en.m.wikipedia.org
Vietnamese phonology
This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these template messages)
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
Find sources: "Vietnamese phonology" – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR(June 2020) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
This article's lead section may be too short to adequately summarize the key points. Please consider expanding the lead to provide an accessible overview of all important aspects of the article. (April 2020)
For assistance with IPA transcriptions of Vietnamese for Wikipedia articles, see Help:IPA/Vietnamese.
(Learn how and when to remove this template message)
This article contains phonetic transcriptions in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA. For the distinction between [ ], / / and ⟨ ⟩, see IPA § Brackets and transcription delimiters.
This article is a technical description of the sound system of the Vietnamese language, including phonetics and phonology. Two main varieties of Vietnamese, Hanoi and Saigon (Ho Chi Minh City), which are slightly different to each other, are described below.
Initial consonants
Initial consonants which exist only in the Hanoi dialect are in red, while those that exist only in the Saigon dialect are in blue.
LabialDental/
Alveolar
RetroflexPalatalVelarGlottal
Nasalmnɲŋ
Stop/
Affricate
tenuis(p)tʈck(ʔ)
aspirated
glottalizedɓɗ
Fricativevoicelessfsʂxh
voicedvzɣ
Approximantljw
Rhoticɹ
ăn'to eat'/ăn/[ʔăn]
uỷ'to delegate'/wi/[ʔwi]
Hanoi initials
Saigon initials
Comparison of initials
The table below summarizes these sound correspondences:
DiaphonemeHanoiSaigonExample
wordHanoiSaigon
/v//v//j/ or /v/vợ   'wife'[və˨˩ˀ][jə˨˧] or [və˨˧]
/z//z//j/da   'skin'[za˧][ja˧]
gia   'to add'
/r//r/ra   'to go out'[ɹa˧]
/c//c//c/chẻ   'split'[cɛ˧˩][cɛ˩˥]
/ʈ//ʈ/ or /c/trẻ   'young'[ʈɛ˩˥] or [cɛ˩˥]
/s//s//s/xinh   'beautiful'[sɪŋ̟˧][sɪ̈n˧]
/ʂ//ʂ/ or /s/sinh   'born'[ʂɪ̈n˧] or [sɪ̈n˧]
Vowels
Vowel nuclei
Vowel chart of Hanoi monophthongs according to Kirby (2011:384)
Vowel chart of Hanoi diphthongs according to Kirby (2011:384)
FrontCentralBack
Close/i/ ⟨i, y⟩/ɨ/ ⟨ư⟩/u/ ⟨u⟩
Close-mid/
Mid
/e/ ⟨ê⟩/ə/ ⟨ơ⟩

/ə̆/ ⟨â⟩
/o/ ⟨ô⟩
Centering/iə̯/ ⟨ia~iê⟩/ɨə̯/ ⟨ưa~ươ⟩/uə̯/ ⟨ua~uô⟩
Open-mid/
Open
/ɛ/ ⟨e⟩/a/ ⟨a⟩

/ă/ ⟨ă⟩
/ɔ/ ⟨o⟩
The IPA chart of vowel nuclei above is based on the sounds in Hanoi Vietnamese; other regions may have slightly different inventories. Vowel nuclei consist of monophthongs (simple vowels) and three centering diphthongs.
Closing sequences
In Vietnamese, vowel nuclei are able to combine with offglides /j/ or /w/ to form closing diphthongs and triphthongs. Below is a chart[8] listing the closing sequences of general northern speech.
/w/ offglide/j/ offglide
FrontCentralBack
Centering/iə̯w/ ⟨iêu⟩/ɨə̯w/ ⟨ươu⟩/ɨə̯j/ ⟨ươi⟩/uə̯j/ ⟨uôi⟩
Close/iw/ ⟨iu⟩/ɨw/ ⟨ưu⟩/ɨj/ ⟨ưi⟩/uj/ ⟨ui⟩
Close-mid/
Mid
/ew/ ⟨êu⟩

/ə̆w/ ⟨âu⟩
/əj/ ⟨ơi⟩

/ə̆j/ ⟨ây⟩
/oj/ ⟨ôi⟩
Open-mid/
Open
/ɛw/ ⟨eo⟩/aw/ ⟨ao⟩

/ăw/ ⟨au⟩
/aj/ ⟨ai⟩

/ăj/ ⟨ay⟩
/ɔj/ ⟨oi⟩
Thompson (1965) says that in Hanoi, words spelled with ưu and ươu are pronounced /iw, iəw/, respectively, whereas other dialects in the Tonkin delta pronounce them as /ɨw/ and /ɨəw/. This observation is also made by Phạm (2008) and Kirby (2011).
