- guardian.co.uk, Monday 30 November 2009 16.00 GMT
Iran's total disregard for international accountability was displayed once again over the weekend. On Sunday the Islamic republic approved plans to build 10 new nuclear plants. It said it would begin work on five new sites, with five more to be located over the next two months.
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the disputed Iranian president, told his cabinet parliament had ordered that Iran should produce 20,000 megawatts of nuclear energy by 2020. Iran's parliament also urged the government to draw up "a quick plan to reduce the level of co-operation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, IAEA". The hardline Keyhan newspaper reported this under the headline: "226 MPs want reduced co-operation with the IAEA".
The parliamentary speaker, Ali Larijani, warned that Iran should not be made to choose to opt out of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT). Larijani, who is Iran's former chief nuclear negotiator, said the west was out to "cheat Iran politically".
In a new move this morning Larijani told a press conference that international security guarantees should be provided for Iran as it has not broken any of the terms of the NPT. He threatened that if these guarantees were not forthcoming Iran would begin to support "progressive groups" to reveal "human rights violations by America in Guantanamo, Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine". Translated, this means trouble on all US and Israeli war fronts. In a separate announcement Ahmadinejad said tonight he would "speak directly to the nation from the national television", making it sound like a wartime announcement.
These are overt shows of Iran's defiance just two days after the resolution passed by the IAEA that Iran should freeze operations "immediately" at a once-secret uranium enrichment plant near the holy city of Qom. However behind this childish flexing of muscles is a potentially dangerous government supported by an increasingly callous military arm, the Revolutionary Guards. The building of 10 new nuclear plants may take a very long time but the funding of terrorist groups to create further tension in the region can been done with speed. So the French foreign minister, Bernard Kouchner, is right to say, "Iran is playing an extremely dangerous game".
The fact that the situation was allowed to get to this dangerous juncture is not the fault of Iran alone. The international community also lost a good opportunity during the talks of the 5+1 group (the UN security council's permanent members plus Germany) in Geneva and Vienna to bring Iran on board. It was clear from the outset that Iran would not accept shipping its uranium out to another country for enrichment and that the Iranian negotiators needed a face-saving component in the deal to be able to sell it to hardliners in Iran. This was not forthcoming because of the lack of mutual trust and it was a lost chance.
So, although last Friday's IAEA resolution against Iran was described by US officials as demonstrating the "resolve and unity" of the international community it seemed the resolution was adopted mainly out of desperation. The outgoing head of the IAEA, Mohamed ElBaradei, expressed frustration that Iran had stonewalled investigators, pronouncing a "dead-end" to attempts at bringing Iran to account.
And now it is clear that the next possible two steps – tough sanctions and targeted military strikes – may prove very problematic. Many in the international community may be seriously concerned about Iran's nuclear programme and several ideas are being bounced around about sanctions. However, there is no international consensus on stern sanctions or military strikes. While Russia and China may have voted for a note of disapproval on Iran's nuclear programme, they are very unlikely to go any further if and when it comes to imposing tough sanctions.
There are also serious divisions inside the US administration, inside the EU and at the UN about the best way to deal with Iran from this point on. As the international community counts the cost of lives in Afghanistan and Iraq no one is in the mood for yet another military action and Iran knows it.
This latest encounter has in fact pushed further back the chance of any progress in dealing with Iran. It has proved that the style of approach adopted so far by the group of 5+1 is ineffective and that no lessons were learned from past mistakes. Iran's delaying tactics have won the day, and the favoured policy of carrots and sticks has failed. The carrots seem never to have been sweet enough and the sticks never harsh enough.
Thus the "dead-end" in bringing Iran to account will now result in strengthening the hardliners inside Iran. Parliamentary speaker Larijani has spoken of the need to keep "national unity" and this usually means that any internal criticism will be regarded as treason.
The confiscation on Friday by the Islamic republic of the Nobel prize awarded to Shirin Ebadi looks to be part of this internal flexing of muscles; a sign of the decadence of a regime that fears even a symbolic medal in defence of human rights. The medal was taken from the "safety" deposit box on the orders of Iran's judiciary, and the bank accounts and pensions of Ebadi and her husband were all frozen.
The government in Iran has rejected Ebadi's account of the incident. And it's true that callous acts such as these can often be the work of hundreds of parallel paramilitary and para-intelligence gangs operating under the instructions of this or that commander of the Revolutionary Guards or this or that hardline ayatollah. No one seems to be accountable for the hundreds of arrests, the political executions, the extensive use of force against innocent citizens, the torture and forced confessions, or even the chain murders of the 1990s.
So, under the circumstances, it could be argued that the most viable path for the international community remains the defence of human rights in Iran and support for the fledgling opposition movement in challenging Ahmadinejad's presidential mandate. This may prove to be a far more potent way to confront the Islamic republic and it could form an important part of any international resolution approved on Iran.
Nuclear experts tell us that if all went really well it could be a decade or more before any new uranium enrichment sites come online – and probably much longer, given Iran's slow track record. This leaves plenty of time for the development of a viable political alternative by Iranians.
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