United States Declaration of Independence The United States Declaration of Independence[a]
is the pronouncement adopted by the Second Continental Congress
meeting in Philadelphia
, on July 4, 1776. The Declaration explained why the Thirteen Colonies
at war with the Kingdom of Great Britain
regarded themselves as thirteen independent sovereign states
, no longer under British rule. With the Declaration, these new states took a collective first step toward forming the United States of America
. The declaration was signed by representatives from New Hampshire
, Massachusetts Bay
, Rhode Island
, New York
, New Jersey
, North Carolina
, South Carolina
, and Georgia
The Lee Resolution
for independence was passed by the Second Continental Congress on July 2 with no opposing votes. The Committee of Five
had drafted the Declaration to be ready when Congress voted on independence. John Adams
, a leader in pushing for independence, had persuaded the committee to select Thomas Jefferson
to compose the original draft of the document,
which Congress edited to produce the final version. The Declaration was a formal explanation of why Congress had voted to declare independence from Great Britain, more than a year after the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War
. Adams wrote to his wife Abigail
, "The Second Day of July 1776, will be the most memorable Epocha, in the History of America"
– although Independence Day is actually celebrated on July 4, the date that the wording of the Declaration of Independence was approved.
After ratifying the text on July 4, Congress issued the Declaration of Independence in several forms. It was initially published as the printed Dunlap broadside
that was widely distributed and read to the public. The source copy used for this printing has been lost and may have been a copy in Thomas Jefferson's hand.
Jefferson's original draft is preserved at the Library of Congress
, complete with changes made by John Adams and Benjamin Franklin
, as well as Jefferson's notes of changes made by Congress. The best-known version of the Declaration is a signed copy that is displayed at the National Archives
in Washington, D.C., and which is popularly regarded as the official document. This engrossed
copy (finalized, calligraphic copy) was ordered by Congress on July 19 and signed primarily on August 2.
The sources and interpretation of the Declaration have been the subject of much scholarly inquiry. The Declaration justified the independence of the United States by listing 27 colonial grievances
against King George III
and by asserting certain natural and legal rights, including a right of revolution. Its original purpose was to announce independence, and references to the text of the Declaration were few in the following years. Abraham Lincoln
made it the centerpiece of his policies and his rhetoric, as in the Gettysburg Address
Since then, it has become a well-known statement on human rights
, particularly its second sentence:
The declaration was made to create equal rights for every person and if it was intended for only a certain section of people, they would have left it as "rights of Englishmen".
This has been called "one of the best-known sentences in the English language",
containing "the most potent and consequential words in American history".
The passage came to represent a moral standard to which the United States should strive. This view was notably promoted by Lincoln, who considered the Declaration to be the foundation of his political philosophy and argued that it is a statement of principles through which the United States Constitution
should be interpreted.
The Declaration of Independence inspired many similar documents in other countries, the first being the 1789 Declaration of United Belgian States
issued during the Brabant Revolution
in the Austrian Netherlands
. It also served as the primary model for numerous declarations of independence in Europe and Latin America, as well as Africa (Liberia
) and Oceania (New Zealand
) during the first half of the 19th century.
Thomas Jefferson, the principal author of the Declaration
Believe me, dear Sir: there is not in the British empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I do. But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America.
By the time that the Declaration of Independence was adopted in July 1776, the Thirteen Colonies
and Great Britain had been at war for more than a year. Relations had been deteriorating between the colonies and the mother country since 1763. Parliament
enacted a series of measures to increase revenue from the colonies, such as the Stamp Act of 1765
and the Townshend Acts
of 1767. Parliament believed that these acts were a legitimate means of having the colonies pay their fair share of the costs to keep them in the British Empire
Many colonists, however, had developed a different conception of the empire. The colonies were not directly represented in Parliament, and colonists argued that Parliament had no right to levy taxes
upon them. This tax dispute was part of a larger divergence between British and American interpretations of the British Constitution
and the extent of Parliament's authority in the colonies.
The orthodox British view, dating from the Glorious Revolution
of 1688, was that Parliament was the supreme authority
throughout the empire, and so, by definition, anything that Parliament did was constitutional.
In the colonies, however, the idea had developed that the British Constitution recognized certain fundamental rights
that no government could violate, not even Parliament.
After the Townshend Acts, some essayists even began to question whether Parliament had any legitimate
jurisdiction in the colonies at all.
Anticipating the arrangement of the British Commonwealth
by 1774, American writers such as Samuel Adams
, James Wilson
, and Thomas Jefferson were arguing that Parliament was the legislature of Great Britain only, and that the colonies, which had their own legislatures, were connected to the rest of the empire only through their allegiance to the Crown.
The 13 states at the Declaration of Independence
The issue of Parliament's authority in the colonies became a crisis after Parliament passed the Coercive Acts
(known as the Intolerable Acts in the colonies) in 1774 to punish the colonists for the Gaspee Affair
of 1772 and the Boston Tea Party
of 1773. Many colonists saw the Coercive Acts as a violation of the British Constitution and thus a threat to the liberties of all of British America
, so the First Continental Congress
convened in Philadelphia in September 1774 to coordinate a response. Congress organized a boycott of British goods
and petitioned the king
for repeal of the acts. These measures were unsuccessful because King George and the ministry of Prime Minister Lord North
were determined to enforce parliamentary supremacy in America. As the king wrote to North in November 1774, "blows must decide whether they are to be subject to this country or independent".
Most colonists still hoped for reconciliation with Great Britain, even after fighting began in the American Revolutionary War
at Lexington and Concord
in April 1775.
The Second Continental Congress
convened at the Pennsylvania State House
in Philadelphia in May 1775, and some delegates hoped for eventual independence, but no one yet advocated declaring it.
Many colonists no longer believed that Parliament had any sovereignty over them, yet they still professed loyalty to King George, who they hoped would intercede on their behalf. They were disappointed in late 1775 when the king rejected Congress's second petition
, issued a Proclamation of Rebellion
, and announced before Parliament on October 26 that he was considering "friendly offers of foreign assistance" to suppress the rebellion.
A pro-American minority in Parliament warned that the government was driving the colonists toward independence.
's pamphlet Common Sense
was published in January 1776, just as it became clear in the colonies that the king was not inclined to act as a conciliator.
Paine had only recently arrived in the colonies from England, and he argued in favor of colonial independence, advocating republicanism
as an alternative to monarchy and hereditary rule. Common Sense
made a persuasive and impassioned case for independence, which had not yet been given serious intellectual consideration in the American colonies. Paine connected independence with Protestant beliefs as a means to present a distinctly American political identity, thereby stimulating public debate on a topic that few had previously dared to openly discuss,
and public support for separation from Great Britain steadily increased after its publication.
The Assembly Room in Philadelphia's Independence Hall
, where the Second Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence
Some colonists still held out hope for reconciliation, but developments in early 1776 further strengthened public support for independence. In February 1776, colonists learned of Parliament's passage of the Prohibitory Act
, which established a blockade of American ports and declared American ships to be enemy vessels. John Adams
, a strong supporter of independence, believed that Parliament had effectively declared American independence before Congress had been able to. Adams labeled the Prohibitory Act the "Act of Independency", calling it "a compleat Dismemberment of the British Empire".