Finals
When stops /p, t, k/ occur at the end of words, they have no audible release ([p̚, t̚, k̚]):
đáp'to reply'/ɗap/[ɗap̚]
mát'cool'/mat/[mat̚]
khác'different'/xak/[xak̚]
When the velar consonants /k, ŋ/ are after /u, o, ɔ/, they are articulated with a simultaneous bilabial closure [k͡p̚, ŋ͡m] (i.e. doubly articulated) or are strongly labialized [k̚ʷ, ŋʷ].
đục'muddy'/ɗuk/[ɗuk͡p̚], [ɗʊk̚ʷ]
độc'poison'/ɗok/[ɗə̆wk͡p̚], [ɗə̆wk̚ʷ]
đọc'to read'/ɗɔk/[ɗăwk͡p̚], [ɗăwk̚ʷ]
ung'cancer'/uŋ/[uŋ͡m], [ʊŋʷ]
ông'man'/oŋ/[ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wŋʷ]
ong'bee'/ɔŋ/[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwŋʷ]
Hanoi finals
Analysis of final ch, nh
The pronunciation of syllable-final ch and nh in Hanoi Vietnamese has had different analyses. One analysis, that of Thompson (1965) has them as being phonemes /c, ɲ/, where /c/ contrasts with both syllable-final t /t/ and c /k/ and /ɲ/ contrasts with syllable-final n /n/ and ng /ŋ/. Final /c, ɲ/ is, then, identified with syllable-initial /c, ɲ/.
Another analysis has final ⟨ch⟩ and ⟨nh⟩ as representing different spellings of the velar phonemes /k/ and /ŋ/ that occur after upper front vowels /i/ (orthographic ⟨i⟩) and /e/ (orthographic ⟨ê⟩). This analysis interprets orthographic ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as an underlying /ɛ/, which becomes phonetically open and diphthongized: /ɛk/ → [ăjk̟̚], /ɛŋ/ → [ăjŋ̟].[9] This diphthongization also affects ⟨êch⟩ and ⟨ênh⟩: /ek/ → [ə̆jk̟̚], /eŋ/ → [ə̆jŋ̟].
Arguments for the second analysis include the limited distribution of final [c] and [ɲ], the gap in the distribution of [k] and [ŋ] which do not occur after [i] and [e], the pronunciation of ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as [ɛc] and [ɛɲ] in certain conservative central dialects,[10] and the patterning of [k]~[c] and [ŋ]~[ɲ] in certain reduplicated words. Additionally, final [c] is not articulated as far forward as the initial [c]: [c] and [ɲ] are pre-velar [k̟, ŋ̟] with no alveolar contact.[11]
The first analysis closely follows the surface pronunciation of a slightly different Hanoi dialect than the second. In this dialect, the /a/ in /ac/ and /aɲ/ is not diphthongized but is actually articulated more forward, approaching a front vowel [æ]. This results in a three-way contrast between the rimes ăn [æ̈n] vs. anh [æ̈ɲ] vs. ăng[æ̈ŋ]. For this reason, a separate phonemic /ɲ/ is posited.
