Tagalog is closely related to other Philippine languages
, such as the Bikol languages
, the Visayan languages
, and Pangasinan
, and more distantly to other Austronesian languages, such as the Formosan languages
, and Malagasy
Tagalog differs from its Central Philippine
counterparts with its treatment of the Proto-Philippine schwa
vowel *ə. In most Bikol
languages, this sound merged with /u/ and [o]. In Tagalog, it has merged with /i/. For example, Proto-Philippine *dəkət (adhere, stick) is Tagalog dikít
and Visayan & Bikol dukot
Proto-Philippine *r, *j, and *z merged with /d/ but is /l/ between vowels. Proto-Philippine *ŋajan (name) and *hajək (kiss) became Tagalog ngalan and halík.
Proto-Philippine *R merged with /ɡ/. *tubiR (water) and *zuRuʔ (blood) became Tagalog tubig and dugô.
The word Tagalog
is derived from the endonymtaga-ilog
("river dweller"), composed of tagá-
("native of" or "from") and ilog
("river"). Linguists such as David Zorc and Robert Blust
speculate that the Tagalogs and other Central Philippine ethno-linguistic groups originated in Northeastern Mindanao
or the Eastern Visayas
Possible words of Old Tagalog origin are attested in the Laguna Copperplate Inscription
from the tenth century, which is largely written in Old Malay
The first known complete book to be written in Tagalog is the Doctrina Christiana
(Christian Doctrine), printed in 1593. The Doctrina
was written in Spanish and two transcriptions of Tagalog; one in the ancient, then-current Baybayin
script and the other in an early Spanish attempt at a Latin
orthography for the language.
Vocabulario de la lengua tagala, 1794.
Throughout the 333 years of Spanish rule, various grammars and dictionaries were written by Spanish clergymen. In 1610, the Dominican priest Francisco Blancas de San Jose published the "Arte y reglas de la lengua tagala" (which was subsequently revised with two editions in 1752 and 1832) in Bataan. In 1613, the Franciscan priest Pedro de San Buenaventura published the first Tagalog dictionary, his "Vocabulario de la lengua tagala
" in Pila, Laguna
The first substantial dictionary of the Tagalog language was written by the Czech Jesuit
missionary Pablo Clain
in the beginning of the 18th century. Clain spoke Tagalog and used it actively in several of his books. He prepared the dictionary, which he later passed over to Francisco Jansens and José Hernandez.
Further compilation of his substantial work was prepared by P. Juan de Noceda and P. Pedro de Sanlucar and published as Vocabulario de la lengua tagala
in Manila in 1754 and then repeatedly
reedited, with the last edition being in 2013 in Manila.
Among others, Arte de la lengua tagala y manual tagalog para la administración de los Santos Sacramentos
(1850) in addition to early studies
of the language.
(Tagalog Newspaper), the first bilingual newspaper in the Philippines founded in 1882 written in both Tagalog and Spanish
In 1935, the Philippine constitution designated English and Spanish as official languages, but mandated the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing native languages.
After study and deliberation, the National Language Institute, a committee composed of seven members who represented various regions in the Philippines, chose Tagalog as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national language of the Philippines.
President Manuel L. Quezon
then, on December 30, 1937, proclaimed the selection of the Tagalog language to be used as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national language of the Philippines.
In 1939, President Quezon renamed the proposed Tagalog-based national language as Wikang Pambansâ
Under the Japanese puppet government during World War II
, Tagalog as a national language was strongly promoted; the 1943 Constitution specifying: The government shall take steps toward the development and propagation of Tagalog as the national language.".
In 1959, the language was further renamed as "Pilipino".
Along with English, the national language has had official status under the 1973 constitution (as "Pilipino")
and the present 1987 constitution (as Filipino).
The adoption of Tagalog in 1937 as basis for a national language is not without its own controversies. Instead of specifying Tagalog, the national language was designated as Wikang Pambansâ
("National Language") in 1939.