Support for declaring independence grew even more when it was confirmed that King George had hired German mercenaries to use against his American subjects.
Despite this growing popular support for independence, Congress lacked the clear authority to declare it. Delegates had been elected to Congress by 13 different governments, which included extralegal conventions, ad hoc committees, and elected assemblies, and they were bound by the instructions given to them. Regardless of their personal opinions, delegates could not vote to declare independence unless their instructions permitted such an action.
Several colonies, in fact, expressly prohibited their delegates from taking any steps toward separation from Great Britain, while other delegations had instructions that were ambiguous on the issue;
consequently, advocates of independence sought to have the Congressional instructions revised. For Congress to declare independence, a majority of delegations would need authorization to vote for it, and at least one colonial government would need to specifically instruct its delegation to propose a declaration of independence in Congress. Between April and July 1776, a "complex political war"
was waged to bring this about.
In the campaign to revise Congressional instructions, many Americans formally expressed their support for separation from Great Britain in what were effectively state and local declarations of independence. Historian Pauline Maier
identifies more than ninety such declarations that were issued throughout the Thirteen Colonies from April to July 1776.
These "declarations" took a variety of forms. Some were formal written instructions for Congressional delegations, such as the Halifax Resolves
of April 12, with which North Carolina became the first colony to explicitly authorize its delegates to vote for independence.
Others were legislative acts that officially ended British rule in individual colonies, such as the Rhode Island legislature renouncing its allegiance to Great Britain on May 4—the first colony to do so.
Many "declarations" were resolutions adopted at town or county meetings that offered support for independence. A few came in the form of jury instructions, such as the statement issued on April 23, 1776, by Chief Justice William Henry Drayton
of South Carolina: "the law of the land authorizes me to declare ... that George
the Third, King of Great Britain
... has no authority over us, and we owe no obedience to him."
Most of these declarations are now obscure, having been overshadowed by the declaration approved by Congress on July 2, and signed July 4.
Some colonies held back from endorsing independence. Resistance was centered in the middle colonies
of New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Delaware.
Advocates of independence saw Pennsylvania as the key; if that colony could be converted to the pro-independence cause, it was believed that the others would follow.
On May 1, however, opponents of independence retained control of the Pennsylvania Assembly
in a special election that had focused on the question of independence.
In response, Congress passed a resolution on May 10 which had been promoted by John Adams and Richard Henry Lee
, calling on colonies without a "government sufficient to the exigencies
of their affairs" to adopt new governments.
The resolution passed unanimously, and was even supported by Pennsylvania's John Dickinson
, the leader of the anti-independence faction in Congress, who believed that it did not apply to his colony.
May 15 preamble
This Day the Congress has passed the most important Resolution, that ever was taken in America.
—John Adams, May 15, 1776
As was the custom, Congress appointed a committee to draft a preamble
to explain the purpose of the resolution. John Adams wrote the preamble, which stated that because King George had rejected reconciliation and was hiring foreign mercenaries to use against the colonies, "it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed".
Adams's preamble was meant to encourage the overthrow of the governments of Pennsylvania and Maryland, which were still under proprietary
Congress passed the preamble on May 15 after several days of debate, but four of the middle colonies voted against it, and the Maryland delegation walked out in protest.
Adams regarded his May 15 preamble effectively as an American declaration of independence, although a formal declaration would still have to be made.
On the same day that Congress passed Adams's radical preamble, the Virginia Convention
set the stage for a formal Congressional declaration of independence. On May 15, the Convention instructed Virginia's congressional delegation "to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent States, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon, the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain".
In accordance with those instructions, Richard Henry Lee
of Virginia presented a three-part resolution
to Congress on June 7.
The motion was seconded by John Adams, calling on Congress to declare independence, form foreign alliances, and prepare a plan of colonial confederation. The part of the resolution relating to declaring independence read:
Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.
Lee's resolution met with resistance in the ensuing debate. Opponents of the resolution conceded that reconciliation was unlikely with Great Britain, while arguing that declaring independence was premature, and that securing foreign aid should take priority.
Advocates of the resolution countered that foreign governments would not intervene in an internal British struggle, and so a formal declaration of independence was needed before foreign aid was possible. All Congress needed to do, they insisted, was to "declare a fact which already exists".
Delegates from Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jersey, Maryland, and New York were still not yet authorized to vote for independence, however, and some of them threatened to leave Congress if the resolution were adopted. Congress, therefore, voted on June 10 to postpone further discussion of Lee's resolution for three weeks.
Until then, Congress decided that a committee should prepare a document announcing and explaining independence in the event that Lee's resolution was approved when it was brought up again in July.
The final push
Support for a Congressional declaration of independence was consolidated in the final weeks of June 1776. On June 14, the Connecticut Assembly instructed its delegates to propose independence and, the following day, the legislatures of New Hampshire and Delaware authorized their delegates to declare independence.
In Pennsylvania, political struggles ended with the dissolution of the colonial assembly, and a new Conference of Committees under Thomas McKean
authorized Pennsylvania's delegates to declare independence on June 18.
The Provincial Congress of New Jersey
had been governing the province since January 1776; they resolved on June 15 that Royal Governor William Franklin
was "an enemy to the liberties of this country" and had him arrested.
On June 21, they chose new delegates to Congress and empowered them to join in a declaration of independence.
Only Maryland and New York had yet to authorize independence toward the end of June. Previously, Maryland's delegates had walked out when the Continental Congress adopted Adams's radical May 15 preamble, and had sent to the Annapolis Convention
On May 20, the Annapolis Convention rejected Adams's preamble, instructing its delegates to remain against independence. But Samuel Chase
went to Maryland and, thanks to local resolutions in favor of independence, was able to get the Annapolis Convention to change its mind on June 28.
Only the New York delegates were unable to get revised instructions. When Congress had been considering the resolution of independence on June 8, the New York Provincial Congress
told the delegates to wait.
But on June 30, the Provincial Congress evacuated New York as British forces approached, and would not convene again until July 10. This meant that New York's delegates would not be authorized to declare independence until after Congress had made its decision.
Draft and adoption
Political maneuvering was setting the stage for an official declaration of independence even while a document was being written to explain the decision. On June 11, 1776, Congress appointed a "Committee of Five
" to draft a declaration, consisting of John Adams
of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin
of Pennsylvania, Thomas Jefferson
of Virginia, Robert R. Livingston
of New York, and Roger Sherman
of Connecticut. The committee took no minutes, so there is some uncertainty about how the drafting process proceeded; contradictory accounts were written many years later by Jefferson and Adams, too many years to be regarded as entirely reliable—although their accounts are frequently cited.
What is certain is that the committee discussed the general outline which the document should follow and decided that Jefferson would write the first draft.
The committee in general, and Jefferson in particular, thought that Adams should write the document, but Adams persuaded them to choose Jefferson and promised to consult with him personally.
