A Chronology of Events February-July 1981

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BOX-FOLDER-REPORT: 142-3-1
TITLE:             A Chronology of Events February-July 1981
BY:                
DATE:              1981
COUNTRY:           (n/a)
ORIGINAL SUBJECT:  

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POLAND: A CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS

FEBRUARY-JULY 1981

Compiled by Roman Stefanowski

[+]This is a companion, volume to "Poland: A
Chronology of Events July-November 1980"
and "Poland: A Chronology of Events
November 1980-February 1981," RAD Background
Reports/9l and 263 (Poland), Radio Free
Europe Research, 31 March and 11 September 1981,
respectively.

CONTENTS

Page

Chronology of Events, February-July 1981 1

The Rzeszow Agreement 101

Official Protocol of the Agreement in
Ustrzyki Dolne 111

Joint Government-Solidarity Statement on
Bydgoszcz Events 119

The Government Statement on the Registration
of the Private Farmers' Labor Union 123

The Draft Labor Union Law 127

The Directions of the Operations of Solidarity,
the Independent, Self-Governing Labor Union,
in the Current Situation of the Country 147

The Program for the Development of Socialist
Democracy, the Strengthening of the Leading
Role of the PUWP in Socialist Construction,
and the Socioeconomic Stabilization of the
Country 171

The Law of 31 July 1981 on the Control of
Publications and Public Performances 187

Appendix I -- Important People in the Chronology i

Appendix II -- Glossary ix

[page 1]

FEBRUARY 11 In the wake of the Supreme Court's May 10 decision
not to register Rural Solidarity as an independent
farmers' union (but permitting it to apply for
association status) and the Polish Episcopate's
communiqu� endorsing the "natural right" of
farmers to own land and to form independent
professional associations, militant peasant activists in
the southeastern town of Rzeszow threaten to use
all means at their disposal, including strikes, to
press for the registration of Rural Solidarity as
an independent self-governing union of private
farmers.

At his weekly audience Pope John Paul II speaks
about Poland's difficult process of renewal, saying
that "Things must come to fruition ... in an
atmosphere of calm; even in the midst of tensions
that accompany this process there must be
moderation and a sense of responsibility for the great
common good, which is our country."

On the first day of a two-day session the Sejm
formally accepts the resignation of Prime Minister
Jozef Pinkowski and confirms General Wojciech
Jaruzelski as his successor. Jaruzelski is to
retain his post as Minister of Defense. The Sejm
also hears the relevant committee's report on the
amended draft economic plan and budget for 1981.

A strike readiness alert is called in sympathy
with striking Lodz students at the Silesian
Technical University of Wroclaw and a branch of
the Lodz Technical University in Bielsko-Biala.
Rallies are held in colleges throughout the country.
The Intercollegiate Coordinating Committee (ICC)
appeals to other colleges to delay strikes until
February 14 pending the outcome of negotiations.
The Sejm Committee on Higher Education calls on
both sides to make every effort to reach a
settlement and to sign an agreement.

A last-minute attempt is made to avoid a printers'
strike in Wroclaw called in support of transport
workers' still unsettled demand that imprisoned
Confederation of Independent Poland (KPN) activist
Tadeusz Jandziszak be released. The effort fails
when publishing officials withdraw their offer to
print a Solidarity article devoted to the issue of
political prisoners.

In Suwalki Voivodship officials and local Solidarity
representatives begin talks about the transfer of
party buildings for social purposes. It is agreed
that the Voivodship Ideological Training Center
will be turned into a school, but the authorities

[page 2]

FEBRUARY 11 refuse to give up the party's new headquarters,
(cont.) proposing other buildings for the health service.
Solidarity states that the deadline, February 14,
for accepting this compromise proposal is too short
to allow an adequate inspection of the sites, and
it announces that it will refer the matter to the
National Coordinating Commission.

The Malopolska branch of Solidarity releases a
statement protesting official investigation of the
activities of KSS "KOR" and defending its members
against the prosecutor's "false accusations."

Confusion about changes in the rationing system
causes delays in printing and distributing sugar
coupons. So far only Warsaw and Katowice have
received their cards for February, although
supplies have already been delivered to shops
throughout the country.

The Soviet weekly Literaturnava Gazeta accuses
Solidarity leaders of launching a fierce political
struggle "masked by the pseudoeconomic camouflage
of strikes," while maintaining that their union is
apolitical. It repeats allegations that the union
is infiltrated by KOR agents and is financed by
subversive Western circles.

FEBRUARY 12 In his inaugural address to the Sejm, Prime Minister
Jaruzelski announces the formation of a special
standing committee to coordinate relations between
the government and the trade unions. He also
outlines a 10-point program to be undertaken
immediately by the administration in order to improve the
market supply of food and consumer products; to
strengthen control over the prices of retail goods
and services; to improve the health service as well
as the housing and living conditions of the elderly
and infirm; to arrest the tendency toward increased
agricultural losses; to improve the supply of
industrial inputs and revise the investment program; to
examine the structure of foreign trade with a view
to rationalizing imports and increasing exports;
and to increase work productivity through improved
labor discipline. Jaruzelski also appeals for a
90-day moratorium on strikes, "so we can use the
time to put order into the most fundamental problems
of the economy, to take account of both positive and
negative aspects [of public life], to undertake the
most urgent social programs, to take the first steps
toward the introduction of a program of economic
stability, and to prepare for wide-ranging reforms
of the economy."

[page 3]

FEBRUARY 12 The Sejm approves Jaruzelski's program and his
(cont.) proposed government changes. Aleksander Kopec and
Stanislaw Kowalczyk are released as deputy prime
ministers. Editor-in-Chief of Polityka Mieczyslaw
F. Rakowski and Minister of the Heavy and
Agricultural Machinery Industry Andrzej Jedynak
are appointed new deputy prime ministers. Stanislaw
Wylupek replaces Jedynak. Jerzy Wojtecki replaces
Leon Klonica at the Ministry of Agriculture;
Boleslaw Faron takes over from Krzysztof Kruszewski
at the Ministry of Education and Upbringing;
Kazimierz Klek replaces Henryk Pruchniewicz as
Minister of the Chemical Industry; Waldemar
Kozlowski replaces Tadeusz Skwirzynski as Minister
of Forestry and the Timber Industry; and Tadeusz
Szelachowski, who had served as acting Minister of
Health and Social Welfare since November 1980, is
confirmed in this post.

The entire Sejm proceedings are televised live, and
the deputies' debate is broadcast in full by national
radio. The most recurrent theme is that of
confidence in Jaruzelski's government as one "of national
survival," although many speakers also stress that
its role is to serve the people. Much attention is
paid to the necessity of promoting the process of
democratization; in particular, Karol Malcuzynski
brings up the subjects of continuing censorship
restrictions and misleading propaganda about KSS
"KOR" and its alleged antisocialist activities. The
1981 economic plan and budget draft is also
discussed and finally approved despite serious
reservations expressed by many speakers. It is also agreed
that a special commission be established to oversee
the implementation of the Gdansk, Szczecin, and
Jastrzebie Agreements.

Jaruzelski's speech appears to have also struck a
responsive chord within the leadership of Solidarity.
An extraordinary meeting of the NCC in Gdansk issues
a resolution condemning wildcat strikes and banning
all strikes without the prior approval of the NCC
except those that are in reply to "a direct attack
by authorities on members, experts, or collaborators"
of Solidarity or on union chapters themselves. The
NCC resolution and subsequent statements by Lech
Walesa and other union officials also reflect
Solidarity's desire for a genuine dialogue with the
government. Although the resolution does not
represent an official response to Jaruzelski's appeal,
union spokesmen say their attitude to it is
"positive" and express the hope that the government will
outline its position more fully and give Solidarity
something in return for its support. Walesa himself
is quoted as saying that he "agrees in principle"

[page 4]

FEBRUARY 12 with the appeal and that the NCC does not want any
(cont.) more strikes at the moment. He declares himself
willing to meet with the new prime minister for
talks. An ad hoc Interim Executive Presidium is
set up by the NCC and headed by a "triumvirate"
consisting of Walesa, Andrzej Gwiazda, and Ryszard
Kalinowski, as well as a five-man team of
trouble-shooters (branch leaders Zbigniew Bujak, Tadeusz
Jedynak, Jan Rulewski, Andrzej Slowik, and Andrzej
Wadolowski). NCC Secretary Andrzej Celinski and
press spokesman Karol Modzelewski are to be
nonvoting members.

Security officials in Radom seize duplicating
equipment and copies of the unofficial paper Robotnik.
Two members of the local Solidarity Executive
Committee are detained. After Walesa's personal
intervention with Minister Stanislaw Ciosek, the two
officials are freed, but the equipment is not
released.

First Secretary of the Bielsko-Biala Voivodship PUWP
Committee Jozef Buzinski formally resigns in the
wake of the settlement that ended a 10-day conflict
over workers' allegations of official corruption and
administrative mismanagement.

Talks with striking students in Lodz are resumed,
with the Deputy Minister of Science, Higher
Education, and Technology, Stanislaw Czajka, presiding
progress is announced on many points.

Wroclaw printers stage their threatened one-day
protest action: no newspapers are printed. Talks
between local transport workers and a representative
of the local prosecutor's office are fruitless.

FEBRUARY 13 Minister of Science, Higher Education, and Technology
Janusz Gorski consults with rectors of institutions
of higher education.

Newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw
Rakowski hits out at "the speculation" in the West
about a possible Soviet intervention in Poland. The
criticism is directed particularly at the USA. He
also announces in a news conference that he will head
a special government commission on labor union
relations and would like to meet Lech Walesa as soon as
possible.

Msgr. Bronislaw Dabrowski, Secretary of the Polish
Episcopate Conference, meets with Pope John Paul II
in the Vatican. Vatican sources say that the
meeting was of special importance since Dabrowski acted

[page 5]

FEBRUARY 13 as mediator on behalf of the Church and as a
(cont.) personal representative of the Polish Primate, Stefan
Wyszynski, at the height of the strikes in the
Bielsko-Biala region.

The episcopate expresses support for private
farmers on the issue of safeguarding their right to
land ownership and the right to found a trade
organization.

Representatives of groups of young people either
connected with the Democratic Party (DP) or
interested in its ideology gather from major cities
throughout the country in Cracow to set up a new
youth organization, the Democratic Youth Union
(Zwiazek Mlodziezy Demokratycznej -- ZMD).

FEBRUARY 14 Gorski is back in Lodz. An official communiqu�
announces "full agreement on all matters concerning
students' autonomy and on nine of the fifteen
political demands." What had been expected to be the
concluding session, however, ends in a last-minute
conflict as Gorski demands amendments to the ISU
statutes. Students threaten a nationwide strike.
The strikes spread to Warsaw University's Law
School and a Cracow Teachers' College.

The Solidarity strike commission of the Wroclaw
public transport enterprise issues a statement
supporting Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski's call for a
90-day moratorium on strikes. The statement says
that owing to the changes in the Polish government
and especially because of the appointment as prime
minister of a Sejm deputy from Lower Silesia,
Wojciech Jaruzelski, the commission has decided to
support the appeal of Solidarity's National
Coordinating Commission to refrain from strikes in
the entire country and respond with all seriousness
to the prime minister's appeal for 90 peaceful days.
The commission pledges to abstain from all strikes
and other protests. The Solidarity Interfactory
Founding Committee in Wroclaw passed a resolution
canceling the state of strike alert in its area, the
statement says.

A delegation of striking farmers from Rzeszow
(southeastern Poland) leaves for Warsaw with a special
letter to Prime Minister Jaruzelski. Radio Warsaw
reports that the letter had been drafted at a meeting
of the strike committee held at the former
headquarters of the Voivodship Council of Trade Unions in
Rzeszow and that the committee had presented in the
letter its standpoint on the question of agriculture
and food supply for the population.

[page 6]

FEBRUARY 14 Labor chief Lech Walesa says he cannot commit
(cont.) Solidarity to the 90-day strike truce called for by
Poland's new prime minister.

The new government faces its first major test when
Walesa meets Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw
Rakowski. Solidarity leaders make it plain they are
not willing to heed the government's call without
reciprocal guarantees. A member of the union's
presidium says, "Solidarity cannot give a carte blanche
guarantee to the government until it knows what the
government's intentions are."

FEBRUARY 15 Students' negotiations with Gorski continue. Gorski
suggests that the agreements be signed as they are
and that outstanding issues, including the question
of the statutes, be dealt with in an annex. The
Intercollegiate Coordinating Committee (ICC) asks
for time to consult with the NFC and Solidarity's
NCC. Gorski refuses to wait for more than two hours
and returns to Warsaw where he appears on television
with an appeal to all students not to strike. He
challenges the ICC to send its delegates to Warsaw
for final talks. Lech Walesa, in a private
conversation with Lodz delegates, advises students to heed
Prime Minister Jaruzelski's appeal for 90 strike-free
days. The Lodz SUPS issues a statement supporting
Gorski's stand and accusing the ICC of protracting
negotiations, delaying the agreement, and escalating
the strike action. SUPS students at the Silesian
Polytechnic stop striking. Nonetheless, a strike
readiness alert is announced in all major universities

Stanislaw Kania pays a short fence-mending visit to
Czechoslovakia. No reason is given for the previously
unannounced visit, but foreign observers interpret it
as part of the preparations for next week's Soviet
Communist Party congress in Moscow, which will be
attended by all East European leaders. The
Czechoslovak and East German media have taken the
lead in denouncing what they describe as the
activities of "counterrevolutionary forces" in Poland.
According to an official communiqu� issued after
Kania's meeting with Husak, the two leaders briefed
each other on events in their respective countries
and reached "an identity of views" on all subjects
discussed.

Solidarity leader Lech Walesa goes to Rzeszow where
private farmers have been demonstrating to support
their demand for the right to set up a farmers'
Solidarity union.

[page 7]

FEBRUARY 16 Students' strikes spread: 1,700 students are out
at Cracow's Jagiellonian University and another
1,000 at its Academy of Mining and Metallurgy. A
rally is held at Wroclaw Technical College; an alert
is in effect in Katowice. The NFC holds a press
conference about what has so far been agreed upon.
At the same time, there is total confusion about what
is happening and what will happen next. A Lodz
spokesman says that "nobody knows anything." Late
at night a student delegation travels to Warsaw.

In an interview with the Warsaw daily Zycie
Warszawy, Solidarity press spokesman Karol
Modzelewski says the union hopes for fruitful
negotiations with the government without having to
impose the threat of a strike, but he cautions that
much depends on the communist authorities'
willingness to accept Solidarity as a negotiating partner.

Talks begin in Rzeszow, where peasants demanding an
independent union have been occupying a local
administrative building for the past month. The peasants
agree to suspend their insistence on registration of
a rural branch of Solidarity pending the outcome of
talks on drafting a new union law. Lech Walesa, who
is a member of the commission drafting the new law,
says he will not agree to any new trade union
legislation unless it allows for registration of Rural
Solidarity.

FEBRUARY 17 The IUCC rescinds its appeal not to call sympathy
strikes. Strikes break out all over the country.
Students are reportedly on strike in Olsztyn,
Czestochowa, Opole, Szczecin, Torun, Rzeszow, the
Warsaw Law School, and the Cracow Economics,
Agriculture, and Teaching Academies. Sztandar
Mlodych, the official youth daily, criticizes the
students' "incomprehensible obstinacy." Four
representatives of the IUCC and the NFC meet in Warsaw
with Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski in
the late afternoon. Progress is made, and Gorski
is later invited to join the talks. Final
agreement to register the independent students1 union is
reached.

Kania pays a one-day visit to East Germany. A
communiqu� on the Kania-Honecker meeting says that the
two leaders talked in a friendly atmosphere and
agreed on all issues of substance, including the
need to strengthen the ties between their two
countries. They accused the USA of starting a new arms
race.

[page 8]

FEBRUARY 18 The agreement, divided into eight sections, and a
protocol of differences outlining points left open
by both sides for further discussion are signed in
Lodz today by the government's Inter-Ministerial
Commission (IMC) and the IUCC. It takes effect
immediately and contains the following main points:
First: Institutions of higher education are to be
independent in all academic, instructional, and
internal administrative matters. Their
self-governing "collegiate bodies" are to be composed equally
of students, junior teaching staff, and senior staff;
and their authorities are to be elected in secret
ballot and not subject to government appointment.
This will make the rector less susceptible to the
direct influence of the government and will
effectively curb his extensive powers, which were all too
easily abused with arbitrary decisions.

Second: Universities are to draw up their own study
plans and programs and methods of evaluation within
the broad framework of ministerial recommendations
but not bound by them. The ministry's role is to be
limited to one of coordination, consultation, and
supervision.

Third: Students are to be given a role in drafting
legislation on higher education.

Fourth: The arts and humanities orientation will
return to favor in study programs that will be more
flexible and offer a wider range of options. This
opens up the possibility of a new approach to the
teaching of sociopolitical and economic subjects,
including the replacement of the rigid
Marxist-Leninist philosophy courses with a broader general
program.

Fifth: The principle of five-year study courses is
to be gradually reintroduced.

Sixth: Foreign language studies are to be upgraded
and liberalized.

FEBRUARY 19 Speaking at a press conference in Copenhagen Polish
Foreign Minister Jozef Czyrek announces that the
Soviet Union "has given Poland 2,300 million dollars
in cash credits in the last 6 months." Czyrek's
statement comes during his official visit to Denmark
to discuss bilateral relations and to seek Danish aid
in solving Poland's financial difficulties. At the
conclusion of the visit, the Danish government
announces that it has granted Poland a special
long-term export credit of about 28,000,000 dollars for
the purchase of agricultural products.

[page 9]

FEBRUARY 19 Representatives of the Polish and Soviet governments
(cont.) sign a trade and credit protocol for 1981. It
includes an additional Soviet credit for Poland of
about 200,000,000 dollars to finance Polish purchases
of Soviet agricultural goods and raw materials. It
is not clear whether that credit is to be repaid
during 1981 or extended over the next 10 years. The
protocol includes a moratorium on the payment of
interest on Poland's debt to the USSR for the
duration of four years. Recent estimates of Poland's
total foreign indebtedness suggest that it is
currently running in the range of 24,000-25,000 million
dollars. If Poland is to meet its obligations to its
creditors, it will need to make payments of principal
and interest amounting to 8,000-10,000 million dollars
in 1981.

A final round of negotiations between a government
delegation and the peasants' committee produces an
accord, signed by Deputy Minister of Agriculture
Andrzej Kacala in Rzeszow (see appendix). The
Rzeszow Agreement is to take force upon the signing
of a similar accord being negotiated in Ustrzyki
Dolne. The Rzeszow occupational strike lasted seven
weeks. The agreement covers inviolability of
peasant property, land turnover, supplies and investment
outlays for agriculture, prices of the means of
production and farm produce, and old age and disability
pensions.

FEBRUARY 20 An accord signed in Ustrzyki Dolne at 0600 hours puts
an end to a 54-day peasants' strike protesting the
government's discrimination against the private
sector of agriculture (see appendix for details).

The Council of Ministers agrees on the final details
of meat rationing to be introduced from April 1.

A PUWP delegation headed by Stanislaw Kania leaves
for Moscow to attend the 26th Congress of the CPSU.

FEBRUARY 23 The loth Congress of the Voivodship Agricultural
Circles is held in the Bydgoszcz Voivodship offices.
Also attending the congress is a group of Rural
Solidarity members headed by Stanislaw Mojzeszowicz,
which apparently questions procedural approach and
also objects to those activities of the agricultural
circles that are unrelated to their statutory
obligations. Rural Solidarity also announces its
intention to hold its own congress.

[page 10]

FEBRUARY 23 A hunger strike is held by 11 staff members at the
(cont.) office of the Christian Social Association, a
progovernment Roman Catholic religious organization, to
protest alleged misuse of association funds by some
directors. The 10 men and 1 woman say they began
their protest in an attempt to prompt an
investigation of their allegations by a Warsaw prosecutor.
The strikers, who are also members of Solidarity,
are also protesting the directors' attitude toward
"renewal inside the association" and in Poland. A
spokesman for the group stresses that the protest is
an internal affair and not directed at the government.
The Christian Social Association is a religious
publishing house and sales organization that publishes
magazines and books and operates a nationwide chain
of Ars Christiana shops selling religious articles.
It also has five representatives in the Sejm.

