Zbigniew Kazimierz Brzezinski
Brzezinski served as the Robert E. Osgood Professor of American Foreign Policy at Johns Hopkins University
's School of Advanced International Studies
, a scholar at the Center for Strategic and International Studies
, and a member of various boards and councils. He appeared frequently as an expert on the PBS
program The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer
, ABC News
' This Week with Christiane Amanpour
, and on MSNBC
's Morning Joe
, where his daughter, Mika Brzezinski
, is co-anchor. He was a supporter of the Prague Process
His eldest son, Ian
, is a foreign policy expert, and his youngest son, Mark
, was the United States Ambassador to Sweden
from 2011 to 2015.
For historical background on these periods of history, see:
Zbigniew Brzezinski was born in Warsaw
, on March 28, 1928.
His family came from Brzeżany
in the Tarnopol Voivodeship
(administrative region) of then eastern Poland
(now in Ukraine
). The town of Brzeżany is thought to be the source of the family name. Brzezinski's parents were Leonia (née
Roman) Brzezińska and Tadeusz Brzeziński
, a Polish diplomat who was posted to Germany from 1931 to 1935; Zbigniew Brzezinski thus spent some of his earliest years witnessing the rise of the Nazis
From 1936 to 1938, Tadeusz Brzeziński was posted to the Soviet Union
during Joseph Stalin
's Great Purge
and was later praised by Israel for his work helping Jews escape from the Nazis.
In 1938, Tadeusz Brzeziński was posted to Montreal
as a consul general.
The Brzezinski family lived proximate to the Polish Consulate-General, on Stanley Street
In 1939, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact
was agreed to by Nazi Germany
and the Soviet Union; subsequently the two powers invaded Poland
. The 1945 Yalta Conference
among the Allies
allotted Poland to the Soviet sphere of influence. The Second World War
had a profound effect on Brzezinski, who stated in an interview: "The extraordinary violence that was perpetrated against Poland did affect my perception of the world, and made me much more sensitive to the fact that a great deal of world politics is a fundamental struggle."
For historical background on major events during this period, see:
As a Harvard professor, he argued against Dwight Eisenhower
's and John Foster Dulles
's policy of rollback
, saying that antagonism would push Eastern Europe further toward the Soviets.
The Polish protests
followed by the Polish October
and the Hungarian Revolution
in 1956 lent some support to Brzezinski's idea that the Eastern Europeans could gradually counter Soviet domination. In 1957, he visited Poland for the first time since he left as a child, and his visit reaffirmed his judgement that splits within the Eastern bloc
were profound. He developed his ideas he called "peaceful engagement."
Brzezinski became a naturalized American citizen in 1958.
During the 1960 U.S. presidential elections
, Brzezinski was an advisor to the John F. Kennedy
campaign, urging a non-antagonistic policy toward Eastern European governments. Seeing the Soviet Union as having entered a period of stagnation, both economic and political, Brzezinski predicted a future breakup of the Soviet Union along lines of nationality (expanding on his master's thesis).
Brzezinski continued to argue for and support détente
for the next few years, publishing "Peaceful Engagement in Eastern Europe" in Foreign Affairs
and he continued to support non-antagonistic policies after the Cuban Missile Crisis
on the grounds that such policies might disabuse Eastern European nations of their fear of an aggressive Germany, and pacify Western Europeans fearful of a superpower compromise along the lines of the Yalta Conference
. In a 1962 book Brzezinski argued against the possibility of a Sino-Soviet split
, saying their alignment was "not splitting and is not likely to split."
The conference venue at the Hotel Regina during the second Wehrkunde-Begegnung
in 1964. Pictured are, among others, Zbigniew Brzezinski (far left) as well as Ewald von Kleist
and Franz-Josef Strauss
Brzezinski continued to support engagement with Eastern European governments, while warning against De Gaulle
's vision of a "Europe from the Atlantic
to the Urals
." He also supported the Vietnam War
. In 1966, Brzezinski was appointed to the Policy Planning Council
of the U.S. Department of State
(President Johnson's October 7, 1966, "Bridge Building" speech was a product of Brzezinski's influence). In 1968, Brzezinski resigned from the council in protest of President Johnson's expansion of the war.
Next, he became a foreign policy advisor to Vice President Hubert Humphrey
For historical background on events during this period, see:
Events in Czechoslovakia
further reinforced Brzezinski's criticisms of the right's aggressive stance toward Eastern European governments. His service to the Johnson administration, and his fact-finding trip to Vietnam, made him an enemy of the New Left
The Trilateral Commission
In his 1970 piece Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technetronic Era
, Brzezinski argued that a coordinated policy among developed nations
was necessary in order to counter global instability erupting from increasing economic inequality
. Out of this thesis, Brzezinski co-founded the Trilateral Commission
with David Rockefeller
, serving as director from 1973 to 1976.
The Trilateral Commission is a group of prominent political and business leaders and academics primarily from the United States, Western Europe and Japan. Its purpose was to strengthen relations among the three most industrially advanced regions of the capitalist world. In 1974, Brzezinski selected Georgia
Governor Jimmy Carter
as a member.
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
and National Security Council Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski (1977)
announced his candidacy for the 1976 presidential campaign
to a skeptical media and proclaimed himself an "eager student" of Brzezinski.
Brzezinski became Carter's principal foreign policy advisor by late 1975. He became an outspoken critic of the Nixon-Kissinger over-reliance on détente, a situation preferred by the Soviet Union, favoring the Helsinki process
instead, which focused on human rights
, international law
and peaceful engagement in Eastern Europe. Brzezinski was considered to be the Democrats' response to Republican Henry Kissinger
Carter engaged his incumbent opponent for the presidency, Gerald Ford
, in foreign policy debates by contrasting the Trilateral vision with Ford's détente.
Brzezinski assisted with writing parts of Carter's inaugural address, and this served his purpose of sending a positive message to Soviet dissidents
The Soviet Union and Western European leaders both complained that this kind of rhetoric ran against the "code of détente" that Nixon and Kissinger had established.
Brzezinski ran up against members of his own Democratic Party
who disagreed with this interpretation of détente, including Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
. Vance argued for less emphasis on human rights in order to gain Soviet agreement to Strategic Arms Limitation Talks
(SALT), whereas Brzezinski favored doing both at the same time. Brzezinski then ordered Radio Free Europe
transmitters to increase the power and area of their broadcasts, a provocative reversal of Nixon-Kissinger policies.
West German chancellor Helmut Schmidt
objected to Brzezinski's agenda, even calling for the removal of Radio Free Europe from German soil.