Table of Hanoi finals
The following rimes ending with velar consonants have been diphthongized in the Hanoi dialect, but /i/, /u/ and /ɨ/ are more open:[10]
ong, oc/awŋ/, /awk/[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚]
ông, ôc/əwŋ/, /əwk/[ə̆wŋ͡m], [ə̆wk͡p̚]
ung, uc/uŋ/, /uk/[ʊŋ͡m], [ʊk͡p̚]
ưng, ưc, ưn, ưt/ɨŋ/, /ɨk/, /ɨn/, /ɨt/[ɯ̽ŋ], [ɯ̽k̟̚], [ɯ̽n], [ɯ̽t̚]
anh, ach/ɛŋ/, /ɛk/[ăjŋ̟], [ăjk̟̚]
ênh, êch/eŋ/, /ek/[ə̆jŋ̟], [ə̆jk̟̚]
inh, ich/iŋ/, /ik/[ɪŋ̟], [ɪk̟̚]
With the above phonemic analyses, the following is a table of rimes ending in /n, t, ŋ, k/ in the Hanoi dialect:
/ă//a//ɛ//ɔ/, /aw//ə̆//ə//e//o//i//ɨ//u//iə̯//ɨə̯//uə̯/
/n/ănanenonânơnênôninưnuniênươnuôn
/t/ătatetotâtơtêtôtitưtutiêtươtuôt
/ŋ/ănganganhongângênhônginhưngungiêngươnguông
/k/ăcacachocâcêchôcichưcuciêcươcuôc
Saigon finals
Merger of finals
While the variety of Vietnamese spoken in Hanoi has retained finals faithfully from Middle Vietnamese, the variety spoken in Saigon has drastically changed its finals. Rimes ending in /k, ŋ/ merged with those ending in /t, n/, respectively, so they are always pronounced /t, n/, respectively, after the short front vowels /i, e, a/ (only when /a/ is before "nh"). However, they are always pronounced /k, ŋ/ after the other vowels /u, o, ɔ, iː, ɨ, aw, a, aː, ɛ, ə, əː/. After rounded vowels /aw, u, o/, many speakers close their lips, i.e. they pronounce /k, ŋ/ as [k͡p, ŋ͡m].[10] Subsequently, vowels of rimes ending in labiovelars have been diphthongized, while vowels of rimes ending in alveolar have been centralized.[12] Otherwise, some Southern speakers distinguish /k, ŋ/ and /t, n/ after /u, o, ɔ, iː, ɨ, aw, a, aː, ɛ, ə, əː/ in formal speech, but there are no Southern speakers who pronounce "ch" and "nh" at the end of syllables as /k, ŋ/.
Table of Saigon finals
The short back vowels in the rimes have been diphthongized and centralized, meanwhile, the consonants have been labialized. Similarly, the short front vowels have been centralized which are realized as central vowels /ă, ə, ɨ/ and the "unspecified" consonants have been affected by Coronal Spreading from the preceding front vowels which are surfaced as coronals (alveolar) /n, t/.[10]
ung, uc/uŋ/, /uk/[ʊwŋ͡m], [ʊwk͡p̚]
ông, ôc/oŋ/, /ok/[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚]
ong, oc/ɔŋ/, /ɔk/
anh, ach/an/, /at/[ăn], [ăt̚]
ênh, êch/en/, /et/[ɤn], [ɤt̚]
in ~ inh, it ~ ich/in/, /it/[ɪ̈n], [ɪ̈t̚]
um, up/um/, /up/[ʊm], [ʊp̚]
ưng ~ ưn, ưc ~ ưt/ɨŋ/, /ɨk/[ɯ̽ŋ], [ɯ̽k̟̚]
The other closed dialects (Hue, Quang Nam, Binh Dinh) which have also been merged in codas, but some vowels are pronounced differently in some dialects:
Hue[13][6]Quang Nam[14]Binh Dinh[15]Sai Gon
ung, uc[ʊwŋ͡m], [ʊwk͡p̚][ʊwŋ͡m], [ʊwk͡p̚][ʊwŋ͡m], [ʊwk͡p̚][ʊwŋ͡m], [ʊwk͡p̚]
un, ut[uːŋ͡m], [uːk͡p̚][uːŋ͡m], [uːk͡p̚]
ênh, êch[ən], [ət̚][ən], [ət̚][ən], [ət̚][ɤːn], [ɤːt̚]
ên, êt[eːn], [eːt̚][eːn], [eːt̚][eːn], [eːt̚]
inh, ich[ɪ̈n], [ɪ̈t̚][ɪ̈n], [ɪ̈t̚][ɪ̈n], [ɪ̈t̚][ɪ̈n], [ɪ̈t̚]
in, it[in], [it̚][in], [it̚][in], [it̚]
The ông, ôc rimes are merged into ong, oc as [ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚] in many Southern speakers, but not with ôn, ôt as pronounced [oːŋ͡m], [oːk͡p̚]. The oong, ooc and eng, ec rimes are few and are mostly loanwords or onomatopoeia. The ôông, ôôc (oong, ooc, eng, ec, êng, êc as well) rimes are the "archaic" form before become ông, ôc by diphthongization and still exist in North Central dialect in many placenames. The articulation of these rimes in North Central dialect are [oːŋ], [oːk̚] without a simultaneous bilabial closure or labialization.[16]
on, ot/ɔn/, /ɔt/[ɔːŋ], [ɔːk]
oong, ooc/ɔŋ/, /ɔk/
ôn, ôt/on/, /ot/[oːŋ͡m], [oːk͡p̚].