Twenty years later, in 1959, it was renamed by then Secretary of Education, José Romero, as Pilipino
to give it a national
rather than ethnic
label and connotation. The changing of the name did not, however, result in acceptance among non-Tagalogs
, especially Cebuanos
who had not accepted the selection.
The national language issue was revived once more during the 1971 Constitutional Convention
. The majority of the delegates were even in favor of scrapping the idea of a "national language" altogether.
A compromise solution was worked out—a "universalist" approach to the national language, to be called Filipino
rather than Pilipino
. The 1973 constitution makes no mention of Tagalog. When a new constitution was drawn up in 1987, it named Filipino as the national language.
The constitution specified that as the Filipino language evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. However, more than two decades after the institution of the "universalist" approach, there seems to be little if any difference between Tagalog and Filipino.
Many of the older generation in the Philippines feel that the replacement of English by Tagalog in the popular visual media has had dire economic effects regarding the competitiveness of the Philippines in trade and overseas remittances.
Use in education
This section needs expansion
. You can help by adding to it
. (March 2018)
Upon the issuance of Executive Order No. 134
, Tagalog was declared as basis of the National Language. On 12 April 1940, Executive No. 263
was issued ordering the teaching of the national language in all public and private schools in the country.
Subject to provisions of law and as the Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Filipino as a medium of official communication and as language of instruction in the educational system.
Under Section 7, however:
The regional languages are the auxiliary official languages in the regions and shall serve as auxiliary media of instruction therein.
In 2009, the Department of Education
promulgated an order institutionalizing a system of mother-tongue based multilingual education ("MLE"), wherein instruction is conducted primarily in a student's mother tongue (one of the various regional Philippine languages) until at least grade three, with additional languages such as Filipino and English being introduced as separate subjects no earlier than grade two. In secondary school, Filipino and English become the primary languages of instruction, with the learner's first language taking on an auxiliary role.
After pilot tests in selected schools, the MLE program was implemented nationwide from School Year (SY) 2012–2013.
Tagalog is the first language of a quarter of the population of the Philippines
(particularly in Central and Southern Luzon) and the second language for the majority.
A landslide and rockslide-prone area sign at Indang
Distribution of Tagalog speakers around the world.
Countries with more than 500,000 speakers
Countries with 100,000–500,000 speakers
Countries where it is spoken by minor communities
According to the Philippine Statistics Authority
, as of 2014, there were 100 million people living in the Philippines, where the vast majority have some basic level of understanding of the language. The Tagalog homeland, Katagalugan
, covers roughly much of the central to southern parts of the island of Luzon
—particularly in Aurora
, Metro Manila
, Nueva Ecija
, and Zambales
. Tagalog is also spoken natively by inhabitants living on the islands of Marinduque
, as well as Palawan
to a lesser extent. Significant minorities are found in the other Central Luzon provinces of Pampanga
, Ambos Camarines
in Bicol Region, and the Cordillera
city of Baguio
. Tagalog is also the predominant language of Cotabato City
, making it the only place outside of Luzon with a native Tagalog speaking majority.
At the 2000 Philippines Census, it is spoken by approximately 57.3 million Filipinos, 96% of the household population who were able to attend school;
slightly over 22 million, or 28% of the total Philippine population,
speak it as a native language.
The following regions and provinces of the Philippines are majority Tagalog-speaking (from north to south):
Tagalog speakers are also found in other parts of the Philippines and through its standardized form of Filipino
, the language serves the national lingua franca
of the country.
Tagalog also serves as the common language among Overseas Filipinos
, though its use overseas is usually limited to communication between Filipino ethnic groups
. The largest concentration of Tagalog speakers outside the Philippines is found in the United States
, where in 2013, the U.S. Census Bureau reported (based on data collected in 2011) that it was the fourth most-spoken non-English language at home with almost 1.6 million speakers, behind Spanish
(including Patois, Cajun, Creole), and Chinese
(with figures for Cantonese
combined). In urban areas, Tagalog ranked as the third most spoken non-English language, behind Spanish and Chinese varieties but ahead of French.