The State Department was alarmed by Brzezinski's support for dissidents in East Germany
and objected to his suggestion that Carter's first overseas visit be to Poland. He visited Warsaw
and met with Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski
(against the objection of the U.S. Ambassador to Poland), recognizing the Roman Catholic Church
as the legitimate opposition to communist rule in Poland.
By 1978, Brzezinski and Vance were more and more at odds over the direction of Carter's foreign policy. Vance sought to continue the style of détente engineered by Nixon-Kissinger, with a focus on arms control
. Brzezinski believed that détente emboldened the Soviets in Angola
and the Middle East, and so he argued for increased military strength and an emphasis on human rights. Vance, the State Department, and the media criticized Brzezinski publicly as seeking to revive the Cold War.
Brzezinski advised Carter in 1978 to engage the People's Republic of China
and traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for the normalization of relations between the two countries. This also resulted in the severing of ties with the United States' longtime anti-Communist ally the Republic of China
For historical background on this period of history, see:
1979 saw two major strategically important events: the overthrow of U.S. ally the Shah of Iran
, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
. The Iranian Revolution
precipitated the Iran hostage crisis
, which would last for the rest of Carter's presidency. Brzezinski anticipated the Soviet invasion, and, with the support of Saudi Arabia
, Pakistan, and the People's Republic of China, he created a strategy to undermine the Soviet presence. Using this atmosphere of insecurity, Brzezinski led the United States toward a new arms buildup and the development of the Rapid Deployment Forces
—policies that are both more generally associated with Reagan's presidency now.
On November 9, 1979, Brzezinski was woken at 3 am by a phone call with a startling message: The Soviets had just launched 250 nuclear weapons at the United States. Minutes later, Brzezinski received another call: The early-warning system actually showed 2,000 missiles heading toward the United States.
As Brzezinski prepared to phone President Jimmy Carter to plan a full-scale response, he received a third call: It was a false alarm. An early warning training tape generating indications of a large-scale Soviet nuclear attack had somehow transferred to the actual early warning network, which triggered an all-too-real scramble.
Brzezinski, acting under a lame duck Carter presidency—but encouraged that Solidarity in Poland had vindicated his style of engagement with Eastern Europe—took a hard-line stance against what seemed like an imminent Soviet invasion of Poland. He even made a midnight phone call to Pope John Paul II
(whose visit to Poland in 1979 had foreshadowed the emergence of Solidarity) warning him in advance. The U.S. stance was a significant change from previous reactions to Soviet repression in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968.
Brzezinski left office concerned about the internal division within the Democratic party, arguing that the dovish
McGovernite wing would send the Democrats into permanent minority. Ronald Reagan
invited him to stay on as his National Security Adviser, but Brzezinski declined, feeling that the new president needed a fresh perspective on which to build his foreign policy.
He had mixed relations with the Reagan administration
. On the one hand, he supported it as an alternative to the Democrats' pacifism
. On the other hand, he also criticized it as seeing foreign policy in overly black-and-white terms.
He remained involved in Polish affairs, critical of the imposition of martial law in Poland
in 1981, and more so of the Western European acquiescence to its imposition in the name of stability. Brzezinski briefed U.S. vice-president George H. W. Bush
before his 1987 trip to Poland that aided in the revival of the Solidarity movement.
In 1988, Brzezinski was co-chairman of the Bush National Security Advisory Task Force, endorsing Bush for president, and breaking with the Democratic party. Brzezinski published The Grand Failure
the same year, predicting the failure of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev
's reforms, and the collapse of the Soviet Union in a few more decades. He said there were five possibilities for the Soviet Union: successful pluralization, protracted crisis, renewed stagnation, coup (by the KGB
or Soviet military
), or the explicit collapse of the Communist regime. He called collapse "at this stage a much more remote possibility" than protracted crisis. He also predicted that the chance of some form of communism existing in the Soviet Union in 2017 was a little more than 50% and that when the end did come it would be "most likely turbulent". In the event, the Soviet system collapsed totally in 1991 following Moscow's crackdown on Lithuania
's attempt to declare independence, the First Nagorno-Karabakh War
of the late 1980s, and scattered bloodshed in other republics. This was a less violent outcome than Brzezinski and other observers anticipated.
In 1989, the Communists failed to mobilize support in Poland, and Solidarity swept the general elections. Later the same year, Brzezinski toured Russia and visited a memorial to the Katyn Massacre
. This served as an opportunity for him to ask the Soviet government
to acknowledge the truth about the event, for which he received a standing ovation in the Soviet Academy of Sciences
. Ten days later, the Berlin Wall fell
, and Soviet-supported governments in Eastern Europe began to totter. Strobe Talbott
, one of Brzezinski's long-time critics, conducted an interview with him for TIME
magazine entitled Vindication of a Hardliner
In 1990, Brzezinski warned against post–Cold War euphoria. He publicly opposed the Gulf War
arguing that the United States would squander the international goodwill it had accumulated by defeating the Soviet Union, and that it could trigger wide resentment throughout the Arab world
. He expanded upon these views in his 1992 work Out of Control
National Security Advisor
President Carter chose Brzezinski for the position of National Security Adviser (NSA) because he wanted an assertive intellectual at his side to provide him with day-to-day advice and guidance on foreign policy decisions. Brzezinski would preside over a reorganized National Security Council (NSC) structure, fashioned to ensure that the NSA would be only one of many players in the foreign policy process.
Initially, Carter reduced the NSC staff by one-half, and decreased the number of standing NSC committees from eight to two. All issues referred to the NSC were reviewed by one of the two new committees, either the Policy Review Committee (PRC) or the Special Coordinating Committee
(SCC). The PRC focused on specific issues, and its chairmanship rotated. The SCC was always chaired by Brzezinski, a circumstance he had to negotiate with Carter to achieve. Carter believed that by making the NSA chairman of only one of the two committees, he would prevent the NSC from being the overwhelming influence on foreign policy decisions it had been under Kissinger's chairmanship during the Nixon administration. The SCC was charged with considering issues that cut across several departments, including oversight of intelligence activities, arms control evaluation, and crisis management. Much of the SCC's time during the Carter years was spent on SALT issues. The Council held few formal meetings, convening only 10 times, compared with 125 meetings during the eight years of the Nixon and Ford administrations. Instead, Carter used frequent, informal meetings as a decision-making device—typically his Friday breakfasts—usually attended by the Vice President, the secretaries of State and Defense, Brzezinski, and the chief domestic adviser. No agendas were prepared and no formal records were kept of these meetings, sometimes resulting in differing interpretations of the decisions actually agreed upon. Brzezinski was careful, in managing his own weekly luncheons with secretaries Vance and Brown in preparation for NSC discussions, to maintain a complete set of notes. Brzezinski also sent weekly reports to the President on major foreign policy undertakings and problems, with recommendations for courses of action. President Carter enjoyed these reports and frequently annotated them with his own views. Brzezinski and the NSC used these Presidential notes (159 of them) as the basis for NSC actions.
