*
This article has profited greatly from the numerous discussions
by the participants of the International Conference on Slavery,
Unfree Labour and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region,
University of Avignon, France, 46 October 2001. In particular,
I would like to thank Richard Allen, Leonard Blussé, Richard
Eaton, Hugo s'Jacob, Joseph Miller, John Wills Jr., and Nigel
Worden for their useful suggestions and other contributions to
earlier draft versions.
Notes
1
François Valentijn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën,
S. Keijzer ed. (The Hague, 1856), volume II, p. 46.
2
Johannes Postma argues that the Dutch dominated the Atlantic slave
trade during their control of northeast Brazil (163648)
and their (in)direct acquisition of the asiento contract
for Spanish America (166275 and 168689). See J. M.
Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 16001815
(New York, 1990), especially pp. 302303. For the statement
on the Dutch involvement in the Southeast Asian slave trade, see
J. Fox, "'For Good and Sufficient Reasons': An Examination of
Early Dutch East India Company Ordinances on Slaves and Slavery,"
in A. Reid ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency in Southeast
Asia (New York, 1983), p. 247. Arasaratnam states that "there
was a brisk slave trade in maritime Asia." See S. Arasaratnam,
"Historical Foundations of the Economy of the Tamils of Northern
Sri Lanka," in S. Arasaratnam, Ceylon and the Dutch, 16001800
(Aldershot, 1996), XIV, p. 18.
3
G. J. Knaap, "Slavery and the Dutch in Southeast Asia," in G.
Oostindië, Fifty Years Later: Antislavery, Capitalism
and Modernity in the Dutch Orbit (Pittsburgh, 1996), p. 193.
The standard work on Dutch slavery in Southeast Asia in general
is still Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency. For
slavery in South Asia, see S. Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the
Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century," in K. S. Mathew, ed.,
Mariners, Merchants and Oceans: Studies in Maritime History
(New Delhi, 1995), pp. 195208; A. K. Chattopadhyay, Slavery
in the Bengal Presidency, 17721843 (London, 1977); K.K.N.
Kurup, "Slavery in 18th Century Malabar," Revue historique
de Pondichéry 11 (1973):5660; U. Patnaik and M.
Dingwaney, eds. Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in
India (Madras, 1985); L. Caplan, "Power and Status in South
Asian Slavery," in J. L. Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems
of Slavery (Oxford, 1980), pp. 16994. See also L. Hattingh,
"Slawernij in die VOC-gebied," Kronos: Journal of Cape History
17 (1990): 318.
4
H. Gerbeau, "The Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean: Problems Facing
the Historian and Research to be Undertaken," in The African
Slave Trade from the Fifteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries
(Paris, 1979), p. 184.
5
P. M. Larson, History and Memory in the Age of Enslavement:
Becoming Merina in Highland Madagascar, 17701822 (Oxford,
2000); R. B. Allen, Slaves, Freedmen, and Indentured Laborers
in Colonial Mauritius (Cambridge, 1999); D. Scarr, Slaving
and Slavery in the Indian Ocean (London and New York, 1998);
V. Teelock, Bitter Sugar: Sugar and Slavery in 19th Century
Mauritius (Moka, 1998); S. Fuma, L'Esclavagisme à
La Réunion, 17941848 (Paris and St. Denis, 1992);
K. Noël, L'Esclavage à l'Isle de France (Ile Maurice)
de 1715 à 1810 (Paris, 1991); J. V. Payet, Histoire
de l'Esclavage à l'Ile Bourbon (Paris, 1990); W. G. Clarence-Smith
ed., The Economics of the Indian Ocean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth
Century (London, 1989); U. Bissoondayal and S.B.C. Servansing,
eds., Slavery in the South West Indian Ocean (Moka, Mauritius,
1989); A. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar: Integration
of an East African Commercial Empire into the World Economy, 17701873
(London, 1987); M.D.E. Nwulia, The History of Slavery in Mauritius
and the Seychelles, 18101875 (London and Toronto, 1981);
F. Cooper, Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa
(New Haven, 1977); R. W. Beachey, The Slave Trade of Eastern
Africa (London, 1976); E. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East
Central Africa: Changing Patterns of International Trade to the
Later Nineteenth Century (London, 1975); J. M. Filliot, La
Traite des Esclaves vers les Mascareignes au XVIIIe Siècle
(Paris, 1974). The workshop titled "Slave Systems in Asia and
the Indian Ocean: Their Structure and Change in the 19th and 20th
Centuries," held at the University of Avignon, France, 1820
May 2000, is illustrative of this modernist bias.
6
A. Kieskamp, "De Wereld in één Land: Slavernij in Zuid-Afrika
(16531838)," in R. Daalder, A. Kieskamp, and D. Tang, eds.,
Slaven en Schepen: Enkele Reis, Bestemming Onbekend (Leiden,
2001), pp. 7684; T. Keegan, Colonial South Africa and
the Origins of the Racial Order (Cape Town, 1996); N. Worden,
The Chains that Bind Us: A History of Slavery at the Cape
(Kenwyn, 1996); C.-H. Shell, Children of Bondage: A Social
History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 16521838
(Hanover, 1994); E. Eldredge and F. Morton eds., Slavery in
South Africa: Captive Labor on the Dutch Frontier (Boulder,
1994); E. Eldredge, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge,
1985); R. Ross, Cape of Torments: Slavery and Resistance in
South Africa (London, 1983); A. J. Boëseken, Slaves
and Free Blacks at the Cape, 16581700 (Cape Town, 1977);
J. C. Armstrong and N. Worden, "The Slaves, 16521834," in
R. Elphick and H. Giliomee eds., The Shaping of South African
Society, 16521840, 2nd ed. (Middletown, Conn., 1988),
pp. 10983; M. F. Katzen, "White Settlers and the Origin
of a New Society, 16521778" in M. Wilson and L. Thompson,
eds., The Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. I (Oxford,
1969), pp. 187232.
7
This issue is particularly controversial in South African historiography.
For a good introduction to the debate, see N. Worden, "The Slave
System of the Cape Colony and Its Aftermath," in G. Campbell ed.,
Slavery and Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean
(London, forthcoming).
8
For an excellent survey of nineteenth-century indentured labor
trades, see D.Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism
(New York, 1995). For the Cultivation System (183070), see
R. E. Elson, Village Java under the Cultivation System, 18301870
(Sydney, 1994); C. Fasseur, The Politics of Colonial Exploitation:
Java, the Dutch, and the Cultivation System (Ithaca, N.Y.,
1992); R. E. Elson, Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar
Industry: Impact and Change in a East Javanese Residency (Kuala
Lumpur, 1984). For the Liberal Period (after 1870), see V.J.H.
Houben and Th. J. Lindblad, Coolie Labour in Colonial Indonesia:
A Study of Labour Relations in the Outer Islands, c. 19001940
(Wiesbaden, 1999); A. L. Stoler, Capitalism and Confrontation
in Sumatra's Plantation Belt, 18701979, 2nd ed. (Ann
Arbor, 1995); J. Breman, Taming of the Coolie Beast: Plantation
Society and the Colonial Order in Southeast Asia (New Delhi,
1989); K. Pelzer, Planter and Peasant: Colonial Policy and
the Agrarian Struggle in East Sumatra, 18631947 (The
Hague, 1978); K.-W. Thee, Plantation Agriculture and Export
Growth: An Economic History of East Sumatra, 18631942
(Jakarta, 1977).
9
For Batavia, see B. Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden:
Slavernij in Oost-Indië, 16021860," in Daalder, Kieskamp,
and Tang, eds., Slaven en Schepen, pp. 8591; H.E.
Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity and the Economic Independence of
Women in Seventeenth-Century Batavia," in B. Watson Andaya, Other
Pasts: Women, Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia
(Honolulu, 2000), pp. 17494; H. E. Niemeijer, Calvinisme
en Koloniale Stadscultuur: Batavia, 16191725 (Almelo,
1996); P. H. van der Brug, Malaria en Malaise: De VOC in Batavia
in de Achttiende Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1994); L. Blusse, Strange
Company: Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC
Batavia (Dordrecht, 1988); S. Abeyasekere, Jakarta: A History
(Singapore, 1989); J. Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia
(Madison, 1983). For Cape Town, see N. Worden, E. van Heyningen,
and V. Bickford-Smith, Cape Town: The Making of a City
(Hilversum, 1998). For Colombo, see R. Raben, "Batavia and Colombo:
The Ethnic and Spatial Order of Two Colonial Cities 16001800,"
unpublished dissertation (Leiden, 1996). For Galle, see L. Wagenaar,
Galle, VOC Vestiging in Ceylon: Beschrijving van een Koloniale
Samenleving aan de Vooravond van de Singalese Opstand tegen het
Nederlandse Gezag, 1760 (Amsterdam, 1994).
10
E. M. Jacobs, Koopman in Azië: De Handel van de Verenigde
Oost-Indische Compagnie Tijdens de 18de Eeuw (Zutphen, 2000),
p. 277 n. 6.
11
H. Gerbeau, "The Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," p. 185.
12
David Brian Davis observed: "The more we learn about slavery,
the more difficulty we have defining it," (Slavery and human
progress, [New York, 1984]). For the Indian Ocean, see A.
Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 14501680,
Volume One: The Lands below the Winds (New Haven and London,
1988), p. 132; B. Stein, "Slavery and Serfdom in South Asia,"
in A.T. Embree, ed., Encyclopedia of Asian History (New
York, 1988), III, p. 490; U. Chakaravarti, "Of Dasas and Karmakaras:
Slave Labour in Ancient India," in U. Panaik and M. Dingawaney,
eds., Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India
(Madras, 1985), pp. 35, 3637, 48; T. Raychaudhuri and I.
Habib, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume
I: c. 12001750 (New York, 1982), pp. 3032, 9293,
530; M. I. Finley, "Between Slavery and Freedom," Comparative
Studies in Society and History 6 (196364), p. 23; J.
L. Watson, "Slavery as an Institution: Open and Closed Systems,"
in J. L. Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems of Slavery
(Oxford, 1980), pp. 1213; A. Schottenhammer, "Slavery in
Late Imperial China (17th/18th to early 20th century)," unpublished
paper presented at the International Conference on Slavery, Unfree
Labor and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, University
of Avignon, 46 October 2001.
13
Classical statements include O. Patterson, Slavery and Social
Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge, Mass., 1982); M. I.
Finley, "Slavery," International Encyclopedia of the Social
Sciences 14 (New York, 1968), pp. 30713; H. J. Nieboer,
Slavery as an Industrial System: Ethnological Researches,
2nd ed. (The Hague, 1910); Watson, "Slavery as an Institution,"
pp. 3, 8; P. E. Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery: A History
of Slavery in Africa (New York, 1983), p. 1.
14
Watson, "Slavery as an Institution," pp. 913; A. Reid, "'Closed'
and 'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," in A.
Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence in Southeast Asia,
pp. 15667. The Slavery Convention signed at Geneva in 1926
(approved by the United Nations by protocol in 1953) defines slavery
as "the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of
the powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised."
The slave trade includes "all acts involved in the capture, acquisition
or disposal of a person with intent to reduce him to slavery;
all acts involved in the acquisition of a slave with a view to
selling or exchanging him; all acts of disposal by sale or exchange
of a slave acquired with a view to being sold or exchanged, and,
in general, every act of trade or transport in slaves."
15
I would like to thank Joseph Miller, Michael Salman, and Richard
B. Allen for bringing up this important issue.
16
See, for instance, K. McPherson, The Indian Ocean: A History
of People and the Sea (New York, 1993); K. N. Chaudhuri, Asia
before Europe: Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean from
the Rise of Islam to 1750 (New York, 1990); K. N. Chaudhuri,
Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History
from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (New York, 1985); S. Chandra,
ed., The Indian Ocean: Explorations, History, Commerce and
Politics (New Delhi, 1987); A. Das Gupta and M. N. Pearson,
eds., India and the Indian Ocean (Oxford, 1987); S. Arasaratnam,
"Recent Trends in the Historiography of the Indian
Ocean, 1500 to 1800," Journal of World History
1, no. 2 (Fall 1990):22548. See also A.Wink, Al-Hind:
The Making of the Indo-Islamic World (Leiden, 1990present).
These works are all deeply indebted to Braudel and the methodology
of the Annales school, characterized by interdisciplinary or "total"
history, geohistorical structuralisma three-tiered conception
of historical time (structures, conjonctures, and événements),
and an emphasis on quantification or rigorous statistical analysis.
17
L. Shaffer, "Southernization," Journal of World History
5, no. 1 (Spring 1994):1, 4. For a critique, see J. O. Voll, "'Southernization'
as a Construct in Post-Civilizational Narrative," in R. E. Dunn,
The New World History: A Teacher's Companion (Boston and
New York, 2000), pp. 19395. See also J. H. Bentley, "Cross-Cultural
Interaction and Periodization in World History," American Historical
Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 74970 and P. Manning,
"The Problem of Interactions in World History," idem, pp. 77182.
18
Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation, pp. 34, 10, 21;
idem, Asia before Europe, pp. 104, 38387; J. L. Abu-Lughod,
Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D.
12501350 (New York, 1989), p. 261. See also McPherson,
The Indian Ocean, pp. 35; Gupta and Pearson, eds.,
India and the Indian Ocean, pp. 1120.
19
Though the emphasis here is on demographic and commercial aspects
of slavery and slave trade, cultural diffusion was an important
by-product of the movement of captive labor. For instance, in
spite of legislation that encouraged the learning and use of Dutch,
Portuguese (in the seventeenth century) and Malay (in the eighteenth
century) became the lingua franca in many VOC settlements throughout
the Indian Ocean (including Batavia) due to the presence of large
numbers of slaves and freed slaves (Mardijkers) from India and
Indonesia. Even Afrikaans, which developed in the Cape Colony
in the eighteenth century, was a Portuguese creole language deeply
influenced by Portuguese and Malay and the medium of conversation
between master and servant. Similarly, while Christianity made
some headway, Islam was introduced to the subject populations
of various Dutch conquests by Indian and Indonesian slaves along
with political exiles.
20
An example of a direct linkage is the Japan (Nagasaki)-Bengal
connection: until 1685 large quantities of Japanese silver, gold,
and copper were exchanged for (raw) silk and cotton textiles,
sugar, and other commodities from Bengal. See O. Prakash, The
Dutch East India Company and the Economy of Bengal, 16301720
(Princeton, 1985), pp. 11841.
21
Based on Chaudhuri, Abu-Lughod distinguishes three "great cultural
traditions" in the Indian Ocean, determined by the "monsoon imperatives"
and centered on the Arabian Sea, Bay of Bengal, and South China
Sea, respectively. Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony,
pp. 3436, 25359. See also Chaudhuri, Trade and
Civilisation, pp. 103105.
22
As Leonard Blussé observes: "[I]n the period from the establishment
of the castle-city in 1619 to the so-called Chinese massacre in
1740, the city of Batavia was, economically speaking, basically
a Chinese colonial town under Dutch protection.... Batavia castle
with its warehouses functioned as the 'keystone' in the system
of Dutch trading posts all over Asia, while Batavia town operated
as a 'cornerstone' of the Chinese trade network in Southeast Asia."
See Blussé, Strange Company, p. 74.