FEBRUARY 24 The new independent students' union at Warsaw
University and the local Solidarity trade union
movement are preparing a program next month to
commemorate the 13th anniversary of the 1968 student
demonstrations in the Polish capital. The program, which
will include a series of lectures and an exhibition,
will begin with a rally on March 8, the anniversary
of student unrest, which resulted in clashes between
police and students. A spokesman for the students
says that the March 8 rally will be attended by
Warsaw University Rector Henryk Samsonowicz.

FEBRUARY 25 Meeting in Gdansk, the National Coordinating
Commission of the Solidarity labor unions again
confirms its willingness and determination to negotiate
with the government on outstanding problems. The
commission says that these problems include the
union's demands for a reform of the country's
judicial system aimed at granting more independence to
courts and limiting the power of the secret police,
for greater union access to the media, for a speedy
presentation of the government's proposals on changes
in existing censorship practices, and for acceptance
by the authorities of an autonomous peasants'
organization, constituted as an occupational union so that
it could be considered in the forthcoming legislation
on labor unions. The commission also raises the
issue of a recent government directive to restrict
workers' wages during the strikes and calls for a
rapid resolution of that problem through a negotiated
settlement.

Students start a strike at the Olsztyn (northern
Poland) Teachers' Training College to protest
inadequate accommodations on the campus. Union officials

[page 11]

FEBRUARY 25 say that students at the training college have been
(cont.) complaining for 10 years about their accommodations
but that talks are under way with local government
officials.

FEBRUARY 26 The inaugural meeting of the Council of Ministers'
Committee for Labor Union Affairs is presided over by
Mieczyslaw Rakowski. According to Prime Minister
Jaruzelski, the committee is to monitor the
implementation of the social agreements, to create a
model for the administration's relations with the
trade unions as outlined by the recent party
plenums, and to help avoid social tension.

Professor Sylwester Zawadzki, chairman of the team
appointed by the Council of State to work out new
trade union legislation, submits a draft of the new
trade union law to the Council of State's legal
commission.

FEBRUARY 27 Trybuna Ludu publishes an interview with Stefan
Olszowski, Politburo member and Chairman of the
Congress Commission elected at the seventh CC PUWP
plenum. Olszowski proclaims authoritatively that
the principle of democratic centralism constitutes
the only guarantee of the party's operational
effectiveness but concedes that its implementation has
created major problems for the communist
organization in the past, particularly by severely
restricting inner-party democracy. Yet, in his opinion, past
experiences should not be regarded as undermining
the importance of the principle itself, and
democratic centralism must therefore "remain the basic
principle of the party's operations." Expanding on
the commission's views about the party, Olszowski
says that "the party must not [become] a discussion
club or a body serving to propagate great ideas but
must operate as a force [capable of] implementing
those ideas in social and political practice." Then,
admitting that both the political role of the party
and its internal organization have been subjected to
widespread criticism by rank-and-file members,
Olszowski says that the commission could accept some
reforms "if they contribute to the development of
socialist social relations." The commission, however,
also opposed "reformism . . . because it has never
served and does not promote the interests of the
working class."

Radio Warsaw reports that students at a teachers'
training college in Olsztyn have ended a three-day
sit-in strike today. The radio says the students

[page 12]

FEBRUARY 27 went on strike mainly because they thought the local
(cont.) authorities were too slow in meeting their demand
for additional accommodations. The students,
advised by experts, prepared a proposal on how to
improve the situation, and talks between the student
strike committee and a commission appointed by the
voivod started on February 26. An agreement,
which includes temporary measures to improve the
situation and a promise of increased funds for expanding
student accommodations is reached on the morning of
February 27. A mixed commission made up of
representatives of local authorities, the ministry of
higher education, college authorities, and students
will be set up before the end of April.

FEBRUARY 28 A Council of Ministers' decree on working hours and
the principles of granting days off in 1981 is
published. Coal miners are granted all Saturdays off.

MARCH 2 Radio Warsaw reports on the latest meeting in Warsaw
of the Joint Commission of Government and Episcopate
Representatives (JCGER), the fifth such conference
since the commission's revival after a thirteen-year
hiatus. The meeting appears to mark yet another
small step toward normalizing Church-state relations.
The talks mainly concern the bishops' long-standing
demands about promoting the Church's pastoral and
social work. They are reported to have dealt
specifically with priests' seminars, alcoholism, legal
problems, religious publications, and education.
Detailed study of the bishops' demands will be
continued in the five working groups already established
within the JCGER. Other problems raised dealt with
the Church's access to the media, religious ministry
in hospitals and prisons, and the construction of
the highway intersection in Czestochowa, which was
said to impede access to the Jasna Gora Shrine.

MARCH 4 Local Solidarity trade union officials declare a
strike alert in the major industrial region of Lodz,
a move that threatens to end the 90-day strike
moratorium requested by Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski.
The Lodz branch of Solidarity says it ordered the
strike alert as a last resort after trying for a
month to get the authorities to reinstate five
workers, including four union activists, fired from an
interior ministry hospital. The strike alert ordered
workers to prepare for sit-ins at their factories.
No date was set for strike action. The union said
its efforts to settle the dispute peacefully had
included talks with the hospital management,

[page 13]

MARCH 4 complaints to the municipal authorities, talks with
(cont.) the ministry for trade union affairs, approaches to
Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski, and a
telegram to the prime minister.

The Polish party delegation, composed of PUWP First
Secretary Stanislaw Kania, Prime Minister Wojciech
Jaruzelski, First Secretary of the Katowice
Voivodship branch of the PUWP Andrzej Zabinski, and
Central Committee Secretary Emil Wojtaszek, meets
in the Kremlin with top Soviet leaders: CPSU
Secretary-General Leonid Brezhnev, Chairman of the USSR
Council of Ministers Nikolai Tikhonov, Minister of
Internal Affairs Yurii Andropov, Foreign Minister
Andrei Gromyko, Central Committee Secretary Mikhail
Suslov, Secretary of Defense Dmitrii Ustinov, and
Central Committee Secretary Konstantin Rusakov who
is responsible for relations with ruling communist
parties. Although no details of the talks are
released, the joint communiqu� issued following the
talks gives some reason to believe that the meeting
was an attempt to define a course of action for
dealing with the trade union movement in Poland that
would be both feasible for the Polish leadership and
acceptable to the Soviets.

While stressing that the developments in Poland pose
a threat insofar as "imperialism and internal forces
of reaction calculate that the economic and
political crisis in Poland will lead to change in the
alignment of world forces and to the weakening of
the socialist community," the communiqu� also says
that the Soviet leaders "voiced their conviction
that the Polish Communists have both the opportunity
and the strength to reverse the course of events and
to eliminate the peril looming over the socialist
achievements of the Polish nation." The general
tenor of the communiqu� seems to imply that even if
the Polish party leaders were under some pressure
to put their house in order, outright confrontation
was avoided, even though the Soviet leadership has
not failed to express its concern with the
implications the continued crisis in Poland may have for
cohesion within the Warsaw Pact community.

MARCH 5 Jacek Kuron, one of the founders and principal
spokesmen of the Social Self-Defense Committee KSS "KOR," is
detained by the Warsaw militia for six hours. In the
course of his detention, he is informed by an official
of the public prosecutor's office that he is under
investigation for suspicion of slandering the Polish
People's Republic and its highest authorities, under
Article 270 of the Polish Penal Code, which carries
sentences of six months to eight years. He is

[page 14]

MARCH 5 ordered to report to his local police station in
(cont.) Zoliborz in Warsaw twice a week. Kuron was stopped
as he was making his way to a Solidarity meeting in
Czestochowa in the early hours of the morning. He
is later released and is able to take part in the
Czestochowa event.

Trybuna Ludu and Glos Pracy publish the preliminary
principles for the country's new trade union
legislation. The document comprises seven chapters
dealing with legal provisions, principles concerning the
formation of trade unions, rights and duties of the
trade unions, the structure of trade unions at
shop-floor level, the instruments for settling disputes,
responsibility for violating the regulations of the
future trade union legislation, and union funds and
finances.

Negotiations between Teachers' Solidarity
representatives and officials of the education ministry on
teaching programs in history, Polish language, and
social sciences begin in Warsaw. The teachers
submit detailed proposals of ad hoc changes in history
syllabuses. These are not supported by leading
personalities in academic and cultural life (Aleksander
Gieysztor, Henryk Samsonowicz, Klemens Szaniawski,
and Jan Szczepanski).

The first public meeting of the Karl Marx Discussion
Club is held in Warsaw. The club, with about 200
members, is intended as a forum for people of Marxist
persuasion, regardless of their party affiliation.
It recruits membership from the fields of science,
the arts, and journalism and aims at helping people
"in those areas where Marxist inspiration has a
significant importance in their professional life and
political activities."

MARCH 6 Polish troops move out of their barracks, in
apparent preparations for major maneuvers, but Western
military attach�s say there is no sign that they
have linked-up with troops from the Soviet Union or
other Warsaw Pact forces. Another sign that
maneuvers are about to take place is that shipping
companies have been warned to steer clear of a section
of the Baltic coast from Ustka to Poland's western
border over the next three weeks. Presumably, the
region will be used to test and train amphibious
forces. Western diplomats and military experts
note, however, that it is customary for Poland to
hold exercises at this time of the year, as a means
of training its 210,000-man army. They point out
that it is Poland's turn to hold exercises under the
code name of tarcza [shield], which will involve
Soviet troops.

[page 15]

MARCH 6 The Sejm appoints a special commission, headed by
(cont.) Jan Szczepanski, to monitor the implementation of the
Gdansk, Szczecin, and Jastrzebie Agreements. The
commission is expected to play an important role
as a forum for mediation between state authorities
and the unions, especially Solidarity. The national
congress of the Polish Economic Society is convened
under the theme "How To Come Out of the Crisis."
Tomasz Afeltowicz is elected chairman of the
organization.

MARCH 7 Stanislaw Kania, speaking to representatives of the
National Council of Women, says it is not an
exaggeration to say that Poland's national existence is
threatened.

Solidarity leaders in the Polish industrial center
of Lodz announce that progressive strike action will
begin in that region on March 10 if five union members
fired from hospital jobs are not reinstated. The
Lodz union leaders call for a one-hour token warning
strike on March 10 followed by progressive sit-in
protests in dozens of factories in Lodz and the
surrounding region. They say it will be called off
only if the Solidarity members dismissed from their
jobs in a local interior ministry hospital are
reinstated. The call comes as Solidarity delegates from
all parts of Poland hold a special meeting in Warsaw
to discuss issues including Lodz.

MARCH 8 A two-day congress of private farmers starts in
Poznan with 500 delegates in attendance. With the
establishment of the Independent Self-Governing
Trade Union for Individual Farmers Solidarity
(ISTU-IFS) the Poznan congress must be seen as a turning
point in the farmers' movement. The newly
established union elects Jan Kulaj as chairman over the
two other candidates: Henryk Gora, a journalist
turned farmer, and Jan Antol, a militant peasant
activist of considerable standing.

The second voivodship congress of agricultural
circles begins in Bydgoszcz. It charges that the
previous congress, held on February 23, was
manipulated and committed basic illegal acts. A group
of farmers dissatisfied with the results of the
previous congress decide to unite their efforts.
Meanwhile, delegates of 28 Bydgoszcz Voivodship
parishes hold their own congress, forming a new
Voivodship Board of Agricultural Circles (VBAC).

[page 16]

MARCH 8 The Chief Prosecutor's Office brings an indictment
(cont.) in the Voivodship Court in Warsaw against the
founders and activists of the Confederation of
Independent Poland: Robert Leszek Moczulski,
Romuald Szeremietiew, Tadeusz Stanski, and Tadeusz
Jandziszak. The rightist faction in Solidarity
launches an intensive campaign for release of
political prisoners.

The National Commission of Solidarity led by Lech
Walesa ends a 15-hour meeting with a warning to the
government that internal peace will be endangered
unless reprisals against the union are stopped. The
session produces a seven-point statement including:
approval of a March 5 resolution of the Solidarity
Presidium condemning reprisals against union
activists; support for demands that five fired employees
of the interior ministry hospital in Lodz be
reinstated; a statement that the tense situation in
Radom needs immediate attention from the authorities
(a local Solidarity branch in Radom has threatened
to strike because of reprisals against local members);
a call for immediate negotiations with the government;
a decision to tell the government at the outset of
negotiations that agreements reached after the 1980
strikes remain unfulfilled, including a point on not
imprisoning people for their political convictions;
greetings to the congress of the independent farmers'
union, saying that the commission supports the
existence of the farmers' union, which has not been
legalized by the authorities; and a statement that if the
security of the union is not guaranteed, peace in
Poland may be endangered.

University students, together with professors and
representatives of Solidarity, hold a rally in
Warsaw to commemorate the student riots of March 1968.
In a quiet ceremony a cornerstone is laid at the spot
where a plaque will be placed to commemorate the
riots that stemmed from student demands for greater
academic freedom.

Concurrently with the student rally, a
counterdemon-stration organized by the newly formed Grunwald
Patriotic Union is held a few blocks away to
commemorate those who, according to the organizers, fell
victim to what was called the "Zionist terror" in
the Stalinist period.

MARCH 9 Andrzej Slowik, the Lodz Solidarity leader, and a
mediator meet with local police officials to
discuss the cases of five hospital workers who were
dismissed for union activities. Although the local
Solidarity branch obtains approval for their

[page 17]

MARCH 9 reinstatement, it is not successful in securing an
(cont.) agreement on the right to conduct union activities
at the hospital. This is not acceptable to Solidarity,
which calls a one-hour warning strike from 1000 to
1100 hours. The Lodz union also states that if its
demands continue not to be met it will call for
further industrial action culminating in a general
strike in Lodz on March 17. The problem stems partly
from a lack of unambiguous legal specifications on
union activity. A proposed draft regulation would
forbid such work completely among the military, the
police, and prison employees and deny the right to
strike (but not to other union activity) to medical
personnel, pharmacists, and others involved in
essential areas of the health service. According to these
proposals, which do not yet have the force of law,
there would not appear to be any obstacle to union
work short of strikes by nonpolice personnel in the
hospital. This, however, seems unacceptable to the
police negotiators. Following the one-hour strike,
talks between Solidarity and the police (possibly
also including city officials) are resumed and an
agreement is reached, which not only reinstates the
five, with back pay, to which management had, in any
event, agreed earlier, but also acknowledges
Solidarity's right to conduct its activities at the
hospital.

Lech Walesa meets with Deputy Prime Minister
Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski, who is responsible for trade
union affairs. Although the Lodz situation probably
is also discussed, Radio Warsaw only reports that
"the subject of the talks was the difference of
opinion on certain aspects of cooperation between the
authorities and Solidarity."

Solidarity leader Lech Walesa appeals to union branches
in Lodz and Radom to suspend all strike projects,
saying that agreement has been reached with Rakowski on
ways to settle outstanding issues.

MARCH 10 Stanislaw Mojzeszowicz, the newly elected Chairman of
the Voivodship Board of Agricultural Circles (VBAC),
goes to Deputy Voivod Wladyslaw Przybylski to demand
recognition, offices, and funds. The request is
rejected on the grounds that the VBAC is an illegal
organization.

In a dispatch from Warsaw, the Soviet labor union
paper Trud writes that "ever more workers are leaving
the ranks of Solidarity" because, according to the
paper, of "the antisocialist path chosen by this
labor union." Trud also comments that if Solidarity

[page 18]

MARCH 10 "continues to steer the workers toward strikes and
(cont.) continues to practice demagogy, then it is possible
that the majority of the workers will leave
Solidarity anyway."

After a one-hour warning strike, an agreement is
signed between the Lodz Voivodship Interfactory
Founding Committee (Miedzyzakladowy Komitet
Zalozycielski -- MKZ) and the Voivodship Militia
Headquarters, with the help of Jozef Niewiadomski,
the Mayor of Lodz, as mediator. This terminates a
dispute started when members of Solidarity employed
at the civilian militia hospital were fired because
of their union membership. Under the terms of the
agreement the employees are reinstated and
Solidarity is allowed to function within the hospital,
under the auspices of the Ministry of the Interior,
"provided that such activity is not contrary to the
PPR's laws."

Lech Walesa meets with Prime Minister Wojciech
Jaruzelski, who describes the government's plans to
stop the country's economic slide and asks Solidarity
to participate actively in solving the existing
difficulties and to cooperate in returning the economy
to normal. Walesa, in turn, informs Jaruzelski about
the decisions of the NCC and presents those problems
that, according to Solidarity, require mutual talks
and joint agreement.

One of the most prominent figures of Poland's
democratic opposition and a man who has been a living
symbol of the nation's best traditions for nearly
half a century, senior Social Democratic Party (PPS)
activist Antoni Pajdak, is attacked by unidentified
assailants while entering his house. The malefactor
(or malefactors) reportedly use tear gas to
incapacitate him in the staircase leading to his apartment
and then beat him unconscious. Pajdak is
hospitalized with a number of severe injuries, including a
broken pelvis, which for a man of his age [82] is a
serious health threat.

MARCH 12 The Radom branch of Solidarity threatens a two-hour
warning strike on Wednesday, March 18, and a general
regional strike on Monday, March 23, if the Polish
government refuses to negotiate their list of demands.
The grievances compiled by the local chapter
primarily concern a number of issues stemming from the
June 1976 price riots in the area. A communiqu�,
issued after a meeting held at the Radoskor Shoe
Factory by representatives from over 300 plants
throughout the province, says that the warning strike
will not take place if the government sends a

[page 19]

MARCH 12 delegation to the city by March 17. In similar vein,
(cont.) the workers express their willingness to refrain
from a general strike if talks begin no later than
March 22. They say, moreover, that should a strike
take place health and ambulance services, food shops,
schools and kindergartens, power plants, food
delivery and processing services, and pharmaceutical
plants would be exempted. A copy of the communiqu�
is reportedly sent to the prime minister's office,
the Sejm, the state radio and television networks,
and Solidarity's National Coordinating Commission.

The Radom Solidarity Chapter demands include: the
prosecution of members of the police force
responsible for beating up workers arrested in 1976; an
investigation of the beatings given to lawyers who
defended the workers; the dismissal of the judges
who tried the workers; the reinstatement of workers
fired from their jobs in 1976; the firing of
voivodship party first secretary Janusz Prokopiak,
voivodship police commander Stefan Mozgawa, Radom's Mayor
(President of the City Council) Bogdan Barszczynski,
and other police, party, and government officials;
an investigation of Chief Prosecutor Lucjan
Czubinski's failure to act against those responsible
for beating workers; more state money for housing
construction; the transformation of a large police
headquarters building under construction into a
health service center; a halt to the prosecution of
people detained for their political views,
specifically of members of the dissident organization KSS
"KOR"; the erection of a monument commemorating the
1976 riots; and pay increases for local metal
workers to compensate for growing food prices.

MARCH 13 A communiqu� issued by the 178th plenary conference of
the Polish episcopate notes that "profound hopes are
being pinned on the nascent independent,
self-governing labor unions of private farmers. They will
defuse the existing tensions and bring back
confidence in the authorities; and, what is more, they
will contribute to a substantial increase in
agricultural productivity. The right to form such unions
is a basic tenet of the Catholic social doctrine.
The Church will support the farmers' endeavors to
serve the nation's patriotic and social goals."
Calling the new labor unions the "great hope of the
working people," the Church communiqu� adds, "we
must all maintain wise discipline when faced with
occasional appearances of attempts at provocations
and disruption of work for the renewal."

[page 20]

MARCH 14 The 12th Congress of the Democratic Party
(Stronnictwo Demokratyczne -- SD) starts in Warsaw.
Representatives of white-collar workers, the arts
and sciences, and employees of administration,
health service, and judicial bodies, as well as
small artisans' circles and services predominate
among the 493 delegates.

The resignation of Janusz Prokopiak, first
secretary of the Radom Voivodship party organization, is
announced. Prokopiak gained notoriety when he
refused to come out and speak to the demonstrating
workers on 25 June 1976, a fact that led directly
to the escalation of the Radom protests.

MARCH 16 The Radom chapter of Solidarity suspends a two-hour
warning strike scheduled for March 18, following
calls for moderation by Lech Walesa and Jacek Kuron.
A strike alert that remained in force throughout the
province as of early this morning is also lifted
when negotiations begin in Warsaw between a five-man
delegation from Radom and a government team led by
Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski and
Minister in Charge of Trade Union Affairs Stanislaw
Ciosek, Nothing has been said so far about the
province-wide general strike planned for Monday,
March 23.