From the beginning, Brzezinski made sure that the new NSC institutional relationships would assure him a major voice in the shaping of foreign policy. While he knew that Carter would not want him to be another Kissinger, Brzezinski also felt confident that the President did not want Secretary of State Vance to become another Dulles and would want his own input on key foreign policy decisions. Brzezinski's power gradually expanded into the operational area during the Carter Presidency. He increasingly assumed the role of a Presidential emissary. In 1978, for example, Brzezinski traveled to Beijing to lay the groundwork for normalizing U.S.–PRC relations
. Like Kissinger before him, Brzezinski maintained his own personal relationship with Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin
. Brzezinski had NSC staffers monitor State Department cable traffic through the Situation Room and call back to the State Department if the President preferred to revise or take issue with outgoing State Department instructions. He also appointed his own press spokesman, and his frequent press briefings and appearances on television interview shows made him a prominent public figure, although perhaps not nearly as much as Kissinger had been under Nixon.
The Soviet military invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 significantly damaged the already tenuous relationship between Vance and Brzezinski. Vance felt that Brzezinski's linkage of SALT to other Soviet activities and the MX, together with the growing domestic criticisms in the United States of the SALT II Accord, convinced Brezhnev to decide on military intervention in Afghanistan. Brzezinski, however, later recounted that he advanced proposals to maintain Afghanistan's independence but was frustrated by the Department of State's opposition. An NSC working group
on Afghanistan wrote several reports on the deteriorating situation in 1979, but Carter ignored them until the Soviet intervention destroyed his illusions. Only then did he decide to abandon SALT II ratification and pursue the anti-Soviet policies that Brzezinski proposed.
The Iranian revolution
was the last straw for the disintegrating relationship between Vance and Brzezinski. As the upheaval developed, the two advanced fundamentally different positions. Brzezinski wanted to control the revolution and increasingly suggested military action to prevent Ayatollah Khomeini
from coming to power, while Vance wanted to come to terms with the new Islamic Republic of Iran
. As a consequence, Carter failed to develop a coherent approach to the Iranian situation. Vance's resignation following the unsuccessful mission to rescue the American hostages in March 1980, undertaken over his objections, was the final result of the deep disagreement between Brzezinski and Vance.
During the 1960s, Brzezinski articulated the strategy of peaceful engagement for undermining the Soviet bloc, and while serving on the State Department Policy Planning Council, persuaded President Lyndon B. Johnson
to adopt (in October 1966) peaceful engagement as U.S. strategy, placing détente
ahead of German reunification
and thus reversing prior U.S. priorities.
During the 1970s and 1980s, at the height of his political involvement, Brzezinski participated in the formation of the Trilateral Commission in order to more closely cement U.S.–Japanese–European relations. As the three most economically advanced sectors of the world, the people of the three regions could be brought together in cooperation that would give them a more cohesive stance against the communist world.
While serving in the White House, Brzezinski emphasized the centrality of human rights as a means of placing the Soviet Union on the ideological defensive. With Jimmy Carter in Camp David
, he assisted in the attainment of the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty
He actively supported Polish Solidarity
and the Afghan resistance to Soviet invasion, and provided covert support for national independence movements in the Soviet Union.
He played a leading role in normalizing U.S.–PRC relations and in the development of joint strategic cooperation, cultivating a relationship with Deng Xiaoping
, for which he is thought very highly of in mainland China to this day.
In the 1990s he formulated the strategic case for buttressing the independent statehood of Ukraine
, partially as a means to prevent a resurgence of the Russian Empire
and to drive Russia toward integration with the West, promoting instead "geopolitical pluralism" in the space of the former Soviet Union. He developed "a plan for Europe" urging the expansion of NATO, making the case for the expansion of NATO to the Baltic states
Communists under the leadership of Nur Muhammad Taraki seized power in Afghanistan
on April 27, 1978.
The new regime—divided between Taraki's extremist Khalq
faction and the more moderate Parcham
—signed a treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union in December of that year.
Taraki's efforts to improve secular education and redistribute land were accompanied by mass executions (including of many conservative religious leaders) and political oppression unprecedented in Afghan history, igniting a revolt by mujahideen
Following a general uprising in April 1979, Taraki was deposed by Khalq rival Hafizullah Amin
Amin was considered a "brutal psychopath" by foreign observers; even the Soviets were alarmed by the brutality of the Afghan communists, and suspected Amin of being an agent of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA), although that was not the case.
By December, Amin's government had lost control of much of the country, prompting the Soviet Union to invade Afghanistan
, execute Amin, and install Parcham leader Babrak Karmal
President Carter was surprised by the invasion, as the consensus of the U.S. intelligence community during 1978 and 1979—reiterated as late as September 29, 1979—was that "Moscow would not intervene in force even if it appeared likely that the Khalq government was about to collapse." Indeed, Carter's diary entries from November 1979 until the Soviet invasion in late December contain only two short references to Afghanistan, and are instead preoccupied with the ongoing hostage crisis in Iran
In the West, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was considered a threat to global security and the oil supplies of the Persian Gulf
Moreover, the failure to accurately predict Soviet intentions caused American officials to reappraise the Soviet threat to both Iran and Pakistan
, although it is now known that those fears were overblown. For example, U.S. intelligence closely followed Soviet exercises for an invasion of Iran throughout 1980, while an earlier warning from Brzezinski that "if the Soviets came to dominate Afghanistan, they could promote a separate Baluchistan
... [thus] dismembering Pakistan and Iran" took on new urgency.
These concerns were a major factor in the unrequited efforts of both the Carter
and Reagan administrations
to improve relations with Iran, and resulted in massive aid to Pakistan's Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq
. Zia's ties with the U.S. had been strained during Carter's presidency due to Pakistan's nuclear program and the execution of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
in April 1979, but Carter told Brzezinski and Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
as early as January 1979 that it was vital to "repair our relationships with Pakistan" in light of the unrest in Iran
One initiative Carter authorized to achieve this goal was a collaboration between the CIA and Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence
(ISI); through the ISI, the CIA began providing some $500,000 worth of non-lethal assistance to the mujahideen on July 3, 1979—several months prior to the Soviet invasion. The modest scope of this early collaboration was likely influenced by the understanding, later recounted by CIA official Robert Gates
, "that a substantial U.S. covert aid program" might have "raise[d] the stakes" thereby causing "the Soviets to intervene more directly and vigorously than otherwise intended".