23
R. Raben, "Batavia and Colombo: The Ethnic and Spatial Order of
Two Colonial Cities, 16001800," unpublished dissertation
(Leiden, 1996), p. 121.
24
S. Subrahmanyam, "Slaves and Tyrants: Dutch Tribulations in Seventeenth-Century
Mrauk-U," Journal of Early Modern History 1, no. 3 (August
1997):20153; O. Prakash, European Commercial Enterprise
in Pre-Colonial India, The New Cambridge History of India
II:5 (New York, 1998), pp. 55, 144; O. Prakash, The Dutch East
India Company and the Economy of Bengal, pp. 4950; J.
F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, The New Cambridge History
of India I:5 (New York, 1993), p. 168; Raychaudhuri and Habib,
eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India I, p. 335;
V. B. Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycles: Anarchy and
Conquest, c. 15801760 (Princeton, N.J., 1984); G. D.
Winius, "The 'Shadow Empire' of Goa in the Bay of Bengal," Itinerario
7, no. 2 (1983):83101; D.G.E. Hall, "Studies in Dutch relations
with Arakan," Journal of the Burma Research Society 26,
no. 1 (1936):131; D.G.E. Hall, "The Daghregister of Batavia
and Dutch Trade with Burma in the Seventeenth Century," Journal
of the Burma Research Society 29, no. 2 (1939):13956;
Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth
Century," pp. 19599.
25
VOC 1479, OBP 1691, fls. 611r627v, Specificatie van Allerhande
Koopmansz. tot Tuticurin, Manaapar en Alvatt.rij Ingekocht, 1670/711689/90;
W. Ph. Coolhaas and J.van Goor, eds., Generale Missiven van
Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden van Indië aan Heren Zeventien
der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (The Hague, 1960present),
passim; T. Raychaudhuri, Jan Company in Coromandel, 16051690:
A Study on the Interrelations of European Commerce and Traditional
Economies (The Hague, 1962), pp. 16667; S. Arasaratnam,
"Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century,"
in K. S. Mathew, ed., Mariners, Merchants and Oceans: Studies
in Maritime History (New Delhi, 1995), pp. 195208.
26
For exports of Malabar slaves to Batavia, see Generale Missiven
III, p. 433; VI, pp. 314, 450, 500, 520, 560, 630, 702, 789, 880.
For exports of Malabar slaves to Ceylon, see Generale Missiven
VI, pp. 312, 448; H.K. s'Jacob ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala,
16631701: De Memories en Instructies Betreffende het Commandement
Malabar van de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, Rijks Geschiedkundige
Publicatiën, Kleine serie 43 (The Hague, 1976), pp. xllxv,
77, 321, 346; R. Barendse, "Slaving on the Malagasy Coast, 16401700,"
in S. Evers and M. Spindler, eds., Cultures of Madagascar:
Ebb and Flow of Influences (Leiden, 1995), p. 142. See also
M. O. Koshy, The Dutch Power in Kerala (New Delhi, 1989);
K. K. Kusuman, Slavery in Travancore (Trivandrum, 1973);
M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz, De Vestiging der Nederlanders ter
Kuste Malabar (The Hague, 1943), pp. 154237; H. Terpstra,
De Opkomst der Westerkwartieren van de Oostindische Compagnie
(The Hague, 1918); E.M.E.P. Wolff, "Cochin: Een Mestiese Samenleving
in India: Een Onderzoek Naar de Bevolking van een Vestiging van
de Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie in de 18de Eeuw," unpublished
M.A. thesis (Leiden, 1992), pp. 4752.
27
M.P.M. Vink, "Encounters on the Opposite Coast: Cross-Cultural
Contacts between the Dutch East India Company and the Nayaka State
of Madurai in the Seventeenth Century," unpublished dissertation,
University of Minnesota (1998), pp. 16569; Arasaratnam,
Ceylon and the Dutch, 16001800 (Great Yarmouth, 1996),
XI, p. 387; XIV, p. 19; H. D. Love, Vestiges from Old Madras
(London, 1913), pp. 54546.
28
J. Villiers, "Makassar: The Rise and Fall of an East Indonesian
Maritime Trading State, 15121669," in J. Kathirithambi-Wells
and J. Villiers, eds., The Southeast Asian Port and Polity:
Rise and Demise (Singapore, 1990), pp. 14359; Reid,
Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, pp. 13334,
and 136; II, pp. 222, 224, 22932, 27880, 309, 320,
324; H. Sutherland, "Slavery and Slave Trade in South Sulawesi
1660s1800s," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage, and Dependency,
pp. 26870; L. Y. Andaya, The Heritage of Arung Palakka:
A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century
(The Hague, 1981); C. R. Boxer, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo:
A Portuguese Merchant in South East Asia, 16241667 (The
Hague, 1967); F. W. Stapel, Het Bongaais Verdrag (Leiden,
1922).
29
VOC 1276, OBP 1671, fls. 6841007, Notitie [Speelman] ...
tot Naerrichtinge voor den Ondercoopman Jan van Opijnen, 17.2.1670;
J. Noorduijn, "De Handelsrelaties van het Makassaarse Rijk Volgens
de Notitie van Cornelis Speelman uit 1670," Nederlandse Historische
Bronnen III (Amsterdam, 1983), pp. 96123.
30
A. Reid, "Introduction; Slavery and Bondage in Southeast Asian
History," in A. Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency,
pp. 3032; Dagh-Registers Gehouden int Casteel Batavia
vant Passerende daer ter Plaetse als over Geheel Nederlandts-India.
Anno 16531682 (Batavia and The Hague, 18871928);
Raben, "Batavia and Colombo," pp. 122125.
31
Boëseken, Slaves and Free Blacks at the Cape, p. 75;
Shell, "Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 1680 to 1731," unpublished
dissertation, Yale University (1986), pp. 35253. Between
1652 and 1808 approximately 63,000 slaves (62,964) were imported
to the Cape from four main areas: Africa 26.4%; Madagascar 25.1%;
India 25.9%; Indonesia 22.7%. See Shell, Children of Bondage,
pp. 4041. Worden has revised Shell's estimate upward from
63,000 to 80,000. See N. Worden, "The Indian Ocean Origins of
Cape Colony Slaves: A Preliminary Report," unpublished paper presented
at the Workshop on Slave Systems in Asia and the Indian Ocean:
Structure and Change in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Avignon,
1820 May 2000. Based on Cape inventories and auction sales,
Worden concludes that between 1697 and 1750 48% (673) of the sample
of 1,401 slaves came from the Indian subcontinent (mostly Bengal
and Malabar), 20.5% (288) from Southeast Asia (Bugi/Makassar,
and to a lesser extent Bali, Ternate, Timor, and Ternate), and
9.9% (191) from Madagascar and other parts of Africa (including
Rio de la Goa, Mozambique, Natal, and Angola), whereas 17.1% (239)
were Cape-born.
32
H. Hägerdal, "From Batuparang to Ayudhya: Bali and the Outside
World," Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië
154, no. 1 (1998):5594; A. van der Kraan, "Bali: Slavery
and the Slave Trade," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage, and Dependency,
pp. 32937; H. J. de Graaf, "Lombok in de 17de Eeuw," Djawa
21, no. 6 (November 1941):35573; Reid, "Introduction," in:
Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependency, p. 30; H. J.
Schulte Nordholt, The Spell of Power: A History of Balinese
Politics, 16501940 (Leiden, 1996); H. J. Schulte Nordholt,
Bali: Colonial Conceptions and Political Change, 17001940:
From Shifting Hierarchies to 'Fixed Order' (Rotterdam, 1986);
H. J. Schulte Nordholt, "Macht, Mensen en Middelen: Patronen en
Dynamiek in de Balische Politiek, 17001840," M.A. thesis,
VU Amsterdam (1980); R. Needham, Sumba and the Slave Trade,
Monash University, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Working
Paper 31 (Clayton, 1983); C. Lekkerkerker, "De Baliërs van
Batavia," De Indische Gids 40, no. 1 (1918):40931;
W.G.C. Bijvanck, "Onze Betrekkingen tot Lombok," De Gids
58, no. 4 (1894):13457, 299337; 59, no. 2 (1895):14177.