A group of VBAC and Rural Solidarity members enter
the offices of the Bydgoszcz Voivodship UPP,
declaring an indefinite sit-in to protest the
nonrecognition. The strike committee, headed by
68-year-old Michal Bartoszcze, demands a meeting with the
voivodship authorities. This takes place. The
meeting is attended by Deputy Voivod Roman Bak; Ludwik
Skowronek, director of the voivodship's Agricultural,
Food Economy, and Forestry Department. Also present
are the two deputy chairmen of the voivodship's
official agricultural circles, Roman Czyrkiewicz and
Edmund Wisniewski. The main points of the talks,
lasting two days, concern recognition of Rural
Solidarity's right to represent the individual
farmers; guarantees of personal security for the strike
participants; acceptance of agricultural circles
purely as an organization for rendering services;
and allocation to the new VBACs of the means to
enable them to continue their activities. A joint
meeting of the two agricultural circles' presidiums
agrees to:

a) entrust experts to work out new statutes for the
agricultural circles, allowing them to separate
their economic and service activities from the
social and professional ones;
[page 21]

MARCH 16 b) conduct elections in the separate agricultural
(cont.) circles and in the Independent Self-Governing Trade
Union of Independent Farmers (ISTUIF), based on the
new statutes to be worked out; and

c) await the arrival of a joint government and
agricultural circles (official) commission for talks with
the strike committee and with both presidiums. The
talks are interrupted when Deputy Voivod Roman Bak
demands that the sit-in be terminated and suggests
that both delegations go to Warsaw for talks with the
Ministry of Agriculture.

MARCH 17 Figures published today show that production fell
by 10% in the first 2 months of the year, compared
with the similar period in 1980.

Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski and PUWP First
Secretary Stanislaw Kania meet with the defense
chiefs of the Warsaw Pact before the start of
previously announced military exercises involving
Poland, the Soviet Union, the GDR, and
Czechoslovakia. The exercises, which Western
diplomats in Warsaw call routine and apparently not
linked with the Polish crisis, are not expected to
involve any large concentration of troops.

Poland's 100,000 timber industry employees threaten
to strike next week, endangering the 90 days of
labor peace called for by the government last month.
The timber workers' threat of a one-hour strike on
March 23 and an all-out national strike on March 25
is announced in Wroclaw as the government and free
trade union leaders from the industrial city of
Radom reached agreement, averting threatened strike
action there.

MARCH 18 The peasants' sit-in continues and is joined by
Bydgoszcz Solidarity Chairman Jan Rulewski and his
deputy, Krzysztof Gotowski.

Warsaw Pact exercises involving military units from
the Soviet Union, Poland, the GDR, and
Czechoslovakia have begun. It is not announced when the
exercises, code-named Soyuz 81, got under way, but
they were previously announced for the middle of
March. The exercises involve the commanders of the
allied armies and navies and special units and they
are being held in the territories of all four
countries. Western defense sources say they do not
expect any big concentrations of troops because of
the nature of the exercises, which appear to be aimed
at testing command structures and headquarters
coordination. The Polish Army daily Zolnierz Wolnosci

[page 22]

MARCH 18 indicates that the exercises also involve some air
(cont.) force units: "We shall again be operating arm in
arm on land, at sea, and in the air to demonstrate
our unbreakable will and infallible experience in
defending the frontiers of our socialist community.
. . . The interalliance exercises of the united
armed forces are to check the training standard of
our soldiers and the organizational abilities of
commanders and staffs."

The DP's 12th Congress, which began in Warsaw on
March 14 and was officially scheduled to end on
March 16, lasts until the small hours of this
morning. The congress's principal tasks were to
discuss the party's activities, elect new officers, and
adopt an "ideological declaration," as well as a
program platform for the party's future work. In his
report, the incumbent party chairman, Tadeusz Witold
Mlynczak, assesses the DP's work since 1973 with a
measured dose of self-criticism, admitting that the
party has allowed itself to be pushed into a "purely
functional" role vis-a-vis the PUWP and has seen its
scope of activity gradually eroded until it has been
reduced to being "the arts and crafts party." He
places some of the blame on the fact that the
existing state of political relations within the system
of power left the DP leadership no room for
initiative. The results of the congress, particularly the
changes made in the composition of the party's
leadership, are startling. The party's Central Committee
has been thoroughly purged, with only 3 incumbents of
the 119-member body re-elected. Among the victims of
the election, which was reported to have been
conducted through a secret ballot was Mlynczak, the
party's long-time chairman and a deputy head of the
Council of State.

The new Central Committee elects a 12-member Presidium
to be presided over by Edward Kowalczyk, a professor
at the Warsaw Polytechnic School, Deputy Chairman of
the Supreme Council of Control, and a former Minister
of Communications. Kowalczyk was also a member of
the outgoing Presidium of the DP's Central Committee.
He is one of the three survivors of the purge. The
other two are Jan Fajecki, a member of the former
Presidium, and Jozef Musiol. Both these men are
elected deputy chairmen of the new Presidium. The
third deputy chairman, Jozef Eliasiewicz, and the
remaining eight Presidium members are all newcomers.
In addition, the congress adopts new rules for the
party, which affirm that "anyone, without regard to
his philosophical orientation and his attitude toward
religion and religious practices, can be a member of
the Democratic Party." The only requirement is that
any potential member must accept the "idea of
democracy and the program of the party."

[page 23]

MARCH 18 The Seventh Congress of the Polish Scouts' Union
(cont.) (PSU) held in Warsaw's Palace of Culture ends.
Originally scheduled to last two-and-a-half days, it
had to be extended to four days with discussions
continuing almost nonstop throughout the intervening
nights. In spite of the fact that the proceedings
have been characterized by conflict of opinion and
heated debate, the atmosphere has been one of
excitement heightened by the delegates' awareness that they
were making history: for the third time since the
end of World War II the Polish scout organization is
attempting a revival after successive periods of
degeneration. The congress was well prepared and the
PSU authorities have taken good note of the attitudes
prevailing among the mass of scoutmasters throughout
the country. As a result, many of the reforms demanded
at the grassroots level were taken over by the scout
authorities and incorporated into the keynote address
and draft resolutions. The authorities have thus
been able to identify themselves with the revival
movement, while keeping the changes down to the
absolute minimum required to satisfy the ground swell of
protest.

MARCH 19 The meeting of the Bydgoszcz Voivodship People's
Council is attended by representatives of both the
peasants and of Solidarity, who are invited to
present their case as the last point of the agenda,
"other business." With three points still left on
the agenda, Edward Berger, Chairman of the Bydgoszcz
People's Council, suddenly adjourns the session at
1340 hours on the motion of Andrzej Mlodecki,
chairman of the voivodship's Economic Development and
Environment Commission, on the grounds that more time
is needed to study the details of the investments
amendments proposed. Despite the session's breaking
up, Solidarity continues to demand to be heard, and
unofficial talks with a group of councilors
continue. The repeated request of the authorities for
the Solidarity delegates (who had been invited even
though there were some gatecrashers) to leave the
building culminates in the militia's intervention and
the consequent beating up of the invited guests, Jan
Rulewski, Mariusz Labentowicz, and Michal Bartoszcze.

First Secretary Stanislaw Kania flies to Budapest for
a previously unannounced meeting with Hungarian party
leader Janos Kadar. The Hungarian news agency MTI
says that Kania was welcomed at the airport by Kadar,
who had invited Kania, but does not say what they will
discuss.

[page 24]

MARCH 19 West German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher
(cont.) arrives in Warsaw for a two-day visit. He will
discuss Poland's current economic problems, East-West
relations, and other international matters in talks
with Foreign Minister Jozef Czyrek, Prime Minister
Wojciech Jaruzelski, and other officials. He will
also meet with Kania on March 20 before returning home.

MARCH 20 General Jozef Zyto, Deputy Prosecutor-General, is
appointed to head a commission of inquiry into the
Bydgoszcz incident.

The National Coordinating Commission (NCC) publishes
a list of demands that it wants to have negotiated
with a government delegation. The main points refer
to apportionment of responsibility for the Bydgoszcz
incident and to the investigation of how the incident
came about.

Lech Walesa, Chairman of the NCC, arrives in
Bydgoszcz with a group of experts and advisers.

Zycie Warszawy prints an open letter signed by 121
Polish scientists, artists, writers, and journalists,
wlao express their concern and indignation about the
recent appearance of chauvinistic and anti-Semitic
elements in Poland. The letter mentions the growth
of illegal publications seeking to stir up racial
prejudice. The young generation, it says, is being
misinformed. Those forces that have turned to
anti-Semitism once more are taking advantage of human
tragedies of the Stalinist period and are deliberately
distorting Poland's recent history. This is
detrimental to Poland's reputation in the world and casts
an undeserved shadow on the entire nation.

In Torun and Torun Voivodship a protest strike of all
work forces under Solidarity with the exception,
among others, of special services, the health service,
and the thermal power plants take place from 1100 to
1300 hours, during which Torun's largest enterprises,
Elana and Merinotex, as well as public transportation
services, are shut down.

Solidarity announces strike readiness in Suwalki
Voivodship. It requests that the voivodship
committee building be handed over to the health services; a
warning strike is announced for March 26, and a
sit-in and further intensification of strike action for
April 1.

A strike alert is also declared in the Gorlice timber
industry enterprise at the instigation of the NCC that
aims at forcing the implementation of the previously
signed agreement. Tension also prevails in Legnica
Voivodship where Solidarity demands personnel changes.

[page 25]

MARCH 20 Gazeta Krakowska starts a campaign for the return to
(cont.) Poland of Polish World War II commander and Prime
Minister of the London-based Polish Government in
Exile General Wladyslaw Sikorski's ashes. The paper
suggests the Wawel Castle hill as the obvious place
to inter them (Wawel's Cathedral is the resting
place of most of Poland's kings and other great
figures).

MARCH 21 Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski appoints a
government commission, headed by Minister of Justice
Jerzy Bafia, to investigate and report on the
Bydgoszcz events.

The first national congress of the Rural Youth Union
opens its debates in Warsaw; it is attended by
nearly 350 delegates representing more than 75,000
young farmers, farm laborers, and rural white-collar
workers.

The joint exercises, code-named Soyuz-81, of staffs
and commands of the Warsaw Pact armed forces
continue in Poland, the USSR, Czechoslovakia, and the
GDR.

MARCH 22 The Bafia Commission arrives in Bydgoszcz.
In Warsaw a hastily convened meeting between
representatives of the NCC, headed by Walesa, and
members of the Council of Ministers' Committee for
Trade Unions, headed by Deputy Prime Minister
Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski, ends without agreement.
Talks are to be resumed on March 25.

A three-day congress, the first, of the Rural Youth
Union ends in Warsaw. In only 3 1/2 months this
new organization has been able to revive the over
50-year-old traditions of the rural youth movement;
gather a membership of some 75,000 young farmers,
rural workers, and agricultural experts; unite them
around an attractive and concrete program;
consolidate its organization; and gain the approval of the
state and party authorities. The congress adopts
the statutes of the RYU with only minor amendments,
confirming the name of Rural Youth Union and its
ideological declaration and specifying that
officers of the RYU may not simultaneously occupy posts
of authority in other youth organizations and in
political parties. The statutes also provide a
large margin of internal democracy, stipulating
election procedures and allowing the right to appeal
against decisions by the local and central RYU
authorities.

[page 26]

MARCH 23 An eyewitness account of the Bydgoszcz events by
local councilors, featured on Radio Warsaw (1330
hours), confirms that the use of force against the
Solidarity delegation was unjustified and that
Deputy Voivod Roman Bak was approached several
times and told that "using force will cause a general
strike." In connection with the Bydgoszcz incident
the Politburo appeals for maximum common sense and
responsibility. A Solidarity delegation resumes
the talks with the Council of Ministers' Committee
previously broken off to protest the events of Bydgoszcz.

The National Coordinating Commission and the
Bydgoszcz chapter of Solidarity appeal for
refrainment from nationwide strike actions.

MARCH 24 After a two-day meeting of the Solidarity NCC, a
decision is reached to call a four-hour warning
strike for Friday, March 2 7, both to protest the
authorities' alleged unwillingness to punish
officials judged responsible for the decision that led
to the Solidarity leaders being beaten up and to
prepare for a general strike of indefinite duration
for the following Tuesday, March 31, unless the
government enters into serious negotiations.

Chairman of the Bydgoszcz People's Council Edward
Berger announces his resignation.

The Seventh Congress of Agricultural Circles begins
its two-day session. Its main task is "to
restore fully the self-governing character to this
mass social professional organization of private
farmers." The importance to the authorities of the
congress, prepared carefully for months, is
underlined by the presence of party First Secretary
Stanislaw Kania, Chairman of the State Council
Henryk Jablonski, and Prime Minister Wojciech
Jaruzelski at the opening session.

MARCH 25 NCC representatives meet with the government
delegation for a brief session, most of which is taken
up by Rakowski reading a prepared statement,
apologizing for the government's social and economic
policies, and aggressively reproaching Solidarity for
putting too much stress on the political aspects of
its activities rather than on the purely labor union
ones.

NCC makes five conditions for the resolution of the
conflict:

[page 27]

MARCH 25 1) the immediate punishment or suspension of
(cont.) officials considered responsible for the Bydgoszcz
incident; 2) permission for the peasants to form their
own union; 3) security for union members and
activists in their activities and the unions' right of
reply to any criticism of their work (this right is
to be exercised through the media); 4) the annulment
of a government strike pay directive giving only
half-pay to striking workers; and 5) the closure of
all pending cases against people arrested for
political opposition to government policies between 1976 and
1980, "even if in the light of existing laws their
activities constituted offenses."

DiP (Experience and the Future, an advisory service
agency now attached to the Polish Journalists' Union)
publishes a statement analyzing and assessing the
situation in Poland in the wake of the Bydgoszcz
events and appeals to all sections of society -- the
government, the Politburo, Solidarity, and the public
at large, party and nonparty -- for active support in
the letter and spirit of all initiatives leading to
the implementation of all the social agreements.

MARCH 26 The sixth session of the Bydgoszcz Voivodship People's
Council, adjourned on March 19, is reconvened.
General Franciszek Kaminski is elected People's
Council Chairman, replacing Edward Berger. Kazimierz
Gawinski, Chairman of the voivodship Young Councilors
Club, presents the councilors' views on the recent
incident. After a 12-hour session the People's
Council decides that its previous chairman, Berger,
is guilty of procedural and legal malpractice and
passes a vote of nonconfidence in the entire
presidium, with the exception of the newly elected
chairman, Kaminski. A new presidium is to be elected
at the next session in April. The session was called
on the motion of 45 councilors who were present
during the March 19 session till the end. The Bydgoszcz
Solidarity leadership declined an invitation to the
session. In an open letter they stated they would
come only when all facts about the March 19 session
were explained and all the demands of the Bydgoszcz
Solidarity committee met.

Talks between Solidarity and the government, scheduled
for today, are postponed until tomorrow.

Jaruzelski is reportedly not quite satisfied with the
report submitted by the Bafia Commission, and he asks
for supplementary information.

[page 28]

MARCH 26 Jaruzelski meets in Warsaw with the Polish Primate,
(cont.) Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, to discuss the country's
key problems. Both express the conviction that the
existing conflicts and tensions in the country may
be resolved peacefully.

MARCH 27 The four-hour warning strike, proclaimed earlier in
the week, takes place "in an atmosphere of calm,
order, and dignity." Widespread warning strikes
disrupt work in numerous industrial centers
throughout the country.

Representatives of Solidarity and the government
meet as scheduled; but the meeting, presided over
jointly by Mieczyslaw Rakowski and Lech Walesa, is
adjourned to give Solidarity an opportunity to
study the Bafia report on the Bydgoszcz events.

Eastern media intensify their campaign against
Solidarity, emphasizing "the political nature" of
Solidarity's demands and asking the Polish
leadership to take a harder line against further
concessions and against "the anarchy and lawlessness"
that are allegedly spreading in Poland.

NATO holds a special Atlantic Council meeting to
discuss the situation in Poland on the eve of a
weekend that Western diplomatic sources say could be
decisive for the country's future and for East-West
relations. The 15-nation Western alliance is
preoccupied with the situation in Poland and believes
the country is quickly nearing the "moment of truth."

The EEC Commission's President, Gaston Thorn,
tells a delegation of Polish trade experts that the
EEC will decide next week how much food aid can be
granted to Poland. He tells a news conference that
the 10 nations of the community will give Poland
as much as possible, without worsening the EEC's own
budget problems.

The Soviet news agency TASS and the East German news
agency ADN criticize Solidarity in connection with
today's warning strike. In a report from Warsaw,
TASS charges that the leaders of what it calls the
KSS "KOR" counterrevolutionary organization, who
have entrenched themselves in the Solidarity trade
union association, are continuing to aggravate
tension in the country.

MARCH 28 Solidarity and the government meet for the fourth
time. The main subject discussed is the Bafia report.
It is decided to set up three working groups to deal

[page 29]

MARCH 28 with the problems of trade unions and farmers'
(cont.) self-government, the Bydgoszcz events and the Bafia
report on them, and the suspension of proceedings
against those participating in dissident democratic
opposition in the period from 1976 to 1980. Because
of the CC plenary session scheduled for tomorrow,
further talks are postponed until Sunday, March 29.

MARCH 29 Radio Warsaw quotes short extracts from the Bafia
Commission report. The commission regrets that the
events took place, finds them atypical, and says
that the government must show "decisive
determination to clear up all the aspects of these events
during the investigation and to [ensure] suitable
consequences for the people guilty of illegal
practices at the time of the Bydgoszcz events."

The ninth CC plenum is held. A heated debate is
triggered by the events in Bydgoszcz. The plenum
focuses on the problem of growing social tension
and the ferment within the party itself. It
concludes with a vague declaration that "it is the
profound duty of the party and of all social forces
that stand on the ground of socialism to do
everything to pull the country out of the crisis and to
ensure conditions of peace, order, and national,
as well as civil, security." It also amends the
rules governing the election of party authorities
and delegates to the congress. The deadline for
the ninth congress is set for 20 July 1981.

MARCH 30 A Solidarity-government meeting, the fifth since
the series of talks started on March 22, is
concluded today with Solidarity suspending the general
strike scheduled to start tomorrow. The joint
statement issued after the talks end expresses concern
for the "serious social and political crisis" facing
the country and also admits that the adjournment of
the Bydgoszcz People's Council session "took place
in disregard of binding rules," with the use of force
"being contrary to the hitherto observed practices
and principles of solving social conflicts with
political means, primarily through negotiations." The
government confirms that "in order to decrease social
tension" all special militia units have been
withdrawn from Bydgoszcz and the district.

MARCH 31 A team of lawyers, together with representatives of
all interested parties, examines the issue of
acceptance of the statutes of the VBAC (the organization
of the dissident agricultural circles formed on
March 8) and the possibility of its registration.

[page 30]

MARCH 31 The VBAC invites the other party, the official
(cont.) agricultural circles organization, to a joint meeting,
with a view to a possible merger "in the interests
of the countryside and of agriculture."

The Bydgoszcz People's Council Presidium issues a
statement through PAP, welcoming the joint bulletin
of Solidarity and the Council of Ministers' Committee
for Trade Union Affairs, and its assessment of the
Bydgoszcz events. The presidium also acknowledges
the requests of Deputy Voivods Roman Bak and
Wladyslaw Przybylski to be transferred to other
duties, as well as the prime minister's agreement to
it.

Solidarity's NCC, meeting in Gdansk, decides to
cancel the national strike, thus formally ratifying the
decision to suspend it, taken the day before by the
Solidarity representatives in their talks with the
government commission. The split vote (25 to 4 with
6 abstentions) is indicative of the disparity of
views within the union's leadership on the scope and
meaning of the agreement reached with the government.

In a reply to the US Defense Secretary's statement
about the "threat of a Soviet invasion of Poland, " TASS
states that the internal affairs of the Polish
People's Republic have been and still are settled
by the Polish government.

APRIL 1 Solidarity's NCC announces the formation of six
working groups to concentrate on the following
subjects: respect for legality in public life;
treatment of political prisoners; problems associated
with the recognition of the autonomous peasant union;
the situation in the media; the government's policy
toward strikes; and the resolution of the Bydgoszcz
incident.

