Writing at Foreign Policy, Gonul Tolcounters criticism of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). “The party’s performance in government suggests that pressures from the opposition and from within its own diverse constituency have led the AKP to pursue centrist policies at the expense of alienating more conservative segments of its base,” Tol writes. The central question is will AKP continue to pursue economic and political reforms before and after the 2011 parliamentary election or “suffer from incumbent fatigue.”
On Monday evening, as part of the 2010 Foreign Policy Initiative Forum, a panel discussion was held titled “A Changing Middle East: Iran, Turkey, and Prospects for Peace.” The discussants were Elliot Abrams, of the Council on Foreign Relations, Ambassador Eric Edelman, of the Foreign Policy Initiative and Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, and Reuel Gerecht of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. The discussion was moderated by Lee Smith of the Weekly Standard.
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The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Middle East Program released a new paper (pdf) today, titled “Islamic Feminism and Beyond: The New Frontier.” The introduction is written by Haleh Esfandiari and Margot Badran, and the paper includes six sections covering a range of topics and countries. The articles include “Feminist Activism for Change in Family Laws and Practices: Lessons from the Egyptian Past for the Global Present” by Margot Badran, “Recent Amendments in the Turkish Civil and Criminal Codes and the Role of Feminist NGOs” by Binnaz Toprak, “Women and the Politics of Reform in Morocco” by Souad Eddouada, “Beyond Islamic Feminism: Women and Representation in Iran’s Democracy Movement” by Nayereh Tohidi, “The Personal Status Code and Women’s Celibacy in Tunisia” by Lilia Labidi, and “Analyzing Reform Successes and Failures: The Personal Status Regime in the Arab World” by Amaney Jamal.
The Center for American Progress (CAP) hosted a discussion titled “The Future of the U.S.-Turkey Relationship” on Wednesday. Brian Katulis, senior fellow at CAP, moderated a panel composed of Steven Cook, senior fellow of Middle Eastern studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, Soner Cagaptay, director of the Turkish Research Program at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and Michael Werz, senior fellow at CAP. As part of the larger discussion of Turkey-U.S. relations, the panelists addressed the development of democracy in Turkey.
To read full notes, continue below or click here for a pdf copy.
On Wednesday, Dr. Nora Fisher Onar, professor of Politics and International Relations at Bahcesehir Unverisity in Istanbul and visiting research fellow at Oxford University’s Centre for International Studies, spoke on differing schools of thought within Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) at the Woodrow Wilson Center.
To read full notes, continue below or click here for a pdf copy.
At the Guardian’s Comment is Free, human rights lawyer Margaret Owendescribes the trial in Turkey of 151 Kurdish politicians, lawyers, and other leaders as “a trial that would shame any democracy.” Observers have “widely condemned” the process - evidence-gathering and courtroom procedures “breach all international and European standards on human rights and fair trials,” Owen writes, and the trial is essentially political, not legal. She mentions the closure of pro-Kurdish political parties, arrests of Kurdish political leaders, and bans against some civil society organizations. This trial, Owen concludes, “will reveal Turkey’s true status in the context of democracy, justice and the rule of law.” The judge will decide at the end of this week whether the trial will continue or whether the detainees will be released, and Owen calls on the ruling AKP to bring the trial to a close and release the accused.
Just days after lifting the ban on YouTube, a Turkish court has once again blocked the popular video sharing site over controversial footage of opposition leader Deniz Baykal. “‘We’re back to square one, basically,’” Yaman Akdeniz, a professor of law at Bilgi University in Istanbul, told Eurasianet.org’s Yigal Schleifer. Despite calls from Turkish President Abdullah Gul for reform, the country’s contentious Internet law remains in effect.
After two and a half years, Turkish officials lifted the nationwide ban on YouTube over the weekend. A Turkish court suspended the popular video sharing site in May 2008 because of offensive videos about the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. According to Turkish Transport Minister Binali Yildirim, whose office is responsible for Internet regulation, the offending videos were removed last week, clearing the way for YouTube to once again operate in Turkey. In a statement, YouTube said that it had not removed the videos and the Turkish press reported that a Turkish businessman living in Germany bought the rights to the videos and subsequently took them down. Despite the end of the YouTube ban, Turkey’s controversial Internet crimes law remains in place and according to observers over 6,000 websites are still censored by Turkish officials.
