Introduction |
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Geography, climate, population, economy, society |
Geography, climate, and trade
| Europe
is a large peninsula sticking off the end of Asia; it is just a quarter the
size of Asia and a third the size of Africa; but its climate and geography made it
especially habitable.
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The Gulf Stream makes Northern Europe mild and
wet, while Southern Europe is warmer. |
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| European
climate is temperate in the west, while in the center and east there is a
more Continental climate, with chilly winters and hot summers; extreme hot
or cold temperatures are much rarer in Europe than in Asia, Africa, or
America. |
| Much
of Europe is taken up by the Great European Plain which stretches
from the Atlantic coast to the Ural Mountains (the border between
Europe and Asia). |
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Some natural features create barriers in the Plain: the
great rivers Rhine and Danube, and forested mountains like the Ardennes
(eastern France) and the Harz Mountains (central north German). |
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mostly, the Plain consists of rich, flat land which is easily crossed –
and easily attacked. To defend your turf, you needed to fight – and
Europeans became good at fighting. Some of the best fighters wisely chose to
wage war not on their home territory but on other people’s land. Two
favorite locations for warfare are Flanders and the Ukraine.
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| At
the southern end of the Plain is a chain of mountains stretching from Spain
to the Balkans: the Pyrenees dividing (Spain and France), Alps (France,
Switzerland, Austria), and Carpathians (Transylvania); the chain
stretches down Italy as the Appenines.
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Mountainous
territory was difficult for central government to control and (semi-)
independent peoples and cultures (and languages) have been able to survive
there: e.g. the Welsh in mountainous Wales, and the Basques in the
western Pyrenees (DNA suggests that the Basques are Europe’s oldest natives).
The
mountains might be ruggedly independent but they were not prosperous.
The areas that flourished economically were those within reach of good
farming territory, and of trade routes.
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Until very recent times, water routes (the
sea, canals and navigable rivers) were much more efficient
than roads. In the later Middle Ages the center of Europe’s
economic gravity lay in Northern Italy and along the Rhine to
the Netherlands. |
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| Prosperous traders included the northern Hanseatic
League (centered on Lübeck),
and the merchants of Venice. Long-distance trade brought goods from the Baltic to the Mediterranean
and vice versa. In an age that lacked refrigeration, spices (pepper, cloves,
ginger etc.) were very important for preserving and flavoring meat; they
were brought by Middle Eastern merchants from the Spice Islands off the
Malayan peninsula to the eastern Mediterranean coast, and then shipped
around Europe, especially by the Venetians.
A Turkish horseman
Albrecht Duerer
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But in the 1400s and 1500s the power of the Ottoman
Turks expanded in the Mediterranean, reducing the power of the
Venetians and disrupting their trade. Then, late in the 1400s a sea
route round Africa was opened – allowing direct trade with the Spice
Islands, India, and beyond. Routes were also opened to America. |
Long-distance
trade in the Atlantic, the Indian Ocean, and the Pacific was pioneered
by the Spanish and Portuguese. In the seventeenth century, these routes
became increasingly important, and the Spanish and Portuguese
encountered stiff competition from the French and especially the Dutch
and the English. |
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| Though
Europe’s economic center of gravity shifted northeast to the Atlantic in
the seventeenth century, the Mediterranean and the Baltic continued to be
important trading areas. Products exported from Baltic included lumber,
iron, and copper from Sweden, and grain from Northeast Germany and Poland.