ôông, ôôc/oŋ/, /ok/
ong, oc/awŋ/, /awk/[ăwŋ͡m], [ăwk͡p̚]
ông, ôc/əwŋ/, /əwk/
With the above phonemic analyses, the following is a table of rimes ending in /n, t, ŋ, k, ŋ͡m, k͡p/ in the Saigon dialect:
/ɔ/, /aw//o//u//ă//a//ə̆//ə//ɨ//ɛ//e//i//uː//ɨː//iː/
/n/
anh
ên
ênh
in
inh
/t/
ach
êt
êch
it
ich
/ŋ/on
oong
ăn
ăng
an
ang
ân
âng
ơn
ưn
ưng
en
eng
uôn
uông
ươn
ương
iên
iêng
/k/ot
ooc
ăt
ăc
at
ac
ât
âc
ơt
ưt
ưc
et
ec
uôt
uôc
ươt
ươc
iêt
iêc
/ŋ͡m/
ong / ông
ôn
ôông
un
ung
/k͡p/
oc / ôc
ôt
ôôc
ut
uc
Combinations that have changed their pronunciation due to merger are bolded.
Tone
Vietnamese vowels are all pronounced with an inherent tone. Tones differ in
Unlike many Native American, African, and Chinese languages, Vietnamese tones do not rely solely on pitch contour. Vietnamese often uses instead a register complex (which is a combination of phonation type, pitch, length, vowel quality, etc.). So perhaps a better description would be that Vietnamese is a register language and not a "pure" tonal language.[17]
In Vietnamese orthography, tone is indicated by diacritics written above or below the vowel.
Six-tone analysis
There is much variation among speakers concerning how tone is realized phonetically. There are differences between varieties of Vietnamese spoken in the major geographic areas (northern, central, southern) and smaller differences within the major areas (e.g. Hanoi vs. other northern varieties). In addition, there seems to be variation among individuals. More research is needed to determine the remaining details of tone realization and the variation among speakers.
Northern varieties
The six tones in the Hanoi and other northern varieties are:
Tone nameTone IDDescriptionChao Tone ContourDiacriticExample
ngang "flat"A1mid level˧ (33)ba ('three')
huyền "deep"A2low falling (breathy)˨˩ (21) or (31)◌̀ ('grandmother')
sắc "sharp"B1mid rising, tense˧˥ (35)◌́ ('to embrace')
nặng "heavy"B2mid falling, glottalized, heavy˧ˀ˨ʔ (3ˀ2ʔ) or ˧ˀ˩ʔ (3ˀ1ʔ)bạ ('to strengthen')
hỏi "asking"C1mid falling(-rising), emphasis˧˩˧ (313) or (323) or (31)◌̉bả ('bait')
ngã "tumbling"C2mid rising, glottalized˧ˀ˥ (3ˀ5) or (4ˀ5)◌̃ ('residue')
Northern Vietnamese (non-Hanoi) tones as uttered by a male speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)
Hanoi tones as uttered by a female speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)
Hanoi tones as uttered by a different female speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)
Ngang tone:
The ngang tone is level at around the mid level (33) and is produced with modal voicephonation (i.e. with "normal" phonation). Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "level"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "high (or mid) level".
Huyền tone:
The huyền tone starts low-mid and falls (21). Some Hanoi speakers start at a somewhat higher point (31). It is sometimes accompanied by breathy voice (or lax) phonation in some speakers, but this is lacking in other speakers: = [ɓa˨˩].[18] Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "grave-lowering"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "low falling".