Writing at openDemocracy, POMED’s Daphne McCurdyargues that the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) has failed to offer a real alternative to the ruling Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) policies, especially in regards to the recent referendum supported by the AKP. McCurdy compares the recent failures suffered by CHP to how the party was seen in the past, tracing the rise of the CHP under the leadership of Bulent Ecevit in the 1970s to the ignominious downfall of Deniz Baykal earlier this year. The major problem for CHP in the fight over the referendum was that it “focused on vilifying Erdogan and fear-mongering – tired tactics that missed the point.” Kemal Kilicdaroglu, who took over after Baykal, has begun the process of reform and has “pledged to present a ‘positive opposition’ that will contribute to better governance through compromise and consensus-building.” These are positive signs, McCurdy says, but “for the CHP to regain legitimacy it must figure out an effective way to translate this new rhetoric into deliverables.”
In a new piece for the Associated Press, Christopher Torchia and Erol Israfil report on the ongoing trial of Turkish journalist Busra Erdal who is charged with breaking confidentiality codes and attempting to influence an ongoing trial. The journalist’s case exemplifies the often complicated relationship between journalism and politics in Turkey, the authors say. Erdal, who writes for the popular, pro-government daily Zaman, has been extremely critical of Turkey’s judicial establishment in her reporting.
James Traubwrites in Foreign Policy that Turkey’s democracy remains “unresolved” eight years Erdogan came to power. The AKP’s commitment to the rule of law and minority rights is doubted by some secular Turks, who also fear that the country is becoming more conservative (the country’s Higher Education Board’s recent decision to stop teachers from expelling women wearing headscarves from classrooms may suggest otherwise, however). The recent constitutional referendum, moreover, is viewed by some as “a dangerous ploy by the AKP to increase its control over the state.” These ongoing debates – about national policy and about identity – illustrate that “Turkey’s democracy is not yet ‘consolidated,’” Traub writes.
The Kurdish role in Turkish politics and society is highlighted today as the trial of 151 pro-Kurdish politicians and activists begins. Reuters reports that the process could take months. The defendants are charged with joining and spreading the propaganda of the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK) which prosecutors say is a branch of the PKK, as well as unlawfully demonstrating.
In an article for Radio Free Europe, Robert Tait describes “the dangers to life and liberty faced by Turkish journalists who dare to probe figures of authority.” Citing the Vienna-based International Press Institute (IPI), he writes that 48 journalists are currently imprisoned in Turkey, and another 700 face “lengthy sentences” after being charged with violating press and antiterrorism laws. Often, Turkish journalists are prosecuted for publishing publicly available documents. According to Ferai Tinc, the chairperson of the IPI’s Turkey National Committee, “The prison sentences regarding the journalists were introduced [by the AKP] during the Turkish reforms which Turkey was obliged to make for the European Union,” including press and antiterror laws. Regarding Turkey’s EU ambitions, Richard Howitt, a British member of the European Parliament, argues: “It will do Turkey’s membership ambitions good if reforms take place that ensure that human rights are fully respected…In the long run, if a free, independent, and pluralistic media is embedded within Turkey, that is going to advance Turkey’s European ambitions, and I have to say, it’s good for Turkey as a democracy itself.”
Adding to recent criticism of the AKP-backed constitutional referendum, Soner Cagaptaywrites that the reforms will give the ruling party complete control over the Turkish judiciary: “One of the new amendments changes the court’s size, however, increasing the number of regular members to seventeen (three elected by parliament and fourteen appointed by the president). […] Seven members are already known to be pro-AKP, so the addition of Gul’s new appointees will make the court safe ground for the party for the first time since it gained power.” Cagaptay concludes that the referendum itself is not the real issue, the issue is how AKP will use the new amendments to consolidate its political position: “On paper, the new amendments promise to improve civil liberties in Turkey. In light of the AKP’s track record on these issues, however, Washington should monitor to what extent the party follows the spirit of the provisions in execution.”
At The New York Reviewof Books’ blog Can Yeginsuargues that enthusiasm for Turkey’s recent constitutional referendum is misguided: “I cannot share the view, espoused by some in Turkey and a great many abroad, that this referendum process has been good for Turkey in general or for the development of her democracy in particular.” According to Yeginsu, many of those in the West who have praised the referendum have a “fundamental misunderstanding” of what the vote actually means. In his view, the purpose of the referendum was to implement Prime Minister Tayyip Recep Erdogan’s “court-packing plan,” while the rest of the social reforms were simply the ruse AKP used to garner both international and domestic support.