The first shipment of U.S.weapons intended for the mujahideen reached Pakistan on January 10, 1980, shortly following the Soviet invasion.
In the aftermath of the invasion, Carter was determined to respond vigorously to what he considered a dangerous provocation. In a televised speech, he announced sanctions on the Soviet Union, promised renewed aid to Pakistan, and committed the U.S. to the Persian Gulf's defense.
The thrust of U.S. policy for the duration of the war was determined by Carter in early 1980: Carter initiated a program to arm the mujahideen through Pakistan's ISI
and secured a pledge from Saudi Arabia
to match U.S. funding for this purpose. U.S. support for the mujahideen accelerated under Carter's successor, Ronald Reagan
, at a final cost to U.S. taxpayers of some $3 billion. The Soviets were unable to quell the insurgency and withdrew from Afghanistan
in 1989, precipitating the dissolution of the Soviet Union
However, the decision to route U.S. aid through Pakistan led to massive fraud, as weapons sent to Karachi
were frequently sold on the local market rather than delivered to the Afghan rebels; Karachi soon "became one of the most violent cities in the world". Pakistan also controlled which rebels received assistance: Of the seven mujahideen groups
supported by Zia's government, four espoused Islamic fundamentalist beliefs—and these fundamentalists received most of the funding.
Years later, in a 1997 CNN
/National Security Archive
interview, Brzezinski detailed the strategy taken by the Carter administration against the Soviets in 1979:
We immediately launched a twofold process when we heard that the Soviets had entered Afghanistan. The first involved direct reactions and sanctions focused on the Soviet Union, and both the State Department
and the National Security Council
prepared long lists of sanctions to be adopted, of steps to be taken to increase the international costs to the Soviet Union of their actions. And the second course of action led to my going to Pakistan a month or so after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, for the purpose of coordinating with the Pakistanis a joint response, the purpose of which would be to make the Soviets bleed for as much and as long as is possible; and we engaged in that effort in a collaborative sense with the Saudis, the Egyptians
, the British
, the Chinese
, and we started providing weapons to the Mujaheddin, from various sources again—for example, some Soviet arms from the Egyptians and the Chinese. We even got Soviet arms from the Czechoslovak
communist government, since it was obviously susceptible to material incentives; and at some point we started buying arms for the Mujaheddin from the Soviet army in Afghanistan, because that army was increasingly corrupt.
When asked if he regretted supporting Islamist groups
in their fight against the Soviet Union, Brzezinski replied, "What was more important to the history of the world? The Taliban
or the collapse of the Soviet empire? Some stirred-up Muslims or the liberation of central Europe and the end of the Cold war?"
Brzezinski argued that U.S. aid was "quite important in hastening the end of the conflict, not in deciding the conflict," as "in my view, the Afghans would have prevailed in the end anyway, 'cause they had access to money, they had access to weapons, and they had the will to fight." He further noted: "The Soviet Union at the time was actively engaged in helping international terrorism, including those elements of the PLO
that were very active ... So it was a good thing that the Soviets were bogged down in Afghanistan."
In November 1979, revolutionary
students stormed the Embassy of the United States, Tehran
and took American diplomats hostage. Brzezinski argued against Secretary of State Cyrus Vance
's proposed diplomatic solutions to the Iran hostage crisis
, insisting they "would deliver Iran to the Soviets."
Vance, struggling with gout
, went to Florida on Thursday, April 10, 1980, for a long weekend.
On Friday, Brzezinski held a newly scheduled meeting of the National Security Council
and authorized Operation Eagle Claw
, a military expedition into Tehran
to rescue the hostages.
Deputy Secretary Warren Christopher
, who attended the meeting in Vance's place, did not inform Vance.
Furious, Vance handed in his resignation on principle, calling Brzezinski "evil".
President Carter aborted the operation after three of the eight helicopters he had sent into the Dasht-e Kavir
desert crashed, and a fourth then collided with a transport plane, causing a fire that killed eight servicemen.
The hostages were ultimately released on the day of the first inauguration of Ronald Reagan
, after 444 days in captivity.
Shortly after taking office in 1977, President Carter again reaffirmed the United States' position of upholding the Shanghai Communiqué
. In May 1978, Brzezinski overcame concerns from the State Department and traveled to Beijing, where he began talks that seven months later led to full diplomatic relations.
The United States and People's Republic of China announced on December 15, 1978, that the two governments would establish diplomatic relations on January 1, 1979. This required that the United States sever relations with the Republic of China
. Consolidating U.S. gains in befriending Communist China was a major priority stressed by Brzezinski during his time as National Security Advisor. However, Brzezinski "denied reports
that he encouraged China to support the genocidal dictator Pol Pot
, because Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge
were the enemies of communist Vietnam."
The most important strategic aspect of the new U.S.–Chinese relationship was in its effect on the Cold War. China was no longer considered part of a larger Sino-Soviet bloc but instead a third pole of power due to the Sino-Soviet Split
, helping the United States against the Soviet Union.
In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations
dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei
to Beijing. The United States reiterated the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the PRC position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the United States would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with Taiwan. The Taiwan Relations Act
made the necessary changes in U.S. law
to permit unofficial relations with Taiwan to continue.
In addition the severing relations with the Republic of China, the Carter Administration also agreed to unilaterally pull out of the Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty
, withdraw U.S. military personnel from Taiwan, and gradually reduce arms sales to the Republic of China. There was widespread opposition in Congress
, notably from Republicans, due to the Republic of China's status as an anti-Communist
ally in the Cold War. In Goldwater v. Carter
, Barry Goldwater
made a failed attempt to stop Carter from terminating the mutual defense treaty.
PRC Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping
's January 1979 visit to Washington, D.C., initiated a series of high-level exchanges, which continued until the Tiananmen Square massacre
, when they were briefly interrupted. This resulted in many bilateral agreements, especially in the fields of scientific, technological, and cultural interchange and trade relations. Since early 1979, the United States and the PRC have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.
On March 1, 1979, the United States and People's Republic of China formally established embassies in Beijing and Washington. During 1979, outstanding private claims were resolved, and a bilateral trade agreement was concluded. U.S. Vice President Walter Mondale
reciprocated Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.
As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, U.S. dialogue with China broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems, political-military questions—including arms control
, UN and other multilateral organization affairs, and international narcotics
Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin
engages Brzezinski in a game of chess at Camp David
On October 10, 2007, Brzezinski along with other influential signatories sent a letter to President George W. Bush
and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
titled "Failure Risks Devastating Consequences." The letter was partly an advice and a warning of the failure of an upcoming
U.S.-sponsored Middle East conference scheduled for November 2007 between representatives of Israelis
. The letter also suggested to engage in "a genuine dialogue with Hamas
" rather than to isolate it further.