Hỏi tone:
The hỏi tone starts a mid level and falls. It starts with modal voice phonation, which moves increasingly toward tense voice with accompanying harsh voice (although the harsh voice seems to vary according to speaker). In Hanoi, the tone is mid falling (31). In other northern speakers, the tone is mid falling and then rises back to the mid level (313 or 323). This characteristic gives this tone its traditional description as "dipping". However, the falling-rising contour is most obvious in citation forms or when syllable-final; in other positions and when in fast speech, the rising contour is negligible. The hỏi also is relatively short compared with the other tones, but not as short as the nặng tone. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "smooth-rising"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "dipping-rising".
Ngã tone:
The ngã tone is mid rising (35). Many speakers begin the vowel with modal voice, followed by strong creaky voice starting toward the middle of the vowel, which is then lessening as the end of the syllable is approached. Some speakers with more dramatic glottalization have a glottal stop closure in the middle of the vowel (i.e. as [VʔV]). In Hanoi Vietnamese, the tone starts at a higher pitch (45) than other northern speakers. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "chesty-raised"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "creaking-rising".
Sắc tone:
The sắc tone starts as mid and then rises (35) in much the same way as the ngã tone. It is accompanied by tense voice phonation throughout the duration of the vowel. In some Hanoi speakers, the ngã tone is noticeably higher than the sắc tone, for example: sắc = ˧˦ (34); ngã = ˦ˀ˥ (45). Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "acute-angry"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "high (or mid) rising".
Nặng tone:
The nặng tone starts mid or low-mid and rapidly falls in pitch (32 or 21). It starts with tense voice that becomes increasingly tense until the vowel ends in a glottal stop closure. This tone is noticeably shorter than the other tones. Alexandre de Rhodes (1651) describes this as "chesty-heavy"; Nguyễn (1997) describes it as "constricted".
Southern varieties
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (January 2011)
ContourRegisterTone nameTone IDDescriptionChao Tone ContourDiacriticExample
Quảng Nam[19]Bình Định[19]Saigon[20]
bằng "even"bình "level"phù "high"ngang "flat"A1mid flat level˦˨ (42)˧ (33)˦ (44)ba ('three')
trầm "low"huyền "deep"A2low falling˧˩ (31)˧˩ (31)˧˩ (31)◌̀ ('lady')
trắc "non-even"thượng "rising"highhỏi "asking"C1mid falling-rising˧˨˦ (324)˧˨˦ (324)˨˩˦ (214)◌̉bả ('poison')
lowngã "tumbling"C2◌̃ ('residue')
khứ "departing"highsắc "sharp"B1high rising˦˥ (45)˦˧˥ (435)˧˥ (35)◌́ ('governor')
lownặng "heavy"B2low falling-rising˧˨˧ (323)˦˧˦ (313)˨˩˨ (212)bạ ('at random')
nhập "entering"highsắc "sharp"D1high checked rising˦˥ (45)◌́bác ('uncle')
lownặng "heavy"D2low checked falling˨˩ (21)bạc ('silver')
The Southern tones contour of ngang, sắc, huyền is similar as Northern tones, however, these tones are produced with normal voice instead of breathy voice.
The nặng tone are pronounced as low rising tone (12) [˩˨] in fast speech or low falling-rising tone (212) [˨˩˨] in more careful utterance.
The ngã and hỏi tone are merged into a mid falling-rising (214) [˨˩˦] which is somewhat similar hỏi tone of non-Hanoi Northern accent mentioned above.
Southern Vietnamese tone system from female native speaker. From Jessica Bauman et al. (2009)[21]
North-central and Central varieties
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (May 2008)
North-central and Central Vietnamese varieties are fairly similar with respect to tone although within the North-central dialect region there is considerable internal variation.
It is sometimes said (by people from other provinces) that people from Nghệ An pronounce every tone as a nặng tone.
Eight-tone analysis
An older analysis assumes eight tones rather than six.[22] This follows the lead of traditional Chinese phonology. In Middle Chinese, syllables ending in a vowel or nasal allowed for three tonal distinctions, but syllables ending with /p/, /t/ or /k/ had no tonal distinctions. Rather, they were consistently pronounced with a short high tone, which was called the entering tone and considered a fourth tone. Similar considerations lead to the identification of two additional tones in Vietnamese for syllables ending in /p/, /t/, /c/ and /k/. These are not phonemically distinct from the sắc and nặng tones, however, and hence not considered as separate tones by modern linguists and are not distinguished in the orthography.