Concern about attempts by the Turkish government to suppress opposition voices in the press is growing according to Hurriyet Daily News: “Recent reports by international press organizations such as the International Press Institute and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Representative on Media Freedom have urged the Turkish government to take the necessary steps to secure legal and social rights for journalists. The OSCE also asked for the immediate release of 48 journalists who have been arrested for their journalistic activities.” The article also highlights the case of Bekir Coskun, a columnist for the Turkish daily Haberturk and critic of the Erdogan administration, who was recently fired as a result of alleged government pressure.
In an Atlantic article titled “When Islamism is Liberal-Democratic”, Max Fisher notes that the recent passing of a constitutional referendum in Turkey is being described in some quarters as a turn away from the country’s secular past. He asserts that it is actually a move towards liberal democracy: “Islamic rule and liberal democracy, far from mutually exclusive in the Middle East, can go hand-in-hand.” He goes on to describe Middle Eastern Islamic movements as essentially “populist” and not all that different from populist movements in the U.S. or elsewhere. As Fisher points out, Islamic governments are often more representative of the populace than secular dictatorships, promoting cooperation and trust between the government and the people. The dictatorships, which have often been supported by the U.S. in the past, often cause “…more harm than good.” He concludes by saying,” We might prefer that all governments be secular liberal democracies like our own. But if we must choose between an Islamic democracy or a secular autocracy, regional history suggests we should prefer the former every time.”
Analysis of Turkey’s constitutional referendum continues. An editorial in The Guardianargues that the world should judge AKP by its political and economic record, not by unfounded allegations that it has a hidden “Islamist” agenda: “A small revolution is taking place in a country whose history has been plagued by repression and army-backed coups, and it is happening democratically and bloodlessly. A system in which generals and judges held power, toppling four governments since 1960, is being rolled back with democratic consent.” An article in The Nationalsuggests the opposition party’s failure has helped AKP consolidate its control over the Turkish political system: “Turkey’s main opposition party is in such disarray that its leader could not even cast a vote in Sunday’s referendum on constitutional reforms. In his concession speech that night, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, the chairman of the Republican People’s Party (CHP), had to apologise to his constituents because he had failed to make sure that his name was on the voting rolls. It was a fitting end to a bad day for Turkey’s once-dominant party.”
POMED’s recent event, “Is Turkey Becoming Less Democratic?”, received coverage from Voice of America’s (VOA) Turkish service and Istanbul-based Ihlas News Agency (IHA). The VOA report (in Turkish) emphasized panelist Daniel Brumberg’s suggestion that the real effect of the constitutional reforms will be determined by how the AKP government governs in the coming years. IHA focused (in Turkish) on panelist Gonul Tol’s comment that while the reforms represent a significant step forward, they still fail to address fundamental challenges like the resolution of minority issues.
On Monday, September 13th, POMED hosted an event entitled “Is Turkey Becoming Less Democratic?” The event was moderated by Bill Schneider, Distinguished Senior Fellow and Resident Scholar at Third Way and the Omer L. and Nancy Hirst Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. The discussion featured three panelists: Gonul Tol, Executive Director of the Center for Turkish Studies at the Middle East Institute; Daniel Brumberg, Director of the Muslim World Initiative at the U.S. Institute of Peace; and W. Robert Pearson, former U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and President of the International Research and Exchanges Board.
POMED’s full notes continue below or read them as a pdf.
Following the success of the AKP-backed constitutional referendum Sunday, commentators hailed the result as a major victory for the ruling party, but cautioned that the vote also exacerbated rifts in Turkish society. The Economistcalled the vote a “ringing endorsement” for Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and argued that fear in secular circles that AKP would use the reforms to destroy Turkey’s secular foundation are exaggerated. In Haaretz, Alon Lielsuggested that the victory makes Erdogan “second only to Ataturk” and attributed his success to dramatic improvements in the Turkish economy under AKP. Christian Science Monitor reporter Scott Petersoncontends that, despite Erdogan’s renewed mandate, the public divide between AKP supporters and traditional secularist is now deeper than ever.