Other countries with significant concentrations of overseas Filipinos and Tagalog speakers include Saudi Arabia
, United Arab Emirates
, and Malaysia
Distribution of Tagalog dialects in the Philippines. The color-schemes represent the four dialect zones of the language: Northern, Central, Southern and Marinduque
. While the majority of residents in Camarines Norte
and Camarines Sur
traditionally speak Bikol
as their first language, these provinces nonetheless have significant Tagalog minorities. In addition, Tagalog is used as a second language
throughout the country.
At present, no comprehensive dialectology
has been done in the Tagalog-speaking regions, though there have been descriptions in the form of dictionaries and grammars of various Tagalog dialects. Ethnologue
lists Manila, Lubang, Marinduque
, Bataan (Western Central Luzon), Batangas
, Bulacan (Eastern Central Luzon), Tanay-Paete (Rizal-Laguna), and Tayabas (Quezon and Aurora) as dialects of Tagalog; however, there appear to be four main dialects, of which the aforementioned are a part: Northern (exemplified by the Bulacan
dialect), Central (including Manila), Southern (exemplified by Batangas), and Marinduque.
Some example of dialectal differences are:
- Many Tagalog dialects, particularly those in the south, preserve the glottal stop found after consonants and before vowels. This has been lost in Standard Tagalog. For example, standard Tagalog ngayón (now, today), sinigáng (broth stew), gabí (night), matamís (sweet), are pronounced and written ngay-on, sinig-ang, gab-i, and matam-is in other dialects.
- In Teresian-Morong Tagalog, [ɾ] is usually preferred over [d]. For example, bundók, dagat, dingdíng, and isdâ become bunrók, ragat, ringríng, and isrâ, e.g. "sandók sa dingdíng" becoming "sanrók sa ringríng".
- In many southern dialects, the progressive aspect infix of -um- verbs is na-. For example, standard Tagalog kumakain (eating) is nákáin in Quezon and Batangas Tagalog. This is the butt of some jokes by other Tagalog speakers, for should a Southern Tagalog ask nákáin ka ba ng patíng? ("Do you eat shark?"), he would be understood as saying "Has a shark eaten you?" by speakers of the Manila Dialect.
- Some dialects have interjections which are considered a regional trademark. For example, the interjection ala e! usually identifies someone from Batangas as does hane?! in Rizal and Quezon provinces.
Perhaps the most divergent Tagalog dialects are those spoken in Marinduque.
Linguist Rosa Soberano identifies two dialects, western and eastern, with the former being closer to the Tagalog dialects spoken in the provinces of Batangas and Quezon.
One example is the verb conjugation paradigms. While some of the affixes are different, Marinduque also preserves the imperative affixes, also found in Visayan and Bikol languages, that have mostly disappeared from most Tagalog early 20th century; they have since merged with the infinitive.
Northern and central dialects form the basis for the national language.
Code-switching with English
Taglish and Englog are names given to a mix of English and Tagalog. The amount of English vs. Tagalog varies from the occasional use of English loan words to changing language in mid-sentence. Such code-switching is prevalent throughout the Philippines and in various languages of the Philippines other than Tagalog.
Code-mixing also entails the use of foreign words that are "Filipinized" by reforming them using Filipino rules, such as verb conjugations. Users typically use Filipino or English words, whichever comes to mind first or whichever is easier to use.
Magshoshopping kami sa mall. Sino ba ang magdadrive sa shopping center?
We will go shopping at the mall. Who will drive to the shopping center?
City-dwellers are more likely to do this.
Tagalog has 33 phonemes
: 19 of them are consonants
and 14 are vowels
. Syllable structure is relatively simple, being maximally CrVC, where Cr only occurs in borrowed words such as trak
"truck" or sombréro
Tagalog has ten simple vowels, five long and five short, and four diphthongs.
Before appearing in the area north of the Pasig river, Tagalog had three vowel qualities: /a/, /i/, and /u/. This was later expanded to five with the introduction of words from central and northern Philippines, such as the Kapampangan
languages, as well as Spanish words.