Syllables and phonotactics
According to Hannas (1997), there are 4,500 to 4,800 possible spoken syllables (depending on dialect), and the standard national orthography (Quốc Ngữ) can represent 6,200 syllables (Quốc Ngữ orthography represents more phonemic distinctions than are made by any one dialect).[23] A description of syllable structure and exploration of its patterning according to the Prosodic Analysis approach of J.R. Firth is given in Henderson (1966).[24]
The Vietnamese syllable structure follows the scheme:
(C1)(w)V(G|C2)+T
where
  • C1 = initial consonant onset
  • w = labiovelar on-glide /w/
  • V = vowel nucleus
  • G = off-glide coda (/j/ or /w/)
  • C2 = final consonant coda
  • T = tone.
In other words, a syllable has an obligatory nucleus and tone, and can have an optional consonant onset, an optional on-glide /w/, and an optional coda or off-glide.
More explicitly, the syllable types are as follows:
SyllableExampleSyllableExample
Vê "eh"wVuể "sluggish"
VCám "possess (by ghosts,.etc)"wVCoán "bear a grudge"
VCớt "capsicum"wVCoắt "little imp"
CVnữ "female"CwVhuỷ "cancel"
CVCcơm "rice"CwVCtoán "math"
CVCtức "angry"CwVChoặc "or"
C1: Any consonant may occur in as an onset with the following exceptions:
/p/ does not occur in native Vietnamese words
w: the onglide /w/ (sometimes transcribed instead as labialization [ʷ] on a preceding consonant):
V: The vowel nucleus V may be any of the following 14 monophthongs or diphthongs: /i, ɨ, u, e, ə, o, ɛ, ə̆, ɔ, ă, a, iə̯, ɨə̯, uə̯/.
G: The offglide may be /j/ or /w/. Together, V and G must form one of the diphthongs or triphthongs listed in the section on Vowels.
C2: The optional coda C2 is restricted to labial, coronal, and velar stops and nasals /p, t, k, m, n, ŋ/, which cannot cooccur with the offglides /j, w/.
T: Syllables are spoken with an inherent tone contour:
Common Vietnamese rimes [Notes]
Zero codaOff-glide codaNasal consonant codaStop consonant coda
/j//w//m//n//ŋ//p//t//k/
Vowel nucleus/ă/ạy
[ăj]
ạu
[ăw]
ặm
[ăm]
ặn
[ăn]
ặng
[ăŋ]
ặp
[ăp]
ặt
[ăt]
ặc
[ăk]
/a/, (gi)à, (gi)ả, (gi)ã, (gi)á
[a]
ại
[aj]
ạo
[aw]
ạm
[am]
ạn
[an]
ạng
[aŋ]
ạp
[ap]
ạt
[at]
ạc
[ak]
/ɛ/
[ɛ]
ẹo
[ɛw]
ẹm
[ɛm]
ẹn
[ɛn]
ạnh
[ăjŋ]
ẹp
[ɛp]
ẹt
[ɛt]
ạch
[ăjk]
/ɔ/
[ɔ]
ọi
[ɔj]
ọm
[ɔm]
ọn
[ɔn]
ọng
[ăwŋ]
ọp
[ɔp]
ọt
[ɔt]
ọc
[ăwk]
/ə̆/ậy
