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Fiscal policy

About that Goldman estimate

Mar 2nd 2011, 21:10 by R.A. | WASHINGTON

LAST week, many of us quoted stories on a new Goldman Sachs analysis of proposed Republican spending cuts. House Republicans, recall, want to slash spending in the current fiscal year, which is half over, by $61 billion. A Goldman analysis by Alec Phillips suggested that this would cut growth this year by 2 percentage points. Chin scratching began when Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke said in testimony yesterday that this was an overstatement; the cuts would likely trim no more than a few tenths of a percentage point off of growth. How to explain the gap?

As it turns out, Goldman's analysis was misrepresented. They've since clarified:

In our own budget deficit projections, we assume that some spending cuts would indeed be enacted. As a placeholder—neither the president's budget nor the final House package had yet been released—we assumed a $25 billion cut to non-defense discretionary spending in the current fiscal year...

How large is this impact? We estimate that the $25bn cut in our budget projections reduces growth in Q2 by around 1 percentage point (annualized); this effect is already incorporated in our forecast that real GDP will grow 4% (annualized). In addition, we estimated that the $61bn cut passed by the House would reduce growth in Q2 and Q3 by 1.5-2 percentage point (annualized) in Q2 and Q3. (In other words, relative to the assumptions currently embedded in our forecast, the House-passed package would imply an additional 0.5-1 percentage point drag on growth in Q2 and an additional 1.5-2 percentage point drag in Q3.) Spending would then be maintained at that lower level thereafter, and the effect on GDP growth would dissipate quickly in Q4 and would be essentially neutral by 2012 Q1.

So when Goldman's analysts forecast 4% real GDP growth for 2011, they were assuming that the fiscal 2011 budget would be cut by $25 billion, and that this would trim growth by about 1 percentage point. Absent the cuts, growth would roar ahead at 5% for the year (which is more in keeping with a rebound from a recession of the depth America experienced).

Republicans, however, want to trim a a total of $61 billion from the current budget—more than the $25 billion over all of 2011 that Goldman used as a placeholder. And so Goldman estimates that these cuts will take off an additional 0.5 to 1.0 percentage points from annualised growth rates (which is what is always reported) in the second and third quarters.

That's nothing to sneeze at, of course, especially given the fact that Republicans have made no pretense of using cost-benefit analysis to identify wise cuts, and given that there is no immediate crisis, and given that the main fiscal imbalance is associated with long-run growth in health costs, not short-run growth in non-defence discretionary spending. But it's a smaller impact than the $300 billion in lost growth many reported, and it's much closer to Mr Bernanke's assessment. So there: mystery solved.

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forsize wrote:
Mar 2nd 2011 9:54 GMT

man you sure do a good job of making the government sound like a ponzy scheme.

borrow all the money to spend, cuz otherwise we don't grow! but the question is who are the suckers at the bottom of the scheme?

oh wait, ya, its future taxpayers.

Mar 2nd 2011 10:00 GMT

So we're supposed to believe that $1 trillion in stimuli didn't improve gdp growth at all yet a mere $65 billion in austerity is supposed to shave 1% from gdp? That's awfully asymmetric.

Mr. Dean wrote:
Mar 2nd 2011 10:23 GMT

@Fundy

You definitely shouldn't believe anyone telling you that $1 trillion in stimulus funds didn't improve GDP growth. It very, very much did. No asymmetry there.

Again, per the explanation, it seems pretty reasonable.

Doug Pascover wrote:
Mar 2nd 2011 10:25 GMT

Fundy, where did you get the first half of your formula? Who said the stimulus didn't add to GDP growth?

That said, and while I know I am no Goldman Sachs genius, that does sound like an impressive multiplier. I wonder if they factored in a reduction in domestic investment by people watching congress do fiscal policy the way a bear cub makes porcelain teacups.

Mar 2nd 2011 10:57 GMT

Doug, see John Taylor's paper "The 2009 Stimulus Package: Two Years Later" at http://media.hoover.org/sites/default/files/documents/2009-Stimulus-two-...

Here is the intro:

"My empirical research during the past two years shows that ARRA did not have a significant impact in stimulating the economy.1 I do not think this finding should come as a surprise. Earlier research on the discretionary countercyclical Economic Stimulus Act of 2008—
enacted three years ago this week—indicates that it too did little to stimulate the economy. Research on the discretionary countercyclical actions in the late 1960s and 1970s—the most recent period of such large interventions prior to this past decade—also shows disappointing results, including high unemployment, high inflation, high interest rates, and frequent recessions; the poor results of the 1970s policies led top macroeconomists to write influential papers, such as “After Keynesian Macroeconomics,” which questioned the whole approach and to decry “that countercyclical discretionary fiscal policy is neither desirable nor politically feasible.” 3

"My purpose here today is not to explain this recent revival of a failed approach to policy, but rather to summarize the facts which once again raise doubts about its effectiveness. I take a macroeconomic perspective, looking at the impact of ARRA on the major components of GDP, such as government purchases and consumption expenditures. Changes in GDP are of course directly related to employment growth, with faster growth of GDP creating more jobs. I make use of a new data set developed by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) at the Department of Commerce which traces the impact of ARRA on the economy through the National Income
and Product Accounts, the major source of data for macroeconomic analysis. I present and analyze the data through a series of simple graphs, but the findings can be verified and supported through statistical analysis."