Table of the five general Tagalog vowel phonemes
Nevertheless, simplification of pairs [o ~ u] and [ɛ ~ i] is likely to take place, especially in some Tagalog as second language, remote location and working class registers.
The four diphthongs
are /aj/, /uj/, /aw/, and /iw/. Long vowels are not written apart from pedagogical texts, where an acute accent is used: á é í ó ú.
Table of all possible realizations of Tagalog vowels
The table above shows all the possible realizations for each of the five vowel sounds depending on the speaker's origin or proficiency. The five general vowels are in bold.
Below is a chart of Tagalog consonants. All the stops are unaspirated. The velar nasal
occurs in all positions including at the beginning of a word. Loanword variants using these phonemes are italicized inside the angle brackets.
Tagalog consonant phonemes
- /k/ between vowels has a tendency to become [x] as in loch, German Bach, whereas in the initial position it has a tendency to become [kx], especially in the Manila dialect.
- Intervocalic /ɡ/ and /k/ tend to become [ɰ], as in Spanish agua, especially in the Manila dialect.
- /ɾ/ and /d/ were once allophones, and they still vary grammatically, with initial /d/ becoming intervocalic /ɾ/ in many words.
- A glottal stop that occurs in pausa (before a pause) is omitted when it is in the middle of a phrase, especially in the Metro Manila area. The vowel it follows is then lengthened. However, it is preserved in many other dialects.
- The /ɾ/ phoneme is an alveolar rhotic that has a free variation between a trill, a flap and an approximant ([r~ɾ~ɹ]).
- The /dʒ/ phoneme may become a consonant cluster [dd͡ʒ] in between vowels such as sadyâ[sadˈd͡ʒäʔ].
Glottal stop is not indicated.
Glottal stops are most likely to occur when:
- the word starts with a vowel, like aso (dog)
- the word includes a dash followed by a vowel, like mag-aral (study)
- the word has two vowels next to each other, like paano (how)
- the word starts with a prefix followed by a verb that starts with a vowel, like mag-aayos ([will] fix)
Stress and final glottal stop
is a distinctive feature
in Tagalog. Primary stress occurs on either the final or the penultimate syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening accompanies primary or secondary stress except when stress occurs at the end of a word.
Tagalog words are often distinguished from one another by the position of the stress and/or the presence of a final glottal stop. In formal or academic settings, stress placement and the glottal stop are indicated by a diacritic
) above the final vowel.
The penultimate primary stress position (malumay
) is the default stress type and so is left unwritten except in dictionaries.
Phonetic comparison of Tagalog homographs based on stress and final glottal stop
Tagalog, like other Philippines languages today, is written using the Latin alphabet. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish in 1521 and the beginning of their colonization in 1565, Tagalog was written in an abugida
. This system of writing gradually gave way to the use and propagation of the Latin alphabet as introduced by the Spanish. As the Spanish began to record and create grammars and dictionaries for the various languages of the Philippine archipelago, they adopted systems of writing closely following the orthographic customs of the Spanish language and were refined over the years. Until the first half of the 20th century, most Philippine languages were widely written in a variety of ways based on Spanish orthography.
In the late 19th century, a number of educated Filipinos began proposing for revising the spelling system used for Tagalog at the time. In 1884, Filipino doctor and student of languages Trinidad Pardo de Tavera
published his study on the ancient Tagalog script Contribucion para el Estudio de los Antiguos Alfabetos Filipinos
and in 1887, published his essay El Sanscrito en la lengua Tagalog
which made use of a new writing system developed by him. Meanwhile, Jose Rizal, inspired by Pardo de Tavera's 1884 work, also began developing a new system of orthography (unaware at first of Pardo de Tavera's own orthography).
A major noticeable change in these proposed orthographies was the use of the letter ⟨k⟩ rather than ⟨c⟩ and ⟨q⟩ to represent the phoneme /k/.