This section needs expansion
. You can help by adding to it
. (June 2008)
Presidential Directive 18 on U.S. National Security, signed early in Carter's term, signaled a fundamental reassessment of the value of détente
, and set the United States on a course to quietly end Kissinger's strategy.
This section needs expansion
. You can help by adding to it
. (June 2012)
Presidential Directive 59, "Nuclear Employment Policy", dramatically changed U.S. targeting of nuclear weapons aimed at the Soviet Union. Implemented with the aid of Defense Secretary Harold Brown
, this directive officially set the United States on a countervailing strategy.[clarification needed]
This section needs expansion
. You can help by adding to it
. (June 2012)
President Jimmy Carter
and Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev
sign the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT II
) treaty, June 18, 1979, in Vienna (Austria). Brzezinski is directly behind President Carter.
As a scholar, he developed his thoughts over the years, fashioning fundamental theories on international relations and geostrategy
. During the 1950s he worked on the theory of totalitarianism
. His thought in the 1960s focused on wider Western understanding of disunity in the Soviet Bloc
, as well as developing the thesis of intensified degeneration of the Soviet Union. During the 1970s he proposed that the Soviet system was incapable of evolving beyond the industrial phase into the "technetronic" age.
By the 1980s, Brzezinski argued that the general crisis of the Soviet Union foreshadowed communism's end.
After his role as National Security Adviser came to a close, Brzezinski returned to teaching but remained an influential voice in international relations. Polish politician Radek Sikorski
wrote that to Poles, Brzezinski was considered "our statesman" and his was one of the most revered voices in Poland: "During the decades when Poland was stuck against her will behind the Iron Curtain, he and the Polish pope
were the two most important voices for a free Poland abroad. After liberation, he acted as an adviser and champion of the new democracies on their way to rejoining Western institutions."
Though he rose to national prominence as a member of the Carter administration, Brzezinski avoided partisan politics and sometimes voted Republican. In 1988, he endorsed Republican George H. W. Bush
Brzezinski argued against the 2003 invasion of Iraq
and was outspoken in the then-unpopular opinion that the invasion would be a mistake. As recalled by David Ignatius
, "Brzezinski paid a cost in the insular, self-reinforcing world of Washington foreign policy opinion, until it became clear to nearly everyone that he (joined in this Iraq War opposition by Scowcroft
) had been right."
He later called President George W. Bush
's foreign policy "catastrophic."
Brzezinski was a leading critic of the George W. Bush Administration
's conduct of the War on Terror
. In 2004, Brzezinski wrote The Choice
, which expanded upon his earlier work,The Grand Chessboard
(1997), and sharply criticized George W. Bush
's foreign policy. In 2007, in a column in The Washington Post
, Brzezinski excoriated the Bush administration, arguing that their post-9/11
actions had damaged the reputation of the United States "infinitely greater than any wild dreams entertained by the fanatical perpetrators of the 9/11 attacks" and destroyed any chance of uniting the world to defeat extremism and terrorism.
He later stated that he had "visceral contempt" for British Prime Minister Tony Blair
, who supported Bush's actions in Iraq.
In August 2007, Brzezinski endorsed Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama
. He stated that Obama "recognizes that the challenge is a new face, a new sense of direction, a new definition of America's role in the world"
and that "What makes Obama attractive to me is that he understands that we live in a very different world where we have to relate to a variety of cultures and people."
In September 2007 during a speech on the Iraq war, Obama introduced Brzezinski as "one of our most outstanding thinkers," but some pro-Israel commentators questioned his criticism of the Israel lobby in the United States
In a September 2009 interview with The Daily Beast
, Brzezinski replied to a question about how aggressive President Obama should be in insisting Israel not conduct an air strike on Iran, saying: "We are not exactly impotent little babies. They have to fly over our airspace in Iraq. Are we just going to sit there and watch?"
This was interpreted by some supporters of Israel as supporting the downing of Israeli jets by the United States in order to prevent an attack on Iran.
On October 1, 2009, Brzezinski delivered the Waldo Family Lecture on International Relations
at Old Dominion University
in Norfolk, Virginia
In 2011, Brzezinski supported the NATO intervention
against the forces of Muammar Gaddafi
in the Libyan Civil War
, calling non-intervention "morally dubious" and "politically questionable".
In early 2012, Brzezinski expressed disappointment and said he was confused by some of Obama's actions, such as the decision to send 2,500 U.S. troops to Australia, but supported him for re-election.
On March 3, 2014, between the February 22 ousting of Ukraine
President Viktor Yanukovych
and the March 16, Crimean referendum
, Brzezinski authored an op-ed
piece for The Washington Post
entitled "What is to be done? Putin's aggression in Ukraine needs a response."
He led with a link on Russian aggression; he compared Russian President Vladimir Putin
's "thuggish tactics in seizing Crimea" and "thinly camouflaged invasion" to Adolf Hitler
's occupation of the Sudetenland
in 1938, and characterized Putin as a cartoon Benito Mussolini
, but stopped well short of advocating that the U.S. go to war. Rather, he suggested that NATO
should be put on high alert and recommended "to avert miscalculations". He explicitly stated that reassurances be given to "Russia that it is not seeking to draw Ukraine into NATO."
According to Ignatius and Sikorski, Brzezinski was "deeply troubled" by the election of Donald Trump
as president of the United States and worried over the future. Two days after the election, on November 10, 2016, Brzezinski warned of "coming turmoil in the nation and the world" in a brief speech after he was awarded the Medal for Distinguished Public Service
from the Department of Defense
On May 4, 2017, he sent out his final Tweet, saying, "Sophisticated US leadership is the sine qua non
of a stable world order. However, we lack the former while the latter is getting worse."