33
N. van der Zwan, Madagascar: The Zebu as Guide through Past
and Present (Berg en Dal, 1998), pp. 2536; P. J. Moree,
A Concise History of Dutch Mauritius, 15981710: A Fruitful
and Healthy Land (London, 1998), pp. 27 et seq.; Barendse,
"Slaving on the Malagasy coast," pp. 13755; J. C. Armstrong,
"Madagascar and the Slave Trade in the Seventeenth Century," Omaly
sy Anio 7/8/9/10 (198384):21133; G. de Nettancourt,
"Le Peuplement Neerlandais à l'Ile Maurice (15981710),"
in Mouvements de Populations dans l'Océan Indien (Paris,
1979), p. 224; N. Worden, "Slavery and Amnesia: Towards a Recovery
of Malagasy Heritage in Presentations of Cape Slavery," in Rakoto,
ed., L'Esclavage à Madagascar, p. 55; Shell, Children
of Bondage, pp. 4142; P. van Dam, Beschryvinge van
de Oostindische Compagnie, F. W. Stapel, ed. (The Hague, 1929),
Eerste Boek, Deel II, pp. 65370; J. C. Armstrong and N.
Worden, "The Slaves, 16521834," in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee,
eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 16521840
(Middleton, Conn., 1989), pp. 11114; D. Sleigh, Die Buiteposte:
VOC-Buiteposte onder Kaapse Bestuur 16521795 (Pretoria,
1993); K. Heeringa, "De Nederlanders op Mauritius en Madagascar,"
Indische Gids 17 (1895):86492, 100536. In total
33 company voyages (16541786) were dispatched for the benefit
of the Cape and a few more for slaves at its Salida gold mines,
carrying 2,820 to the Cape.
34
R. B. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade and Labor Migration in
the Indian Ocean during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,"
in Campbell, ed., Slavery and Slave Systems (forthcoming).
35
Armstrong, "Madagascar and the Slave Trade in the Seventeenth
Century," pp. 21418; J. M. Filliot, La Traite des Esclaves
vers les Mascareignes au XVIIIe Siècle (Paris, 1974),
pp. 5469; H. Gerbeau, "Histoire Oubliée, Histoire Occultée?
La Diaspora Malgache à la Réunion: Entre Esclavage et
Liberté," in Rakoto, ed., L'Esclavage à Madagascar,
pp. 910. Allen argues that the number of slaves imported
into the Mascarenes before 1810 was approximately 203,000, 1227%
higher than Filliot's estimate of 160,000 (5,000 for the period
16701728). See R. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave Trade," (forthcoming).
36
The number of healthy adult slaves at the mines increased from
150 (1677), 165 (1679), 225 (1680), and 325 (1682), to peak at
510 (1687) and 469 (1692). In 1687, there were also 90 sick adult
slaves (impotenten) and 70 slave children. See Generale
Missiven IV, pp. 222, 385, 426, 556; V, pp. 136, 180, 593,
758. See also Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie,
Eerste Boek, Deel II, pp. 65370; N. MacLeod, "De Oost-Indische
Compagnie op Sumatra in de 17de Eeuw. IV: De Westkust van 1671
tot 1683," De Indische Gids 27, no. 1 (1905):12542,
47086; J. E. de Meijer, "De Goud- en Zilvermijnen ter Sumatra's
Westkust," De Indische Gids 33, no. 1 (1911):2867;
D. Verbeek, Nota over de Verrichtingen der Oost-Indische Compagnie
bij de Ontginning der Goud- en Zilveraders te Salida op Sumatra's
Westkust (The Hague, 1910); S. P. L'Honoré Naber, ed.,
Reisebeschreibungen von Deutschen Beambten und Kriegsleuten
im Dienst der Niederländischen West- und Ost-Indischen Kompagnien,
16021797, Volume 10: Elias Hesse, Gold-bergwerke in Sumatra,
168083 (The Hague, 1931).
37
Braudel, Civilization and Capitalism III, p. 30; Chaudhuri,
Trade and Civilisation, p. 224. See also Abu-Lughod, Before
European Hegemony, p. 13. For the theoretical ground work,
see W. Cristaller, Central Places in Southern Germany (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J., 1966); A. Lösch, The Economics of Location
(New Haven, Conn., 1954).
38
Philip D. Curtin, Cross-Cultural Trade in World History
(New York, 1984), pp. 35, 89, 15254.
39
During the company period, the commander (after 1690, governor)
of the Cape also exercised jurisdiction over the company settlements
of Mauritius (163858; 16641710), St. Helena Island
(1673), and Rio de la Goa, Mozambique (172130).
40
Archief VOC, Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren; Generale Missiven,
IV, pp. 138, 438, 554, 67677; "Report of Governor Balthasar
Bort on Malacca 1678," Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 1 (August 1927):3944; Tarling,
ed., Cambridge History of Southeast Asia I, p. 371; s'Jacob,
ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, pp. lii, liv n. 189; s'Jacob,
"De VOC en de Malabarkust in de 17de Eeuw," in M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz,
ed., De VOC in Azië (Bussum, 1976), p. 88; R. J. Barendse,
The Arabian Seas, 16401700 (Leiden, 1998), pp. 59,
70; G. J. Knaap, "A City of Migrants: Kota Ambon at the End of
the Seventeenth Century," Indonesia 51 (April 1991):120,
124; G. J. Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos and Slaves: The Population
of Colombo at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Itinerario
5, no. 2 (1981):88; N. Worden, Cape Town: The Making of a City
(Hilversum, 1998), p. 50.
41
As several historians have observed correctly, the distinction
between "luxury" and "productive" slavery is often an artificial
one; see Watson, "Slavery as an Institution, Open and Closed Systems,"
pp. 8, 14; Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery,"
p. 190; Cooper, Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa,
p. 2. For different definitions of slave societies, see M. Finley,
Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology (New York, 1983), pp.
8081, 86; and C. Meillasoux, The Anthropology of Slavery:
The Womb of Iron and Gold (Chicago, 1991), pp. 6977.
42
ARA, Archief VOC, Overgekomen Brieven en Papieren; Generale
Missiven, IV, pp. 138, 438, 554, 67677; "Report of Governor
Balthasar Bort on Malacca 1678," Journal of the Malaysian Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 1 (August 1927):3944;
Tarling, ed., Cambridge History of Southeast Asia I, p.
371; s'Jacob ed., De Nederlanders in Kerala, pp. lii, liv
n. 189; s'Jacob, ed., "De VOC en de Malabarkust in de 17de Eeuw,"
in M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz, ed., De VOC in Azië (Bussum,
1976), p. 88; R. J. Barendse, The Arabian Seas, 16401700
(Leiden, 1998), pp. 59, 70; G. J. Knaap, "A City of Migrants:
Kota Ambon at the End of the Seventeenth Century," Indonesia
51 (April 1991), pp. 120, 124; G. J. Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos
and Slaves: The Population of Colombo at the End of the Seventeenth
Century," Itinerario 5, no. 2 (1981):88; N. Worden, Cape
Town: The Making of a City (Hilversum, 1998), p. 50.
43
Ph. D. Curtin, The Tropical Atlantic in the Age of the Slave
Trade (Washington, 1991), pp. 23, 6.
44
For the problematic nature of the term "slave" in an Indian Ocean
context, see note 12. Though the term "slave" is used in the text,
relations of dependency and inequality normally ran across a continuum
from freedom to slavery with permeable boundaries between various
categories or population groups.