Rationing of meat, butter, cereals, and flour is
introduced in Poland.

Procurement prices paid to farmers for pigs and milk
go up as of today by as much as 4O%. Considerable
increases are also made in prices paid for beef, veal,
mutton, horse meat, and wool; and purchasing prices
for vegetable crops, grains, sugar beets, potatoes,
oil plants, and poultry are to go up on July 1.

Politburo member Tadeusz Grabski says that Poland's
difficulties are mainly a result of the violation of
the basic principles of socialism. In a speech at
the Bulgarian Communist Party congress in Sofia
today, Grabski also accuses "counterrevolutionary
forces supported by imperialist diversionist centers"
of exploiting the dissatisfaction among workers.

[page 31]

APRIL 2 The first issue of Solidarity's new weekly Tygodnik
Solidarnosc (dated April 3) appears for sale at
public newsstands.

At a press conference in Warsaw Janusz Onyszkiewicz,
Solidarity's national spokesman, reveals how serious
the consequences could have been if an agreement with
the government had not been reached. Onyszkiewicz
tells reporters that several times the government
raised the possibility of declaring a state of
emergency: "It was made clear that a general strike
would have meant a total confrontation including
some bloodshed." It was also understood, he adds,
that the army might have been called out and that
outside intervention was also possible; "this time
it looked as if it were not a bluff," and the unions'
negotiators "felt tremendous pressure and
responsibility, because it was said that there was no option."

Onyszkiewicz's impressions are confirmed in essence
by Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski later
in the evening on the American NBC network, when he
says that the Polish government could not have made
any further concessions in its negotiations with
Solidarity and that the agreement finally reached
represents the most that the government negotiators
could have granted. He warns against the radicals
taking over Solidarity since the country would in
such a case "enter an extremely dangerous period of
existence that could lead to the end of Polish
statehood . . . and to national catastrophe."

NATO Supreme Commander General Bernard Rogers says
that there is no indication the Soviet Union has any
plans to intervene in Poland or that such
intervention is inevitable. Rogers notes, however, that the
Warsaw Pact exercises, which NATO had expected to end
on March 27, have been extended and supplementary
maneuvers, not planned in advance, are being
conducted. Related to these maneuvers, Rogers says,
forces around the borders of Poland remain in a high
state of readiness, capable of moving in very rapidly
if necessary.

Cardinal Wyszynski receives a Rural Solidarity
delegation in Warsaw, hears their report on the Poznan
and Bydgoszcz events, and gives his pastoral
blessing for their work, stating that "regulation of the
private farmers' union status will help overcome not
only the current agrarian crisis but also the
confidence crisis between the authorities and society at
large." With regard to the union's relations with
the Church, the primate emphasizes that the Church
does not aim at giving the farmers' movement any
particular religious character but rather bases its
confidence in, and support for, that movement on the
premise that its activity will "help reverse the
process of depopulation of rural areas and promote
their moral, cultural, and economic advancement."

[page 32]

APRIL 3 A government commission, headed by Deputy Minister
of Agriculture Andrzej Kacala, starts negotiations
with representatives of peasants after 19 days of a
sit-in in the Bydgoszcz United Peasant Party
headquarters. After the initial meeting, further talks
are postponed until April 14.

Representatives of Poland's private farmers who want
legal recognition for a rural Solidarity union meet
in Warsaw with Jan Szczepanski, the head of a Sejm
panel set up to examine their case. The
establishment of the panel was part of a compromise on
various disputes worked out this week between the
Solidarity movement and the government. The
government also pledged not to interfere with Rural
Solidarity operations while its status is not
clarified.

The Soviet communist party daily Pravda criticizes
PUWP organizations. At the end of a report on what
Pravda says was a subversive, anti-Soviet, and
anti-socialist debate held at Warsaw University at the
end of last month, the paper says it is being noted
in Warsaw that the Warsaw party organizations have
not made any sort of ideological rebuff to those who
spoke at the meeting. Pravda says the debate,
organized by what it calls the counterrevolutionary
Committee for Social Self-Defense "KOR," was
concerned with the damage done by Marxism to the
development of Poland's intellectual life. It describes
the debate as a real political act of subversion,
characterized by malicious anti-Soviet and
antisocialist attitudes.

The size of Soviet economic aid to Poland is
announced: additional goods worth 650,000,000
exchange zloty, a 190,000,000-dollar credit for the
purchase of food, and a 465,000,000-dollar
grant-in-aid. The total value of the aid is some 1,300
million dollars.

A government team reconvenes but later adjourns for
another 10 days talks with farmers participating
in a sit-in in the United Peasant Party building in
Bydgoszcz.

APRIL 4 The Council of Ministers sends the draft on
censorship legislation to the Sejm.

APRIL 6 The first nationwide congress of the Independent
Students' Union (ISU) ends today in Cracow, after a
four-day session.

[page 33]

APRIL 6 There were 264 delegates representing 77 of the 89
(cont.) college branches of the ISU, which now claims some
90,000 members. The official opening was attended
by the Rector of the Jagiellonian University, as
well as representatives of the local US and Soviet
consulates. A letter was read from Franciszek
Cardinal Macharski, in which he, as the host in
Cracow, welcomed the delegates, who were presented
as a symbolic gift with a copy of the pope's UNESCO
speech on the role of culture in Poland's
independence and the importance of conscience in scientific
work. The cardinal also officiated at a
concelebrated Mass attended by many of the congress
participants and offered on their behalf on Sunday,
April 5.

The congress adopts 21 different resolutions dealing
with matters as diverse as the autonomy of
universities, finding employment for graduates, cooperation
with other organizations, freedom of travel, and
political prisoners; but it fails to draw up a
specific overall program defining the union's scope of
activities. The greatest controversy is aroused by
the problems of internal democracy and election
procedures, as well as the need to define more
closely the union's avowed nonpolitical character.
The prevailing viewpoint is described by one
correspondent as a tendency toward a nonpolitical
attitude in its day-to-day practice (.i.e., refusal to
participate in any struggle for power), but political
in its theoretical principles (i.e., intellectually
oriented to certain concepts of democracy).

APRIL 7 The Politburo again resolves that conflicts in the
country should be settled by political methods
alone. The Politburo focuses its attention on
measures that will express the party leadership's
attitude to socialist renewal and to the dangers
threatening this renewal and discusses specific measures
that approve solving social conflicts by political
means, with a clear definition of the limits of
compromise.

In Prague, Soviet President and party
secretary-general Leonid Brezhnev tells the Czechoslovak party
congress that he thinks Poland will manage to give
the necessary rebuff to the enemies of socialism.

APRIL 9 At the meeting of the Gdansk party organization,
Stanislaw Kania is invited to present the
leadership's views on the current political situation in
the party and the country. Speakers at the meeting
point to "a growing lack of confidence in the

[page 34]

APRIL 9 decisions and the composition of the Politburo and
(cont.) to the need to see the introduction into the
Politburo of new comrades who would bring in a new
way of thinking, adequate to the complicated
situation in the country." Kania acknowledges the sharp
criticism but maintains that to overcome the
difficulties and to overcome the crisis "we must employ
political means, in the same manner as we have done
ever since the days of the strike, in August 1980."
One speaker, Jozef Lichecki, says that Prime Minister
Wojciech Jaruzelski's government is working in
difficult conditions but that the situation demands that
decisions on the implementation of last year's
agreements be put into effect. He also says the
government's policy of reacting to events at the very last
moment under the pressure of strikes is not
acceptable, and the government must foresee the
developments and come out with its proposals early enough.
Why not, for example, start consultations now on
unavoidable food price increases, he asks. He also
asks why an agreement cannot be reached on the
association of private farmers because farming has the
best chance of increasing production without imports.
Another speaker, Kazimierz Krakowiak, a worker from
the Lenin Shipyard, criticizes the meaning of the
leading role of the party and what he calls
manipulation by Polish mass media. Krakowiak says that the
leading role of the party must be reflected above all
in confidence toward party actions in the political
and economic spheres, and it will be possible to speak
about the leading role of the party only when both
party members and nonparty people believe that the
supreme role of the party is to serve working people
and meet their expectations.

Speaking on Radio Warsaw, Janusz Onyszkiewicz, the
acting spokesman for Solidarity, says that there are
six unresolved issues the union wants to settle with
the government: the Bydgoszcz affair, the private
farmers' union, observance of the law, access to
information media, political prisoners, and the
antistrike statute. He says that for its part the
government includes other issues, such as Solidarity's
participation in the government's work in getting
the country out of the crisis, in raising the
standards of work and productivity, and other similar
points.

APRIL 10 Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski asks the Sejm to
pass a law suspending the workers' right to strike
for a two-month period. He makes it clear that
failure to pass the proposed legislation will result in
the government's resignation. The Sejm duly passes
a resolution declaring "the suspension of strikes
[page 35]

APRIL 10 and the threat of strikes for a duration of two
(cont.) months" as one of "the indispensable conditions for
overcoming the deep crisis in the country." It is,
however, not clear whether the resolution
constitutes mandatory legislation or is merely an appeal
to the workers to refrain from striking.

Solidarity reacts to the suspension of the right to
strike by issuing the following statement: "The NCC
expresses deep concern over the stand of Prime
Minister Jaruzelski, who makes further execution of
his function as prime minister dependent on the Sejm
adopting a law about the temporary suspension of the
right to strike. The NCC is of the opinion that there
is a real possibility of avoiding strikes by
eliminating their cause through the general observance of law
and of the agreements. The suspension of the right
to strike will be interpreted by the community as an
announcement of measures that can generate these
strikes. This will perhaps cause an increase in social
tension. In a situation in which agreements were signed
the realization of which is possible on both sides,
adopting such measures is unfounded and
incomprehensible. The NCC wants to point out that no resolution
of the Sejm will manage to prevent a strike if the
security of our union is threatened or a glaring
violation of the law takes place."

Jan Szczepanski, the head of the government
commission for monitoring the summer 1981 agreements, calls
on the Sejm to create an arbitration commission to
mediate between the government and the unions. He
says it is imperative to have such a commission,
because the government cannot act as an arbitrator in
a dispute in which it is one of the disputing sides.
The same applies to the unions. Szczepanski says that
a formal way should be found to settle disputes and
that it is also essential to seek a common denominator
that would reduce all agreements to a general national
pact. He notes that apart from the Gdansk Agreement of
last summer, 650 separate labor agreements have been
signed so far. He claims that the implementation of
the agreements reached in Gdansk, Szczecin, Jastrzebie
the Katowice Steelworks, Rzeszow, and Ustrzyki Dolne
alone are costing Poland about 40% of its national
income. He says many points of various agreements
have been implemented, but others remain that, for
many reasons apart from costs, cannot be settled.
Szczepanski also claims that an analysis of the
agreements shows Solidarity has for some months been
a real, jointly ruling institution of the country. He
notes that many political and economic government
decisions have been imposed either by agreements or
strikes and it is necessary to work out principles
of coresponsibility for decisions that the
government is forced to take.

[page 36]

APRIL 13 Lech Walesa, Chairman of Solidarity's NCC, calls on
the authorities, in a nationwide television
interview, to take prompt and practical steps to
introduce lasting changes in Poland's public life. While
not directly rejecting the Sejm's resolution on a
strike moratorium, he implies that it is little more
than an "empty appeal" and he emphasizes the urgent
need for the government to overcome "the barrier of
distrust" separating it from society and the unions.
This barrier was created, Walesa says, through the
authorities' failure to fulfill promises made to
society during the earlier crises of 1956, 1970, and
1976.

Some 2,000 Poles gather at Warsaw's Powazki Cemetery
to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Katyn
Massacre. Andrzej Czuma tells the crowd that the
commemoration is not a political act but is designed
to honor those who gave their lives for Poland.

APRIL 14 Zygmunt Lakomiec, Director-General in the Domestic
Trade and Services Ministry, announces that
rationing is being extended to butter, flour, and cereals.
The announcement is subsequently withdrawn.

The daily Glos Pracy (followed on April 17 by the
weekly Tyqodnik Solidarnosc) publishes a draft
outline of Solidarity's program for future activity in
Poland's public life, prepared by the Center for
Social and Labor Union Tasks, a think-tank
operating under the auspices of Solidarity's NCC.

The draft consists of six separate but related
sections. The first deals with a presentation of the
general principles behind Solidarity's definition of
itself as a social movement. Other sections deal
with such issues as the causes of the current
crisis, an assessment of economic conditions, a
definition of guarantees indispensable for future
changes, and an outline of the unions' basic
organizational structures and the patterns of activity
(for the full text, see appendix).

APRIL 15 A conference of rank-and-file party members takes
place in Torun. Organized without the previous
approval of the party hierarchy, it is attended by
some 750 delegates representing various party bodies
from 14 of the 49 voivodships. It appears to be a forum
for a wide-ranging debate on ways to improve the
quality of political work within the party, introduce
greater democratization in its internal operations,
and revise the concept of the party's role in public
life to make it compatible with current political
circumstances.

[page 37]

APRIL 15 One of the leading organizers of the conference,
Zbigniew Iwanow, says that as long as the present
Central Committee remains in power, "there can be
no change in Poland."

Polish head of atate Henryk Jablonski says that the
force of efforts for democratization in Poland is so
powerful it can no longer be halted. Jablonski says,
however, that at the same time it is impossible to
forget that autonomy, which is an organic part of
democracy, means greater responsibility.

APRIL 16 As a result of drastic cuts in capital investments
and the severely felt shortages of electric power,
energy, and other essential industrial inputs, a
rapid deterioration on the employment market is
foreseen. Radio Warsaw suggests that within the
next 3 years alternative employment will have to
be found for as many as 2,000,000 people in
various sectors of the national economy. Employment
difficulties, a euphemism for prospective
unemployment, are subsequently confirmed by Trybuna Ludu
(April 17) and by official government estimates
submitted to Western bankers in support of Poland's
application for further financial assistance.

Warsaw Television reports that a parliamentary
commission has recommended legislation enabling
private farmers to form the Solidarity-style
independent union they have long demanded and that the
Sejm act as a guarantor for the registration of
such a union.

Polish minister in charge of trade union matters
Stanislaw Ciosek, accompanied by Deputy Agriculture
Minister Andrzej Kacala, goes to Bydgoszcz for talks
with farmers, who have been occupying a United
Peasant Party building for a month to protest the
government's refusal to register a private farmers'
union.

Kania addresses the special party commission charged
with preparing the forthcoming extraordinary congress.
His two themes are "how to resolve the present
crisis effectively" and "how to cope with functions
arising from the task of fulfilling the requirements
[evolving] from the party's leadership role in the
process of socialist construction."

A group of protesting farmers peacefully occupy a
political party building in the northern city of
Inowroclaw and begin a hunger strike to press for a
private farmers' union. The Warsaw Solidarity
information office says the farmers, who are occupying

[page 38]

APRIL 16 the local headquarters of the procommunist United
(cont.) Peasant Party, started their protest to support a
similar sit-in in the city of Bydgoszcz, 25 km to
the north.

APRIL 17 An agreement is signed in Bydgoszcz between the
government commission and representatives of Rural
Solidarity, obligating the authorities "to create
the legal foundation for registering the union by
May 10." The Bydgoszcz Agreement ends a 32-day
campaign by Rural Solidarity for legal recognition and
marks the apparent end of an even longer nationwide
process of organized protests and demonstrations to
press the farmers' cause. Paving the way for final
formal recognition of the organization as a
full-fledged labor union, the agreement is a political
landmark, possibly as momentous as last fall's
"social accords" that led to the formation of
workers' Solidarity (for details of the agreement, see
appendix).

APRIL 18 Leonid Zamyatin, head of the CPSU Central Committee's
Department for International Information, attacks
KSS "KOR," accusing it of trying "to manipulate the
Solidarity trade unions for its own interests and
lead them in such a direction as to destabilize the
situation in Poland further." He also says that
the activities of such groups as the KSS "KOR" are
clearly coordinated with what he calls "the other
counterrevolutionary forces operating both inside
and outside of Poland."

Deputy Prime Minister Rakowski expresses what he
calls "moderate optimism" about social peace in
Poland. Rakowski says he believes that Poles want
peace more now than before last month's heightened
tension and unrest, because the whole community had
looked into the abyss and had seen what could happen
if the country went one step further.

APRIL 20 An article in Izvestia, marking the 36th
anniversary of the signing of the Polish-Soviet Friendship
Treaty, draws attention to Poland's reliance on
Soviet economic and political support. It also
says that "the Soviet Union and its allies are
resolutely opposed to attempts to break Poland's
fraternal ties with the Soviet Union and the other
countries of the socialist community." The article
claims it is no secret that subversive ideological
centers in the West are seeking to use the events
in Poland for their strategic purposes and to break
the country's ties with the USSR.

[page 39]

APRIL 20	Deputy Chairman of the Soviet-Polish Friendship
		(cont.) Association Pyotr Rodionov says in Moscow that the
		Soviet people are convinced that the Polish working
		class, under the leadership of the Polish United
		Workers" Party, will successfully defend the
		achievements of socialism and that no one will ever manage
		to undermine the friendship and cooperation between
		Poland and the Soviet Union.

APRIL 21	When asked how much of Poland's "23,000 million
		dollar debt" is owed to the Soviet Union, Finance
		Minister Marian Krzak answers 1,000 million dollars
		plus over 1,000 million "transferable" rubles. The
		minister says that the Soviet Union has recently
		deferred repayment of 400,000,000 rubles until after
		1985. Krzak says that Soviet credits are "extremely"
		significant in Poland's negotiations with its Western
		partners and that Poland's debt to the Soviet Union
		would be growing further.

		Solidarity announces that some members of Poland's
		communist-allied United Peasant Party have passed a vote
		of no confidence in their leader, Stanislaw Gucwa,
		for opposing the legalization of a private farmers'
		trade union. Mr. Gucwa is an outspoken opponent of
		Rural Solidarity, which the government agreed on
		April 17 to register, apparently because he sees in
		it a challenge to his party's existence. The United
		Peasant Party is one of two with a semiautonomous existence
		under the control of the communist-dominated National
		Unity Front. Warsaw's Solidarity information service
		says that the local United Peasant Party activists in the
		southern city of Tarnow, Mr. Gucwa's constituency, passed
		the vote of no confidence in their leader, because
		"he does not represent the interests of peasant
		farmers."

APRIL 22	Foreign Trade Minister Ryszard Karski begins talks in
		Brussels with the Belgian government on how Poland
		can be helped to pay for its EEC food purchases. A
		Belgian foreign ministry spokesman says that Karski
		is discussing loan conditions imposed by Belgian
		private banks and the government's conditions for
		underwriting those credits.

		Solidarity reports the return to Poland of Edmund
		Baluka, chairman of the strike committee in the
		Szczecin shipyards during the food price riots of
		1970. He had been living abroad, mostly in France,
		since leaving Poland in 1972. Solidarity's Szczecin
		chapter says Baluka has been seeking permission to
		return to Poland and find work at the shipyards. A
		meeting of Solidarity's Szczecin committee agreed

[page 40]

APRIL 22	that Baluka, as a Polish citizen, had the right to
		(cont.) live freely and work in Poland and, in a statement
		issued today they threaten protest actions if
		repressive moves are made against him.

		A spokesman for the Warsaw Voivodship Court announces
		that the trials of the four Confederation of
		Independent Poland (KPN) activists -- Robert Leszek
		Moczulski, Romuald Szeremietew, Tadeusz Stanski, and
		Tadeusz Jandziszak -- scheduled to start on April 27,
		have been postponed "on technical grounds."

		Radio Warsaw comments on what it says are repetitions
		by some Polish newspapers and periodicals of slogans
		about "forces of reaction and counterrevolution,"
		which allegedly threaten the socialist system in
		Poland. The radio's comment comes in a report on a
		statement made by Deputy Prime Minister Rakowski at
		the Kuznica Club and published yesterday in the
		Cracow daily, Echo Krakowa. Rakowski said, "we must
		prepare for an historic process." According to the
		broadcast, Rakowski said that even if it were
		possible to isolate "the Polish experiment" in its
		present stage of development from other countries, it
		would still open a phase of "certain complications
		in east-central Europe."