Brzezinski was married to Czech-American sculptor Emilie Benes
(grand-niece of the second Czechoslovak president, Edvard Beneš
), with whom he had three children. His younger son, Mark Brzezinski
(b. 1965), is a lawyer who served on President Clinton's National Security Council as an expert on Russia and Southeastern Europe, and served as the U.S. ambassador to Sweden
(2011–2015). His daughter, Mika Brzezinski
(b. 1967), is a television news presenter and co-host of MSNBC's weekday morning program, Morning Joe
, where she provides regular commentary and reads the news headlines for the program. His elder son, Ian Brzezinski
(b. 1963), is a Senior Fellow in the International Security Program and is on the Atlantic Council
's Strategic Advisors Group. Ian also served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Europe and NATO
(2001–2005) and was a principal at Booz Allen Hamilton
Brzezinski appeared as himself in several documentary films and TV series, such as: the 1997 film Eternal Memory: Voices from the Great Terror
, directed by David Pultz; Episodes 17 (Good Guys, Bad Guys
), 19 (Freeze
) and 20 (Soldiers of God
) of the 1998 CNN
series Cold War
produced by Jeremy Isaacs
; the 2009 documentary Back Door Channels: The Price of Peace
; and the 2014 Polish biopic Strateg
) directed by Katarzyna Kolenda-Zaleska and produced by TVN
. The 2014 Polish film Jack Strong
features Krzysztof Pieczyński
Brzezinski died at Inova Fairfax Hospital in Falls Church, Virginia
, on May 26, 2017 at the age of 89.
His funeral was held June 9 at the Cathedral of St. Matthew
in Washington, D.C.
Former President Carter
and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
were among those who gave eulogies, while attendees included international diplomats and emissaries; journalists Carl Bernstein
, Chuck Todd
and David Ignatius
; 100-year-old Gen. Edward Rowny
; former National Security Adviser Susan E. Rice
; and former National Security Advisor, Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster
. "If I could choose my seatmate, it would be Dr. Brzezinski," Carter said of his international flights on Air Force One
. Former National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger
, aged 94, was unable to attend, but a note he sent was read during a eulogy: "The world is an emptier place without Zbig pushing the limits of his insights."
Major works by Brzezinski
Other books and monographs
- Russo-Soviet Nationalism. M.A. Thesis, McGill University, 1950.
- Political Control in the Soviet Army: A Study on Reports by Former Soviet Officers. New York: Research Program on the U.S.S.R., 1954.
- Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy. Co-authored with Carl J. Friedrich. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956.
- Ideology and Power in Soviet Politics. New York: Praeger, 1962.
- Political Power: USA/USSR, with Samuel Huntington. New York: Viking Press, April 1963. ISBN 0-670-56318-8
- Alternative to Partition: For a Broader Conception of America's Role in Europe. Atlantic Policy Studies, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965.
- The Implications of Change for United States Foreign Policy. Department of State, 1967.
- International Politics in the Technetronic Era. Sofia University Press, 1971.
- The Fragile Blossom: Crisis and Change in Japan. New York: Harper and Row, 1972. ISBN 0060104686
- American Security in an Interdependent World, with P. Edward Haley. Rowman & Littlefield, September 1988. ISBN 0-8191-7084-4
- In Quest of National Security. Co-authored with Marin Strmecki. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, September 1988. ISBN 0-8133-0575-6
- The Soviet Political System: Transformation or Degeneration. Irvington Publishers, August 1993. ISBN 0-8290-3572-9
- Zbigniew Brzezinski, bibliography and drawings = Zbigniew Brzeziński, bibliografia i rysunki. Łódź: Correspondance des arts, 1993.
- Russia and the Commonwealth of Independent States: Documents, Data, and Analysis. Co-authored with Paige Sullivan. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1996. ISBN 1-56324-637-6
- The Geostrategic Triad: Living with China, Europe, and Russia. Center for Strategic & International Studies, December 2000. ISBN 0-89206-384-X
Selected articles, essays and reports
- "A Geostrategy for Eurasia." Foreign Affairs, Vol. 76, No. 5, September/October 1997, pp. 50–64.
- "Balancing the East, Upgrading the West; U.S. Grand Strategy in an Age of Upheaval."Foreign Affairs, Vol. 91, No. 1, January/February 2012, pp. 97–104.
- "Toward a Global Realignment." The American Interest, July/August 2016.
- Democracy Must Work: A Trilateral Agenda for the Decade, with David Owen, Michael Stewart, Carol Hansen, and Saburo Okita. Trilateral Commission, June 1984. ISBN 0-8147-6161-5
- Differentiated Containment: U.S. Policy Toward Iran and Iraq, with Brent Scowcroft and Richard W. Murphy. Council on Foreign Relations Press, July 1997. ISBN 0-87609-202-4
- The United States and the Persian Gulf, with Anthony Lake, F. Gregory, and III Gause. Council on Foreign Relations Press, December 2001. ISBN 0-87609-291-1
- Iran: Time for a New Approach, with Robert M. Gates. Council on Foreign Relations Press, February 2003. ISBN 0-87609-345-4
- ^ "Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski And His Life On The World Stage". Morning Joe. MSNBC. May 30, 2017. Event occurs at 4:12.
- ^ Sabine Feiner: Weltordnung durch US-Leadership? Die Konzeption Zbigniew K. Brzezinskis. Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2001
- ^ Seiple, Chris (November 27, 2006). "Revisiting the Geo-Political Thinking of Sir Halford John Mackinder: United States–Uzbekistan Relations 1991–2005" (PDF). Archived from the original(PDF) on August 28, 2017. Retrieved August 18, 2014.
- ^ a b c Sklar, Holly. "Founding the Trilateral Commission: Chronology 1970-1977". Trilateralism: The Trilateral Commission and Elite Planning for World Management. Boston: South End Press, 1980. ISBN 0-89608-103-6 ISBN 0-89608-104-4 OCLC 6958001 604 pages. Excerpts available.
- ^ Tim Weiner. Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA.
- ^ "Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism" (Press release). Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation. June 9, 2008. Archived from the original on May 18, 2011. Retrieved May 10, 2011.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Lewis, Daniel (May 27, 2017). "Zbigniew Brzezinski, National Security Adviser to Jimmy Carter, Dies at 89". The New York Times. p. A1. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 27, 2017.
- ^ "Tadeusz Brzezinski, Former Polish Consul-General, Dies". Retrieved May 25, 2016.
- ^ Gati (2013) p. 237
- ^ a b c Hoagland, Jim (May 26, 2017). "Zbigniew Brzezinski, foreign policy intellectual who served as Carter's national security adviser, dies at 89". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 27, 2017.
- ^ https://poland.us/strona,9,293,0,usa-zbigniew-brzezinski-nie-zyje.html
- ^ Al Jazeera: One on One – Zbigniew Brzezinski on YouTube
- ^ Luce, Edward (January 13, 2012). "Lunch with the FT: Zbigniew Brzezinski". The Financial Times. Retrieved November 16, 2020.
- ^ a b Yong, Tang (March 20, 2006). ""Agenda for constructive American-Chinese dialogue huge": Brzezinski". People's Daily. Retrieved December 30, 2010.
- ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew (1950). Russo-Soviet Nationalism (Thesis). McGill University.
