Bill Galston cautions Obama against a re-election strategy that concentrates too narrowly on minorities and the college-educated. That focus has worked well in some states–notably in Colorado, a case which Obama’s team has studied closely. (On this, Galston cites a Ron Brownstein interview with David Axelrod: White Flight.) The trouble is, America is more like Ohio than Colorado. Obama could be in serious trouble unless he improves his standing with the white working-class.

[Ruy Teixeira] argued [in 2009] that the confluence of demographic, geographic, and attitudinal changes underway for decades heralded a “new progressive majority.” Not only was the political salience of social issues in decline, but also majorities of Americans had endorsed a stronger role for government, guaranteed health coverage, and clean energy. A principal driver of these shifts was the declining share of white working-class voters and the rising tide of minorities and highly educated professionals.

In a less noticed portion of his analysis, Teixeira offered a cautionary note. The white working class “is still an enormous group of voters—still larger than white college graduate voters—and there are good reasons to suspect that the exit polls may significantly underestimate the size of this group.” He went on to observe that “Progressives ignore that large a group at their peril … [their] already large deficit among the white working class—clearly their biggest political vulnerability—could easily become larger. If that happens, any fall-offs in support among their core and emerging constituencies could put the progressive majority at risk, despite continuing demographic trends in their favor.” This is a pretty good description of what transpired during Obama’s first two years…

The seductiveness of the Colorado model is obvious. But the consequences of succumbing to it could be dire. The last Democrat to win the presidency without prevailing in Ohio was John F. Kennedy. The electoral college math worked only because he won South Carolina, Georgia, half of Alabama’s electoral votes, and even Texas, thanks to LBJ’s presence on the ticket. None of these states is remotely within Democratic reach today. Ohio is more than a rich pool of votes; it is the closest state we have to a microcosm of the nation.

Barack Obama’s path to reelection runs through Ohio and the Midwest, not around them. And that means taking seriously the concerns of the voters throughout the region who deserted Democrats in droves last year—Americans unlikely to be moved by an agenda of high-speed rail, cleaner energy, and educational reforms that rarely seem to yield good jobs for themselves or their children

The main problem with Scott Walker’s assault on public-sector unions in Wisconsin is not that it’s unwarranted, but that it’s disingenuous. He says he needs to roll back collective-bargaining rights to close the projected budget deficit, but this is untrue. It’s wrong on his own analysis, for heaven’s sake. As widely reported, the unions have agreed (under pressure) to the cuts in pay and benefits he was seeking. The case for reducing the unions’ power has little or nothing to do with mending Wisconsin’s short-term budget.

But it might have something to do with democratic accountability. What Walker is attempting is indeed a power grab, as Paul Krugman says. The question is whether it might be time for elected officials to grab back a little of the power they have surrendered over the years to public-sector unions.

Anne Applebaum argues in a very nice article for Slate that this is not 1989 for the Arabs but 1848. I stand corrected.

Though inspired very generally by the ideas of liberal nationalism and democracy, the mostly middle-class demonstrators of 1848 had, like their Arab contemporaries, very different goals in different countries. In Hungary, they demanded independence from Habsburg Austria. In what is now Germany, they aimed to unify the German-speaking peoples into a single state. In France, they wanted to overthrow the monarchy (again). In some countries, revolution led to pitched battles between different ethnic groups. Others were brought to a halt by outside intervention.

In fact, most of the 1848 rebellions failed… Historian A.J.P. Taylor once called 1848 a moment when “history reached a turning point and failed to turn.”

And yet—in the longer run, the ideas discussed in 1848 did seep into the culture…  In 1849, many of the revolutions of 1848 might have seemed disastrous, but looking back from 1899 or 1919, they seemed like the beginning of a successful change.

Washington is quarrelling its way to a government shutdown, but not to a remedy for its fiscal problems. The reason is simple. Despite the noise and fuss, few politicians in Washington care that much about cutting public borrowing. They care about other things far more, and it might take another financial calamity to change their minds.

I was surprised to see Obama inserting himself into the fight in Wisconsin over public employees’ collective-bargaining rights.

Obama accused Scott Walker, the state’s new Republican governor, of unleashing an “assault” on unions in pushing emergency legislation that would nullify collective-bargaining agreements that affect most public employees, including teachers.

The president’s political machine worked in close coordination Thursday with state and national union officials to mobilize thousands of protesters to gather in Madison and to plan similar demonstrations in other state capitals.

I can see that the Democratic party base will love it, obviously, but in the battle for centrist opinion, does it make sense to align with unions against governors struggling to balance their books–that is, to align with unions against taxpayers?  I doubt it.

Nothing obliged Obama to take this position. He could have recused himself, as he has on, say, budget policy. And it is one thing to offer comment in support of the unions, quite another to get his staff working in “close co-ordination” with the protesters. A shame he cannot be as forthright about long-term fiscal discipline as he is about the rights of public-sector unions.