Adams also convinced Jefferson by giving him some drinks. Jefferson was a little nervous about writing it, so Adams calmed him down with the drinks.
Considering Congress's busy schedule, Jefferson probably had limited time for writing over the next 17 days, and he likely wrote the draft quickly.
He then consulted the others and made some changes, and then produced another copy incorporating these alterations. The committee presented this copy to the Congress on June 28, 1776. The title of the document was "A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled."
Portable writing desk that Jefferson used to draft and write the Declaration of Independence
Congress ordered that the draft "lie on the table"
and then methodically edited Jefferson's primary document for the next two days, shortening it by a fourth, removing unnecessary wording, and improving sentence structure.
They removed Jefferson's assertion that King George III had forced slavery
onto the colonies,
in order to moderate the document and appease those in South Carolina and Georgia, both states which had significant involvement in the slave trade
. Jefferson later wrote in his autobiography that Northern states were also supportive towards the clauses removal, "for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others."
Jefferson wrote that Congress had "mangled" his draft version, but the Declaration that was finally produced was "the majestic document that inspired both contemporaries and posterity", in the words of his biographer John Ferling
Congress tabled the draft of the declaration on Monday, July 1 and resolved itself into a committee of the whole
, with Benjamin Harrison
of Virginia presiding, and they resumed debate on Lee's resolution of independence. John Dickinson
made one last effort to delay the decision, arguing that Congress should not declare independence without first securing a foreign alliance and finalizing the Articles of Confederation
John Adams gave a speech in reply to Dickinson, restating the case for an immediate declaration.
A vote was taken after a long day of speeches, each colony casting a single vote, as always. The delegation for each colony numbered from two to seven members, and each delegation voted among themselves to determine the colony's vote. Pennsylvania and South Carolina voted against declaring independence. The New York delegation abstained, lacking permission to vote for independence. Delaware cast no vote because the delegation was split between Thomas McKean
, who voted yes, and George Read
, who voted no. The remaining nine delegations voted in favor of independence, which meant that the resolution had been approved by the committee of the whole. The next step was for the resolution to be voted upon by Congress itself. Edward Rutledge
of South Carolina was opposed to Lee's resolution but desirous of unanimity, and he moved that the vote be postponed until the following day.
"Declaration House", the reconstructed boarding house at Market and S. 7th Street where Jefferson wrote the Declaration
On July 2, South Carolina reversed its position and voted for independence. In the Pennsylvania delegation, Dickinson and Robert Morris
abstained, allowing the delegation to vote three-to-two in favor of independence. The tie in the Delaware delegation was broken by the timely arrival of Caesar Rodney
, who voted for independence. The New York delegation abstained once again since they were still not authorized to vote for independence, although they were allowed to do so a week later by the New York Provincial Congress
The resolution of independence was adopted with twelve affirmative votes and one abstention, and the colonies formally severed political ties with Great Britain.
John Adams wrote to his wife on the following day and predicted that July 2 would become a great American holiday
He thought that the vote for independence would be commemorated; he did not foresee that Americans would instead celebrate Independence Day
on the date when the announcement of that act was finalized.
I am apt to believe that [Independence Day] will be celebrated, by succeeding Generations, as the great anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverance by solemn Acts of Devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with Pomp and Parade, with shews, Games, Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from one End of this Continent to the other from this Time forward forever more.
Congress next turned its attention to the committee's draft of the declaration. They made a few changes in wording during several days of debate and deleted nearly a fourth of the text. The wording of the Declaration of Independence was approved on July 4, 1776 and sent to the printer for publication.
The opening of the original printing of the Declaration, printed on July 4, 1776, under Jefferson's supervision. The engrossed copy was made later (shown at the top of this article). Note that the opening lines differ between the two versions.
There is a distinct change in wording from this original broadside printing of the Declaration and the final official engrossed copy. The word "unanimous" was inserted as a result of a Congressional resolution passed on July 19, 1776:
Resolved, That the Declaration passed on the 4th, be fairly engrossed on parchment, with the title and stile of "The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America," and that the same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of Congress.
Historian George Billias says:
Independence amounted to a new status of interdependence: the United States was now a sovereign nation entitled to the privileges and responsibilities that came with that status. America thus became a member of the international community, which meant becoming a maker of treaties and alliances, a military ally in diplomacy, and a partner in foreign trade on a more equal basis.
Annotated text of the engrossed declaration
The declaration is not divided into formal sections; but it is often discussed as consisting of five parts: introduction
of King George III, denunciation
of the British people, and conclusion
Influences and legal status
English political philosopher John Locke
Historians have often sought to identify the sources that most influenced the words and political philosophy
of the Declaration of Independence. By Jefferson's own admission, the Declaration contained no original ideas, but was instead a statement of sentiments widely shared by supporters of the American Revolution. As he explained in 1825:
Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.
Section 1. That all men are by nature equally free and independent, and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
Mason was, in turn, directly influenced by the 1689 English Declaration of Rights
, which formally ended the reign of King James II
During the American Revolution, Jefferson and other Americans looked to the English Declaration of Rights as a model of how to end the reign of an unjust king.
The Scottish Declaration of Arbroath
(1320) and the Dutch Act of Abjuration
(1581) have also been offered as models for Jefferson's Declaration, but these models are now accepted by few scholars.
Jefferson wrote that a number of authors exerted a general influence on the words of the Declaration.
English political theorist John Locke
is usually cited as one of the primary influences, a man whom Jefferson called one of "the three greatest men that have ever lived".
In 1922, historian Carl L. Becker
wrote, "Most Americans had absorbed Locke's works as a kind of political gospel; and the Declaration, in its form, in its phraseology, follows closely certain sentences in Locke's second treatise on government
The extent of Locke's influence on the American Revolution has been questioned by some subsequent scholars, however. Historian Ray Forrest Harvey argued in 1937 for the dominant influence of Swiss jurist Jean Jacques Burlamaqui
, declaring that Jefferson and Locke were at "two opposite poles" in their political philosophy, as evidenced by Jefferson's use in the Declaration of Independence of the phrase "pursuit of happiness" instead of "property".
Other scholars emphasized the influence of republicanism
rather than Locke's classical liberalism
Historian Garry Wills
argued that Jefferson was influenced by the Scottish Enlightenment
, particularly Francis Hutcheson
, rather than Locke,
an interpretation that has been strongly criticized.
Legal historian John Phillip Reid has written that the emphasis on the political philosophy of the Declaration has been misplaced. The Declaration is not a philosophical tract about natural rights, argues Reid, but is instead a legal document—an indictment
against King George for violating the constitutional rights of the colonists.
As such, it follows the process of the 1550 Magdeburg Confession
, which legitimized resistance against Holy Roman Emperor Charles V
in a multi-step legal formula now known as the doctrine of the Lesser magistrate
Historian David Armitage
has argued that the Declaration was strongly influenced by de Vattel's The Law of Nations
, the dominant international law
treatise of the period, and a book that Benjamin Franklin said was "continually in the hands of the members of our Congress".