In 1889, the new bilingual Spanish-Tagalog La España Oriental
newspaper, of which Isabelo de los Reyes
was an editor, began publishing using the new orthography stating in a footnote that it would "use the orthography recently introduced by ... learned Orientalis". This new orthography, while having its supporters, was also not initially accepted by several writers. Soon after the first issue of La España
, Pascual H. Poblete
's Revista Católica de Filipina
began a series of articles attacking the new orthography and its proponents. A fellow writer, Pablo Tecson was also critical. Among the attacks was the use of the letters "k" and "w" as they were deemed to be of German origin and thus its proponents were deemed as "unpatriotic". The publishers of these two papers would eventually merge as La Lectura Popular
in January 1890 and would eventually make use of both spelling systems in its articles.
Pedro Laktaw, a schoolteacher, published the first Spanish-Tagalog dictionary using the new orthography in 1890.
In April 1890, Jose Rizal authored an article Sobre la Nueva Ortografia de la Lengua Tagalog
in the Madrid-based periodical La Solidaridad
. In it, he addressed the criticisms of the new writing system by writers like Pobrete and Tecson and the simplicity, in his opinion, of the new orthography. Rizal described the orthography promoted by Pardo de Tavera as "more perfect" than what he himself had developed.
The new orthography was however not broadly adopted initially and was used inconsistently in the bilingual periodicals of Manila until the early 20th century.
The revolutionary society Kataás-taasan, Kagalang-galang Katipunan ng̃ mg̃á Anak ng̃ Bayan or Katipunan
made use of the k-orthography and the letter k featured prominently on many of its flags and insignias.
In 1937, Tagalog was selected to serve as basis for the country's national language
. In 1940, the Balarílà ng Wikang Pambansâ
(English: Grammar of the National Language) of grammarian Lope K. Santos
introduced the Abakada
alphabet. This alphabet consists of 20 letters and became the standard alphabet of the national language.
The orthography as used by Tagalog would eventually influence and spread to the systems of writing used by other Philippine languages (which had been using variants of the Spanish-based system of writing). In 1987, the ABAKADA was dropped and in its place is the expanded Filipino alphabet.
Although it enjoyed a relatively high level of literacy, Baybayin gradually fell into disuse in favor of the Latin alphabet
taught by the Spaniards during their rule.
There has been confusion of how to use Baybayin, which is actually an abugida
, or an alphasyllabary
, rather than an alphabet
. Not every letter in the Latin alphabet is represented with one of those in the Baybayin alphasyllabary. Rather than letters being put together to make sounds as in Western languages, Baybayin uses symbols to represent syllables.
A "kudlit" resembling an apostrophe is used above or below a symbol to change the vowel sound after its consonant. If the kudlit is used above, the vowel is an "E" or "I" sound. If the kudlit is used below, the vowel is an "O" or "U" sound. A special kudlit was later added by Spanish missionaries in which a cross placed below the symbol to get rid of the vowel sound all together, leaving a consonant. Previously, the consonant without a following vowel was simply left out (for example, bundok being rendered as budo), forcing the reader to use context when reading such words.
Until the first half of the 20th century, Tagalog was widely written in a variety of ways based on Spanish orthography consisting of 32 letters called 'ABECEDARIO'
(Spanish for "alphabet"
When the national language was based on Tagalog, grammarian Lope K. Santos introduced a new alphabet consisting of 20 letters called ABAKADA
in school grammar books called balarilà
In 1987, the Department of Education, Culture and Sports
issued a memo stating that the Philippine alphabet had changed from the Pilipino-Tagalog Abakada version to a new 28-letter alphabet
to make room for loans, especially family names from Spanish and English:
ng and mga
and the plural marker mga
(e.g. Iyan ang mga damit ko.
(Those are my clothes
)) are abbreviations that are pronounced nang
[naŋ] and mangá
, in most cases, roughly translates to "of" (ex. Siya ay kapatid ng nanay ko.
