corse, Albatros, 1974, p. 29. "There is one area where the pioneering nature of Paoli's institutions is particularly pronounced, and that is in the area of voting rights. Indeed they allowed for female suffrage at a time when French women could not vote."
- ^ Philippe-Jean Catinchi et Josyane Savigneau, "Les femmes : du droit de vote à la parité", Le Monde.fr, 31 janvier 2013 ISSN 1950-6244, consuled on 14 August 2017)
- ^ "Projet de constitution pour la Corse ", published in Œuvres et correspondance inédites de J.J. Rousseau, (M.G. Streckeinsen-Moultou, ed.). Paris, 1861
- ^ Michel Vergé-Franceschi, "Pascal Paoli, un Corse des Lumières", Cahiers de la Méditerranée, 72 | 2006, 97–112.
- ^ Warren, Christopher N (2016). “Big Leagues: Specters of Milton and Republican International Justice between Shakespeare and Marx.” Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development, Vol. 7.
- ^ Warren, Christopher N (2016). “Big Leagues: Specters of Milton and Republican International Justice between Shakespeare and Marx.” Humanity: An International Journal of Human Rights, Humanitarianism, and Development, Vol. 7. Pg. 380.
- ^ Rose, Jonathan (2001). The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes. pp. 26, 36–37, 122–25, 187.
- ^ Taylor, Antony (2002). “Shakespeare and Radicalism: The Uses and Abuses of Shakespeare in Nineteenth-Century Popular Politics.” Historical Journal 45, no. 2. pp. 357–79.
- ^ a b Pocock, J.G.A. The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (1975; new ed. 2003)
- ^ See for example Parrington, Vernon L. (1927). "Main Currents in American Thought". Retrieved 2013-12-18.
- ^ Shalhope (1982)
- ^ Isaac Kramnick, Ideological Background, in Jack. P. Greene and J. R. Pole, The Blackwell Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (1994) ch. 9; Robert E. Shallhope, "Republicanism" ibid ch 70.
- ^ Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (1965) online version
- ^ Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment p. 507
- ^ Bailyn, Bernard.The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967)[ISBN missing]
- ^ quoted in Becker 2002, p. 128
- ^ Lamont, Michèle; Laurent, Éloi (June 5, 2006). "Identity: France shows its true colors". The New York Times.
- ^ Denis Carroll, The Man from God knows Where, p. 42 (Gartan) 1995
- ^ a b Henry Boylan, Wolf Tone, p. 16 (Gill and Macmillan, Dublin) 1981
- ^ Paine to John Hall, 25 Nov. 1791 (Foner, Paine Writings, II, p. 1,322)
- ^ Dickson, Keogh and Whelan, The United Irishmen. Republicanism, Radicalism and Rebellion, pp. 135–37 (Lilliput, Dublin) 1993
- ^ Henry Boylan, Wolf Tone, pp. 51–52 (Gill and Macmillan, Dublin) 1981
- ^ Dickson, Keogh and Whelan, The United Irishmen. Republicanism, Radicalism and Rebellion, pp. 297–98 (Lilliput, Dublin) 1993
- ^ Sudhir Hazareesingh, "Conflicts Of Memory: Republicanism and the Commemoration of the Past in Modern France," French History (2009) 23#2 pp. 193–215
- ^ Sudhir Hazareesingh, In the Shadow of the General: Modern France and the Myth of De Gaulle (2012) online review
- ^ Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis," William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), pp. 49–80
- ^ Contextual Essay
- ^ Nichols, John (2015). The "S" word : a short history of an American tradition ... socialism. ISBN 978-1784783402. OCLC 905685623.
- ^ Commons, John R. (September 1909). "Horace Greeley and the Working Class Origins of the Republican Party". Political Science Quarterly. 24 (3): 468–88. doi:10.2307/2140888. hdl:2027/hvd.32044086270303. JSTOR 2140888.
- ^ "Leave the monarchy? In Barbados, that's just the first step on a long path to healing". Retrieved 18 March 2021.
- ^ "Malcolm Turnbull calls for inclusive grassroots movement for Australian republic - ABC News (Australian Broadcasting Corporation)".