45
The Laws of Manu, Vol. 8, G. Buhler, trans., The Sacred
Books of the East, Vol. 25 (Oxford, 1886), p. 415; The Minor
Law-Books, Part I: Narada, Vol. V, J. Jolly, ed., The sacred
books of the East, Vol. 33 (Oxford, 1889), pp. 2628, 29,
3136; B. Stein, A History of India (Malden, Mass.,
1998), pp. 21620; U. Chakravarti, "Of Dasas and Karmakaras:
Servile Labour in Ancient India," in U. Patnaik and M. Dingawaney,
eds., Chains of Servitude: Bondage and Slavery in India
(New York, 1985), pp. 4042, 5154.
46
B. Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical
Inquiry (Oxford and New York, 1990), pp. 315; R. Brunschvig,
s.v., "Abd" in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. I (Leiden,
1986), pp. 2440; M. Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World
(New York, 1989), pp. 1847; H. Müller, "Sklaven," in
Handbuch der Orientalistik, B. Spuler ed., Part 1, Der
Nahe und der Mittlere Osten, Vol. 6, Geschichte der Islamischen
Länder, Sec. 6, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Vorderen
Orients in Islamischer Zeit, Part 1 (Leiden and Cologne, 1977),
pp. 5483. For the Jambi apologia, see W. Ph. Coolhaas, J.
van Goor, and J. E. Schooneveld-Oosterling, eds., Generale
Missiven van Gouverneurs-Generaal en Raden aan Heren Zeventien
der Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (The Hague, 1960present),
III, p. 710.
47
Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, pp. 12946;
Reid, "'Closed' and 'Open' Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia,"
pp. 15859, 16971. For specific Southeast Asian legal
codes, see M. C. Hoadley and M. B. Hooker, An Introduction
to Javanese Law: A Translation of and Commentary on the Agama
(Tucson, 1981); Y. F. Liaw, ed., Undang-Undang Melaka: The
Laws of Melaka (The Hague, 1976); I. Takeshi, "The World of
the Adat Aceh: A Historical Study of the Sultanate of Aceh," unpublished
dissertation, ANU (Canberra, 1984).
48
The following discussion is largely based on M.P.M. Vink, "Suffering
in Silence: Dutch Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth
Century," unpublished paper presented at the World History Association,
Ninth Annual International Conference, Boston, 2225 June
2000.
49
G. Groenhuis, "Zonen van Cham," Kleio 21 (1980):224; G. J. Schutte,
"Bij het Schemerlicht van Hun Tijd: Zeventiende-Eeuwse Gereformeerden
en de Slavenhandel," in M. Bruggeman et al., eds., Mensen van
de Nieuwe Tijd: Een Liber Amoricum voor A. Th. Van Deursen
(Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 193217; P. C. Emmer, De Nederlandse
Slavenhandel, 15001850 (Amsterdam and Antwerp, 2000),
pp. 3039; L. R. Priester, De Nederlandse Houding ten
Aanzien van de Slavenhandel en Slavernij, 15961863: Het
Gedrag van de Slavenhandelaren van de Commercie Compagnie van
Middelburg in de 18de Eeuw (Middelburg, 1987), pp. 43, 74
n. 28. See also S. R. Haynes, Noah's Curse: The Biblical Justification
of American Slavery (New York, 2001); B. Braude, "The
Sons of Noah and the Construction of Ethnic and Geographical Identities
in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods," William
and Mary Quarterly, 3rd series, 54 (January 1997):10342;
W. McKee Evans, "From the Land of Canaan to the Land of Guinea
or the Strange Odyssey of the Sons of Ham," American Historical
Review 85, no. 1 (February 1980):1543; M. Adhikari,
"The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity,"
South African Historical Journal 27 (1992):95112.
For an interesting discussion of the "Ham ideology," see Valentijn,
Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 37172.
50
H. Grotius, The Law of War and Peace: De Jure Belli ac Pacis
Libri Tres, F. Kelsey, trans., J. Brown Scott, ed. (Indianapolis
and New York, 1925), pp. 25559, 69091, 718, 76169.
51
Vink, "Suffering in Silence."
52
VOC 1232, OBP 1661, fl. 383, Miss. Gouvr. Pit en Raad van Coromandel
aan H. XVII, 9.8.1660; VOC 884, BUB 1660, fl. 1703, Miss. Gouvr.
Genl. en Raad aan Comms. Van Goens te Colombo, 4.11.1660. The
purchase of slaves in exchange for rice earned the Dutch the condemnation
of local members of the Society of Jesus (an active participant
in the Indian Ocean slave trade itself). See J. Bertrand, La
Mission du Maduré d'après des documents inédits
III. Paris 1848, pp. 12425. For Jesuit and Portuguese apologies
of the slave trade, see J. Correia-Affonso, The Jesuits in
India, 15421773: A Short History (Anand, 1997), pp.
11418; A.J.R. Russell-Wood, "Iberian Expansion and the Issue
of Black Slavery: Changing Portuguese Attitudes, 14401770,"
American Historical Review 83, no. 1 (February 1978):1642.
53
For instance, L. Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek: Plakkaten en
Andere Wetten Uitgevaardigd Door het Nederlands Bestuur op Ceylon,
16381796, 2 vols. (Hilversum, 1996), I, pp. 20, 62,
9798, 293. The fact that the ordinance had to be reissued
several times indicates the ineffectiveness of the prohibition.
54
V. Matheson and M. B. Hooker, "Slavery in the Malay Texts: Categories
of Dependency and Compensation," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage
and Dependency, pp. 185, 19293, 198, 203, 205; Reid,
"'Closed' and 'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia,"
in idem, pp. 16970; K. Endicott, "The Effects of Slave Raiding
on the Aborigines of the Malay Peninsula," in idem, pp. 21618;
D. J. Steinberg, ed., In Search of Southeast Asia: A Modern
History, 2nd ed. (Honolulu, 1987), pp. 1516.
55
Heeres, ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum II,
pp. 500, 67879, 74950; III, pp. 320, 384, 490, 529,
602, 605, 620, 84546, 850, 881.
56
Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 4648; Hovy, Ceylonees
Plakkaatboek I, pp. 30910, 395; De Haan, Oud Batavia
I, p. 456.
57
VOC 1434, OBP 1688, fls. 263v265v, Samentrekking Huijsgezinnen
Cochin ..., 17.12.1687; Generale Missiven IV, p. 554; idem
V, pp. 202, 203204; Shell, Children of Bondage, p.
445.
58
Ibid.
59
K. Ward, "The Bounds of Bondage: Forced Migration between the
Netherlands East Indies and the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth
Century," Ph.D. dissertation (Michigan, forthcoming). Nigel Worden
is currently working on company convicts and exiles sent to the
Cape.
60
J. A. van der Chijs, ed., Nederlandsch-Indisch Placaatboek,
16021811, 17 vols. (Batavia and The Hague, 18851900);
K. M. Jeffreys and S. D. Naudé, eds., Kaapsch Plakkaatboek,
16511806, 6 vols. (Cape Town, 194451); A. J. Boëseken,
ed., Resolusies van die Politieke Raad 16511715,
3 vols. (Cape Town, 195762); Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek,
2 vols. For a compendium or brief summary of ordinances issued
at Ambon in the seventeenth century, see Valentijn, Oud- en
Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 65260.
61
In 1684, there were 6 convicts in Ambon, whereas Banda housed
21. In 1710, Ceylon had 174 resident "bandits." Generale Missiven
VI, pp. 653, 694; Van Dam, Beschryvinge I, pp. 134, 200.