She is the sibling of
my mother) while nang
usually means "when" or can describe how something is done or to what extent (equivalent to the suffix -ly
in English adverbs), among other uses.
- Nang si Hudas ay nadulás.—When Judas slipped.
- Gumising siya nang maaga.—He woke up early.
- Gumalíng nang todo si Juan dahil nag-ensayo siya.—Juan greatly improved because he practiced.
In the first example, nang is used in lieu of the word noong (when; Noong si Hudas ay madulas). In the second, nang describes that the person woke up (gumising) early (maaga); gumising nang maaga. In the third, nang described up to what extent that Juan improved (gumaling), which is "greatly" (nang todo). In the latter two examples, the ligature na and its variants -ng and -g may also be used (Gumising na maaga/Maagang gumising; Gumaling na todo/Todong gumaling).
The longer nang
may also have other uses, such as a ligature
that joins a repeated word:
Naghintáy sila nang naghintáy.—They kept on waiting" (a closer calque: "They were waiting and waiting.")
The words pô/hô and opò/ohò are traditionally used as polite iterations of the affirmative "oo" ("yes"). It is generally used when addressing elders or superiors such as bosses or teachers.
"Pô" and "opò" are specifically used to denote a high level of respect when addressing older persons of close affinity like parents, relatives, teachers and family friends. "Hô" and "ohò" are generally used to politely address older neighbours, strangers, public officials, bosses and nannies, and may suggest a distance in societal relationship and respect determined by the addressee's social rank and not their age. However, "pô" and "opò" can be used in any case in order to express an elevation of respect.
Example: "Pakitapon naman pô/ho yung basura." ("Please throw away the trash.")
Used in the affirmative:
Ex: "Gutóm ka na ba?" "Opò/Ohò". ("Are you hungry yet?" "Yes.")
Pô/Hô may also be used in negation.
Ex: "Hindi ko pô/hô alam 'yan." ("I don't know that.")
Vocabulary and borrowed words
Tagalog vocabulary is composed mostly of words of native Austronesian origin - most of the words that end with the diphthongs
-iw, (e.g. saliw) and those words that exhibit reduplication
(e.g. halo-halo, patpat, etc.). However it has a significant number of Spanish loanwords. Spanish is the language that has bequeathed the most loanwords to Tagalog.
Due to trade with Mexico via the Manila galleons
from the 16th to the 19th centuries, many words from Nahuatl
(Aztec) and Castilian (Spanish) were introduced to Tagalog.
English has borrowed some words from Tagalog, such as abaca, barong, balisong
, Manila hemp, pancit
, ylang-ylang, and yaya. However, the vast majority of these borrowed words are only used in the Philippines as part of the vocabularies of Philippine English
Other examples of Tagalog words used in English
Tagalog has contributed several words to Philippine Spanish
, like barangay
), the abacá
Tagalog words of foreign origin
Cognates with other Philippine languages
Austronesian comparison chart
Below is a chart of Tagalog and a number of other Austronesian languages comparing
Religious literature remains one of the most dynamic contributors to Tagalog literature
. The first Bible in Tagalog, then called Ang Biblia
("the Bible") and now called Ang Dating Biblia
("the Old Bible"), was published in 1905. In 1970, the Philippine Bible Society
translated the Bible
into modern Tagalog. Even before the Second Vatican Council
, devotional materials in Tagalog had been in circulation. There are at least four circulating Tagalog translations of the Bible
Jehovah's Witnesses were printing Tagalog literature at least as early as 1941
and The Watchtower
(the primary magazine of Jehovah's Witnesses) has been published in Tagalog since at least the 1950s. New releases are now regularly released simultaneously in a number of languages, including Tagalog. The official website of Jehovah's Witnesses also has some publications available online in Tagalog.
The revised bible
edition, the New World Translation of the Holy Scriptures,
was released in Tagalog on 2019
and it is distributed without charge both printed and online versions
Tagalog is quite a stable language, and very few revisions have been made to Catholic Bible translations
. Also, as Protestantism in the Philippines is relatively young, liturgical
prayers tend to be more ecumenical
Amá namin, sumasalangit Ka,
Sambahín ang ngalan Mo.