		A social committee is set up in Poznan to organize
		the 25th anniversary observances of the workers'
		disturbances there in 1956. Its leadership includes
		the chairman of Solidarity's Wielkopolska region,
		Zdzislaw Rozwalak. Another member is Professor
		Janusz Ziolkowski from Poznan's Adam Mickiewicz
		University. The committee will coordinate a
		program that includes the unveiling of two plaques at
		the gates of the Cegielski Factory, which played a
		key part in the disturbances. The unveiling
		ceremony of June 27 will be followed by a Mass,
		celebrated in an open field opposite the factory by
		Poznan's Archbishop, Jerzy Stroba.

APRIL 23	Mikhail Suslov, a senior member of the Soviet
		Politburo and the Kremlin's chief ideologist, goes
		to Warsaw for an unannounced one-day visit to assure
		the Polish party leadership of the Soviet party's
		"solidarity with the efforts of the PUWP, which
		serve the stabilization of the social and economic
		situation [In Poland], the strengthening of the
		party on the ideological basis of Marxism-Leninism,
		and the defense of the fundamental values of
		socialism." The final bulletin on the talks, held "in a
		cordial party atmosphere," notes that both sides
		reiterated their "opposition to all forms of
		interference in Poland's internal problems by imperialist

[page 41]

APRIL 23	circles, which increase tension and cause conflicts
		(cont.) through subversive propaganda campaigns and which
		give support to the internal enemies of socialism."
		Furthermore, the joint bulletin condemns the
		imperialist "attempts to use the situation in Poland
		for attacks on the socialist community, designed to
		undermine its unity and cohesion."

		The high-level Soviet party delegation includes
		Central Committee Secretary Konstantin Rusakov and
		Soviet Ambassador to Poland Boris Aristov.

		Speaking to foreign reporters about the talks,
		Jozef Klasa, head of the Polish party CC's
		Department for Press, Radio, and Television, says
		that Suslov had expressed concern that the Polish
		party had not begun offensive political action and
		had referred to increasing activities on what Klasa
		called the fringes of the Solidarity trade union
		movement.

		Solidarity press spokesman Janusz Onyszkiewicz and
		chairman of the Mazowsze chapter of Solidarity
		Zbigniew Bujak tell Polish Television that Solidarity
		is prepared to start talks with the government in
		Warsaw at once. Their remarks are also reported by
		Radio Warsaw following the first part of the meeting
		of Solidarity's NCC in Gdansk. Onyszkiewicz says
		the commission has approved a preliminary agreement
		on procedure for talks with the government and that
		talks will start soon: "We are even prepared to
		begin talks tomorrow."

		The prosecutor's office in Szczecin Voivodship opens
		an investigation into the return to Poland of a
		worker who led the strikes in the Baltic port in
		1970. The office is investigating Edmund Baluka's
		"illegal crossing of Poland's border."

		Solidarity's information service says that the Polish
		authorities have released Jerzy Sychut for family
		reasons. He is one of about seven members of a
		Polish dissident group held since last year. It
		is not known whether Sychut, a member of the
		Confederation of Independent Poland, has been freed
		unconditionally or on bail.

APRIL 24	PAP news agency reports that more than 200,000
		people have left the party in the 6-month period up
		to this month. PUWP membership now stands at
		2,900,000. PAP says the majority of those who left
		had resigned, often because of "disappointment,
		disillusionment, and bitterness." The rest were

[page 42]

APRIL 24	purged. The Polish party has increasingly come
		(cont.) under fire from some of its own members, who are
		demanding democratic reforms as well as the
		dismissal of leaders said to be obstructing the process
		of renewal.

		Solidarity's daily news bulletin discusses
		diversity in the union's ranks. It acknowledges that a
		sharp polarization of views is taking place among
		members, and it notes that years of forced unanimity
		have led some to consider in-fighting a sign of
		decay. In fact, the bulletin says, friction between
		various forces is normal in a democracy, which it
		describes as a fragile equilibrium that must be
		constantly developed.

		Talks begin in Radom between the local branch of
		Solidarity and a government commission led by Under
		State Secretary at the Office of the Council of
		Ministers Zygmunt Rybicki. The Solidarity side is
		headed by Andrzej Sobieraj. The talks aim at
		determining the causes and effects, as well as the course,
		of developments in June 1976. Solidarity is
		demanding punishment of those responsible for reprisals
		against demonstrators and those guilty of breaches
		of the law, as well as economic compensation for
		Radom Voivodship, which has suffered economic
		discrimination since the 1976 riots.

		Politburo member Kazimierz Barcikowski meets with
		representatives of the local party organization at
		the Adolf Warski Shipyard in Szczecin. This is
		Barcikowski's third meeting with the shipyard's
		party members. Barcikowski says that neither side
		had been satisfied with the previous meetings.
		Before the discussion started, Barcikowski answered
		dozens of questions put at previous meetings. The
		early exchanges at tonight's meeting indicate the
		discussions will be lengthy and "man-to-man." The
		first speakers tell Barcikowski that party members
		want matters presented to them as they really are.
		It is also emphasized that the forthcoming ninth
		party congress should define the degree of
		responsibility of individual former party officials who
		brought the country to its present state.

		Following consultations with the health ministry
		and the Polish-American congress, Solidarity
		establishes a "medicine bank" to distribute medicine.
		The medicines to be distributed will be purchased
		by Poles abroad and will be given only to hospitals.
		It is estimated that about 1,500,000 dollars worth
		of medicine annually will be obtained through the
		program.

[page 43]

APRIL 25	Soviet media mount a new wave of major criticism of
       the situation in the Polish party. TASS reports
       from Poland that "revisionist elements" active in
       the PUWP's rank and file are striving "to paralyze
       the Polish communist party as the leading force in
       society."

       PAP quotes the prosecutor general's office as
       saying that only six people are under temporary arrest
       for alleged crimes with political motives. The
       agency carries the information in a report on a
       series of interviews with Poles on political
       prisoners in Poland. PAp says the people interviewed
       believe there are between 10 and what appears to
       be a wildly exaggerated number of political
       prisoners in the country.

       The Szczecin Voivodship prosecutor's office informs
       Solidarity that Edmund Baluka, who recently returned
       to Poland illegally, will not be put under temporary
       arrest if he presents himself at the office and
       does not impede penal procedure. Radio Warsaw
       reports that the stand of the voivodship prosecutor's
       office has been confirmed by the public prosecutor's
       office in Warsaw.

APRIL 26	In the wake of the TASS attack on April 25, Pravda
       says that "revisionist forces" in the Polish party
       are demanding "the reform and the repudiation of
       its present organizational structure and the
       creation, under the guise of so-called horizontal
       structures, of different unconstitutional forums that
       would replace the leading organs of the party."

       An announcement about the health of Poland's Primate,
       Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, is made in a Church
       statement read during the Sunday Mass broadcast by
       Radio Warsaw. The cardinal, who has been suffering
       from what is officially described as a digestive
       ailment, is in need of lengthy treatment that is
       being administered in his residence. The statement
       asks for prayers on his behalf.

       Government and trade unions reach agreement tonight
       on the preliminary draft of a new labor law that
       includes the right to strike. The agreement is
       reached after two days of negotiations in the Polish

       parliament building. Participants include a
       government commission and representatives of the Solidarity
       labor union alliance headed by Lech Walesa. The
       provisions of the draft law limit strikes
       "exclusively to economic strikes and those called in
       defense of trade union rights and freedoms." The
       draft law reportedly emphasizes that participation in
       strikes must be voluntary.

[page 44]

APRIL 27	In keeping with the announcement made in the Sejm
       by Prime Minister Jaruzelski, a commission for the

       affairs of law and public order is appointed with
       the Chief of the Army Security Service, General
       Czeslaw Kiszczak, at its head.

       Trybuna Ludu takes Solidarity's Szczecin branch to
       task over the case of former Szczecin workers'
       leader Edmund Baluka, who recently returned to
       Poland eight years after fleeing the country. The
       newspaper says the attitude of the union to demands
       by the authorities that Baluka face legal
       proceedings for illegally entering the country show the
       union is not living up to its own demand that no
       one be above the law. Solidarity's Szczecin branch,
       in a statement last week, defended Baluka, who was
       chairman of the strike committee in Szczecin's
       Adolf Warski Shipyard during the food price riots
       of 1970.

       A lengthy controversy over the traffic in Czestochowa
       near the Jasna Gora Monastery, the national shrine
       for Polish Catholics, is finally resolved.
       Representatives of the voivodship authorities; the Ministry
       of Administration, Local Economy, and Preservation
       of the Environment; the bishops' curia; and the
       episcopate initial a draft for the traffic crossing
       in the vicinity of the monastery. An earlier
       version of the proposed traffic scheme aroused the
       objections of the populace and the Church authorities.
       The present draft puts an end to disputes and
       discussions. The work is to be completed by the end of
       June.

APRIL 28	The national congress of the Socialist Polish Youth Union
       (SPYU), the last of the pre-August 1980 youth
       organizations, is concluded. Convened in Warsaw on
       April 23, it was described as "extraordinary" since
       the previous congress was held just one year ago,
       in April 1980. Since then the SPYU has lost one-
       third of its members. At the congress some 2,000,000
       members were represented by 1,662 delegates chosen
       by direct and secret ballot with an unlimited number
       of candidates and based on proportional
       representation, thus creating a break with the traditional
       nomenklatura system of election.

       The National Founding Committee of Rural Solidarity
       files a registration suit with the Voivodship Court
       in Warsaw.

[page 45]

APRIL 28	The Grunwald Patriotic Union is registered, with
       (cont.) film director Bohdan Poreba as chairman. The
       Grunwald Association reportedly has about 100,000
       members. It is a social and cultural organization,
       which aims "at strengthening the values of socialist
       democracy."

       Representatives of the Polish government and
       Solidarity open talks in Warsaw on Solidarity's
       demand for more access to the mass media. Radio
       Warsaw said the government side was led by
       government press spokesman Jozef Barecki and the
       Solidarity delegation by Janusz Onyszkiewicz,
       spokesman for Solidarity's National Coordinating
       Commission.

       Zycie Warszawy reprints interesting fragments from
       an interview that Jozef Klasa, head of the CC's
       Department for Press, Radio, and Television, gave
       to the Cracow party paper Gazeta Krakowska. Klasa
       said that the information service in Poland was
       still bad, and when people did not get reliable
       information, they suspected manipulation even where
       there was none. He added that the authorities
       should draw their conclusions from this. Klasa also
       said the authorities should not lose their patience
       at society's suspiciousness because they had too many
       sins on their conscience.

       Stanislaw Gucwa, the leader of Poland's United
       Peasant Party, says that his party could now back
       Rural Solidarity because the private farmers

       recognize the leading role of the communist party in
       Poland.

       Justice Minister Jerzy Bafia says that a government
       investigation of alleged wrongdoing by more than
       100 former officials of Poland's communist party
       does not indicate widespread corruption in the
       party: "The investigations that are underway
       involve a relatively small number of people," Bafia
       says. "The instances under investigation do not
       reflect on [the part] and will be explained in due
       course."

       The Chairman of the Sejm Legislative Commission,
       Sylwester Zawadzki, announces that the draft
       censorship law will be submitted to the Sejm in the
       second half of May or at the beginning of June at the
       latest. Radio Warsaw says the Sejm Legislative
       Commission examined the draft censorship bill today.

[page 46]

APRIL 29	TASS criticizes Solidarity for recommending that
       its members not participate in traditional May Day
       ceremonies this year. In a report from Warsaw in
       today's issue of the Soviet party daily Pravda, TASS
       says that this time the May Day demonstration in
       Warsaw will be somewhat different from those in the
       previous years: there will be no saluting stand,
       for example. Solidarity did not recommend its
       members to take part in traditional demonstrations.
       In this way it stressed its negative attitude to
       the working people's international holiday. (What
       Solidarity, in fact, said was that workers should
       choose for themselves how to celebrate May Day.)

       The daily newsletter of Solidarity's Warsaw branch
       claims that the Solidarity branch in Jaroslaw
       Voivodship in the extreme southeast of Poland on
       the Soviet border reported Soviet airborne troops
       landing in the region in the night of April 22.
       People were reportedly alarmed because no Soviet
       troops are stationed in the area normally. A
       Solidarity spokesman in Warsaw, however, said that
       "it is nothing to get excited about -- just a
       routine exchange of troops."

       Talks on local grievances between a government
       commission and the local Solidarity chapter at Radom
       are suspended until May 5. Radio Warsaw says that
       yesterday, on the third day of the negotiations, the
       talks mainly concerned a demand to transfer to the
       community those buildings under construction in the
       suburbs for the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

       The Solidarity branch of the Adolf Warski Shipyard
       in Szczecin has decided that former Szczecin
       workers' leader Edmund Baluka should report to the
       public prosecutor's office. PAP reports that the
       decision was taken at a meeting of the executive of the
       shipyard Solidarity group, shipyard department
       union executives, and delegates of union members.
       It says that Baluka agreed to comply with their will.

       The Torun party forum, representing 25 basic party
       organizations from all over the country, passes a
       resolution demanding that its delegates be allowed
       directly to observe the current Central Committee
       plenary session in Warsaw. Radio Warsaw reports
       that the Torun resolution was adopted after party

[page 47]

APRIL 29	authorities refused to admit to the plenum officials
       (cont.) from the Torun coordinating commission of party
       organizations as well as representatives of "the
       horizontal structures" from all over Poland.

       The 10th CC plenum begins in Warsaw. Radio Warsaw
       announces that party organizations in Gdansk have
       taken a position on some issues raised in the
       Politburo report presented by party leader Stanislaw
       Kania to the plenum. The radio says the Gdansk
       organizations uphold the often presented stand of
       the Gdansk Voivodship organization that party
       leaders can be chosen only from among delegates who have
       the mandates of their local organizations. The
       Gdansk party organizations also demand the
       recognition of "horizontal consultations" as a vital
       element of inner party integration and democracy.

APRIL 30	The CC plenum, which concluded in the early hours
       of this morning, set the date of the extraordinary
       party congress for July 14-18. The plenum also
       established rules for the election of the
       congressional delegates: 1 delegate for every 1,700
       party members and candidates. In a reshuffle of
       the Politburo and the CC Secretariat, four men
       resigned their positions: former Prime Minister
       Jozef Pinkowski resigned from full membership in
       the Politburo; Emil Wojtaszek, former foreign
       minister, resigned as a Politburo candidate member
       and CC secretary; Jerzy Wojtecki gave up his post
       as CC secretary (having been appointed in February
       to the Ministry of Agriculture) ; and Zbigniew Zielinski
       resigned as a member of the CC Secretariat.
       Following a secret ballot they were replaced by Gerard
       Gabrys and Zygmunt Wronski as full Politburo
       members, Jozef Masny as a Politburo candidate member,
       and Kazimierz Cypryniak as CC secretary.

       Addressing the plenum Prime Minister Wojciech
       Jaruzelski announced that the government would
       submit to the Sejm today a report on the country's
       economic state, together with the government's
       program for economic stabilization, as well as an
       interim assessment of the work in progress on the
       economic reform.

MAY 3	In the wake of rather modest and thoughtful May Day
       celebrations and for the first time since the
       communist takeover in Poland, the May 3 celebration are
       upgraded to a semiofficial status. These
       commemorate the passing in 1791 of the most liberal
       constitution of its time in Europe. The May 3
       anniversary has taken on a special significance in the

[page 48]

MAY 3	context of Poland's current renewal. As Archbishop
       (cont.) of Wroclaw Henryk Gulbinowicz notes in his sermon
       delivered at the Jasna Gora shrine in Czestochowa,
       "After the 1791 constitution there was brutal
       intervention by Russian bayonets. We have hopes that
       this time nothing will happen."

MAY 5	A party meeting in Gdansk has proposed holding a
second rank-and-file communist meeting in Poland at
       the beginning of next month. According to Radio
       Warsaw, that proposal was made by a consultative
       meeting of secretaries of party organizations on
       topical party problems, which was held at the
       Gdansk polytechnic. The radio did not say when
       the meeting took place. The meeting was attended
       by representatives of party organizations from 36
       enterprises of the Gdansk Voivodship and Gdansk
       colleges and press editorial offices. The first
       such meeting took place in Torun on April 15.

MAY 6	The Sejm approves a law that provides legal grounds
	for the official registration of Rural Solidarity,
       the Independent and Self-Governing Labor Union of
       Private Farmers.

       A separate piece of legislation is also adopted
       providing for the registration of Rural Solidarity's
       officially sponsored counterpart, the Agricultural
       Circles and Union of Circles and Agricultural
       Organizations.

       A Soviet analysis claims that years of economic
       mistakes, and ideological errors by Poland's communist
       leaders led to the crisis that caused last year's
       labor uprising. The weekly Literaturnaya Gazeta
       says that Communists in Poland must "assume the
       offensive" to reverse the course of events there.
       Edward Gierek, who was ousted as Polish party chief
       last September, was blamed for "adventurism in
       economic policy" and other mistakes dating back to 1975.
       Literaturnaya Gazeta does not specifically endorse
       the policies of the current communist leader
       Stanislaw Kania and Prime Minister Wojciech Janizelski,
       but it largely exonerates them from responsibility for
       Poland's basic economic woes. "Not only economic
       difficulties and mistakes', aggravated by big crop
       failures, but also violations of the Leninist principles
       of morals and justice -- that is what excited the
       people and stirred up understandable dissatisfaction in
       the masses of workers," Soviet author Felix Kuznetsov
       says.

[page 49]

MAY 6	Stanislaw Kania, the Polish party leader, hints that
       (cont.) the Soviet Union has been protesting what it sees
       as a growth of anti-Soviet feeling in Poland.
       Speaking at a party meeting at the Plock refinery,
       Kania repeats that the Soviet Union and the other
       East European countries are still ready to believe
       that Poland can resolve its own problems.

MAY 7	At a plenary meeting in Warsaw of its Supreme
       Committee, Poland's United Peasant Party (UPP) accepts
       the resignation of its entire leadership in an
       evident bid to jump, even if not wholeheartedly, on
       the bandwagon of national renewal. The most
       significant change is the replacement of Stanislaw Gucwa,
       the established UPP leader and Sejm marshal, by
       Professor Stefan Ignar. A new political program and
       ideological declaration is to be formulated by the
       end of August 1981.

       The PUWP reaffirms its commitment to liberalization
       and reform in a program unveiled today for the
       emergency congress in July. The program, published by
       PAP, pledges cooperation with both the Roman Catholic
       Church and Solidarity. It also acknowledges
       that there has been a significant departure from
       the communist principle: "A truly strong

       socialist state is a state that derives its strength
       from the endorsement of its program by a majority
       of society."

       The voivodship committee of the National Unity Front
       in Bielsko Biala, southern Poland, supports a demand
       by Solidarity that two Sejm deputies from the region
       be deprived of their seats in parliament since they
       have lost the confidence of society. The two
       deputies are Jozef Buzinski, former first secretary of
       the pary voivodship committee in Bielsko Biala, and
       Ryszard Dziopak, former director of the small-car
       factory in Bielsko Biala.

MAY 8	A suburban police station at Otwock, near Warsaw,
       where Solidarity earlier persuaded local youths to
       disperse after a protest, is damaged by fire. Few
       details of the blaze are immediately available, but
       there are no reports of any casualties. Earlier,
       Solidarity's Warsaw chapter said that its chairman,
       Zbigniew Bujak, and union adviser Adam Michnik, a
       prominent dissident, had been in Otwock and had
       defused a protest by several hundred youths outside
       the same small police station at the town's
       railroad depot. The crowd, which reportedly tried to
       set the police station on fire, was protesting the
       arrest of two youths who had allegedly become drunk
       and thrown stones at the police station.

[page 50]

MAY 8	Solidarity members in the city transport department
       (cont.) at Ostrowiec Swietokrzyski, about 120 km south of
       Warsaw, call off a threatened strike over a dispute
       with a rival union. The protest stemmed from a
       dispute between some branch union members who refused
       to halt work during a nationwide warning strike on
       March 27.



MAY 9	Committees for the defense of those jailed for
       their convictions from all over Poland hold a
       meeting at Warsaw's polytechnic. The meeting is
       presided over by Seweryn Jaworski, vice-chairman
       of the Mazowsze branch of Solidarity.