The Hanseatic League declined in the late Middle Ages, and in the
seventeenth century much of the trade of the Baltic was in Dutch hands. |
| An
important feature of the Baltic is the Danish
Sound. Much of the Baltic freezes in the winter, but one deep
channel very rarely does – just three times in history. The Channel lies
between the Danish island of Zeeland (not to be confused with Zealand
in the Netherlands!) on which is the capital, Copenhagen, and the
Danish province of Scania (in the south of what is now Sweden but was
part of Denmark until 1658); this channel is called the Sound and is
just 2 and a half miles wide, so the Danes were able to force ships which
passed through there to pay a toll. This toll was an important source of
money for the Danish kings in the early seventeenth century - and also of
friction with their neighbors, who wanted (and sometimes got) exemptions
from the toll. |
(a)
The “Little Ice Age”
The Thames frozen in 1677
| Though
European climate is generally moderate, it has fluctuated slowly over the
centuries, and in the seventeenth was unusually cold. Historians sometimes
call this “the Little Ice Age.” In 1608 and again in 1677 the Thames froze over at London
which it never does now. In 1658 the Baltic sea froze over even at
Copenhagen, allowing the Swedes to besiege the Danish capital. |
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| Europe
in the seventeenth century relied on a generally inefficient agriculture to
feed its population. Even a small deterioration in climatic conditions could
have an appreciable effect in worsening the harvest and leading to famine,
reducing the population |
Population and the economy
| The precise population of Europe in the seventeenth century is not known,
for there were no censuses and the surviving evidence is patchy. For some
countries, such as England and France, reasonable estimates can be made from
archival sources, although even in these countries records of marriages,
births and deaths were only erratically kept and not all survive. A possible
total for Europe (excluding Russia) in 1600 is 77.9, with a fall to 74.45 by
1650, and a rise to 83.5 by 1700. England's population in 1600 was a little
over 4 million but by 1650 it was rather more than 5 million, and it
remained at that level until 1700. France's population was around 20 in
1600, 20.5 in 1650, and up to 22 million in 1700 (despite very hard times in
the 1690s). |
| For other countries - particularly those of Eastern Europe - evidence is
poor. However, it is clear that population rose sharply across most of
Europe during the sixteenth century. |
| During the seventeenth century the increase leveled off, and in some
places (such as Germany, beset by the Thirty Years War) the population fell
from about 16 million to 12 in 1650, but went up again to 15 in 1700.
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The decline in population was not uniform
across the country - some parts suffered far worse than
others; armies (and disease) concentrated in key strategic
areas. |
Early-modern warfare killed less by deaths in combat than by the famine and
disease that spread in its wake. Disease and emigration played a part in
causing the population of Spain and to decline from about 8.1 to 7.5
millions during the seventeenth century. The populations of Poland and
Hungary fell, perhaps sharply. In the Dutch Republic and Spanish
Netherlands, however, the number of people rose (to 1.9 million each, from
1.5 and 1.3 respectively).
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The causes of population change
| Population fell or stagnated as a result of economic problems resulting
from many causes including debasement of the coinage, warfare, and bad
weather. Bad economic conditions led to people marrying (and having
children) later, and this reduced the population. |
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Population was at times sharply reduced by lethal diseases. including
bubonic plague, smallpox, typhus and typhoid. Bubonic (and
pneumonic, and septicaemic) plague was the most feared disease. It killed
large numbers, especially in towns (which were notoriously unhygienic
places). |
| But an attack of plague did not always reduce population for long, since
by killing some people it increased economic opportunities for others. Some
large towns continued to grow in the seventeenth century though they were
repeatedly struck by plague. Amsterdam in the Dutch Republic lost over 10%
of its population to plague in 1623-5, and again in 1635-6, and once more in
1655, and one more time in 1664. Yet the population of Amsterdam rose
relentlessly in the seventeenth century (largely through immigration) from
50,000 to 200,000. |
| Plague became rare after 1660; the last outbreak in Northwestern Europe
occurred in 1665-8, and the last major outbreak in Western Europe in 1720
(at Marseilles). Plague still existed at that period in the Ottoman Balkans,
but the Hapsburgs' quarantine regulations kept it out of their territories. |
Consequences of population change: enserfment of peasants in the east;
proto-industrialization in the west
| In the sixteenth century, population in western and southern Europe rose
sharply, and in order to feed themselves people in these areas needed to
import grain from the sparsely populated lands of eastern Europe (Poland;
Prussia). |
| In order to avoid paying high prices for imported grain, it made sense for
people in densely populated parts of western Europe to improve agricultural