Armitage writes, "Vattel made independence fundamental to his definition of statehood"; therefore, the primary purpose of the Declaration was "to express the international legal sovereignty of the United States". If the United States were to have any hope of being recognized by the European powers, the American revolutionaries first had to make it clear that they were no longer dependent on Great Britain.
The Declaration of Independence does not have the force of law domestically, but nevertheless it may help to provide historical and legal clarity about the Constitution and other laws.
The signed copy of the Declaration is now badly faded because of poor preserving practices in the 19th century. It is on display at the National Archives
in Washington, D.C.
The Declaration became official when Congress voted for it on July 4; signatures of the delegates were not needed to make it official. The handwritten copy of the Declaration of Independence that was signed by Congress is dated July 4, 1776. The signatures of fifty-six delegates are affixed; however, the exact date when each person signed it has long been the subject of debate. Jefferson, Franklin, and Adams all wrote that the Declaration had been signed by Congress on July 4.
But in 1796, signer Thomas McKean
disputed that the Declaration had been signed on July 4, pointing out that some signers were not then present, including several who were not even elected to Congress until after that date.
The Declaration was transposed on paper, adopted by the Continental Congress, and signed by John Hancock
, President of the Congress, on July 4, 1776, according to the 1911 record of events by the U.S. State Department
under Secretary Philander C. Knox
On August 2, 1776, a parchment paper copy of the Declaration was signed by 56 persons.
Many of these signers were not present when the original Declaration was adopted on July 4.
Signer Matthew Thornton
from New Hampshire
was seated in the Continental Congress in November; he asked for and received the privilege of adding his signature at that time, and signed on November 4, 1776.
On July 4, 1776, Continental Congress President John Hancock
's signature authenticated the United States Declaration of Independence.
Historians have generally accepted McKean's version of events, arguing that the famous signed version of the Declaration was created after July 19, and was not signed by Congress until August 2, 1776.
In 1986, legal historian Wilfred Ritz argued that historians had misunderstood the primary documents and given too much credence to McKean, who had not been present in Congress on July 4.
According to Ritz, about thirty-four delegates signed the Declaration on July 4, and the others signed on or after August 2.
Historians who reject a July 4 signing maintain that most delegates signed on August 2, and that those eventual signers who were not present added their names later.
Two future U.S. presidents were among the signatories: Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. The most famous signature on the engrossed
copy is that of John Hancock
, who presumably signed first as President of Congress
Hancock's large, flamboyant signature became iconic, and the term John Hancock
emerged in the United States as an informal synonym for "signature".
A commonly circulated but apocryphal account claims that, after Hancock signed, the delegate from Massachusetts commented, "The British ministry can read that name without spectacles." Another apocryphal report indicates that Hancock proudly declared, "There! I guess King George will be able to read that!"
Various legends emerged years later about the signing of the Declaration, when the document had become an important national symbol. In one famous story, John Hancock supposedly said that Congress, having signed the Declaration, must now "all hang together", and Benjamin Franklin replied: "Yes, we must indeed all hang together, or most assuredly we shall all hang separately." The quotation did not appear in print until more than fifty years after Franklin's death.
The Syng inkstand
used at the signing was also used at the signing of the United States Constitution in 1787.
Publication and reaction
Johannes Adam Simon Oertel
's painting Pulling Down the Statue of King George III, N.Y.C.
, ca. 1859, depicts citizens destroying a statue of King George after the Declaration was read in New York City on July 9, 1776.
After Congress approved the final wording of the Declaration on July 4, a handwritten copy was sent a few blocks away to the printing shop of John Dunlap
. Through the night, Dunlap printed about 200 broadsides
for distribution. Soon, it was being read to audiences and reprinted in newspapers throughout the 13 states. The first formal public readings of the document took place on July 8, in Philadelphia (by John Nixon
in the yard of Independence Hall), Trenton, New Jersey
, and Easton, Pennsylvania
; the first newspaper to publish it was the Pennsylvania Evening Post
on July 6.
translation of the Declaration was published in Philadelphia by July 9.
President of Congress John Hancock sent a broadside to General George Washington
, instructing him to have it proclaimed "at the Head of the Army in the way you shall think it most proper".
Washington had the Declaration read to his troops in New York City
on July 9, with thousands of British troops on ships in the harbor. Washington and Congress hoped that the Declaration would inspire the soldiers, and encourage others to join the army.
After hearing the Declaration, crowds in many cities tore down and destroyed signs or statues representing royal authority. An equestrian statue of King George in New York City was pulled down and the lead used to make musket balls.
, signer of the Declaration of Independence, manumitted his slave, believing that he could not both fight for liberty and own slaves.
One of the first readings of the Declaration by the British is believed to have taken place at the Rose and Crown Tavern
on Staten Island, New York
in the presence of General Howe
British officials in North America sent copies of the Declaration to Great Britain.
It was published in British newspapers beginning in mid-August, it had reached Florence and Warsaw by mid-September, and a German translation appeared in Switzerland by October. The first copy of the Declaration sent to France got lost, and the second copy arrived only in November 1776.
It reached Portuguese America by Brazilian medical student "Vendek" José Joaquim Maia e Barbalho, who had met with Thomas Jefferson in Nîmes.
The Spanish-American authorities banned the circulation of the Declaration, but it was widely transmitted and translated: by Venezuelan Manuel García de Sena, by Colombian Miguel de Pombo, by Ecuadorian Vicente Rocafuerte, and by New Englanders Richard Cleveland and William Shaler, who distributed the Declaration and the United States Constitution among Creoles in Chile and Indians in Mexico in 1821.
The North Ministry
did not give an official answer to the Declaration, but instead secretly commissioned pamphleteer John Lind
to publish a response entitled Answer to the Declaration of the American Congress
British Tories denounced the signers of the Declaration for not applying the same principles of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" to African Americans. Thomas Hutchinson
, the former royal governor of Massachusetts, also published a rebuttal.
These pamphlets challenged various aspects of the Declaration. Hutchinson argued that the American Revolution was the work of a few conspirators who wanted independence from the outset, and who had finally achieved it by inducing otherwise loyal colonists to rebel.
Lind's pamphlet had an anonymous attack on the concept of natural rights
written by Jeremy Bentham
, an argument that he repeated during the French Revolution
Both pamphlets questioned how the American slaveholders in Congress could proclaim that "all men are created equal" without freeing their own slaves.
, a signer of the Declaration of Independence who had fought in the war, freed his slave Prince Whipple
because of his revolutionary ideals. In the postwar decades, other slaveholders also freed their slaves; from 1790 to 1810, the percentage of free blacks in the Upper South increased to 8.3 percent from less than one percent of the black population.
Northern states began abolishing slavery shortly after the war for Independence began, and all had abolished slavery by 1804.
Later in 1776, a group of 547 Loyalists
, largely from New York
, signed a Declaration of Dependence pledging their loyalty to the Crown.
History of the documents
The official copy of the Declaration of Independence was the one printed on July 4, 1776, under Jefferson's supervision. It was sent to the states and to the Army and was widely reprinted in newspapers. The slightly different "engrossed copy" (shown at the top of this article) was made later for members to sign. The engrossed version is the one widely distributed in the 21st century. Note that the opening lines differ between the two versions.