       The committees have collected signatures to a
       petition against the arrest of a group of
       activists from the Confederation of Independent Poland,
       and have taken up the matter of pardoning the
       Kowalczyk brothers from Opole, who have been
       serving jail terms of 25 years since 1972. (Jerzy
       Kowalczyk was sentenced to death in September 1972,
       and his brother Ryszard to 2 5 years in jail by the
       Opole Voivodship court for causing an explosion in
       a teachers' training college in Opole. Jerzy
       Kowalczyk's death sentence was later commuted to
       25 years in prison.)

MAY 11	After a heated debate and strong criticism the
       Sejm's Economic Plan, Budget, and Finance Commission
       rejects the government's state of the economy report
       and stabilization program, which took nearly eight
       months to prepare. The report was presented by
       Deputy Prime Minister and Planning Commission Chairman
       Henryk Kisiel, who blamed the delay on the
       deterioration of the economy, which made an analysis of the
       situation and subsequent remedial action more
       difficult. According to Kisiel, industrial production
       dropped by 11% in the first four months of this year
       compared with the same period in 1980. This was
       largely a result of increasing shortages of
       industrial inputs and difficulties with subcontractors.
       In presenting the government's plan for economic
       stabilization, he particularly underscores the
       problems posed by the balance of payments difficulties,
       the lack of market equilibrium, and the relationship
       between wages and prices.

       The first meeting is held of the Grabski Commission,
       appointed at the 10th party plenum on April 29-30
       "to assess the previous progress and to speed up
       investigation into the personal responsibility of
       PUWP members in leading positions, submitting the

[page 51]

MAY 11	commission's findings, with appropriate
(Cont.)	recommendations, to the CC." The commission decides to examine
       the cases of people in top party and administrative
       posts between the seventh CC plenum in December 1970
       and the sixth plenum in December 1980. In the past
       8 months more than 50 central and 200 regional party
       authorities have stepped down; 13 CC members were
       recalled and 24 appointed; about 20 ministers have
       been replaced; and almost 30 deputy ministers
       dismissed. More changes are expected to follow.

       The Polish Committee for the Defense of Political
       Prisoners sends a letter to Amnesty International
       appealing for help to secure the release from prison
       of Zygmunt Golawski, who is on hunger strike in a
       Warsaw jail. According to the letter, Golawski, a
       member of the Confederation of Independent Poland
       (KPN), started the hunger strike six months ago,
       following his arrest on November 1980. He has been
       force-fed since. Golawski is reportedly in a state
       of extreme exhaustion and losing his sight, and his
       life is in danger, according to the letter, signed
       by three members of the Committee for
       the Defense of Those Prosecuted for Their Convictions.

       The first issue of Solidarity's weekly for Silesia,
       Solidarnosc-Jastrzebie, is published. The editorial
       offices are in Katowice and the paper's circulation
       of 50,000 copies is distributed exclusively through
       trade union organizations.

       Francis Blanchard, Director General of the
       International Labor Organization (ILO), arrives in Warsaw for
       talks with Poland's official and independent trade
       unions. The Polish labor ministry has said that
       during his five-day stay Blanchard will meet a
       deputy prime minister as well as officials of
       Solidarity, the procommunist branch trade union,
       and the autonomous unions established in Poland
       since labor unrest began last summer. All three
       labor groups will reportedly be represented at the
       ILO's annual assembly in Geneva next month.

       Lech Walesa, heading a Solidarity delegation, meets
       with Japanese trade unionists in Tokyo. He refers
       frequently to labor developments in Poland during
       his address to Japan's General Council of Trade
       Unions. Walesa says that Solidarity now wants to
       place more emphasis on negotiations to achieve its
       goals but that this does not mean the union has
       abandoned its right to strike. According to Walesa,
       Solidarity now views strikes as "a tactical
       strategy." Walesa also tells Japanese unionists that
       Solidarity has had to involve itself in social as
       well as labor issues because there is no other group
       that could do the same job.

[page 52]

MAY 12	After several months of preparatory work a team of
       prominent Polish jurists completes the first draft
       for updating the Penal Code and Penal Procedure
       Code. The initiative to start the project was
       launched by Solidarity. Among the most important
       changes suggested is the proposal to abolish
       capital punishment and limit prison sentences to a
       maximum of 25 years. According to PAP, two "variants"
       have been prepared in line with the new trend of
       offering the public viable alternatives.

       KPN activist Zygmunt Golawski is released from
       prison. According to a Solidarity spokesman,
       Golawski is weak after his six-month hunger strike
       during which he was force-fed. Although Solidarity
       has often interceded on behalf of jailed KPN
       members, it has dissociated itself from the
       organization's politics.

       PAP confirms earlier reports in a Solidarity daily
       news bulletin about an April 6 sit-in strike in
       Wronki, a prison near Poznan, adding that "the
       governor of the jail and another senior prison
       official" lost their jobs as a result of the incident.
       The prison chief reportedly ordered guards to beat
       some 200 inmates with rubber clubs when they refused
       to work in the jail's metal shop.

       Pravda attacks Solidarity and KSS "KOR," blaming
       them for what it says is the worst quarterly
       economic results on record in the history of
       socialist Poland. The paper further claims that
       Solidarity's program aims at seizing power and
       changing the socialist system. KSS "KOR," it charges,
       "has burrowed deep into the leadership of Solidarity
       and is still threatening to launch strikes to put
       governing bodies under pressure."

       The first meeting is held in Warsaw of the working
       group of government and Solidarity delegations for
       organizational affairs. The delegation of the
       Council of Ministers' Committee for Trade Union
       Affairs is led by Minister Jozef Kepa and the
       Solidarity delegation by a member of the National
       Consultative Commission, Adam Niezgoda.
       Cooperation between the state administration and local
       Solidarity institutions is discussed. It is
       stated that the group's overriding aims should be
       to create social peace; improve professional ethics;
       ensure observance of the law by both the authorities
       and citizens; improve social discipline; combat
       social illnesses, particularly alcoholism and
       irresponsibility toward public property; and ensure
       proper living conditions. Increasing the nation's
       food supply is recognized as a task of especial

[page 53]

MAY 12	importance, as are construction of housing and the
(cont.)	improvement of services to citizens by the state
       and local administrations and all housing units.
       Ways are arrived at for the state administrative
       bodies and Solidarity authorities to cooperate in
       achieving these goals.


       Following the accord concluded in Bydgoszcz on
       April 17 between the government delegation and
       representatives of the private farmers and the
       legislation subsequently introduced in the Sejm on May 6,
       the Warsaw Provincial Court formally recognizes
       the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union for
       individual Farmers -- Solidarity (ISTUIFS). The
       recognition comes in the wake of eight months of
       continuous struggle by the peasants for their
       place in society and their right to undisturbed
       professional activity. Satisfaction is added by
       the fact that it was the same presiding judge,
       Zdzislaw Koscielniak, who so cavalierly dismissed
       the peasants' case in October 1980. That verdict
       was appealed to the Supreme Court and was upheld on
       February 10.

       While the previous decision to refuse registration
       was implicitly political, the reasons for granting
       registration this time are more pragmatic. On the
       one side, the country could ill afford the
       continuous confrontations, often with unforeseeable
       consequences, that a refusal of recognition would
       entail; and, on the other, officialdom's change of
       mind was no doubt influenced by the fact that
       agriculture is the area of the Polish economy where a
       change in the political climate could bring about
       the quickest positive results. From a legal stand-
       point, the registration itself seems to be somewhat
       conditional and interim in nature. Although it
       does not affect the legal standing of the union,
       the registration decision, based as it is on the
       recent: Sejm law (yet to be incorporated into the
       pending comprehensive trade union legislation),
       appears to contain a kind of escape clause, perhaps
       merely a way for the authorities to save face. In
       the oral justification of the court's decision,
       Koscielniak explained that the statutes and the
       activities of all the newly registered unions might
       be reviewed later, in the light of the pending
       legislation, because "the activities and structure of
       [all unions] must not be contrary to the law. . . .
       This [will be enforced] rigorously [under the
       threat] of refusal to register the union or the
       revocation of the already granted registration."

       The court registers the Agricultural Circles and
       Rural Organizations Trade Union, set up recently
       at the Seventh Congress of Agricultural Circles.
       This organization is an obvious and, according to
       the authorities, a viable competitor to Rural
       Solidarity.

[page 54]

MAY 12	Immediately after the registration of Rural
(cont.)	Solidarity, at an informal gathering of farmers
       	from all sectors of agriculture in the Agricultural
	      Ministry, Minister of Agriculture Jerzy Wojtecki
	      assures private farmers that the government will
       keep its promise to put them on an equal financial
       footing with the previously favored state and
       cooperative sectors. State subsidies will therefore
       be abolished from July 1 under the new financial
       system to be introduced, thus abolishing the
       preferential treatment of the socialized sector of
       agriculture.

MAY 13	Literaturnaya Gazeta, a journal of the Soviet
	      Writers1 Union, mounts a virulent attack on KSS
	      "KOR," calling it "a totalitarian, terrorist
	      organization." The article, signed by Felix
	      Kuznetsov, head of the Moscow chapter of the
	      writers' union, also accuses Solidarity of
	      becoming a political organization seeking to compete
	      with the communist party.

	      Similar accusations are leveled against Solidarity
	      by the army paper Zolnierz Wolnosci, which attacks
	      some Solidarity leaders for pursuing "political
	      ambitions" that go beyond their role as union
	      organizers. The paper further complains that the
	      Solidarity policy document reflects the views of
	      dissident advisers who have forgotten that the

		union recognizes the leading role of the communist
	      party. It claims that by assuming a political
	      platform Solidarity has broken its pledge to be a
	      nonpolitical organization.

	      Lech Walesa, on a week-long visit to Japan, says
       	in a press interview that he wants to reorganize
      	the Solidarity unions into 20 to 2 5 regional units
	      for workers of related occupations. Walesa is
       	quoted as saying that at present Solidarity has
       	units based on region, industry, and occupation.
       	In the future, however, he wants to have five
       	regional centers with units of similar size.

       	Polish leaders Stanislaw Kania, Henryk Jablonski,
       and Wojciech Jaruzelski send a message to "His
       Holiness John Paul II" wishing him a speedy
       recovery and expressing the nation's and their own
       shock at "the criminal attempt on the life of
       Your Holiness."

       In an address to a Warsaw congress of party
       leaders from Polish factories, PUWP First Secretary
       Stanislaw Kania says a process is underway in
       Poland that threatens the achievements of socialism.

[page 55]

MAY 14	He says that Poles should be aware of this threat
(cont.)	and that the people's authorities have always had
       staunch enemies in Poland who become active in
       particularly tough moments in order to discredit the
       party and weaken the agencies of authority and order.
       Kania says the main task is to strengthen and
       organize the "Titanic force" of the party ranks and make
       them capable of overcoming Poland's troubles by
       political means. He says Poland must face the
       question of responsibility for past mismanagement in
       accordance with the principle that the law is the
       same for everyone.

       A government team and a Solidarity National
       Coordinating Commission working group agree that
       Polish Television will show a program by May 28
       presenting the Bydgoszcz Solidarity chapter's
       stand on the Bydgoszcz events of March 19. The
       television program will also include statements by
       a group of young councilors of the Bydgoszcz
       Voivodship People's Council and a film of the
       Bydgoszcz events. According to Radio Warsaw,
       Solidarity representatives have expressed concern
       that no action has been taken so far against the
       officials who failed in their duties during the
       Bydgoszcz events and that none of those under
       investigation has been suspended from his duties.

MAY 15	At a meeting in Warsaw the Professional Firemen's
       Union decides to start a national protest campaign
       as of May 22 unless the authorities agree to
       negotiate on their demands. The firemen send a
       message to Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski
       about what they claim is a lack of progress in
       implementing their demands.

       Radio Warsaw features an interview with Andrzej
       Wajda on his negotiations with the authorities to
       release the film Man of Iron and on his refusal
       to agree to substantial cuts and amendments before
       the ministry's consent to allow the film to be
       sent to the Cannes Film Festival.

       Pravda claims that the guidelines issued recently
       by Solidarity are a document of a political
       organization rather than of a trade union. The
       document, entitled "Directions of the Union's Action
       in the Country's Present Situation," allegedly
       express the "sociopolitical creed of those
       circles in Solidarity that regard the crisis as a
       means for attaining their coveted goal, that of
       restoring the bourgeois system." The newspaper
       says the timing of the document's publication was
       not an accident and that it was "presented as a
       counter to the party's program for the socialist
       renewal of the country."

[page 56]

MAY 15	Solidarity calls off a strike alert in the
(cont.)	Bialystok region of northeastern Poland following
       	suspension of three policemen who allegedly were
       	involved in beating up Jan Kowalewski, a Solidarity
       	member and an invalid, in the town of Kuznica
       	Bialostocka on May 2. The regional police chief
       	informed a Solidarity delegation of the suspensions
      	at a meeting yesterday and said investigations into
	      the alleged incident were continuing. Solidarity's
	      local branch threatens to call a general strike in

 		he region on May 19 unless police officers
		alleged to be responsible for the beating are
		dismissed.

MAY 18	The CC commission presided over by Politburo
		member and CC Secretary Tadeusz Grabski holds its
		second session since its appointment at the 10th
		CC plenum on April 29-30. It "has conducted a
		conversation with former PUWP First Secretary
		Edward Gierek" during which Gierek is said to
		have presented his views on "the accusations made
		about his responsibility for the autocratic
		approach to economic and social policies, for the
		disregard of economic laws, and for the failure
		to take critical opinions [about his policies]
		into account." He also reportedly expressed "his
		views on the past performance of the party's
		Politburo and the CC Secretariat as well as that
		of the government."

		According to Gierek, "the reason for the many
		economic misfortunes was the unsatisfactory
		functioning of the leading governmental agencies, the
		toleration of the various ministries' own selfish
		preferences, and the lack of effective control
		that would have enabled placing full responsibility
		for decisions." He admitted responsibility for the
		party's and state's faulty cadre policies. It is
		decided to meet with Gierek again after talking
		with the rest of the old leadership.

		A Soviet party delegation, headed by Nikolai A.
		Petrovichev, First Deputy Head of the CPSU CC's
		Organizational Party Work Department, arrives in
		Warsaw for talks with PUWP officials. The Soviet
		visitors hold talks with Zdzislaw Kurowski, the Polish
		party's CC secretary in charge of organizational
		matters, and with other officials and are told
		that the PUWP is preparing for an extraordinary
		congress to be held in July.

		A full session of the Bialystok regional Solidarity
		union branch accepts an agreement reached with
		local authorities on May 15 and calls off a strike
		alert and strike threat over the police beating of
[page 57]

MAY 18	an invalid Solidarity member. The agreement, which
(cont.)	resulted in the suspension of three policemen for
		overstepping their authority, had suspended the
		strike alert in the eastern province until the
		final decision taken by this meeting.

MAY 19	The Ministry of Domestic Trade and Services
		announces that the meat rationing system, initially
		to have been in effect till the end of June, has
		been extended for another month, with the
		additional time to be used to prepare a new rationing
		system.

MAY 20	Edmund Baluka, a strike leader in 1970, who
		returned to Poland illegally last month, has been
		allowed to return to his former job as locksmith
		in Szczecin's Adam Warski Shipyard; but,
		according to Solidarity spokesman, the authorities are
		continuing their investigations into his case.

		Radio Warsaw reports that talks between government
		and Solidarity working groups on the movement's
		access to the media have been resumed. The
		government team is led by Jozef Barecki and
		Solidarity's by Janusz Onyszkiewicz. According
		to Barecki, the government holds the view that
		Solidarity has the full right to publish its own
		papers. Onyszkiewicz has said that in the
		previous round of talks a far-reaching concordance of
		views had been reached on the point of Solidarity
		having its own newspaper columns.

		Poland's hopes for an early agreement to
		reschedule its huge debts to Western commercial banks are
		set back when a task force of bankers fail to
		agree on terms. The West German Dresdner Bank,
		which presided over the meeting, says there was not
		enough agreement to present a package to the
		Handlowy Bank, Poland's state bank for foreign
		trade, and further meetings will probably be needed.
		The meeting brought together 19 banks from the 11
		Western countries that have lent Poland the most
		money. They represent about 460 banks that have
		provided 2,370 million dollars due to be repaid
		this year; and the Poles want these loans
		rescheduled in a new loan over up to 10 years.

MAY 21	Solidarity officials protest to the government
		about a planned march on Warsaw by agricultural
		tractor drivers demanding higher wages. Janusz
		Onyszkiewicz, a spokesman for the industrial
		Solidarity union, says the march is a provocation

[page 58]

MAY 21	aimed at causing trouble between the new private
(cont.)	farmers' union and state-employed farm workers.
		The managements of Agricultural Circles (state
		sponsored organizations servicing farmers with
		tractors and machinery) have planned to assemble
		drivers and their tractors from three central
		provinces near Bydgoszcz on May 23 to set off on a 125
		mile drive to Warsaw. Onyzkiewicz. says Solidarity
		was told about the plan by tractor drivers who are
		members of the union. He says the low wages of
		drivers employed by Agricultural Circles are a
       long-standing problem that deserve a just solution,
       but a solution cannot be achieved by such action,
       especially at a time when private farmers need
       machines for field work.

       Dissident sources say that five Polish workers have
       gone on hunger strike at a factory in Sosnowiec, in
       the heavily industrialized south, to protest the
       detention of political prisoners. The five
       reportedly plan to remain on a hunger strike until the
       six known political prisoners in Polish jails,
       including Leszek Moczulski, are released.

       A conflict continues between the leaders of the
       Ministry of Energy and the Provisional National
       Coordination Commission of the Solidarity Union of
       Power Workers. Talks being held in the Dolna Odra
       power plant in northwestern Poland have failed to
       produce any results. The main point of controversy
       is the issue of implementing pay agreements
       concluded last year in the Katowice steel plant and in
       Gdansk. The controversy particularly concerns the
       ministry's pledge to make average wages of power
       industry workers equal to those in the mining
       industry. The power plant's work force has reportedly
       refused to do overtime, which has forced the
       shutdown of several power generating blocs and reduced
       total output by about 1,200 MW.

       A group of the government's Economic Committee for
       Trade Unions and a negotiating group of Solidarity's
       National Coordinating Commission for the
       stabilization program and reconstruction of the economy hold
       talks in Warsaw. The government side makes a reply
       to Solidarity's stand presented at a previous
       meeting on April 30 about the program of stabilization
       and reconstruction of the Polish economy. The
       government team at the talks is headed by Finance
       Minister Marian Krzak, the Solidarity group by Jan
       Rulewski and Bogdan Lis. The two sides reportedly

       agree on the directions of action for overcoming
       the economic crisis and for ensuring that society
       participates in this process. The Solidarity

[page 59]

MAY 21	working group criticizes a government report on the
(cont.)	state of the economy, as well as a government
       program of action for the stabilization of the national
       economy, and the government side promises that
       Solidarity's remarks will be taken into
       consideration. Both sides agree that stabilizing the economy
       cannot be separated from economic reform.

       Neues Deutschland, the GDR's communist party
       daily, claims that Solidarity and the Roman Catholic
       Church are running Poland more than the government:
       "Apparently life is now determined more by
       Solidarity and the priests than by the appropriate
       powers. The crisis in the country is running ever
       deeper, although this is being ignored by those who
       are currently in power."

       Poland's Council of State examines a draft bill on
       trade union legislation prepared over the past
       months by a team headed by Professor Sylwester
       Zawadzki. Zawadzki tells Henryk Jablonski, the
       head of the Council of State, that representatives
       of Solidarity, the branch trade unions, and
       autonomous trade unions have said they would submit the
       bill for consultation to their organizations.
       Results of the consultations will be presented to
       the group that drafted the bill.

       Kazimierz Barcikowski, a Politburo member and CC
       Secretary, says that the only thing that can save
       the Poles now during an enormous shortage of raw
       matericils is greater Soviet supplies than provided
       for in the agreements. Discussing the subject at
       a meeting with party activists of the Gorzow-Ursus
       mechanical works and other work establishments in
       Gorzow Wielkopolski (northwestern Poland),
       Barcikowski says it is important to other socialist
       states that Poland remain a socialist country:
       "Hence the frequent manifestations of anti-Soviet
       propaganda in Poland must be treated as a
       provocation, a criminal activity with incalculable
       [potential] effects."