- ^ a b Gati (2013) p. 208
- ^ a b Gati (2013) p. xxi
- ^ "Brzezinski, Zbigniew 1928–". Social networks and archival context. University of Virginia. Retrieved May 10, 2017.
- ^ Albright, Madeleine (2003). Madam Secretary. Hyperion. p. 57.
- ^ Gati (2013) p. 12
- ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew; Griffith, William (Spring 1961). "Peaceful Engagement in Eastern Europe". Foreign Affairs. 39 (4): 647. doi:10.2307/20029518. JSTOR 20029518.
- ^ Zbigniew Brzezinski, "Détente in the '70s", The New Republic (January 3, 1970), p. 18.
- ^ Zbigniew Brzezinski, "Meeting Moscow's Limited Coexistence", The New Leader, 51:24 (December 16, 1968), pp. 11–13.
- ^ Brauer, Carl (November 1, 1988). "Lost In Transition". The Atlantic. Washington, D.C.: Atlantic Media. Retrieved March 27, 2014.
- ^ John Maclean, "Advisers Key to Foreign Policy Views", The Boston Evening Globe (October 5, 1976)
- ^ Vaughan, Patrick G. (2008). "Zbigniew Brzezinski and the Helsinki Final Act". In Nuti, Leopoldo (ed.). The Crisis of Détente in Europe: From Helsinki to Gorbachev, 1975–1985. Taylor & Francis. pp. 11–25. ISBN 978-0-415-46051-4.
- ^ Michael Getler, "Dissidents Challenge Prague – Tension Builds Following Demand for Freedom and Democracy", The Washington Post (January 21, 1977).
- ^ Zbigniew Brzezinski, Power and Principle: Memoirs of the National Security Adviser, 1977–1981 (New York, 1983), p. 123.
- ^ Seyom Brown, Faces of Power (New York, 1983), p. 539.
- ^ "Giscard, Schmidt on Détente", The Washington Post (July 19, 1977).
- ^ David Binder, "Carter Requests Funds for Big Increase in Broadcasts to Soviet Bloc", The New York Times (March 23, 1977).
- ^ Brzezinski, Power and Principle, p. 293.
- ^ David A. Andelman, "Brzezinski and Mrs. Carter Hold Discussion with Polish Cardinal", The New York Times (December 29, 1977).
- ^ a b "The 3 A.M. Phone Call". National Security Archive. George Washington University. March 1, 2012. Retrieved February 11, 2017.
- ^ "Reagan poprosił Brzezińskiego, by został także jego doradcą". TVN24.pl. May 29, 2017. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ Brzezinski on isolation: former National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brezinski warns of the failures of Clinton foreign policy, Insight on the News, August 21, 1995
- ^ "The New Great Game: Why Ukraine Matters to So Many Other Nations". Bloomberg. February 27, 2014.
- ^ A conversation about Kosovo with Zbigniew Brzezinski Archived October 8, 2012, at the Wayback Machine Charlie Rose, March 25, 1999
- ^ Justin Vaïsse, Zbigniew Brzezinski: America's Grand Strategist (2018) ch 6.
- ^ Vaïsse, Zbigniew Brzezinski' (2018) ch 6.
- ^ Gerry Argyris Andrianopoulos (2016). Kissinger and Brzezinski: The NSC and the Struggle for Control of US National Security Policy. Springer. pp. 143–44. ISBN 9781349217410.
- ^ Brian J. Auten (2008). Carter's Conversion: The Hardening of American Defense Policy. University of Missouri Press. p. 276.
- ^ Gary Sick, All fall down: America's fateful encounter with Iran (IB Tauris, 1985).
- ^ "Books". dinoknudsen.dk.
- ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew (August 31, 1978). "Strategy for Camp David" (PDF). CIA. Retrieved February 11, 2017.
- ^ a b c d e f Kaplan, Robert D. (2008). Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Knopf Doubleday. pp. 115–117. ISBN 978-0-307-54698-2.
- ^ a b c d e f Kepel, Gilles (2006). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. I.B. Tauris. pp. 138–139, 142–144. ISBN 978-1-84511-257-8.
- ^ a b c Blight, James G.; et al. (2012). Becoming Enemies: U.S.–Iran Relations and the Iran–Iraq War, 1979–1988. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. pp. 66, 69–70. ISBN 978-1-4422-0830-8.
- ^ a b c d e f Riedel, Bruce (2014). What We Won: America's Secret War in Afghanistan, 1979–1989. Brookings Institution Press. pp. ix–xi, 21–22, 93, 98–99, 105. ISBN 978-0-8157-2595-4.
- ^ a b Gates, Robert (2007). From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War. Simon and Schuster. pp. 145–147. ISBN 978-1-4165-4336-7. When asked whether he expected that the revelations in his memoir (combined with an apocryphal quote attributed to Brzezinski) would inspire "a mind-bending number of conspiracy theories which adamantly—and wrongly—accuse the Carter Administration of luring the Soviets into Afghanistan", Gates replied: "No, because there was no basis in fact for an allegation the administration tried to draw the Soviets into Afghanistan militarily." See Gates, email communication with John Bernell White, Jr., October 15, 2011, as cited in White, John Bernell (May 2012). "The Strategic Mind Of Zbigniew Brzezinski: How A Native Pole Used Afghanistan To Protect His Homeland". pp. 45–46, 82. Retrieved August 23, 2017.
- ^ Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Penguin Group. pp. 87, 581. ISBN 978-1-59420-007-6. Contemporary memos—particularly those written in the first days after the Soviet invasion—make clear that while Brzezinski was determined to confront the Soviets in Afghanistan through covert action, he was also very worried the Soviets would prevail. ... Given this evidence and the enormous political and security costs that the invasion imposed on the Carter administration, any claim that Brzezinski lured the Soviets into Afghanistan warrants deep skepticism.
- ^ "Interview with Dr Zbigniew Brzezinski". June 13, 1997. Archived from the original on August 29, 2000. Retrieved May 25, 2016.
- ^ "Afghanistan: The Soviet Union's Vietnam". Al Jazeera. April 23, 2003. While it seemed like a good idea at the time to provide the mujahideen with CIA training, funding and equipment, Afghanistan evolved into a breeding ground for Islamist groups which had little love for the US either. The most prominent figure to rise from Afghanistan is Osama bin Laden, leader of the al-Qaeda group ...
- ^ "The Afghan war and the 'Grand Chessboard' Pt2". The Real News. January 15, 2010. Retrieved May 27, 2017.
- ^ a b c d e Douglas Brinkley (December 29, 2002). "The Lives They Lived; Out of the Loop". The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved May 3, 2017.