- ^ "Leave the monarchy? In Barbados, that's just the first step on a long path to healing". Retrieved 18 March 2021.
- ^ Team, Caribbean Lifestyle Editorial (2020-09-15). "Barbados to become an Independent Republic in 2021". Caribbean Culture and Lifestyle. Retrieved 2020-09-15.
- ^ "Leave the monarchy? In Barbados, that's just the first step on a long path to healing". Retrieved 18 March 2021.
- ^ Sejersted, Francis (2019-04-09), "Unionsoppløsningen i 1905", Store norske leksikon (in Norwegian), retrieved 2019-05-15
- ^ "The Swedish Republican Association". Repf.se. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ País, Ediciones El (2007-12-30). "¿El Rey? Muy bien, gracias". El País. Elpais.com. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ "Indiferentes ante la Corona o la República" (in Spanish). E-pesimo.blogspot.com. 2004-02-27. Archived from the original on 2011-11-04. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ "España sigue siendo monárquica gracias a los andaluces y a pesar de catalanes y vascos". El Confidencial (in Spanish). 2019-06-19. Retrieved 2020-04-14.
- ^ "Empate técnico por primera vez: la República ya tiene tanto apoyo como la Monarquía". El Español (in Spanish). 2019-01-10. Retrieved 2020-04-14.
- ^ Frank Lovett and Philip Pettit. "Neorepublicanism: a normative and institutional research program." Political Science 12.1 (2009): 11ff. (online).
- ^ Gerald F. Gaus, "Backwards into the future: Neorepublicanism as a postsocialist critique of market society." Social Philosophy and Policy 20/1 (2003): 59–91.
- ^ Rahman, K. Sabeel (2016). Democracy Against Domination. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190468538.
- ^ Shenk, Timothy. "Booked: The End of Managerial Liberalism, with K. Sabeel Rahman". Dissent Magazine. Dissent Magazine. Retrieved 6 August 2018.
- ^ Anderson, Elizabeth (2017). Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives (and Why We Don't Talk about It). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1400887781.
- ^ Rothman, Joshua. "Are Bosses Dictators?". The New Yorker. Retrieved 6 August 2018.
- ^ Gourevitch, Alex (2014). From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth: Labor and Republican Liberty in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1139519434.
- ^ Stanley, Amy Dru. "Republic of Labor". Dissent Magazine. Dissent Magazine. Retrieved 6 August 2018.
- ^ "Republicanism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)". Plato.stanford.edu. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776–1787 (1969)
- ^ R. R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: Political History of Europe and America, 1760–1800 (1959)
- ^ Robert E. Shalhope, "Republicanism and Early American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (Apr. 1982), pp. 334–56
- ^ "democracy – Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". M-w.com. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ "republic – Definition from the Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary". M-w.com. 2012-08-31. Retrieved 2013-02-03.
- ^ See, e.g., The Federalist No. 10
- ^ Novanglus, no. 7, 6 Mar. 1775
- ^ Mark McKenna, The Traditions of Australian Republicanism (1996) online version
- ^ John W. Maynor, Republicanism in the Modern World. (2003).
- Becker, Peter, Jürgen Heideking and James A. Henretta, eds. Republicanism and Liberalism in America and the German States, 1750–1850. Cambridge University Press. 2002.
- Everdell, William R., "From State to Free-State: The Meaning of the word Republic from Jean Bodin to John Adams" 7th International Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies conference, Budapest, 7/31/87; Valley Forge Journal (June 1991); http://dhm.pdp6.org/archives/wre-republics.html
- Pocock, J. G. A. The Machiavellian Moment (1975).
- Pocock, J. G. A. "The Machiavellian Moment Revisited: a Study in History and Ideology.: Journal of Modern History 1981 53(1): 49–72. ISSN 0022-2801 Fulltext: in Jstor. Summary of Pocock's influential ideas that traces the Machiavellian belief in and emphasis upon Greco-Roman ideals of unspecialized civic virtue and liberty from 15th century Florence through 17th century England and Scotland to 18th century America. Pocock argues that thinkers who shared these ideals tended to believe that the function of property was to maintain an individual's independence as a precondition of his virtue. Therefore they were disposed to attack the new commercial and financial regime that was beginning to develop.