62
J. Wisseman Christie, "State Formation in Early Maritime Southeast
Asia: A Consideration of the Theories and the Data," Bijdragen
tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië
151, no. 2 (1995):24950, 27071, 27678; B. Bronson,
"Exchange at the Upstream and Downstream Ends: Notes toward a
Functional Model of the Coastal State in Southeast Asia," in K.
L. Hutterer, ed., Economic Exchange and Social Interaction
in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from Prehistory, History and Ethnography
(Ann Arbor, 1977), pp. 3952.
63
B. Watson-Andaya and L. Y. Andaya, A History of Malaysia,
2nd ed. (Honolulu, 2001), pp. 34, 129, 16364; L. Y.
Andaya, The World of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the Early
Modern Period (Honolulu, 1993), pp. 192, 196, 210; B. Watson-Andaya,
To Live as Brothers: Southeast Sumatra in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries (Honolulu, 1993), pp. 1320, 9597,
100, 103, 222, 225; L. Andaya, "Local Trade Networks in Maluku
in the 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries," Cekalele 2, no.
2 (1991), pp. 7374, 88; T. Bigalke, "Dynamics of the Torajan
Slave Trade in South Sulawesi," in Reid, ed., Slavery, Bondage,
and Dependency, p. 343; R. Laarhoven, "Lords of the Great
River: The Magindanao Port and Polity during the Seventeenth Century,"
in Kathirithambi-Wells and Villiers, eds., The Southeast Asian
Port and Polity, pp. 16364, 169, 17273; N. Tarling,
ed., The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Volume I: From
Early Times to c. 1800 (New York, 1992), pp. 407, 439, 48081,
520, 560; Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, pp. 11415.
64
J. C. Heestermann, "Warrior, Peasant and Brahmin," Modern Asian
Studies 29, no. 3 (1995):63754; J. C. Heestermann, "The
Hindu Frontier," Itinerario 13, no. 1 (1989):116;
J. C. Heestermann, "Littoral et Interieur de l'Inde," in L. Blussé,
H. L. Wesseling, and G.D. Winius, eds., History and Underdevelopment:
Essays on Underdevelopment and European Expansion in Asia and
Africa (Leiden, 1980), pp. 8792. See also J. Gommans,
"The Silent Frontier of South Asia, c. A.D.
11001800," Journal of World History 9, no. 1 (Spring
1998):123; B. Stein, A History of India (Malden,
Mass., 1998), pp. 115, 28081.
65
In 1562, Akbar abolished the practice of enslaving prisoners of
war, no longer even forcibly converting them to Islam. In the
following two years, he also did away with the pilgrim tax and
remitted the hated jizya or non-Muslim poll tax. All these
measures were reversed by Aurangzeb.
66
Van der Zwan, Madagascar, pp. 2637; Armstrong, "Madagascar
and the Slave Trade," pp. 21316; Barendse, "Slaving on the
Malagasy Coast," pp. 14950; I. Rakato, "Etre Ou ne pas être:
L'Andevo Esclave, un Sujet de Non-Droit," in I. Rakato, ed., L'Esclavage
à Madagascar: Aspects Historiques et Résurgences Contemporaines
(Antanarivo, 1997); P. M. Larson, "A Census of Slaves Exported
from Central Madagascar between 1775 and 1820," in idem, pp. 13146;
S. Evers, "Stigmatization as a Self-Perpetuating Process," in
Evers and Spindler, eds., Cultures of Madagascar, pp. 158,
16667; M. Bloch, "Modes of Production and Slavery in Madagascar:
Two Case Studies," in Watson, ed., Asian and African Systems
of Slavery, pp. 104107.
67
S. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 15001700:
A Political and Economic History (New York, 1993), pp. 196200;
A. Isaacman, MozambiqueThe Africanization of a European
Institution: The Zambezi Prazos, 17501902 (Madison and
Milwaukee, 1972); Lovejoy, Transformations in Slavery,
pp. 12835, 22030; Manning, Slavery and African
Life, pp. 5254; Cooper, Plantation Slavery, pp.
3846; Sherriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory, pp. 3376;
Beachey, Slave Trade of Eastern Africa; Alpers, Ivory and Slaves.
68
S. Newton-King, Masters and Servants on the Cape Eastern Frontier,
17601803 (Cambridge, 1999); E. Boonzaier, C. Malherbe,
et al., The Cape Herders: A History of the Khoikhoi of South
Africa (Cape Town, 1996); C. Malherbe, "Indentured and Free
Labour in South Africa: Towards an Understanding," South African
Historical Journal 24 (1991):15; H. Giliomee, "Processes in
the Development of the Southern African Frontier," in H. Lamar
and L. Thompson, eds., The Frontier in History: North America
and Southern Africa Compared (New Haven and London, 1981),
p. 85; Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 136; Worden, The
Chains that Bind Us, pp. 4445, 49; and Elphick and Giliomee,
eds., The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 365,
13439, 185, 299301.
69
For problems with Mughal authorities, see Generale Missiven
II, pp. 624, 718, 791; III, pp. 32, 132, 497; IV, p. 352; Arasaratnam,
"Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," pp. 19599; Arasaratnam,
Merchants, Companies, and Trade, pp. 104105, 21011.
For problems with the Marathas, see Generale Missiven IV,
p. 291; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, II, ii, p. 114; Heeres,
ed., Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum III, pp. 65,
125; Arasaratnam, "Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean," pp. 19599;
Arasaratnam, Merchants, Companies, and Trade, pp. 104105,
21011. For objections from the Nayaka rulers, see VOC 1151,
OBP 1645, fl. 764r, Miss. Gouvr. Gardenijs van Coromandel aan
Batavia, 3.4.1643; VOC 1324, OBP 1677, fl. 12r, Miss. Gouvr. van
Goens de Jonge en Raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia, 5.3.1677. See
also Generale Missiven I, pp. 18586, 196, 199, 201.
For Mataram and Makassar, see Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age
of Commerce, I, p. 133.
70
For Southeast Asia, see Reid, "Introduction," in Reid, ed., Slavery,
Bondage and Dependence, pp. 819; Reid, "'Closed' and
'Open' Slave Systems in Pre-Colonial Southeast Asia," in Reid,
ed., Slavery, Bondage and Dependence, pp. 15677;
Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, pp. 12021,
12936. For South and East Asia, see J. N. Sarkar, Mughal
Economy: Organization and Working (Calcutta, 1987), pp. 25053;
Chaudhuri and Habib, The Cambridge Economic History of India,
pp. 3031, 9293, 503; Watson, "Slavery as an Institution,"
pp. 913; Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery,"
pp. 16994; J. Watson, "Transactions in People: The Chinese
Market in Slaves, Servants, and Heirs," in idem, pp. 22350.
71
De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 45860. For a good example,
see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 36970.
72
Generale Missiven IV, pp. 97, 234, 46768, 644; De
Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 44647; Jacobs, Koopman
in Azië, p. 177; Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden,"
pp. 8587. There were 170 sugar mills in the Ommelanden around
Batavia in 1710.
73
Generale Missiven V, pp. 582, 67476, 71415;
Van Dam, Beschryvinge II, I, p. 199; Hanna, Indonesian
Banda, pp. 7980, 85; Van Goor, De Nederlandse Koloniën,
p. 113; Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 24.
74
VOC 1240, OBP 1663, fl. 1438r, Memorie Gouvr. Thijssen van Malacca
aan Van Riebeeck, 1.11.1662; "Report of Governor Bort on Malacca,"
pp. 9394.
75
VOC 1234, OBP 1662, fl. 125v, Miss. Comms. Van Goens te Colombo
aan Batavia, 5.4.1661; Instructions from the Governor-General
and Council of India to the Governor of Ceylon, 16561665,
S. Pieters, trans. (Colombo, 1908), pp. 3, 4, 1819, 27,
7071, 9698; Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I,
pp. 6872, 77, 12930; Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in
Ceylon, p. 131; Knaap, "Europeans, Mestizos and Slaves," p.