The document signed by Congress and enshrined in the National Archives is usually regarded as the
Declaration of Independence, but historian Julian P. Boyd
argued that the Declaration, like Magna Carta
, is not a single document. Boyd considered the printed broadsides ordered by Congress to be official texts, as well. The Declaration was first published as a broadside that was printed the night of July 4 by John Dunlap
of Philadelphia. Dunlap printed about 200 broadsides, of which 26 are known to survive. The 26th copy was discovered in The National Archives
in England in 2009.
Several early handwritten copies and drafts of the Declaration have also been preserved. Jefferson kept a four-page draft that late in life he called the "original Rough draught".
It is not known how many drafts Jefferson wrote prior to this one, and how much of the text was contributed by other committee members. In 1947, Boyd discovered a fragment of an earlier draft in Jefferson's handwriting.
Jefferson and Adams sent copies of the rough draft to friends, with slight variations.
During the writing process, Jefferson showed the rough draft to Adams and Franklin, and perhaps to other members of the drafting committee,
who made a few more changes. Franklin, for example, may have been responsible for changing Jefferson's original phrase "We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable" to "We hold these truths to be self-evident".
Jefferson incorporated these changes into a copy that was submitted to Congress in the name of the committee.
The copy that was submitted to Congress on June 28 has been lost and was perhaps destroyed in the printing process,
or destroyed during the debates in accordance with Congress's secrecy rule
On April 21, 2017, it was announced that a second engrossed copy had been discovered in the archives at West Sussex County Council
Named by its finders the "Sussex Declaration", it differs from the National Archives copy (which the finders refer to as the "Matlack Declaration") in that the signatures on it are not grouped by States. How it came to be in England is not yet known, but the finders believe that the randomness of the signatures points to an origin with signatory James Wilson
, who had argued strongly that the Declaration was made not by the States but by the whole people.
Years of exposure to damaging lighting would result in the original Declaration of Independence document having much of its ink fade by 1876.
The Declaration was given little attention in the years immediately following the American Revolution, having served its original purpose in announcing the independence of the United States.
Early celebrations of Independence Day
largely ignored the Declaration, as did early histories of the Revolution. The act
of declaring independence was considered important, whereas the text
announcing that act attracted little attention.
The Declaration was rarely mentioned during the debates about the United States Constitution
, and its language was not incorporated into that document.
George Mason's draft of the Virginia Declaration of Rights
was more influential, and its language was echoed in state constitutions and state bills of rights more often than Jefferson's words.
"In none of these documents," wrote Pauline Maier, "is there any evidence whatsoever that the Declaration of Independence lived in men's minds as a classic statement of American political principles."
Influence in other countries
Other countries have used the Declaration as inspiration or have directly copied sections from it. These include the Haitian declaration of January 1, 1804 during the Haitian Revolution
, the United Provinces of New Granada
in 1811, the Argentine Declaration of Independence
in 1816, the Chilean Declaration of Independence
in 1818, Costa Rica
in 1821, El Salvador
in 1821, Guatemala
in 1821, Honduras
in 1821, Mexico in 1821
in 1821, Peru
in 1821, Bolivian War of Independence
in 1825, Uruguay
in 1825, Ecuador
in 1830, Colombia
in 1831, Paraguay
in 1842, Dominican Republic
in 1844, Texas Declaration of Independence
in March 1836, California Republic
in November 1836, Hungarian Declaration of Independence
in 1849, Declaration of the Independence of New Zealand
in 1835, and the Czechoslovak declaration of independence
from 1918 drafted in Washington D.C. with Gutzon Borglum
among the drafters. The Rhodesian declaration of independence
is based on the American one, as well, ratified in November 1965, although it omits the phrases "all men are created equal
" and "the consent of the governed
The South Carolina declaration of secession
from December 1860 also mentions the U.S. Declaration of Independence, though it omits references to "all men are created equal" and "consent of the governed".
Revival of interest
Interest in the Declaration was revived in the 1790s with the emergence of the United States's first political parties
Throughout the 1780s, few Americans knew or cared who wrote the Declaration.
But in the next decade, Jeffersonian Republicans
sought political advantage over their rival Federalists
by promoting both the importance of the Declaration and Jefferson as its author.
Federalists responded by casting doubt on Jefferson's authorship or originality, and by emphasizing that independence was declared by the whole Congress, with Jefferson as just one member of the drafting committee. Federalists insisted that Congress's act of declaring independence, in which Federalist John Adams had played a major role, was more important than the document announcing it.
But this view faded away, like the Federalist Party itself, and, before long, the act of declaring independence became synonymous with the document.
A less partisan appreciation for the Declaration emerged in the years following the War of 1812
, thanks to a growing American nationalism and a renewed interest in the history of the Revolution.
In 1817, Congress commissioned John Trumbull
's famous painting
of the signers, which was exhibited to large crowds before being installed in the Capitol
The earliest commemorative printings of the Declaration also appeared at this time, offering many Americans their first view of the signed document.
Collective biographies of the signers were first published in the 1820s,
giving birth to what Garry Wills called the "cult of the signers".
In the years that followed, many stories about the writing and signing of the document were published for the first time.
When interest in the Declaration was revived, the sections that were most important in 1776 were no longer relevant: the announcement of the independence of the United States and the grievances against King George. But the second paragraph was applicable long after the war had ended, with its talk of self-evident truths and unalienable rights.
The identity of natural law since the 18th century has seen increasing ascendancy towards political and moral norms versus the law of nature, God, or human nature as seen in the past.
The Constitution and the Bill of Rights
lacked sweeping statements about rights and equality, and advocates of groups with grievances turned to the Declaration for support.
Starting in the 1820s, variations of the Declaration were issued to proclaim the rights of workers, farmers, women, and others.
In 1848, for example, the Seneca Falls Convention
of women's rights advocates declared
that "all men and women are created equal".
John Trumbull's Declaration of Independence
's painting Declaration of Independence
has played a significant role in popular conceptions of the Declaration of Independence. The painting is 12-by-18-foot (3.7 by 5.5 m) in size and was commissioned by the United States Congress
in 1817; it has hung in the United States Capitol Rotunda
since 1826. It is sometimes described as the signing of the Declaration of Independence, but it actually shows the Committee of Five
presenting their draft of the Declaration to the Second Continental Congress
on June 28, 1776, and not the signing of the document, which took place later.
Trumbull painted the figures from life whenever possible, but some had died and images could not be located; hence, the painting does not include all the signers of the Declaration. One figure had participated in the drafting but did not sign the final document; another refused to sign. In fact, the membership of the Second Continental Congress changed as time passed, and the figures in the painting were never in the same room at the same time. It is, however, an accurate depiction of the room in Independence Hall
, the centerpiece of the Independence National Historical Park
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Trumbull's painting has been depicted multiple times on U.S. currency and postage stamps. Its first use was on the reverse
side of the $100 National Bank Note
issued in 1863. A few years later, the steel engraving
used in printing the bank notes was used to produce a 24-cent stamp, issued as part of the 1869 Pictorial Issue
. An engraving of the signing scene has been featured on the reverse side of the United States two-dollar bill
Slavery and the Declaration
The apparent contradiction between the claim that "all men are created equal" and the existence of slavery in the United States
attracted comment when the Declaration was first published. Many of the founders understood the incompatibility of the statement of natural equality with the institution of slavery, but continued to enjoy the “Rights of Man”.