Mapasaamin ang kaharián Mo.
Sundín ang loób Mo,
Dito sa lupà, gaya nang sa langit.
Bigyán Mo kamí ngayón ng aming kakanin sa araw-araw,
At patawarin Mo kamí sa aming mga salâ,
Para nang pagpápatawad namin,
Sa nagkakasalà sa amin;
At huwág Mo kamíng ipahintulot sa tuksó,
At iadyâ Mo kamí sa lahát ng masamâ.
[Sapagkát sa Inyó ang kaharián, at ang kapangyarihan,
At ang kaluwálhatian, ngayón, at magpakailanman.]
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Bawat tao'y isinilang na may layà at magkakapantáy ang tagláy na dangál at karapatán. Silá'y pinagkalooban ng pangangatwiran at budhî na kailangang gamitin nilá sa pagtuturingan nilá sa diwà ng pagkakapatiran.
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
The numbers (mga bilang) in Tagalog language are of two sets. The first set consists of native Tagalog words and the other set are Spanish loanwords. (This may be compared to other East Asian languages, except with the second set of numbers borrowed from Spanish instead of Chinese.) For example, when a person refers to the number "seven", it can be translated into Tagalog as "pito" or "siyete" (Spanish: siete).
Months and days
Months and days in Tagalog are also localised forms of Spanish months and days. "Month" in Tagalog is buwán
(also the word for moon
) and "day" is araw
(the word also means sun
). Unlike Spanish, however, months and days in Tagalog are always capitalised.
Time expressions in Tagalog are also Tagalized forms of the corresponding Spanish. "Time" in Tagalog is panahon or oras.
*Pronouns such as niyo
(2nd person plural) and nila
(3rd person plural) are used on a single 2nd person in polite or formal language. See Tagalog grammar
Ang hindî marunong lumingón sa pinánggalingan ay hindî makaráratíng sa paroroonan. (José Rizal)
One who knows not how to look back from whence he came, will never get to where he is going.
Unang kagat, tinapay pa rin. It means :"First bite, still bread." or "All fluff no substance."
Tao ka nang humarap, bilang tao kitang haharapin.
(A proverb in Southern Tagalog that made people aware the significance of sincerity in Tagalog communities. It says, "As a human you reach me, I treat you as a human and never act as a traitor.")
Hulí man daw (raw) at magalíng, nakáhahábol pa rin.
If one is behind but capable, one will still be able to catch up.
Magbirô ka na sa lasíng, huwág lang sa bagong gising.
Make fun of someone drunk, if you must, but never one who has just awakened.
Aanhín pa ang damó kung patáy na ang kabayo?
What use is the grass if the horse is already dead?
Ang sakít ng kalingkingan, ramdám ng buóng katawán.
The pain in the pinkie is felt by the whole body.
(In a group, if one goes down, the rest follow.)
Nasa hulí ang pagsisisi.
Regret is always in the end.
Pagkáhabà-habà man ng prusisyón, sa simbahan pa rin ang tulóy.
may stretch on and on, but it still ends up at the church.
(In romance: refers to how certain people are destined to be married. In general: refers to how some things are inevitable, no matter how long you try to postpone it.)
Kung 'dî mádaán sa santóng dasalan, daanin sa santóng paspasan.
If it cannot be got through holy prayer, get it through blessed force.
(In romance and courting: santóng paspasan
literally means 'holy speeding' and is a euphemism for sexual intercourse
. It refers to the two styles of courting by Filipino boys: one is the traditional, protracted, restrained manner favored by older generations, which often featured serenades
and manual labor for the girl's family; the other is upfront seduction, which may lead to a slap on the face or a pregnancy out of wedlock. The second conclusion is known as pikot
or what Western cultures would call a 'shotgun marriage
'. This proverb is also applied in terms of diplomacy and negotiation.)
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