Lexington’s take in The Economist seems spot on to me: “crossed wires, close calls but a good result–until the next friend wobbles.” I believe, as  I’ve previously argued, that the scope for effective US intervention in the crisis was very much smaller than you would think from reading the US media, but the administration made no big mistakes and the outcome, so far, is all right. As Lexington says,

What counts is the result, and this has been no disaster. America remains on good terms with Egypt’s new military masters without having alienated its youthful pro-democracy demonstrators—a neat balancing act whether by luck or design.

That said, harder choices may lie ahead. By his actions in Egypt, Mr Obama has put other authoritarian allies on notice that this president does not buy the “our son-of-a-bitch” theory. He thinks that even pro-Western autocracies that fail to reform deserve to die. But how much reform? And when will he decide they are dying? Will Mr Obama abandon gradual reformers such as King Abdullah or King Mohammed as soon as enough people turn out on the streets of Jordan or Morocco? How many people are enough? To judge by the gale rattling the Arab world this week, he may have to answer such questions rather soon.

I also admired Gideon Rachman’s thoughts on the revolution–not least his aside that the role of social media, though important, is being overstated.

The commentary about the role of social media in Egypt has become so breathless that it is easy to forget that the French managed to storm the Bastille without the help of Twitter – and the Bolsheviks took the Winter Palace without pausing to post photos of each other on Facebook.

The Americans managed a revolution too, I believe, without benefit of the internet.

By Alan Rappeport

Tim Geithner, US Treasury secretary, testified before the House Ways and Means Committee on February 15 to discuss President Obama’s budget proposals for fiscal year 2012. His full remarks are here.

3:25pm – With time expired, Mr Geithner agrees to field three more questions and respond in writing.

3:23pm – Mr Geithner reminds Ms Jenkins that generous tax credits will assist farmers an offer incentives and make capital investments.

3:19pm – Mr Geithner is asked by Lynn Jenkins of Kansas if he knows how much a new combine costs (he does not) to make a point about the costs of running a farm and how estate taxes are hurting agricultural workers.

The shape of the budget had been widely trailed so it did not come as a great surprise, but to find the administration making no effort at all to prepare public opinion for future fiscal tightening was still a disappointment. Its excuse is that ideas for tax and entitlement reform cannot be thrust upon a Congress (or a country) as divided as this one; if the White House were to attempt it, the effort would only backfire and the chances of getting the reforms passed might actually diminish. You need something closer to consensus first, says the administration. It’s an obvious evasion, though much of the press seems to be lapping it up. Short of an outright fiscal crisis, a consensus for fiscal restraint isn’t going to emerge spontaneously. Raising taxes and curbing entitlements is never going to be popular. Support will have to be built, and Obama should be trying to build it.

If today’s budget from the Obama administration has a plan for restoring long-term fiscal balance, Washington will be stunned. Bits of policy have already been announced, and the thinking was advertised in the State of the Union address last month. According to these trailers, the theme will be: “Why do today what you can put off till 2013?” Or maybe: “It’s the politics, stupid.”

This nugget of analysis from Politico is one for the scrapbook, I’d say. (I’m assuming the official quoted does actually exist. Don’t spoil this for me by telling me it’s pure invention.)

After days of frustration and high anxiety during which the United States looked impotent and at times out of touch with developments in Egypt, the Obama administration finally notched a foreign policy victory with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak’s decision to resign and turn over power to top military officials…

Despite the lack of an obvious roadmap for Egypt, allies of the White House moved swiftly to claim that Obama’s strategy, which was being panned in some quarters on Thursday as confused and ineffectual, had won out.

“Great news for the administration/president,” said one senior Democratic official who asked not to be named. “People will remember, despite some fumbles yesterday, that the President played an excellent hand, walked the right line and that his statement last night was potentially decisive in bringing this issue to a close. The situation remains complicated and delicate going forward, but this is a huge affirmation of the President’s leadership on the international stage.”

Oh, huge affirmation. But let’s share the credit a little more widely. An associate of mine, who asked not to be named, made this comment:

Clive played an excellent hand and walked the right line. His statement over supper last night was potentially decisive in bringing this issue to a close. The situation remains complicated and delicate going forward, but this is a huge affirmation of his leadership on the international stage.

I wouldn’t go so far myself. (And note that my statement was only potentially decisive. It will be some time before we know whether it was actually decisive.)

I’d rather just say, today happened, and challenges remain.

Clive Crook’s blog

Clive Crook I have been the FT's Washington columnist since April 2007. I moved from Britain to the US in 2005 to write for the Atlantic Monthly and the National Journal after 20 years working at the Economist, most recently as deputy editor. I write mainly about the intersection of politics and economics.

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