Jefferson had included a paragraph in his initial draft that asserted that King George III had forced the slave trade
onto the colonies, but this was deleted from the final version.
Jefferson himself was a prominent Virginia
slaveowner, owning six hundred enslaved Africans on his Monticello plantation
Referring to this contradiction, English abolitionist Thomas Day
wrote in a 1776 letter, "If there be an object truly ridiculous in nature, it is an American patriot, signing resolutions of independency with the one hand, and with the other brandishing a whip over his affrighted slaves."
The African-American writer Lemuel Haynes
expressed similar viewpoints in his essay "Liberty Further Extended," where he wrote that "Liberty is Equally as pre[c]ious to a Black man, as it is to a white one".
In the 19th century, the Declaration took on a special significance for the abolitionist movement. Historian Bertram Wyatt-Brown
wrote that "abolitionists tended to interpret the Declaration of Independence as a theological as well as a political document".
Abolitionist leaders Benjamin Lundy
and William Lloyd Garrison
adopted the "twin rocks" of "the Bible and the Declaration of Independence" as the basis for their philosophies. "As long as there remains a single copy of the Declaration of Independence, or of the Bible, in our land," wrote Garrison, "we will not despair."
For radical abolitionists such as Garrison, the most important part of the Declaration was its assertion of the right of revolution
. Garrison called for the destruction of the government under the Constitution, and the creation of a new state dedicated to the principles of the Declaration.
The controversial question of whether to allow additional slave states
into the United States coincided with the growing stature of the Declaration. The first major public debate about slavery and the Declaration took place during the Missouri controversy
of 1819 to 1821.
Anti-slavery Congressmen argued that the language of the Declaration indicated that the Founding Fathers of the United States
had been opposed to slavery in principle, and so new slave states should not be added to the country.
Pro-slavery Congressmen led by Senator Nathaniel Macon
of North Carolina argued that the Declaration was not a part of the Constitution and therefore had no relevance to the question.
With the abolitionist movement gaining momentum, defenders of slavery such as John Randolph
and John C. Calhoun
found it necessary to argue that the Declaration's assertion that "all men are created equal" was false, or at least that it did not apply to black people.
During the debate over the Kansas–Nebraska Act
in 1853, for example, Senator John Pettit
of Indiana argued that the statement "all men are created equal" was not a "self-evident truth" but a "self-evident lie".
Opponents of the Kansas–Nebraska Act, including Salmon P. Chase
and Benjamin Wade
, defended the Declaration and what they saw as its antislavery principles.
John Brown's Declaration of Liberty
Much less known, as Brown did not have it printed, is his Declaration of Liberty, dated July 4, 1859, found among his papers at the Kennedy Farm
It was written out on sheets of paper attached to fabric, to allow it to be rolled, and it was rolled when found. The hand is that of Owen Brown
, who often served as his father's amanuensis
Imitating the vocabulary, punctution, and capitalization of the 73-year-old U.S. Declaration, the 2000-word document begins:
A Declaration of Liberty
By the Representatives of the slave Popolation of the United States of America
When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for an Oppressed People to Rise, and assert their Natural Rights, as Human Beings, as Native & mutual Citizens of a free Republic, and break that odious Yoke of oppression, which is so unjustly laid upon them by their fellow Countrymen, and to assume among the powers of Earth the same equal privileges to which the Laws of Nature, & natures God entitle them; A moderate respect for the opinions of Mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which incite them to this just & worthy action.
We hold these truths to be Self Evident; That All Men are Created Equal; That they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights. That among these are Life, Liberty; & the persuit of happiness. That Nature hath freely given to all Men, a full Supply of Air. Water, & Land; for their sustinance, & mutual happiness, That No Man has any right to deprive his fellow Man, of these Inherent rights, except in punishment of Crime. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That when any form of Government, becomes destructive to these ends, It is the right of the People, to alter, Amend, or Remoddel it, Laying its foundation on Such Principles, & organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect the safety, & happiness of the Human Race.
The document was apparently intended to be read aloud, but so far as is known Brown never did so, even though he read the Provisional Constitution aloud the day the raid on Harpers Ferry began.:74
Very much aware of the history of the American Revolution
, he would have read the Declaration aloud after the revolt had started. The document was not published until 1894, and by someone who did not realize its importance and buried it in an appendix of documents.:637–643
It is missing from most but not all studies of John Brown.:69–73
Lincoln and the Declaration
The Declaration's relationship to slavery was taken up in 1854 by Abraham Lincoln
, a little-known former Congressman who idolized the Founding Fathers.
Lincoln thought that the Declaration of Independence expressed the highest principles of the American Revolution, and that the Founding Fathers had tolerated slavery with the expectation that it would ultimately wither away.
For the United States to legitimize the expansion of slavery in the Kansas–Nebraska Act, thought Lincoln, was to repudiate the principles of the Revolution. In his October 1854 Peoria speech
, Lincoln said:
Nearly eighty years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now from that beginning we have run down to the other declaration, that for some men to enslave others is a "sacred right of self-government". ... Our republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. ... Let us repurify it. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it, the practices, and policy, which harmonize with it. ... If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union: but we shall have saved it, as to make, and keep it, forever worthy of the saving.
The meaning of the Declaration was a recurring topic in the famed debates
between Lincoln and Stephen Douglas
in 1858. Douglas argued that the phrase "all men are created equal" in the Declaration referred to white men only. The purpose of the Declaration, he said, had simply been to justify the independence of the United States, and not to proclaim the equality of any "inferior or degraded race".
Lincoln, however, thought that the language of the Declaration was deliberately universal, setting a high moral standard to which the American republic should aspire. "I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement in the condition of all men everywhere", he said.
During the seventh and last joint debate with Steven Douglas at Alton, Illinois, on October 15, 1858, Lincoln said about the declaration:
I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include all men, but they did not mean to declare all men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all men were equal in color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness in what they did consider all men created equal—equal in "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, or yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society which should be familiar to all, constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even, though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people, of all colors, everywhere.
According to Pauline Maier, Douglas's interpretation was more historically accurate, but Lincoln's view ultimately prevailed. "In Lincoln's hands," wrote Maier, "the Declaration of Independence became first and foremost a living document" with "a set of goals to be realized over time".
[T]here is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
—Abraham Lincoln, 1858
Like Daniel Webster
, James Wilson
, and Joseph Story
before him, Lincoln argued that the Declaration of Independence was a founding document of the United States, and that this had important implications for interpreting the Constitution, which had been ratified more than a decade after the Declaration.
The Constitution did not use the word "equality", yet Lincoln believed that the concept that "all men are created equal" remained a part of the nation's founding principles.