[ə̆j]
ậu
[ə̆w]
ậm
[ə̆m]
ận
[ə̆n]
ậng
[ə̆ŋ]
ập
[ə̆p]
ật
[ə̆t]
ậc
[ə̆k]
/ə/
[ə]
ợi
[əj]
ợm
[əm]
ợn
[ən]
ợp
[əp]
ợt
[ət]
/e/
[e]
ệu
[ew]
ệm
[em]
ện
[en]
ệnh
[ə̆jŋ]
ệp
[ep]
ệt
[et]
ệch
[ə̆jk]
/o/
[o]
ội
[oj]
ộm
[om]
ộn
[on]
ộng
[ə̆wŋ]
ộp
[op]
ột
[ot]
ộc
[ə̆wk]
/i/,
[i]
ịu
[iw]
ịm, ỵm
[im]
ịn
[in]
ịnh
[iŋ]
ịp, ỵp
[ip]
ịt
[it]
ịch, ỵch
[ik]
/ɨ/
[ɨ]
ựi
[ɨj]
ựu
[ɨw]
ựng
[ɨŋ]
ựt
[ɨt]
ực
[ɨk]
/u/
[u]
ụi
[uj]
ụm
[um]
ụn
[un]
ụng
[uŋ]
ụp
[up]
ụt
[ut]
ục
[uk]
/iə/ịa, (g)ịa, ỵa
[iə]
iệu, yệu
[iəw]
iệm, yệm
[iəm]
iện, yện
[iən]
iệng, yệng
[iəŋ]
iệp, yệp
[iəp]
iệt, yệt
[iət]
iệc
[iək]
/ɨə/ựa
[ɨə]
ượi
[ɨəj]
ượu
[ɨəw]
ượm
[ɨəm]
ượn
[ɨən]
ượng
[ɨəŋ]
ượp
[ɨəp]
ượt
[ɨət]
ược
[ɨək]
/uə/ụa
[uə]
uội
[uəj]
uộm
[uəm]
uộn
[uən]
uộng
[uəŋ]
uột
[uət]
uộc
[uək]
Labiovelar on-glide followed by vowel nucleus/ʷă/oạy, (q)uạy
[ʷăj]
oặm, (q)uặm
[ʷăm]
oặn, (q)uặn
[ʷăn]
oặng, (q)uặng
[ʷăŋ]
oặp, (q)uặp
[ʷăp]
oặt, (q)uặt
[ʷăt]
oặc, (q)uặc
[ʷăk]
/ʷa/oạ, (q)uạ
[ʷa]
oại, (q)uại
[ʷaj]
oạo, (q)uạo
[ʷaw]
oạm, (q)uạm
[ʷam]
oạn, (q)uạn
[ʷan]
oạng, (q)uạng
[ʷaŋ]
oạp, (q)uạp
[ʷap]
oạt, (q)uạt
[ʷat]
oạc, (q)uạc
[ʷak]
/ʷɛ/oẹ, (q)uẹ
[ʷɛ]
oẹo, (q)uẹo
[ʷɛw]
oẹm, (q)uẹm
[ʷɛm]
oẹn, (q)uẹn
[ʷɛn]
oạnh, (q)uạnh
[ʷăjŋ]
oẹt, (q)uẹt
[ʷɛt]
oạch, (q)uạch
[ʷăjk]
/ʷə̆/uậy
[ʷə̆j]
uận
[ʷə̆n]
uậng
[ʷə̆ŋ]
uật
[ʷə̆t]
/ʷə/uợ
[ʷə]
/ʷe/uệ
[ʷe]
uệu
[ʷew]
uện
[ʷen]
uệnh
[ʷə̆jŋ]
uệt
[ʷet]
uệch
[ʷə̆jk]
/ʷi/uỵ
[ʷi]
uỵu
[ʷiw]
uỵn
[ʷin]
uỵnh
[ʷiŋ]
uỵp
[ʷip]
uỵt
[ʷit]
uỵch
[ʷik]
/ʷiə/uỵa
[ʷiə]
uyện
[ʷiən]
uyệt
[ʷiət]
Tonea /a/, à /â/, á /ǎ/, /a᷉/, ã /ǎˀ/, /âˀ/á /á/, /à/
^ Notes:
Notes
2
Below is a table comparing four linguists' different transcriptions of Vietnamese vowels as well as the orthographic representation. Notice that this article mostly follows Han (1966), with the exception of marking short vowels short.
comparison of orthography & vowel descriptions
OrthographyWikipediaThompson[6]Han[7]Nguyễn[25]Đoàn[26]
i/yiiii
êeeee
eɛɛːɛaɛ
ưɨɯːɨɯɯ
uuuuu
ôoooo
oɔɔːɔɔɔ
ơəɤːɜːəːɤː
âə̆ʌɜəɤ
aaæːɐːɐː
ăăɐɐɐa
Thompson (1965) says that the vowels [ʌ] (orthographic â) and [ɐ] (orthographic ă) are shorter than all of the other vowels, which is shown here with the length mark [ː] added to the other vowels. His vowels above are only the basic vowel phonemes. Thompson gives a very detailed description of each vowel's various allophonic realizations.