techniques. This took place in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in
e.g. the Dutch Republic, England, and Catalonia. |
| In the seventeenth century, some European lands had begun to produce food
more effectively, while in others the population declined or stagnated. So
demand for eastern grain slackened. It was not as easy as it had been for
eastern landowners to make large profits by selling food to the west. So
they had an incentive to reduce their costs by getting cheaper labor. The
result was that they used their control over state power and the law to
force peasants to provide them with free labor. The peasants of eastern
Germany, Poland and Russia ceased to be free laborers and became serfs. |
| As agriculture became more efficient in the northwest, the prices of food
fell. This meant that many people had more money to spend on things other
than food - including industrial products. It also meant that rich people
had an incentive to produce things other than food (since food production
was not bringing the old profits). This developments paved the way for the
Industrial Revolution of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
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Accompanying these developments was the growth of towns in the northwest
of Europe. Two which grew sharply in the seventeenth century were Paris and
London, both numbering over half a million by 1700. |
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Social Structure
| In medieval theory, there were three Estates or types of people: clergy
(who prayed, and helped people get to heaven); nobles (who commanded in
battle, and protected the land from its enemies); and commoners (who
produced food). |
| This way of looking at things survived in the seventeenth century, but had
become far too simple to explain the complexities of social structure. |
| Some historians have argued that the nobility in many parts of
Europe suffered a crisis in the seventeenth century. This is
difficult to maintain, but it is true that in some countries (e.g.
France, Sweden) kings asserted increasing control over the
aristocracy, and allied with non-nobles to limit the power of the
nobility. Elsewhere (e.g. Brandenburg-Prussia) the ruler shared
power with the nobles (Junkers in Brandenburg-Prussia) but
kept the lion's share for himself. In Poland (in many ways an exceptional
country in the seventeenth century), the nobles increased their power at
the expense of the king and of non-nobles. |
| The proportion of nobles to the general population varied sharply across
Europe. In France and England about 2% were noble (the English nobility
divided themselves in a higher branch which had titles, and a lower untitled
one called the gentry). In Spain, the figure was over 5% and in
Castile it was around 10%, as it was in Poland. In all these places, some
nobles were relatively poor, while others were extremely rich and powerful.
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The arms of Europe's most powerful royal family
- the Hapsburgs. |
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| There was only a small number of countries in which nobles were relatively
few and unimportant; one was the Dutch Republic, though it did have a very
important noble (indeed, princely) family - the House of Orange. |
| In some places (Castile, east Germany, Poland, and eventually Russia) only
the nobles had full ownership of land. This was silly, as it discouraged the
people who farmed the land (the peasants) from doing so efficiently, since
they knew the landowners would take much the profit. |
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Also silly was the idea that anyone who worked in retail trade
automatically lost noble status - an idea which prevailed in France, Spain,
Portugal, and parts of Italy, but which discouraged investment in productive
enterprises. The French termed this loss of status dérogeance. |
| In many parts of Europe, a large incentive to become noble was to enjoy
privileges including tax exemptions. In England, however, nobles did pay
taxes, and therefore had a good reason for joining with non-nobles in
resisting the king's efforts to raise taxes. |
| Townsmen were difficult to fit into the old threefold structure; some were
extremely poor, while others were as wealthy as all but the richest nobles. |
| Churchmen, too, varied in status. Those at the bottom of the church's
hierarchy ranked hardly above peasants, while bishops, archbishops and
abbots were the equals of nobles. |
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Such professionals as physicians and lawyers also claimed noble status.
Lawyers were especially insistent upon this, but not everyone believed them. |
| Peasants (or small farmers) varied in wealth and status depending on how
much land they held, and on the conditions upon which they held it. The
latter was probably the more important factor. Where tenures were insecure
and onerous, peasants were unproductive. Where peasants were freest they
were most productive, since they were working for themselves - as in the
Dutch Republic, England, and Catalonia. It was in those places that the
agricultural revolution began. Wise governments protected free peasants
against local lords. Prosperous peasants were able and wiling to pay higher
taxes. Where this did not happen (Castile, Poland), decay was the result. |
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