He famously expressed this belief in the opening sentence of his 1863 Gettysburg Address
: "Four score and seven years ago [i.e. in 1776] our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal."
Lincoln's view of the Declaration
became influential, seeing it as a moral guide to interpreting the Constitution. "For most people now," wrote Garry Wills in 1992, "the Declaration means what Lincoln told us it means, as a way of correcting the Constitution itself without overthrowing it."
Admirers of Lincoln such as Harry V. Jaffa
praised this development. Critics of Lincoln, notably Willmoore Kendall
and Mel Bradford
, argued that Lincoln dangerously expanded the scope of the national government and violated states' rights
by reading the Declaration into the Constitution.
Women's suffrage and the Declaration
Twentieth century and later
The Declaration was chosen to be the first digitized text (1971).
Formally The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America
- ^ Becker, Declaration of Independence, 5.
- ^ a b "Declaring Independence" Archived May 4, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Revolutionary War, Digital History, University of Houston. From Adams' notes: "Why will you not? You ought to do it." "I will not." "Why?" "Reasons enough." "What can be your reasons?" "Reason first, you are a Virginian, and a Virginian ought to appear at the head of this business. Reason second, I am obnoxious, suspected, and unpopular. You are very much otherwise. Reason third, you can write ten times better than I can." "Well," said Jefferson, "if you are decided, I will do as well as I can." "Very well. When you have drawn it up, we will have a meeting."
- ^ "Letter from John Adams to Abigail Adams, 3 July 1776, "Had a Declaration..."". www.masshist.org. Archived from the original on April 11, 2016. Retrieved April 18, 2016.
- ^ Boyd (1976), The Declaration of Independence: The Mystery of the Lost Original, p. 438.
- ^ "Did You Know ... Independence Day Should Actually Be July 2?" (Press release). National Archives and Records Administration. June 1, 2005. Archived from the original on June 26, 2012. Retrieved July 4, 2012.
- ^ The Declaration of Independence: A HistoryArchived January 17, 2010, at WebCite, The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration.
- ^ Hirsch, David; Van Haften, Dan (2017). The ultimate guide to the Declaration of Independence (First ed.). El Dorado Hills, California. ISBN 978-1-61121-374-4. OCLC 990127604.
- ^ Xanthaki, Alexandra (2007). Indigenous rights and United Nations standards : self-determination, culture and land. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-83574-9. OCLC 1058058172.
- ^ Brown, Richard D. (2017). Self-evident truths : contesting equal rights from the Revolution to the Civil War. New Haven. ISBN 978-0-300-22762-8. OCLC 975419750.
- ^ Stephen E. Lucas, "Justifying America: The Declaration of Independence as a Rhetorical Document", in Thomas W. Benson, ed., American Rhetoric: Context and Criticism, Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989, p. 85.
- ^ Ellis, American Creation, 55–56.
- ^ a b McPherson, Second American Revolution, 126.
- ^ Armitage, David (2007). The Declaration of Independence: A Global History. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 113–126. ISBN 978-0-674-02282-9.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 19.
- ^ Christie and Labaree, Empire or Independence, 31.
- ^ Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 162.
- ^ Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 200–02.
- ^ Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 180–82.
- ^ Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 241.
- ^ Bailyn, Ideological Origins, 224–25.
- ^ Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 241–42. The writings in question include Wilson's Considerations on the Authority of Parliament and Jefferson's A Summary View of the Rights of British America (both 1774), as well as Samuel Adams's 1768 Circular Letter.
- ^ Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 168; Ferling, Leap in the Dark, 123–24.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 13; Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 318.
- ^ Middlekauff, Glorious Cause, 318.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 25. The text of the 1775 king's speech is online Archived January 19, 2020, at the Wayback Machine, published by the American Memory project.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 25.
- ^ Rakove, Beginnings of National Politics, 88–90.
- ^ Christie and Labaree, Empire or Independence, 270; Maier, American Scripture, 31–32.
- ^ Rakove, Beginnings of National Politics, 89; Maier, American Scripture, 33.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 33–34.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 209; Maier, American Scripture, 25–27.
- ^ Friedenwald, Interpretation, 67.
- ^ Friedenwald, Interpretation, 77.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 30.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 59.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 671; Friedenwald, Interpretation, 78.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 48, and Appendix A, which lists the state and local declarations.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 678–79.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 679; Friedenwald, Interpretation, 92–93.
- ^ "Treasures from the Archives: The Act of Renunciation". Rhode Island Department of State. Rhode Island Department of State. Archived from the original on July 29, 2019. Retrieved July 29, 2019. Rhode Island was the first colony to renounce allegiance to Great Britain’s King George III by an official legislative act.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 69–72, quoted on 72.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 48. The modern scholarly consensus is that the best-known and earliest of the local declarations is most likely inauthentic, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, allegedly adopted in May 1775 (a full year before other local declarations); Maier, American Scripture, 174.
- ^ a b Jensen, Founding, 682.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 683.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 684; Maier, American Scripture, 37. For the full text of the May 10 resolve, see the Journals of the Continental Congress Archived March 29, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 684.
- ^ Burnett, Continental Congress, 159. The text of Adams's letter is online Archived March 29, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 37; Jensen, Founding, 684. For the full text of the May 15 preamble see the Journals of the Continental Congress Archived March 29, 2019, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Rakove, National Politics, 96; Jensen, Founding, 684; Friedenwald, Interpretation, 94.
- ^ Rakove, National Politics, 97; Jensen, Founding, 685.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 38.
- ^ Boyd, Evolution, 18; Maier, American Scripture, 63. The text of the May 15 Virginia resolution is online Archived June 20, 2008, at the Wayback Machine at Yale Law School's Avalon Project.
- ^ Jefferson, Thomas (July 4, 1776). "Declaration of Independence. In Congress, July 4, 1776, a Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress Assembled". World Digital Library. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Retrieved July 1, 2013.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 41; Boyd, Evolution, 19.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 689–90; Maier, American Scripture, 42.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 689; Armitage, Global History, 33–34. The quotation is from Jefferson's notes; Boyd, Papers of Jefferson, 1:311.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 42–43; Friedenwald, Interpretation, 106.
- ^ Dupont and Onuf, 3.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 691–92.
- ^ Friedenwald, Interpretation, 106–07; Jensen, Founding, 691.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 692.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 693.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 694.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 694–96; Friedenwald, Interpretation, 96; Maier, American Scripture, 68.
- ^ Friedenwald, Interpretation, 118; Jensen, Founding, 698.
- ^ Friedenwald, Interpretation, 119–20.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 97–105; Boyd, Evolution, 21.
- ^ Boyd, Evolution, 22.
- ^ Guts and Glory: The American Revolution, by Thompson, Ben, June 2017, Little, Brown and Company, Hachette Book Group
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 104.
- ^ Becker, Declaration of Independence, 4.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 701.
- ^ a b John E. Ferling, Setting the World Ablaze: Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and the American Revolution, Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-513409-4. OCLC 468591593, pp. 131–37
- ^ a b Shipler, David K., The Paragraph Missing From The Declaration of Independence, The Shipler Report, July 4, 2020
- ^ "A Closer Look at Jefferson's Declaration". New York Public Library. Retrieved July 6, 2020.