Mr. Dean wrote:
Mar 2nd 2011 11:22 GMT

@Fundamentalist

I'd counter with the CBO's numbers that the ARRA increased GDP by 1.7-4.5% and employment by 1.4-3.3 million jobs. See http://cboblog.cbo.gov/?p=1326.

Further, I haven't seen any decent model from Taylor. His 2009 paper supposedly debunking fiscal stimulus made that finding because he assumed that the Fed would tighten monetary policy to counteract the stimulus. No reason for that assumption, and it turned out to be wrong, and is still wrong on an ongoing basis.

I didn't see a reference in your link, but maybe he has further research. In the link you provide, he also makes the ridiculous error of failing to compare the post-ARRA world with predicted output and employment without the ARRA. In summation, dude needs to be much more thorough.

Heimdall wrote:
Mar 2nd 2011 11:54 GMT

So we're talking about shrinking a $1.4T deficit by $61B (i.e., shrinking the deficit by 4.4%, which leaves it at ~$1.339T, still pretty big), which looks like it might shrink economic growth by ~40% over the next year. (now there's some asymmetry...)

Which in an economy of some $15T amounts to lost growth of ~$300B.

In other words, that $61B of spending translates into $300B of projected growth, or roughly 5x. Maybe not as good an investment as universal pre-school (~7x, last I heard), but pretty darn good, no?

As alternate path, I'd be curious to know what eliminating the tax cuts on incomes over $250k would do to growth. Because that would shrink the deficit by $100B (i.e., 64% more than the Republican approach, presumably making it more fiscally responsible) while retaining tax cuts on the first $250k (i.e., a not insubstantial amount).

I'm guessing that folks who make that much aren't going to change their spending habits dramatically based on the marginal few points on income that is manifestly disposable.

Anyone know if this alternative has been examined?

Pacer wrote:
Mar 3rd 2011 12:50 GMT

These types of discussions are maddening. GDP is a maddening measure. It's pre-eminence is tantamount to measuring just a company's sales--without any regard whatsoever to its earnings or capital structure. According to Goldman, if I borrow enough money to buy a million iPad2's then sell them at a 20% loss, I'm doing just great. Heck, my 'economy' would still be improvified if I bought the iPads on credit and just threw them in the ocean (or dropped them from great altitude onto Afgan villages).

We need a new measure of national wealth (liquid assets plus capital stock, minus debt owed to non-citizens, adjusted for inflation against a basket of raw materials) and just measure its change over time.

Pacer wrote:
Mar 3rd 2011 12:59 GMT

Furthermore, and great thanks to Heimdall's number crunching, we are freakin crashing even by the flawed measure of GDP.

If the government balanced its budget on the back of a libertarian unicorn, that would reduce GDP growth by roughly 25 percentage points, to -20% in 2011. Absolutely bang up recovery for sure, totally solid. They don't call them Benjaminz for nothing.

But I guess we can take solace in knowing that all that currency debasement which doth bequeath America's holographic prosperity dilutes a great many foreign dollar holders along with us chickens.

Mar 3rd 2011 2:47 GMT

Mr. Dean, there are plenty of economists who disagree with Taylor, but most of them use models that assume a high Keynesian multiplier. In other words, they assume what they're trying to prove. Take another look at Taylor's paper. The link is in my post. I think his method is much more honest and scholarly.

"His 2009 paper supposedly debunking fiscal stimulus made that finding because he assumed that the Fed would tighten monetary policy to counteract the stimulus. "

I don't think that is true. Read the paper again.

Heimdall: " I'd be curious to know what eliminating the tax cuts on incomes over $250k would do to growth."

It's not likely that it would bring in much more revenue because of the Laffer curve. In addition, the money taxed would probably come out of investments, which would reduce future job growth. The money that the rich don't consume isn't sitting in a bank as cash, or in a warehouse as gold doing nothing. All of it is working hard as investments which provide jobs.

Pacer, yes, gdp is a maddening measure. It's easy to boost gdp and make all of us poorer at the same time. WWII did that very well. The only decent measure of wealth we have is real per capita gdp, but as you point out we should subtract the national debt from that for a good statement of our position.

To cut through the fog, keep in mind that no nation has ever, or ever can tax and spend its way to prosperity.

Heimdall wrote:
Mar 3rd 2011 4:23 GMT

fundamentalist,

"It's not likely that it would bring in much more revenue because of the Laffer curve."

Allow me to point out that the Laffer curve has two sides. On one side, the more you decrease taxes, the greater the revenue. On the other side, the more you decrease taxes, the lower the revenue.

Regarding our current situation, with the exception of 1988 - 1992 (when it was between 28% and 31%), the marginal top tax rate is at 60-year lows (at a current 35%). Coincidentally (?), tax revenues as a percent of GDP are also at 60-year lows.

It would seem that we are on the other side of the Laffer curve than you seem to think we are.

[For context: letting the tax cut on the top bracket expire for incomes over $250k would have raised it to 39.6%, or 4.6% more than the current level. The average top tax rate since 1950 has been 59.72%, 24.72% more than the current level. My recollection is that the US has been pretty prosperous with relatively high top tax rates, the Laffer Curve notwithstanding...]a

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