94.
76
Generale Missiven V, pp. 675, 71415; Van Dam, Beschryvinge
van de Oostindische Compagnie, Tweede Boek, Deel I, p. 199;
Jacobs, Koopman in Azië, p. 177; VOC 1234, OBP 1662,
fl. 125v. Miss. Comms. Van Goens te Colombo aan Batavia, 5.4.1661;
Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 136; Worden, The Chains
that Bind Us, pp. 4445, 49; Elphick and Giliomee, eds.,
The Shaping of South African Society, pp. 13439,
185, 299301.
77
Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity, and the Economic Independence
of Women," pp. 17478, 194. For an example of the hierarchical
typology of "national characters," see Valentijn, Oud- en Nieuw
Oost-Indiën II, p. 370.
78
B. Watson Andaya, "Introduction," in Andaya, ed., Other Pasts,
p. 25; Niemeijer, "Slavery, Ethnicity, and the Economic Independence
of Women," pp. 15960.
79
Caplan, "Power and Status in South Asian Slavery," pp. 170, 173,
182, 189; Reid, "Introduction," pp. 1417; Knaap, "Slavery
and the Dutch in Southeast Asia," p. 197; Allen, "The Mascarene
Slave Trade and Labor Migration in the Indian Ocean," pp. 2122;
Shell, Children of Bondage, pp. 4954.
80
In 1768/69, mortality rates among company servants were highest
in Southeast Asia (Batavia, 33%; Java's north coast, 27%; Bantam,
19%; Banda, 16%), medium at the Cape (17%), and lowest in South
Asia (Bengal, 8%; Malabar, 5%; Coromandel, 4%; Ceylon, 4%). Van
der Brug, Malaria en Malaise, p. 29. Mortality rates among
slaves differed of course from those among Europeans due to different
working and living conditions. Allen assumes an average net slave
mortality in eighteenth-century French Madagascar and Réunion
somewhere between 1.74 and 2.54%. Allen, "The Mascarene Slave
Trade and Labor Migration in the Indian Ocean."
81
Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, pp. 10022; Van
Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, Tweede
Boek, Deel I, pp. 132 et seq.
82
Generale Missiven IV, p. 242; idem VI, p. 190; Hanna, Indonesian
Banda, p. 85; Van Dam, Beschryvinge van de Oostindische
Compagnie, pp. 177, 200201.
83
VOC 1236, OBP 1662, Miss. Gouvr. Laurens Pit en raad van Coromandel
aan Batavia, 11.2.1661; VOC 1234, OBP 1662, Miss. Comms. Van Goens
te Colombo aan Batavia, 5.4.1661; Generale Missiven, III,
p. 716. See also S. Arasaratnam, Dutch Power in Ceylon, 16581687
(Amsterdam, 1958), pp. 13234; Van Dam, Beschryvinge,
p. 298; VOC 1292, OBP 1674, Miss Gouvr Van Goens de Jonge en raad
van Ceijlon, 29.5.1673. In 1709, 300 slaves perished within 6
months allegedly due to overconsumption of alcohol. See Generale
Missiven, VI, p. 622.
84
Generale Missiven V, pp. 252, 382; De Haan, Oud Batavia
I, pp. 45354. Mortality rates among newly arrived company
servants before and after 1733 grew from 510% to 4050%.
Natural and human-induced changes included the deforestation of
the Ommelanden and subsequent increased sedimentation after 1659,
a volcanic eruption in 1699, and the digging of the Mookervaart
in 1733. Van der Brug, Malaria en Malaise, pp. 39 et seq.;
Blusse, Strange Company, passim.
85
For the debate among the dompany directors surrounding these measures,
see F. S. Gaastra, Bewind en Beleid bij de VOC: De Financiële
en Commerciële Politiek van de Bewindhebbers, 16721702
(Zutphen, 1989); Niemeijer, Calvinisme en Koloniale Stadscultuur,
p. 47.
86
VOC 1333, OBP 1679, fl. 12r, Miss. Gouvr. Van Goens de Jonge en
raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia, 30.4.1678; VOC 1343, OBP 1680, fl.
19r, Miss. Gouvr. Van Goens de Jonge en raad van Ceijlon aan Batavia,
3.3.1679; Generale Missiven IV, pp. 164, 226, 294, 354,
367, 370; Van Dam, Beschryvinge pp. 297, 34450; Memoir
Left by Rycklof van Goens, Jun. Governor of Ceylon, 16751679,
to his Successor, Laurens Pyl, Late Commandeur, Jaffnapatnam,
S. Pieters, trans. (Colombo, 1910), pp. 56, 11.
87
R. Austen, "The Trans-Saharan Trade: A Tentative Census," in H.
A. Gemery and J. S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays
in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York,
1979), pp. 2376; R. Austen, "From the Atlantic to the Indian
Ocean: European Abolition, the African Slave Trade, and Asian
Economic Structures," in D. Eltis and J. Walvin, eds., The
Abolition of the Slave Trade: Origins and Effects in Europe, Africa,
and the Americas (Madison, 1981), pp. 11739.
88
Of 2,467 slaves traded on 12 slave voyages from Batavia, India,
and Madagascar between 1677 and 1701 to the Cape, 1,617 were landeda
loss of 850 slaves, or 34.45%. On 19 voyages between 1677 and
1732, the mortality rate was somewhat lower (22.7%). See Shell,
"Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 16801731," p. 332. Filliot
estimated the average mortality rate among slaves shipped from
India and West Africa to the Mascarene Islands at 2025%
and 2530%, respectively. Average mortality rates among slaves
arriving from closer catchment areas were lower: 12% from Madagascar
and 21% from East Africa. See Filliot, La Traite des Esclaves,
p. 228; A. Toussaint, La Route des Îles: Contribution
à l'Histoire Maritime des Mascareignes (Paris, 1967),
pp. 451, 454; Allen, "The Madagascar Slave Trade and Labor Migration."
89
Austen, "The Trans-Saharan Trade: A Tentative Census," pp. 66,
68; Austen, "From the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean," p. 136; Lovejoy,
Transformations in Slavery, p. 47; Postma, The Dutch
in the Atlantic Slave Trade, pp. 29495, 303. For information
regarding the numbers of slaves brought through the Crimea, see
H. Inalcik, Sources and Studies on the Ottoman Black Sea. Vol.
I: The Customs Registers of Caffa, 14871490 (Cambridge,
Mass., 1996); A.Fisher, "Muscovy and the Black Sea Slave Trade,"
Canadian-American Slavic Studies 6, no. 4 (1972):57594,
reprinted in A. Fisher, A Precarious Balance: Conflict, Trade,
and Diplomacy on the Russian-Ottoman Frontier (Istanbul, 1999).
90
J. C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Resistance
(New Haven, 1985).
91
E. D. Genovese, From Rebellion to Revolution: Afro-American
Slave Revolts in the Making of the Modern World (Baton Rouge,
1979), pp. 1112. See also M. Craton, Testing the Chains:
Resistance to Slavery in the British West Indies (Ithaca and
London, 1982).
92
De Haan, Oud Batavia I, p. 452; Generale Missiven
IV, pp. 67677; Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, p.
60. On the other hand, the absence of social and physical distancing
between master and slave could also provoke conflict.
93
De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 129, 36364.
94
The typical Caribbean sugar plantation had a force of at least
50 slavesmore often, more than 200 or even 300. See Curtin,
The Tropical Atlantic, pp. 3, 7.