- ^ Marilyn Berger (January 13, 2002). "Cyrus R. Vance, a Confidant Of Presidents, Is Dead at 84". The New York Times. p. A1. Retrieved May 3, 2017.
- ^ Hodgson, Godfrey (May 28, 2017). "Zbigniew Brzezinski obituary". The Guardian. Retrieved May 28, 2017.
- ^ Xiaoming, Jin (2003). "The China-U.S. Relationship in Science and Technology" (PDF). University of Oregon.
- ^ Jackson, David (July 17, 2007). "Bush announces Mideast peace conference". USA Today.
- ^ Paul Volcker (November 8, 2007). "'Failure Risks Devastating Consequences' by Zbigniew Brzezinski". The New York Review of Books. Retrieved May 25, 2016.
- ^ "Unclassified Memorandum from National Security Council" (PDF). Jimmycarterlibrary.org. August 27, 1977. Archived from the original(PDF) on July 21, 2011. Retrieved December 31, 2010.
- ^ Nuclear Employment Policy Archived April 3, 2013, at the Wayback Machine[failed verification]" (PDF)
- ^ "Zbigniew Brzezinski, PhD". Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies. Archived from the original on October 25, 2015. Retrieved February 11, 2017.
- ^ a b Sikorski, Radek (May 27, 2017). "For Poles, Zbigniew Brzezinski was our American statesman". The Washington Post. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ a b c Luce, Edward (January 13, 2012). "Lunch with the FT: Zbigniew Brzezinski". Financial Times. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ a b Ignatius, David (May 29, 2017). "Zbigniew Brzezinski was an intrepid advocate of the 'liberal international order'". The Washington Post. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ Brzezinski, Zbigniew (March 25, 2007). "Terrorized by 'War on Terror'". The Washington Post. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ a b Obama advisor raises concerns, Ynet, September 15, 2007.
- ^ Alec MacGillis, Brzezinski Backs Obama, Washington Post, August 25, 2007.
- ^ Eric Walberg, The real power behind the throne-to-be Archived September 10, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Al-Ahram, July 24–30, 2008.
- ^ Gerald Posner, How Obama Flubbed His Missile Message, The Daily Beast, undated.
- ^ Brzezinski: U.S. must deny Israel airspaceArchived September 25, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Jewish Telegraphic Agency, September 21, 2009.
- ^ Jake Tapper, Zbig Brzezinski: Obama Administration Should Tell Israel U.S. Will Attack Israeli Jets if They Try to Attack Iran Archived October 18, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, ABC News, September 20, 2009.
- ^ Tayla. "Thursday, September 24". Hearsay.org. Retrieved August 14, 2019.
- ^ "PBS: Turmoil in Arab World: Deepening Divisions or Turning a New Page?".
- ^ a b "Zbigniew Brzezinski: After Putin's aggression in Ukraine, the West must be ready to respond". Washington Post. March 3, 2014. Retrieved May 25, 2016.
- ^ "Ian Brzezinski". Atlantic Council. 2016. Retrieved February 11, 2017.
- ^ "Democracy, Totalitarianism, and the Culture of Freedom". National Endowment for Democracy. National Endowment for Democracy. October 15, 2009. Archived from the original on March 28, 2014. Retrieved March 27, 2014.
- ^ "Membership Roster – Council on Foreign Relations". Cfr.org. Retrieved January 28, 2012.
- ^ "Europejska Akademia Dyplomacji : European Academy of Diplomacy : diplomats.pl : Dyplomacja – Zbigniew Brzeziński". Archived from the original on February 2, 2014.
- ^ "Carter adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski dies at 89". Politico. May 26, 2017.
- ^ James Fallows (May 26, 2017). "Zbigniew Brzezinski". The Atlantic.
- ^ "Pogrzeb Zbigniewa Brzezińskiego odbędzie się 9 czerwca" (in Polish). TVN24.pl. June 1, 2017. Retrieved June 1, 2017.
- ^ Flegenheimer, Matt (June 9, 2017). "Washington Remembers Brzezinski, and a Very Different Era". The New York Times. Retrieved June 9, 2017.
- ^ "Jimmy Carter: Presidential Medal of Freedom Remarks at the Presentation Ceremony". The American Presidency Project. January 16, 1981. Retrieved June 10, 2017.
- ^ "Brzezinski gets highest Polish order". UPI. December 19, 1995. Retrieved June 10, 2017.
- ^ Shen, Vivian. "Research Guides @ Fordham: Fordham University History: Fordham Commencement Speakers 1941-present". fordham.libguides.com.
- ^ "Williams College: Caution on Science Is Offered". The New York Times. June 9, 1986.
- ^ "Honorary Degrees". Commencement.
- ^ a b "KUL - University - Honorary Doctorates".
- ^ "Honorary Doctors". Vilnius University.
- Andrianopoulos, Gerry Argyris. Kissinger and Brzezinski: The NSC and the Struggle for Control of U.S. National Security Policy, Palgrave Macmillan (June 1991), ISBN 0-312-05743-1
- Avner, Yehuda, The Prime Ministers: An Intimate Narrative of Israeli Leadership, The Toby Press, 2010, ISBN 978-1-59264-278-6
- Firestone, Thomas. "Four Sovietologists: A Primer". National Interest No. 14 (Winter 1988/9), pp. 102–107 on the ideas of Zbigniew Brzezinski, Stephen F. Cohen Jerry F. Hough, and Richard Pipes.
- Gati, Charles, ed. (2013), Zbig: The Strategy and Statecraft of Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 1421409763.
- Lubowski, Andrzej. Zbig: The Man Who Cracked the Kremlin (2013)
- Thacker, Innes (1980), Ideological Control and the Depoliticisation of Language, in Bold, Christine (ed.), Cencrastus No. 2, Spring 1980, pp. 30 - 33, ISSN 0264-0856
- Patrick Vaughan (1999) "Beyond Benign Neglect: Zbigniew Brzezinski and the Polish Crisis of 1980." Polish Review (1): 3–28
- Vaïsse, Justin. Zbigniew Brzezinski: America's Grand Strategist (2018) scholarly biography
- Wallis, Christopher. "The Thinker, The Doer and The Decider Zbigniew Brzezinski, Cyrus Vance and the Bureaucratic Wars of the Carter Administration" (PhD Thesis, Northumbria University 2018).
- Aleksandra Ziolkowska-Boehm, Untold Stories of Polish Heroes from World War II, Chapter: "Father and Son: Tadeusz and Zbigniew Brzeziński", Hamilton Books 2018, ISBN 978-0-7618-6983-2
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