Han (1966) uses acoustic analysis, including spectrograms and formant measuring and plotting, to describe the vowels. She states that the primary difference between orthographic ơ & â and a & ă is a difference of length (a ratio of 2:1). ơ = /ɜː/, â = /ɜ/; a = /ɐː/, ă = /ɐ/. Her formant plots also seem to show that /ɜː/ may be slightly higher than /ɜ/ in some contexts (but this would be secondary to the main difference of length).
Another thing to mention about Han's studies is that she uses a rather small number of participants and, additionally, although her participants are native speakers of the Hanoi variety, they all have lived outside of Hanoi for a significant period of their lives (e.g. in France or Ho Chi Minh City).
Nguyễn (1997) has a simpler, more symmetrical description. He says that his work is not a "complete grammar" but rather a "descriptive introduction." So, his chart above is more a phonological vowel chart rather than a phonetic one.
References
  1. ^ a b Kirby (2011:382)
  2. ^ Thompson, Laurence C. (July 1959). "Saigon Phonemics". Language. 35 (3): 454–476. doi:10.2307/411232. JSTOR 411232.
  3. ^ Phạm (2008:35)
  4. ^ http://imatv.me/classes/Ling103TermPaper.pdf
  5. ^ Kirby (2011:384)
  6. ^ a b c Thompson (1965)
  7. ^ a b Han (1966)
  8. ^ From Nguyễn (1997)
  9. ^ Although there are some words where orthographic ⟨c⟩ and ⟨ng⟩ occur after /ɛ/, these words are few and are mostly loanwords or onomatopoeia
  10. ^ a b c d Phạm (2006)
  11. ^ Kirby (2011:383)
  12. ^ Phạm, Andrea Hòa (2013), "Synchronic evidence for historical hypothesis – Vietnamese palatals", Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States Forum, 39
  13. ^ Vương H., Lễ (1992). "Các đặc·điểm ngữ·âm của tiếng Huế". Nguyễn Tiến Hải blogspot. Retrieved 9 April 2020.
  14. ^ Hoa Pham, Andrea. "Ngôn ngữ biến đổi và số phận của nguyên âm /a/ trong giọng Quảng Nam. [Issue in language change and the phonemic status of /a/ in Quang Nam dialect]". Ngôn Ngữ. số 6, 2014.
  15. ^ Lê T. H., Mai. "Âm sắc, trường độ và giải pháp cho hệ thống nguyên âm thổ ngữ Bình Định". Ngôn Ngữ. số 10, 2016.
  16. ^ Nguyễn Văn, Loan (2012). "Khảo sát địa danh ở Hà Tĩnh (The investigation of Hà Tĩnh province's toponyms)". Luận án Tiến sĩ Ngữ văn, Trường Đại học Vinh.
  17. ^ Phạm (2003:93)
  18. ^ For example, Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998) show a male speaker from Nam Định with lax voice and a female speaker from Hanoi with breathy voice for the huyền tone while another male speaker from Hanoi has modal voice for the huyền.
  19. ^ a b Nguyễn Văn, Lợi (2018). "Sự hình thành cách ghi thanh điệu chữ Quốc ngữ [The formation of tone spelling in the National Script]". Văn hóa Nghệ An. Retrieved April 21, 2020.
  20. ^ Huỳnh Công, Tín (2003). Tiếng Sài Gòn [The Saigon dialect]. Cần Thơ: Chính trị Quốc gia - Sự thật. pp. 70–77.
  21. ^ Baumann, Jessica; Blodgett, Allison; Rytting, C. Anton; Shamoo, Jessica. "The ups and downs of Vietnamese tones". University of Maryland Center for Advanced Study of Language.
  22. ^ Phạm (2003:45)
  23. ^ Hannas (1997:88)
  24. ^ Henderson (1966)
  25. ^ Nguyễn (1997)
  26. ^ Đoàn (1980)
Bibliography
External links
Ngữ âm học
Last edited on 13 June 2021, at 06:00
Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0 unless otherwise noted.
Privacy policy
Terms of Use
Desktop
HomeRandomNearbyLog inSettingsDonateAbout WikipediaDisclaimers
LanguageWatchEdit