95
Van Dam, Beschryvinge I, p. 199; Valentijn, Oud en Nieuw
Oost-Indiën III, pp. 512, 2223; Worden, The
Chains that Bind Us, p. 48; Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves,"
pp.13536; Biewinga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop, pp. 9192;
Shell, "Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope," pp. 486, 491; Kieskamp,
"De wereld in één land," pp. 8182. There were
some nutmeg gardens and wine farms with more than 100 slaves,
though they were clearly the exception. In 1805, the largest single
number of slaves in an European household in Batavia was 165.
Sirks, "Het Recht om Huysselyk te Castyden," p. 88.
96
G. Schutte, "Company and Colonists at the Cape, 16521795,"
in Elphick and Giliomee, eds., The Shaping of South African
Society, pp. 30315; Katzen, "White Settlers and the
Origins of a New Society," pp. 187232; F. C. Dominicus,
Het Ontslag van Wilhem Adriaen van der Stel (Rotterdam
1928); C. Beyers, Die Kaapse Patriotte Gedurende die Laatste
Kwart van die Agtiende eeu en die Voortlewing van Hul Denkbeelde
(Pretoria, 1967).
97
N.P. van den Berg, Uit de Dagen der Compagnie: Geschiedkundige
Schetsen (Amsterdam, 1904), pp. 3063; Blusse, Strange
Company, pp. 2425; De Haan, Oud-Batavia I, pp.
11214, 37677; II, pp. 89.
98
De Haan, Oud Batavia I, p. 452.
99
Generale Missiven V, pp. 371, 423, 426, 490; H. J. de Graaf,
De Geschiedenis van Ambon en de Zuid-Molukken (Franeker,
1977), pp. 15763; F. de Haan, Priangan: De Preanger-Regentschappen
onder het Nederlandsch Bestuur tot 1811 (Batavia, 1910), I,
pp. 22831; J.K.J. de Jonge and M. L. van Deventer, eds.,
De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indiën,
16 vols. (The Hague, 18621909), VIII, pp. 5859, 6263,
6567; Ricklefs, War, Culture and Economy in Java,
pp. 105106.
100
Blussé, Strange Company, pp. 8896; A.R.T. Kemasang,
"How Dutch Colonialism Foreclosed a Domestic Bourgeoisie in Java:
The 1740 Chinese Massacres Reappraised," Review 9, no.
1 (1985):5780; J. Th. Vermeulen, De Chineezen te Batavia
en de Troebelen van 1740 (Leiden, 1938); De Haan, Oud Batavia
I, pp. 38182; De Jonge et al., De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch
Gezag IX, pp. xlviilxxvi; W. R. van Hoëvell, "Batavia
in 1740," Tijdschrift voor Neêrland's Indië 3
(1840):447557; J. Crawfurd, History of the Indian Archipelago
(London, 1820), II, pp. 42730; T. S. Raffles, The History
of Java (London, 1817), II, pp. 21014.
101
Generale Missiven VI, pp. 668, 732, 846.
102
Ross, Cape of Torments, pp. 96118; K. Harris, "The
Slave 'Rebellion' of 1808," Kleio (Pretoria) 20 (1988):5465;
Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 120, 134; Armstrong
and Worden, "The Slaves, 16521834," p. 161. See also the
historical novel on the Bokkeveld uprising: A. Brink, Chain
of Voices (London, 1982).
103
For Ambon, see Generale Missiven V, pp. 26, 200, 298, 441,
512, 671, 822; VI, 18, 161, 601, 665, 844; G. E. Rumphius, De
Ambonse Historie (The Hague, 1910), pp. 50, 71; Valentijn,
Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 6263, 229,
231, 308, 313, 34142, 36869, 466, 47476, 562,
565, 592, 610, 616, 622, 633, 636, 64243, 647, 652, 65661,
663, 666, 672; Knaap, Kruidnagelen en Christenen, p. 134.
For Banda, see Generale Missiven, IV, pp. 71315;
VI, pp. 190, 238, 479, 668, 732, 754, 846; Valentijn, Oud en
Nieuw Oost-Indiën III, pp. 15, 88; Jacobs, Koopman
in Azië, p. 26. For Batavia, see Generale Missiven
IV, pp. 749, 777, 834; V, pp. 426, 490, 647; VI, pp. 102, 801802,
827, 829, 841; Niemeijer, Calvinisme en Koloniale Stadscultuur,
pp. 46, 266, 268, 269; De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 46166;
Abeyasekere, Jakarta, pp. 2223; Sirks, "Het Recht
om Huysselyk te Castyden," pp. 8890. For the Cape, see N.
Worden, "Revolt in Cape Colony Slave Society," unpublished paper
presented at the International Conference on Slavery, Unfree Labour
and Revolt in Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, University of
Avignon, 46 October 2001; Ross, Cape of Torments,
passim; Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa, pp. 11937;
Armstrong and Worden, "The Slaves, 16521834," pp. 15762;
Worden, The Chains that Bind Us, pp. 6467; Biewinga,
De Kaap de Goede Hoop, pp. 11015. For Ceylon, see
Generale Missiven VI, p. 623; Van Dam, Beschryvinge,
p. 331; Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 20, 6263,
9798, 109, 16970, 191, 201, 234, 290, 293, 30910.
104
For the prevalence of escape in slave societies throughout the
Indian Ocean region, see N. Alpers, "Flight to Freedom: Escape
from Slavery among Bonded Africans in the Indian Ocean World,
c. 17501962," unpublished paper presented at the Workshop
on Slave Systems in Asian and the Indian Ocean, University of
Avignon, May 2000.
105
Moree, A Concise History of Dutch Mauritius, p. 31; Ross,
Cape of Torments, pp. 5472; Armstrong and Worden,
"The Slaves, 16521834," pp. 15760; Worden, Slavery
in Dutch South Africa, pp. 12328; Kaapsch Plakkaatboek
II, pp. 15960; Kieskamp, "De Wereld in één Land,"
pp. 7980, 82. For a later period, see N. Penn, Rogues,
Rebels and Runaways: Eighteenth-Century Cape Characters (Cape
Town, 1999).
106
L. Nagtegaal, Riding the Dutch Tiger: The Dutch East Indies
Company and the Northeast Coast of Java, 16801743 (Leiden,
1996), pp. 7277, 79; M. C. Ricklefs, War, Culture and
Economy in Java, 16771726: Asian and European Imperialism
in the Early Kartasura Period (Sydney, 1993), pp. 84 et seq.;
A. Kumar, ed., Surapati, Man and Legend: A Study of Three Babad
Traditions (Leiden, 1976); H. J. de Graaf, De Moord op
Kapitein François Tack, 8 Febr. 1686 (Amsterdam, 1935);
De Haan, Oud Batavia I, pp. 44243, 462.
107
Generale Missiven V, pp. 200, 297, 512, 671, 822; idem,
pp. 161, 601, 665, 844; G. J. Knaap, ed., Memories van Overgave
van Gouverneurs van Ambon in de Zeventiende en Achttiende Eeuw,
Rijks Geschiedkundige Publicatiën, Kleine serie 62 (The Hague,
1987), pp. 91, 93, 251, 28283, 28990, 303; Valentijn,
Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën II, pp. 6263, 229,
231, 313, 34142, 36869, 636, 64243, 652, 657,
66061, 663, 666, 672.
108
Generale Missiven IV, pp. 713, 71415; VI, pp. 190,
238; Valentijn, Beschryvinge III, p. 15; Knaap ed., Memories
van Overgave, pp. 9091.
109
Hovy, Ceylonees Plakkaatboek I, pp. 109, 16970, 201,
290, 399; Van Dam, Beschryvinge, p. 331.
110
Various theories have been postulated to explain why fugitive
slaves were often subjected to these harsh punishments: fears
that maroon activity could portend loss of control over large
and potentially dangerous servile populations, reflection of colonial
paranoia and racism, a major component of class exploitation,
or evidence that coercion was the glue that held these fragmented
societies together.
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