- Pettit, Philip. Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government Oxford UP, 1997, ISBN 0198290837.
- Snyder, R. Claire. Citizen-Soldiers and Manly Warriors: Military Service and Gender in the Civic Republican Tradition (1999) ISBN 978-0847694440 online review.
- Viroli, Maurizio. Republicanism (2002), New York, Hill and Wang.[ISBN missing]
- Berenson, Edward, et al. eds. The French Republic: History, Values, Debates (2011) essays by 38 scholars from France, Britain and US covering topics since the 1790s
- Bock, Gisela; Skinner, Quentin; and Viroli, Maurizio, ed. Machiavelli and Republicanism. Cambridge U. Press, 1990. 316 pp.
- Brugger, Bill. Republican Theory in Political Thought: Virtuous or Virtual? St. Martin's Press, 1999.
- Castiglione, Dario. "Republicanism and its Legacy," European Journal of Political Theory (2005) v 4 #4 pp. 453–65. online version.
- Everdell, William R., The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans, NY: The Free Press, 1983; 2nd ed., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000 (condensed at http://dhm.pdp6.org/archives/wre-republics.html).
- Fink, Zera. The Classical Republicans: An Essay in the Recovery of a Pattern of Thought in Seventeenth-Century England. Northwestern University Press, 1962.
- Foote, Geoffrey. The Republican Transformation of Modern British Politics Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
- Martin van Gelderen & Quentin Skinner, eds., Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, v 1: Republicanism and Constitutionalism in Early Modern Europe; vol 2: The Value of Republicanism in Early Modern Europe Cambridge U.P., 2002.
- Haakonssen, Knud. "Republicanism." A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit. eds. Blackwell, 1995.
- Kramnick, Isaac. Republicanism and Bourgeois Radicalism: Political Ideology in Late Eighteenth-Century England and America. Cornell University Press, 1990.
- Mark McKenna, The Traditions of Australian Republicanism (1996)
- Maynor, John W. Republicanism in the Modern World. Cambridge: Polity, 2003.
- Moggach, Douglas. "Republican Rigorism and Emancipation in Bruno Bauer", The New Hegelians, edited by Douglas Moggach, Cambridge University Press, 2006. (Looks at German Republicanism with contrasts and criticisms of Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit).
- Robbins, Caroline. The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman: Studies in the Transmission, Development, and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (1959, 2004). table of contents online.
- Appleby, Joyce Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination. 1992.
- Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Harvard University Press, 1967.
- Banning, Lance. The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology. 1980.
- Colbourn, Trevor. The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution. 1965. online version
- Everdell, William R., The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans, NY: The Free Press, 1983; 2nd ed., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000.
- Kerber, Linda K. Intellectual History of Women: Essays by Linda K. Kerber. 1997.
- Kerber, Linda K. Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America. 1997.
- Klein, Milton, et al., eds., The Republican Synthesis Revisited. Essays in Honor of George A. Billias. 1992.
- Kloppenberg, James T. The Virtues of Liberalism. 1998.
- Norton, Mary Beth. Liberty's Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women, 1750–1800. 1996.
- Greene, Jack, and J. R. Pole, eds. Companion to the American Revolution. 2004. (many articles look at republicanism, esp. Shalhope, Robert E. Republicanism pp. 668–73).
- Rodgers, Daniel T. "Republicanism: the Career of a Concept", Journal of American History. 1992. in JSTOR.
- Shalhope, Robert E. "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography", William and Mary Quarterly, 29 (Jan. 1972), 49–80 in JSTOR, (an influential article).
- Shalhope, Robert E. "Republicanism and Early American Historiography", William and Mary Quarterly, 39 (Apr. 1982), 334–56 in JSTOR.
- Vetterli, Richard and Bryner, Gary, "Public Virtue and the Roots of American Government", BYU Studies Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 3, July 1987.
- Volk, Kyle G. Moral Minorities and the Making of American Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.
- Wood, Gordon S. The Creation of the American Republic 1776–1787. 1969.
- Wood, Gordon S. The Radicalism of the American Revolution. 1993.
Last edited on 1 May 2021, at 17:39
Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0
unless otherwise noted.