- ^ Burnett, Continental Congress, 181.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 699.
- ^ Burnett, Continental Congress, 182; Jensen, Founding, 700.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 45.
- ^ Boyd, Evolution, 19.
- ^ Jensen, Founding, 703–04.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 160–61.
- ^ As quoted in Adams, John (2007). My Dearest Friend: Letters of Abigail and John Adams. Harvard University Press. p. 125. ISBN 978-0-674-02606-3.
- ^ a b Julian P. Boyd, "The Declaration of Independence: The Mystery of the Lost Original" Archived February 12, 2015, at the Wayback Machine. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 100, number 4 (October 1976), p. 456.
- ^ "Journals of the Continental Congress --FRIDAY, JULY 19, 1776". memory.loc.gov. Archived from the original on January 22, 2020. Retrieved April 27, 2020.
- ^ George Billias American Constitutionalism Heard Round the World, 1776–1989 (2011) p 17.
- ^ a b c d e Lucas, Stephen E. "The Stylistic Artistry of the Declaration of Independence". National Archives and Records Administration. Archived from the original on June 30, 2012. Retrieved July 4, 2012.
- ^ "Declaration of Independence: A Transcription". National Archives. November 1, 2015. Archived from the original on July 6, 2019. Retrieved July 6, 2019.
- ^ "Index of Signers by State". ushistory.org – Independence Hall Association in Philadelphia. Archived from the original on September 29, 2006. Retrieved October 12, 2006.
- ^ TO HENRY LEE – Thomas Jefferson The Works, vol. 12 (Correspondence and Papers 1816–1826; 1905). May 8, 1825.
- ^ Malone, Jefferson the Virginian, 221; Maier, American Scripture, 125–26.
- ^ see "Virginia Declaration of Rights"
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 126–28.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 53–57.
- ^ Maier found no evidence that the Dutch Act of Abjuration served as a model for the Declaration, and considers the argument "unpersuasive" (American Scripture, p. 264). Armitage discounts the influence of the Scottish and Dutch acts, and writes that neither was called "declarations of independence" until fairly recently (Global History, pp. 42–44). For the argument in favor of the influence of the Dutch act, see Stephen E. Lucas, "The 'Plakkaat van Verlatinge': A Neglected Model for the American Declaration of Independence", in Rosemarijn Hofte and Johanna C. Kardux, eds., Connecting Cultures: The Netherlands in Five Centuries of Transatlantic Exchange (Amsterdam, 1994), 189–207, and Barbara Wolff, "Was the Declaration of Independence Inspired by the Dutch?" University of Wisconsin Madison News, June 29, 1988, http://www.news.wisc.edu/3049Archived December 13, 2007, at the Wayback Machine Accessed July 3, 2013.
- ^ Boyd, Evolution, 16–17.
- ^ "The Three Greatest Men". Archived from the original on June 1, 2009. Retrieved June 13, 2009. Jefferson identified Bacon, Locke, and Newton as "the three greatest men that have ever lived, without any exception". Their works in the physical and moral sciences were instrumental in Jefferson's education and world view.
- ^ Becker, Declaration of Independence, 27.
- ^ Ray Forrest Harvey, Jean Jacques Burlamaqui: A Liberal Tradition in American Constitutionalism (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1937), 120.
- ^ A brief, online overview of the classical liberalism vs. republicanism debate is Alec Ewald, "The American Republic: 1760–1870" (2004)Archived May 17, 2008, at the Wayback Machine. In a similar vein, historian Robert Middlekauff argues that the political ideas of the independence movement took their origins mainly from the "eighteenth-century commonwealthmen, the radical Whig ideology", which in turn drew on the political thought of John Milton, James Harrington, and John Locke. See Robert Middlekauff (2005), The Glorious Cause, pp. 3–6, 51–52, 136
- ^ Wills, Inventing America, especially chs. 11–13. Wills concludes (p. 315) that "the air of enlightened America was full of Hutcheson's politics, not Locke's".
- ^ Hamowy, "Jefferson and the Scottish Enlightenment", argues that Wills gets much wrong (p. 523), that the Declaration seems to be influenced by Hutcheson because Hutcheson was, like Jefferson, influenced by Locke (pp. 508–09), and that Jefferson often wrote of Locke's influence, but never mentioned Hutcheson in any of his writings (p. 514). See also Kenneth S. Lynn, "Falsifying Jefferson", Commentary 66 (Oct. 1978), 66–71. Ralph Luker, in "Garry Wills and the New Debate Over the Declaration of Independence" Archived March 25, 2012, at the Wayback Machine (The Virginia Quarterly Review, Spring 1980, 244–61) agreed that Wills overstated Hutcheson's influence to provide a communitarian reading of the Declaration, but he also argued that Wills's critics similarly read their own views into the document.
- ^ John Phillip Reid, "The Irrelevance of the Declaration", in Hendrik Hartog, ed., Law in the American Revolution and the Revolution in the Law (New York University Press, 1981), 46–89.
- ^ Whitford, David, Tyranny and Resistance: The Magdeburg Confession and the Lutheran Tradition, 2001, 144 pages and Kelly OConnellArchived December 21, 2018, at the Wayback Machine of Canada Free Press, August 4, 2014, parts II. Magdeburg Confession and III. Doctrine of Lesser Magistrates
- ^ Benjamin Franklin to Charles F.W. Dumas, December 19, 1775, in The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Albert Henry Smyth (New York: 1970), 6:432.
- ^ Armitage, Global History, 21, 38–40.
- ^ Strang, Lee "Originalism's Subject Matter: Why the Declaration of Independence Is Not Part of the Constitution" Archived September 5, 2015, at the Wayback Machine, Southern California Law Review, Vol. 89, 2015.
- ^ Warren, "Fourth of July Myths", 242–43.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 299–302; Burnett, Continental Congress, 192.
- ^ a b c d The U.S. State Department (1911), The Declaration of Independence, 1776, pp. 10, 11.
- ^ Warren, "Fourth of July Myths", 245–46; Hazelton, Declaration History, 208–19; Wills, Inventing America, 341.
- ^ Ritz, "Authentication", 179–200.
- ^ Ritz, "Authentication", 194.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 208–19.
- ^ Hazelton, Declaration History, 209.
- ^ Merriam-Webster online Archived April 24, 2009, at the Wayback Machine; Dictionary.comArchived April 9, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "TeachAmericanHistory.org: John Hancock"(PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on May 10, 2013. Retrieved October 6, 2014.
- ^ Malone, Story of the Declaration, 91.
- ^ a b Maier, American Scripture, 156.
- ^ Armitage, Global History, 72.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 155.
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- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 196–97.
- ^ Maier, American Scripture, 197. See also Philip S. Foner, ed., We, the Other People: Alternative Declarations of Independence by Labor Groups, Farmers, Woman's Rights Advocates, Socialists, and Blacks, 1829–1975 (Urbana 1976).
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