MAY 22	The Grunwald Patriotic Union issues its own, though
       unacknowledged, 16-page publication, Rzeczywistosc
       [Reality], with a surprisingly high circulation of
       150,000. The first issue includes several
       sarcastic and even scurrilous attacks on KSS "KOR"
       member Jacek Kuron and on Andrzej Wajda, the leading
       Polish film maker. The weekly, which allegedly
       hopes to attract the "intelligentsia," will discuss
       current political, social, and cultural problems.

[page 60]

MAY 22	An investigating commission in Katowice has
(cont.)	examined allegations against the voivodship1s former
       party leader, Zdzislaw Grudzien, and several other
       men who used to hold senior posts in the local party.
       Grudzien was removed as Katowice party leader and
       also lost his seat on the Politburo following last
       summer's strikes. An article on the investigation is
       printed in the Katowice daily, Trvbuna Robotnicza,
       which says that the commission has examined
       allegations made against Grudzien, Zdzislaw Legomski,
       Henryk Lechowicz, Gerard Kroczek, Wlodzimierz
       Lejczak, Jan Kulpinski, and Wieslaw Kican.

       Solidarity accuses the government of stalling in
       talks with unions and warns that delays could bring
       a further upsurge of local labor disputes. The
       union charges are issued by Solidarity's
       information service in outlining problems in various
       negotiations. Solidarity claims that the government is
       trying to gain public support by appearing to talk
       to the union but its basic tactic is to prolong the
       discussions and delay decisions.

       Polish firemen reportedly start a low-key protest
       to back demands for more pay, shorter working hours,
       and new equipment. Radio Warsaw says it has received
       a telex from the fire brigades' National Interfactory
       Strike Committee saying the protest is underway.
       According to the telex, the action will not impair

the firemen' operational readiness: they will still
       fight fires but are curtailing other activities, such
       as training and property inspection.

MAY 23	Foreign Minister Jozef Czyrek announces that
       Poland is cutting its foreign service staff and
       expenditure by one-fifth because of the economic
       crisis. The ministry has reduced its fleet of
       diplomatic cars by 40, and is curbing expenditure on
       representational functions and visits abroad.
       Furthermore, diplomatic receptions to mark Poland's
       national day and other anniversaries have been
       canceled, and Poland's financial contributions to the
       United Nations and other international organizations
       have been reduced. Embassies in Nepal and Cyprus
       will be closed as will a number of consulates.

MAY 24	Poland' firemen reach agreement with the
       government on starting talks to end their national
       protest. Members of the firemen's protest committee
       met on May 23 with Minister in Charge of Trade
       Union Affairs Stanislaw Ciosek.

[page 61]

MAY 25	Radio Warsaw reports student demonstrations without
       any incidents in many Polish cities in support of
       the release of political prisoners. Marches take
       place in Warsaw, Opole, Lublin, Lodz, Torun,
       Bialystok, Wroclaw, and elsewhere, despite appeals
       by Solidarity, academic and student groups,
Chairman of the Polish Journalists1 Association
		Stefan Bratkowski, and religious and media
		personalities, who all fear the possibility of deliberate
		provocations and mass disturbances. Many
		sympathizers urge the students to hold the rallies within
		the confines of their campuses and not to venture
		out on the city streets.

		Students in Kielce limit their protest to a
		statement addressed to the local Sejm members; in
		Czestochowa the march is canceled, and in Poznan
		and Gdansk rallies are limited to a single site.
		A compromise agreement with Sejm authorities results
		in a considerable shortening of the march's route in
		Warsaw; Deputy Speaker of the Sejm Halina Skibniewska
		and Council of State member Jan Szczepanski promise
		to raise the case of the five members of the
		Confederation of Independent Poland (KPN) now in
		detention and of the two Kowalczyk brothers, Ryszard
		and Jerzy, who are under long prison sentence for
		blowing up a hall in the Opole Teachers' Training
		College in October 1971.

		A party investigation commission, headed by
		Politburo member Tadeusz Grabski, questions former
		Prime Ministers Piotr Jaroszewicz and Edward
		Babiuch and former Deputy Prime Minister
		Franciszek Szlachcic on the subject of corruption
		and mismanagement while in office. Both Jaroszewicz
		and Babiuch reportedly speak "self-critically," with
		the former confirming his responsibility for "glaring
		mistakes" in investment policy and for having
		suppressed all attempts to assess critically the
		country's economic situation. Babiuch admits to similar
		failures as well as to the "highly inappropriate"
		practice of usurping decision-making powers.

		PAP announces the suicides within less than 24 hours
		of two former ministers, both under investigation
		for alleged corruption: Jerzy Olszewski, Minister
       of Foreign Trade and the Maritime Economy from 1974
       to 1979, and Edward Barszcz, former Mayor of Cracow
       and Minister of Construction from June to November
       1980.

       The Polish episcopate announces that its secretary,
       Bishop Bronislaw Dabrowski, has discussed the health
       of political prisoners with Minister of Justice
       Jerzy Bafia, who agreed to have the prisoners undergo
       immediate medical examinations with the results to be
       sent to Dabrowski.

[page 62]

MAY 25	The Council of Ministers issues a statement carried
(cont.)	by Radio Warsaw, Polish Television, and PAP
       cautioning against what it views as anti-Soviet and
       antisocialist sentiments that harm Poland's interests.
       The statement warns about what it calls an alarming
       recent increase in crime and cites actions that it
       says have made the situation more dangerous. It .
       speaks of "numerous facts of political instigation,
       such as speeches, leaflets, and posters, that
       challenge Poland's socialist foundations and its
       alliances." The statement also mentions interference
       that makes Polish police operations difficult and
       recent "isolated cases of assaults on Soviet soldiers
       stationed in Poland." No details of these assaults
       are given but the situation is described as
       "inadmissible." The statement says that Soviet
       troops stationed in Poland face a difficult task and
       in the past have had "the understanding and sympathy"
       of the Poles. "Attempts to disturb this atmosphere,
       the sowing of unwillingness and distrust and
       sparking off anti-Soviet sentiment, is contradictory to
       the spirit and letter of allied relations and harms
       the interests of Poland." The government expresses
       its conviction that Poles will properly assess the
       damaging nature of such actions because these
       tendencies weaken international confidence in Poland's
       ability to normalize its social and economic
       situation and to implement socialist renewal in a
       dignified and calm manner. The Polish authorities will
       do what is necessary to protect and observe allied
       obligations.

       At a meeting at eastern Slovakia, Vasil Bilak, a
       member of the Czechoslovak party Presidium and a CC
       Secretary accuses Solidarity of committing "a
       political crime that history will never pardon." He
       claims that counterrevolutionary forces, with the aid
       of Solidarity, have succeeded in the last 10 months
       in bringing Poland to the brink of economic
       catastrophe and plunging it into political insecurity. He
       accuses Solidarity leaders of causing uncertainty and
       of weakening the Polish party, the Polish state, and
       its ties with the Soviet Union and other communist
       countries against the vital interests of the people.

MAY 26	The Presidium of Solidarity's National Coordinating
       Commission "strongly" protests the government's
       holding talks on pay demands with the branch unions,
       while Solidarity had renounced raising pay demands
       for the time being. Solidarity calls the government's
       behavior "a political game calculated at discrediting"
       the Solidarity unions and creating the impression that
       it is the branch unions that work effectively in the

[page 63]

MAY 26	workers' interests. Solidarity says it will "lay
(cont.)	open" the Polish government's practices at the next
       ILO conference in Geneva next month and that the
       government should immediately break off the talks on
       pay matters that it is holding with branch unions
       "without participation of Solidarity" and suspend
       implementation of provisions possibly agreed on so
       far. If the pay talks are not broken off, Solidarity
       will consider taking "immediate protest action in
       one of [Poland's forty-nine] voivodships."

MAY 28	Polish Primate Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski dies in
       Warsaw at the age of 79 following a prolonged
       illness .

       An anonymous group, purporting to be connected with
       the Katowice Voivodship party organization, publish
       an ideological declaration, apparently adopted on
       May 15, in which they accuse the Kania leadership
       of having lost its "ideological and political
       compass in the struggle for socialism." This occurred,
       the declaration says, "under the pressure of alien
       ideological influences, supported by right-wing
       opportunism and liberalism of the bourgeois type." As a
       result, it charges, "the enemies of socialism,
       exploiting the fundamental errors, the lack of
       determination, the indecisiveness, and the inconsistency
       of the current party leadership, have won broad
       political and ideological influence among the working
       class and party members." The statement expresses
       alarm over the increase within the party of
       "Trotskyite-Zionist views, nationalism, agrarianism,
       clericalism, and anti-Sovietism," but does not
       restrict itself to the PUWP. It also attacks the
       Polish press, radio, and television, asserting that
       in recent months they have been "taken over by party
       centers that openly proclaim right-wing opportunism,
       revisionism, and liberal-bourgeois ideas." It says,
       moreover, that "these centers consistently refuse to
       allow analyses and publications to appear that are
       based upon Marxist-Leninist positions." Calling
       upon the party leadership and government to put an
       end to such "arbitrariness ... in the mass media"
       and to "resist firmly the fermenting of anti-Soviet
       hysteria . . . slander, and attacks," the discussion
       forum expresses its "gratitude to the fraternal
       communist parties and Communists throughout the world
       for the internationalist support that they are giving
       us in our struggle."

MAY 29	Solidarity says that despite a government pledge to
       take action over the Bydgoszcz incident, the
       official investigation is stalled. The union says this

[page 64]

MAY 29	situation poses the threat of further conflict over
(cont.)	the incident but it urges people not to provoke
       trouble. Solidarity's National Coordinating
       Commission also announces it will hold a special
       meeting on the issue in Bydgoszcz on June 4.
       The Polish Academy of Sciences issues a statement
		saying that during the process of renewal comments
		were being made that were "permeated with a spirit
		of nationalism." The statement appeals to the
		Polish people to oppose what it calls the
		"demagogical use of national slogans," which threatens
		anarchy and splits the unity of society. The academy
		calls for combating such views, which it says are
		hostile to processes of democratization in Poland,
		processes in accord with the hopes of the entire
		nation. The statement appeals for the public not
		to yield to provocations and to rebuff all those who
		want to destroy the calm that is necessary for the
		socialist renewal of the country.

		Soviet Ambassador to Poland Boris Aristov tells
		a meeting of the Polish-Soviet Friendship Society
		that the Soviet people are concerned about recent
		anti-Soviet incidents in Poland and the reaction to
		them. He says, however, that he is convinced that
		Poland's current difficulties can be solved by the
		Polish party guided by the principles of Marxism and
		Leninism. Referring to recent incidents such as the
		white-washing of a monument to Soviet soldiers in
		Przemysl this week, Aristov says that "our
		friendship will be suppressed by neither open nor hidden
		enemies." Stanislaw Wronski, Polish chairman of the
		society, admits that posters and pamphlets have
		appeared and exhibitions of an anti-Soviet nature
		have been staged.

		In an address to party members at the Ursus tractor
		factory, PUWP First Secretary Stanislaw Kania
		expresses concern about the drop in the country's
		production levels. In the first four months of this
		year, he says, national production has dropped by
		10% compared with the same period last year.
		According to Kania, the export situation is becoming more
		complicated and Poles have suffered a considerable
		drop in national income. He promises that the
		government will present an assessment of the situation
		at the coming session of the Sejm.

JUNE 1	Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Jagielski arrives
		in Moscow for economic talks, within the framework
		of the Soviet-Polish Commission on Economic Relations.
		The visit is not immediately announced by official
		Soviet or Polish media. Jagielski, who is in charge

[page 65]

JUNE 1	of economic affairs and is also a party Politburo
(cont.)	member, has visited the Soviet Union several times
		since last summer for talks on trade and economic
		matters.

		Solidarity's Warsaw information bulletin and the
		Warsaw evening paper Expres Wjeczornv report moves by
		police members to establish their own independent
		trade union. The Solidarity bulletin says a
		provisional union founding committee, representing police
		throughout the country, has been established in
		Warsaw and the union will aim to re-establish public
		confidence in the police, increase mutual trust,
		defend socialism, and strengthen the leading role of
		the party. Solidarity also reports that police in
		the Suwalki region of northeastern Poland are
		demanding the right to form a union. Expres Wieczorny
		quotes an unnamed police officer as saying that
		Warsaw police want a union to win increased pay for
		extra work, improve housing, and tell the truth
		about what he calls police wages, alleged
		privileges, and problems. He says the police wants to
		be respected and not to be manipulated by what he
		terms various forces in the name of provisional
		interests of unknown personalities.

		The pope's special emissary, Vatican Secretary of
		State Cardinal Agostino Casaroli, holds talks with
		Henryk Jablonski on the relations between their
		states, which "serve peace" in Europe. Jablonski and
		Casaroli express their satisfaction over present
		contacts between the Vatican and Poland and assert that both
		states "serve peace and detente in international
		relations, particularly in Europe." Cardinal
		Casaroli took part in Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski's
		funeral, on May 31, which was attended by some 300,000
		people.

		Four former Polish Politburo members who lost their
		posts in the wake of last summer's labor protests
		criticize their own actions and errors at a party
		commission hearing. Zdzislaw Grudzien, Jerzy
		Lukaszewicz, Stanislaw Kowalczyk, and Tadeusz Pyka
		appear before the commission which has also heard
		self-criticism from two former prime ministers and
		former party leader Edward Gierek. Grudzien says he
		noticed "shortcomings" in the ruling Politburo's
		actions and thought a new prime minister was needed
		after the food price riots in 1976, but he kept
		silent out of "ill-conceived loyalty to Gierek." In
		addition to Grudzien, the commission also hears
		Jerzy Lukaszewicz, the former information chief who
		lost his post along with Gierek and Pyka in
		September 1980. Lukaszewicz admits responsibility
		for pressing for accelerated development in the

[page 66]

JUNE 1	country, adding that he failed to adopt a propaganda
(cont.)	line to reflect changed social and political
       conditions in the late 1970s. Former Interior Minister
       Kowalczyk, who was dropped from the Politburo in
       December 1980, claims responsibility for "not
       pressing for the use of information about the situation
       in the country and the moods of the population."
       Former Deputy Prime Minister Pyka, who tried to
       negotiate a settlement with striking shipyard
       workers last August, attempts to point out some positive
       aspects of his actions, which he said went unheeded.
       Those aspects included attempts to revive private
       trade. He also claims responsibility, however, for
       failing to solve such problems of Poland's internal
       economy as shortages of food and other consumer goods.

JUNE 2	A meeting of the PUWP Politburo officially and
       publicly rebuffs the recent assertions of a party
       discussion forum in Katowice that the entire party has
       lost its "ideological and political compass in the
       struggle for socialism" under the combined pressure
       of "alien ideological influences" from abroad and
       "right-wing opportunism and bourgeois liberalism"
       at home.

       At a press conference following the session,
       Politburo member and CC Secretary Kazimierz
       Barcikowski says that the party leadership described
       the views of the Katowice group as "harmful."
       Although their statements cited "many genuine
       dangers whose existence cannot be denied" and contained
       "some evaluations that might be right," a number of
       their "simplifications" and "accusations" were "not
       acceptable." The Politburo feels, Barcikowski says,
       that the material published by the Katowice forum
       does "not serve to strengthen party unity," but
       rather their allegations only serve to polarize

       opinions and stimulate direct reactions from the
       opposite extreme. In this way, they actually
       hinder the creation of a new party program and make it
       much more difficult to resolve the crisis in which
       the country finds itself.

       Lech Walesa, in Geneva to take part in the annual
       ILO convention, stresses in a special press
       conference that labor unions must remain independent of
       politicians and focus on serving the workers. In
       his opinion, Solidarity should limit its activities
       to union matters: "The government should govern,
       the party should look after party matters, and the
       unions should protect the interests of their
       workers."

[page 67]

JUNE 3	In an address to party activists in Lodz, Polish
       Politburo member Kazimierz Barcikowski criticizes
       the declaration of the so-called Katowice forum,
       saying that if such forums continue they could
       lead to the collapse of the party. He claims
       that party leaders have managed to lead Poland
       through an extremely dangerous period and to
       solve problems.

JUNE 4	The Katowice forum, citing its
       adherence to the principles of democratic centralism,
       announces that it is suspending all general meetings
       until the Polish party leadership takes an
       "unambiguous stand" on the group's activities. The
       announcement, signed on behalf of the forum's program
       council by council secretary Stefan Owczarz, says that a
       letter has been sent to the PUWP Politburo
       requesting that such a stand be taken. The decision comes
       two days after the Politburo described the forum's
       views as generally "harmful" to patty unity and
       "unacceptable" under present circumstances. The
       Politburo statement also admitted, however, that the
       group's published documents had pointed out "many
       genuine dangers whose existence cannot be denied"
       and had contained "some evaluations that might be
       right." The party leadership's intervention in the
       matter was preceded and followed by widespread and
       acrimonious criticism of the forum's views by lower
       level party bodies.

       Solidarity's National Coordinating Commission (NCC)
       meets in Bydgoszcz to review the situation in view
       of the approaching deadline (June 10) for a strike
       decision if the authorities fail to settle the
       Bydgoszcz affair. Despite the appeal of Jan
       Michalski, the Suffragan Bishop of Gniezno, who
       invoked Pope John Paul II's request for a 30-day
       period of peaceful mourning for Stefan Cardinal
       Wyszynski, the NCC overwhelmingly votes for a two-
       hour warning strike on June 11.

       Proposing the strike motion, Krzysztof Gotowski,

       deputy-chairman of the Bydgoszcz Solidarity chapter,
       describes Solidarity's various attempts to resolve
       the conflict between the movement and the
       authorities, concluding that in the obvious absence of
       good will on the part of officialdom, a strike
       appears to be the only alternative left. The strike,
       which aims at forcing the authorities to reveal and
       punish those responsible for beating three Solidarity
       members in Bydgoszcz on March 19 (including local
       Solidarity head Jan Rulewski), is scheduled to be
       held in Bydgoszcz, Plock, Torun, and Wleclawek
       Voivodships.

[page 68]

JUNE 4	At CC headquarters in Warsaw, Polish party leader
(cont.)	Stanislaw Kania tells a meeting of the top party
       leadership and representatives of the party and
       nonparty press and secretaries of the media's party
       organizations that Poland has no alternative but to
       solve its conflicts by political means and
       agreements. Kania stresses that the time until the
       forthcoming ninth party congress in July should be
       used to enrich the party's congress documents.
       Kania appeals to journalists to support the
       strengthening of the party and build a creative alliance
       between the forces of common sense and responsibility.

       Speaking at the same meeting, Politburo and CC
       Secretary Stefan Olszowski denounces the Katowice
       forum, rejecting its accusation that the party
       congress's program guidelines represent "a departure
       from Marxism and the decisions of the April plenum
       -- a compromise with the right wing and revisionism."

       Minister of Labor, Wages, and Social Affairs Janusz
       Obodowski, a member of the Polish delegation to the
       International Labor Organization conference in
       Geneva, tells the meeting that Solidarity is now
       Poland's most representative trade union and that
       new institutions are being created in Poland that
       will ensure effective workers' participation.

       In a Soviet Army cemetery at Rybnik in Katowice
       Voivodship a star is torn off a monument to Soviet
       troops and an inscription is covered by paint. A
       recent, similar incident at a Soviet military
       cemetery at Przemysl was strongly denounced by Polish
       officials, the news media, and Solidarity.

JUNE 5	Rejecting the appeal by the state prosecutor's
       office of a lower court decision, taken on June 4,
       to release several political prisoners pending
       their trial, the Supreme Court frees four KPN
       members imprisoned since the fall of 1980 on charges
       of antistate activities. The four include the
       organization's leader Leszek Moczulski (51);
       Romuald Szeremietiew (35) and Tadeusz Stanski (32),

       both lawyers; and Tadeusz Jandziszak (38), an
       historian. After their release from the Warsaw
       Rakowiecka Prison it is announced that their trial
       will resume at the Warsaw Voivodship Court on
       June 15. (Actually, seven KPN members will be on
       trial. The others--Jerzy Sychut (32), an
       electrician; Krzysztof Bzdyl (30), an economist; and
       Zygmunt Golawski (56), a glazier -- have been
       released one at a time over the past few weeks.)

[page 69]

JUNE 5	Deputy Jan Kubit, Chairman of the Sejm Subcommission
(cont.)	for Energy, says the Polish economy will suffer a
       heavy blow this year because of a power shortage
       amounting to about 7,000 million kWh of electricity.

       Czeslaw Milosz, the 1980 Nobel Prize winner for
       literature, arrives in Poland for a two-week private
       visit after a thirty-year absence. Welcomed
       enthusiastically by most people, his visit is nevertheless
       causing embarrassment in some quarters, because of the
       difficulty in explaining convincingly why he has been
       a "nonperson" since he has lived in the West.

       Speaking as a workers' representative at the annual
       conference of the ILO in Geneva, Lech Walesa says
       that there must be no foreign intervention in his
       country's affairs and that Poles are capable of

       settling their own internal affairs by themselves and
       between themselves: "It is in the common interest
       that no external intervention should become an
       obstacle to the process of consolidation of Polish
       society that began in August 1980."

       In an apparent reference to Poland, a joint
       communique following talks between Yugoslav and Hungarian
       party leaders Lazar Mojsov and Janos Kadar states
       that communist parties and other "progressive"
       movements should be able to chart their own paths. This
       appears to imply support for Poland's communist party
       in its current reform movement.

JUNE 6	Inmates in several Polish prisons continue their
       hunger strikes to demand better conditions and treatment
       and amnesty for certain prisoners.
       The GDR joins the Soviet Union in expressing
       continued support for the Katowice forum, which has
       come under fire from the Warsaw leadership. Neues
       Deutschland publishes a Soviet commentary
       approving the forum, which has called for a return to
       orthodox communist policies. (The article is
       TASS's second on the forum and was published after
       the Polish leadership publicly denounced the
       group's ideas as harmful.)

JUNE 7	Hunger strikers in Sosnowiec (southern Poland)
       issue 'a statement saying they have decided to end
       their action because their goal has been partly
       achieved? they will, however, continue to demand
       clemency for Jerzy and Ryszard Kowalczyk.

[page 70]

JUNE 9	The 11th PUWP CC plenum begins in Warsaw. In a one-
       hour speech, First Secretary Stanislaw Kania
       reaffirms the leadership's commitment to "socialist
       renewal" and announces that the forthcoming
       Extraordinary Ninth Party Congress "must be held at
       the set time" (July 14).

       The CC emergency session was called in response to
       a letter sent to the Polish party CC by the CPSU
       and signed by Secretary-General Leonid Brezhnev.
       The letter expressed great anxiety over the "mortal"
       danger to Polish socialism and Polish independence
       represented by alleged "counterrevolutionary forces"
       that the PUWP leadership had failed to bring under
       control. Kania and Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski
       were specifically singled out for their poor
       performance in this regard. Severe criticism and obvious
       concern were also voiced over the preparation for
       the Extraordinary Ninth PUWP Congress, the tone of
       which was reportedly being set "to an increasing
       degree by forces hostile to socialism." The letter
       accused the party leadership of allowing "open
       opportunists" to be elected as delegates to the congress
       and said that "it cannot be excluded that an attempt
       will be made at the congress itself to administer a
       decisive blow to the party's Marxist-Leninist forces
       in order to abolish the party."

       At the plenum a vitriolic personal attack on Kania
       is mounted by CC Secretary and Politburo member
       Tadeusz Grabski, who accuses the top party
       leadership of having ceased to be, "for several months
       now, a consolidated and united body." As an example
       of the Politburo's lack of control and influence
       over the decision-making process, Grabski cites the
       decision to allow the legalization of Rural
       Solidarity, a move he had, apparently, been totally
       unaware of before it was announced. Underscoring
       the leadership's responsibility for the fate of the
       party and the nation as a whole, he claims that
       "the leadership's main fault is to act in the spirit
       of excessive and falsely understood loyalty" and
       concludes that, "in its present composition and
       headed by Stanislaw Kania, the party leadership is
       not capable of leading the country out of its crisis."

       The Warsaw District Court registers the Confederation
       of Autonomous Trade Unions, an organization
       comprised of 2 5 individual trade unions.

       Solidarity signs an agreement with a Sejm commission
       in which it undertakes to appeal for a strike
       suspension until July 3. The Solidarity negotiating team,
       seeking the punishment of officials responsible for
       beating three unionists, says in a separate statement

[page 71]

JUNE 9	that it is confident the regions that have
(cont.)	threatened strikes will heed the appeal. Solidarity says
       it is convinced that the four regions will hold off
       the planned strikes because of an appeal from Polish
       bishops who are meeting in Rome. Under the terms of
       the agreement, the Sejm commission in charge of
       monitoring government-union accords will help clear up
       by July 3 the dispute surrounding the violence
       against union members. The authorities originally
       pledged to clarify the matter by June 10. The
       agreement was reached following the return to Poland of
       Solidarity leader Lech Walesa, who had been in
       Geneva for the ILO conference.

       After consultation with the Commission for Economic
       Reform, the government has adopted a
       resolution on the development of small-scale industry.
       The decision will take effect on July 1 and applies
       to the entire sphere of small-scale industry.
       The solutions proposed in the new decision are
       reportedly progressive and in agreement with the
       guidelines of a prepared economic reform. The
       general principle of the decision is independence,
       self-government, and self-financing by small-scale
       industry units. These units will receive
       considerable powers, especially in the field of setting
       prices, investment activity, and foreign trade.
       The decision is said to create greater possibilities
       for small-scale industrial units to obtain raw and
       other materials.

       The 13th session of the Sejm, whichwas originally
       scheduled for today, is postponed until June 12.
       Though no reason is given, it is obvious that the
       emergency CC plenum took precedence over the Sejm.

JUNE 10	On the second and final day of the 11th plenum
       Stanislaw Kania demonstrates his merits as a
       skillful political tactician by outmaneuvering
       hardline opponents on the CC who called for his removal
       as PUWP First Secretary. The two-day CC plenum,
       which was convened in response to a harshly worded
       Soviet letter demanding the reversal of an alleged
       "counterrevolutionary" tide in Poland, has been a
       stormy, heated affair, characterized by foot-
       stamping, angry accusations, and blistering attacks
       on the party leadership. Although political
       moderates such as Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw
       Rakowski and Politburo member Kazimierz Barcikowski
       attempt to mount a counterattack against bitter
       criticism of Kania's reformist course, reports on
       the plenum's proceedings at that point give the
       impression that it has not yet succeeded in making
       a decisive breakthrough. The difficulties facing

[page 72]

JUNE 10	the moderates are increased by Politburo member
(cont.)	Tadeusz Grabski, who apparently breaksranks with
       his colleagues on the body and declares that the
       Politburo, as currently constituted and under
       Kania's leadership, is incapable of leading the
       country out of its crisis. At some point after the
       Grabski speech, the plenum is recessed to allow the
       Politburo time to hold a meeting to consider its
       response to the calls for personnel changes. When
       deliberations again resume, Kania proposes on behalf
       of the leadership that each individual Politburo
       member be subjected to a vote of confidence or
       confirmation on the part of the CC. Under the terms of
       this unprecedented proposal, any Politburo member
       failing to receive at least 50% of the votes will
       resign his position. "A long and lively debate"
       takes place on the motion and on the procedure and
       manner of voting. For the first time, the radio

begins to speak of a "crystallization" of views
       "expressing confidence in Stanislaw Kania and
       Wojciech Jaruzelski."

       The independent Japanese CP enters into open polemics
       with the Soviet party over Poland and Afghanistan.
       Recent developments have included the JCP's
       publication of messages to the Polish and Soviet
       leaderships, assuring the PUWP of its
       internationalist solidarity in the face of "increased threats of
       outside intervention," and warning the CPSU not to
       repeat "the error of military intervention in
       Czechoslovakia." The decision to send telegrams to
       the Polish and Soviet CCs, follows an editorial in
       the Japanese party's daily newspaper, on June 7,
       denouncing "blatant interference" in the internal
       affairs of the Polish party by the Soviet Union and
       some other socialist countries, and Chairman Kenji
       Miyamoto's criticism of a letter from the CPSU to
       the JCP on the international situation, with
       particular reference to Afghanistan.

JUNE 12	In his opening speech to the 13th session of the
       Sejm Prime Minister Wojciech Jaruzelski paints a
       grim picture of the nation's economy, gives a
       progress report on the state of the government's
       stabilization and reform programs, and announces five
       cabinet changes: Minister of Justice Jerzy Bafia is
       replaced by Professor Sylwester Zawadzki; Deputy
       Prime Minister and Head of the Planning Commission
       Henryk Kisiel is replaced by Zbigniew Madej;
       Minister of Domestic Trade and Services Adam
       Kowalik is replaced by Zygmunt Lakomiec; Minister
       of Communications Zbigniew Rudnicki is replaced by
       Wladyslaw Majewski; and Minister Without Portfolio
       Jerzy Gawrysiak, who was Chairman of the Price

[page 73]

JUNE 12	Commission, is replaced by Professor Zdzislaw
(cont.)	Krasinski. Jaruzelski says that all five asked to
       be released -- Kisiel because of serious illness,
       Kowalik because of his family situation, and
       Rudnicki because of retirement. He gives no reason,
       however, for the resignation of Bafia and Gawrysiak.
       The 32nd Congress of the Polish Teachers' Union
       (PTU) resumes after having been adjourned in its
       4th day on April 26.

JUNE 13	The 32nd PTU Congress ends. After urging the
       government to "give the school system an adequate status
       in its social policy, among other things by
increasing its share in budget expenditure; by according
top priority to construction of school buildings and
teachers' homes, especially in new housing
developments and in the countryside; and by basically
improving the alarming conditions prevailing in
village schools." An open letter to the Sejm is
appended to the resolution, asking the Sejm to
devote a special plenary session to the matter and
to oblige the government finally to present the
long-overdue "program for improving national
education."


JUNE 14 In the past four days, following the Japanese CP's
stand on the Polish situation, the Belgian, British,
Italian, and Dutch Communist parties have all
reaffirmed their support for the cause of democratic
reform in Poland and have warned against any Soviet
intervention.

Soviet Television reports that Polish citizens are
grateful for Moscow's tough letter to the Polish
communist party and that Poles want their
government to act vigorously to end the nation's crisis.

JUNE 15 Preparations for the PUWP's Extraordinary Ninth
Congress, scheduled for July 14, are continuing
amid calls for public discipline, social peace, and
political unity. Approximately 50% of the
congressional delegates have been elected, and the Polish
media report that a large-scale turnover has taken
place in the leadership of lower level party bodies.
This includes the replacement of 50% of the first
secretaries and 40% of the executive committees of
the primary party organizations, as well as of 75%
of the leadership of village, town, and urban
district committees.

[page 74]

JUNE 15 The trial of KPN leaders Leszek Moczulski,
(cont.) Romuald Szeremietiew, Tadeusz Stanski, and Tadeusz
Jandziszak begins in the Warsaw Voivodship Court.
The court adjourns after reading out the charges:
that the accused set up an illegal political
organization aimed at weakening Poland's defensive
capability and disrupting the harmonious alliance with
the Soviet Union, and attempted to overthrow, with
force, the regime of the Polish People's Republic.

JUNE 16 On the second day of the KPN trial, defense lawyer
Tadeusz de Virion asks the court for a one-month
adjournment to enable both the accused and the
defense to study the case documentation (said to
amount to seventeen volumes). This request is
refused; the court is adjourned until tomorrow.

Between 30 and 50 youths clash with riot police at
the main train station in Katowice (southern Poland),
throwing bottles and rocks at the police when they
arrive to quell a disturbance. The incident began
about midnight when a scuffle between several youths
and Railroad Police at the station mushroomed into a
clash between the youths and motorized Riot Police
called in by Railroad Police. The official media
have reported several such incidents, and government
and communist party leaders have voiced growing
concern over an apparent wave of violence in recent
months. Critics of the Polish situation have also
charged that the increasing acts represent a rise
of "anarchy," a charge that has been vigorously
denied by some party members and commentators in the
media.

Stanislaw Kania, speaking in Plock, says a
confrontation with Solidarity is "inevitable" if it is used
as a "destructive force acting against the socialist
state." "The party must grant all aid to Solidarity
to keep this great labor organization from attempts
at using its capacities as a destructive force
acting against the socialist state. If that fails,
confrontation is inevitable."

JUNE 17 On the third day of the KPN trial the court accepts
the defense's request and adjourns until July 2.
The defense's second request, to state in more
precise terms the nature of the charges against the
accused, is refused.

JUNE 18 Solidarity is warned to resist any government
attempts to lay off workers. The union's research
group reports that the government has not developed

[page 75]

JUNE 18 a long-term employment strategy and that in the
(cont.) absence of any clear plan Solidarity should oppose
dismissals. The report says that talks between
Solidarity and the government failed to reveal
either how many workers throughout the economy
would be affected by lay-offs or how labor should
be used in the coming years.

Kania claims that Moscow's recent letter to the
Polish leadership has been very helpful in the
struggle against counterrevolutionary dangers in
Poland. Speaking at a party election conference
of the Pomeranian military district in Bydgoszcz,
he says that the Soviet letter has drawn the
attention of Poles in a friendly way to a number of real
dangers and that Poland will therefore do
everything to restore credibility in the communist
alliance .

JUNE 19 Speaking on his return from a one-week visit to
Italy, where he and his delegation were received by
Pope John Paul II, Rural Solidarity Chairman Jan
Kulaj tells reporters in Warsaw that some "top
people" in the party and government aimed at
splitting the private farmers' union.
According to Kulaj, farmers in four regions -- Bydgoszcz,
Walbrzych, Lublin, and Wloclawek -- have already
broken away from the main organization, registered
on 10 May 1981 after months of opposition by the
authorities. The Bydgoszcz farmers have also sought
an audience with the pope, but failed, according to
Kulaj, with "the Church authorities expressing their
indignation at the effort."

JUNE 21 Polish leaders send a telegram to Soviet President
Leonid Brezhnev and Premier Nikolai Tikhonov in
connection with tomorrow's 40th anniversary of the
attack on the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany. The
telegram from Stanislaw Kania and Henryk Jablonski
"expresssed the fraternal friendship of the Polish
people for the Soviet people." The telegram says
Poland is in the process of overcoming a serious
social and economic crisis and is "formulating, under
the leadership of the Polish communist party, in a
fierce struggle against the class enemy, ways
to further socialist development." According to
the telegram, "at this difficult moment we wish to
assure you that defense of the friendship of our
peoples and the alliance of our two states, born in
the joint struggle against Hitler's invaders and
cemented by blood shed together, will always be
treated by Polish Communists and all patriotic
forces of the nation as the supreme duty, in the
name of a lasting guarantee of the independent
existence of socialist Poland."
[page 76]

JUNE 21 Krasnaya Zvezda# the Soviet Armed Forces' paper
publishes an article marking the 40th anniversary
of the Nazi attack on the Soviet tlnion, Commander-
in-Chief of the Warsaw Pact Joint Armed Forces
Soviet Marshal Viktor Kulikov accuses what he
calls "imperialism" of interfering in Poland.
Kulikov maintains that "imperialism" is currently
directing "its efforts above all against the
fraternal socialist countries by brazenly intervening
in the internal affairs of People's Poland." He
claims that "imperialism" is "giving material
support to the counterrevolutionary forces in a bid to
tear this country [Poland] out of the socialist
community." The marshal quotes the letter that the
Soviet party CC recently sent to Polish Communists
as saying "the offensive by the hostile
antisocialist forces in the Polish People's Republic
threatens the interests of the whole of our community,
its cohesion, integrity, and security of borders."

JUNE 22 A TASS report from Warsaw, read on Soviet radio and
television news, discloses the existence of another
conservative party forum in Poland, this time in

Poznan. According to the Soviet media, the newly
reported forum has adopted a resolution that speaks
of a "serious danger to the Marxist-Leninist
character of the party" and criticizes the PUWP
leadership for failing to take concrete action despite the
Poznan group's repeated expressions of concern over
this state of affairs. This "must not continue,"
the resolution is quoted as saying. "It is
necessary to implement consistently and strictly the
decisions of the party and for the words of the party
leadership to be supported by deeds." Specifically
referring to the decisions of the 11th PUWP CC
plenum on June 9-10, the resolution is reported to
have said that "we expect concrete measures from
the central and local party leadership, including
cadre [personnel] measures, to implement the
decisions of the . . . plenum with respect to the mass
information media." Moreover, according to the
Soviet reports, the forum resolution appeals to all
delegates to the forthcoming party congress "to show

responsibility for the fate of the party and the
fatherland by electing a party leadership that will
become a guarantor of ... the Marxist-Leninist
character of the party and of socialist renewal in
People's Poland."

JUNE 23 A meeting of communist party members in Radom issues
a declaration urging that next month's party congress
commemorate the 1976 workers' protests in the town.

[page 77]

JUNE 23 It also says that the foundation stone of a monu-
(cont.) ment to be erected in Radom will be laid tomorrow,
the fifth anniversary of the protests. (The
workers' protests in Radom and other parts of Poland
followed the government's decision to raise retail
prices. The decision was withdrawn the next day.)
Pravda accuses the West of trying to break down the
postwar structure in Europe by "hatching far-
reaching" plans to weaken the "Polish link" in the
socialist community. Pravda says that "enemies of

socialism" hope to change the present alignment of
forces in their favor and are interested in an
"onslaught on the postwar situation in Europe."

Minister of Internal Trade and Services Zygmunt
Lakomiec tells journalists that because both state
purchases and imports of meat were smaller than
expected it has been necessary to dip into the
state meat reserves this month to ensure people
their rations.

JUNE 25 First Secretary Stanislaw Kania again intervenes
directly in the work of voivodship party electoral
conferences to ensure their compliance with the
political preferences of, and the procedural
directives issued by, the central leadership, by
personally supporting the re-election of Andrzej Zabinski
as first secretary of the Katowice Voivodship
organization. He also calls upon the delegates to the
conference of that organization to include in the
list of candidates for election as congressional
delegates seven high-ranking party activists who
have not received mandates as delegates to the
conference but have been recommended by the Politburo
for the congressional election. In another case,
Kania appealed yesterday to the conference in Poznan
to accept as candidates for election as congressional
delegates four party activists from Warsaw. Kania's
actions are reminiscent of his earlier intervention
in the work of the Torun city electoral conference
on June 4, when he sent a letter to the delegates
urging them to abandon procedural disputes in the name
of preserving "the unity and organizational cohesion
of the party."

Soviet and Polish troops are taking part in joint
training exercises in the southwestern region of
Silesia. The exercises are designed to "deepen the
fraternity of arms between the Polish and Soviet
Armies and educate soldiers in the spirit of
patriotism and proletarian internationalism."

[page 78]

JUNE 25 Talks open in Warsaw between Deputy Minister
(cont.) Mieczyslaw Rakowski and Solidarity leaders, among
them Lech Walesa. The talks, held at the Council
of Ministers building, focus on economic issues
generally and those connected with several draft
bills due for consideration by the Sejm. The bills
include a new draft on trade unions and on
enterprise and workers' self-management.

JUNE 26 Rakowski receives a delegation of the social
committee charged with organizing the program to
commemorate the 25th anniversary of the 1956 Poznan
events.

In the precongress report-and-election campaign of
the Warsaw Voivodship party organization, a

controversy is provoked by the determination of the
delegates to clear up the role of Stanislaw
Kociolek, the Warsaw party organization's first
secretary, at the time of the December 1970 events
on the coast (he was then Gdansk Voivodship First
Secretary), prior to allowing him to place his
name on the list of candidates. Kociolek is re-
elected but not until Stanislaw Kania assures the
delegates that Kociolek cannot be held responsible
for the tragic events on the coast, because he was
in favor of solving the social conflict by
political means.

JUNE 28 The Poznan memorial to those who fell in June 1956
is unveiled. The memorial is inscribed: "For
Freedom, Justice, and Bread." Attending are
representatives of the government, party, Church, and
labor unions. The climate of the occasion is best
described by Deputy Prime Minister Jerzy Ozdowski
who says that the Poznan June gave birth to August
1980.

Radio Warsaw announces that as of July 1 cigarette
rationing will be introduced in Bydgoszcz, Gorzow,
and Konin Voivodships.

An Honorary National Social Committee is set up in
Warsaw to commission a memorial commemorating the
1944 Warsaw Uprising.

JUNE 29 Prime Minister Jaruzelski decides to set up a
council of economic experts as an advisory body to
Chairman of the Planning Commission Zbigniew Madej.
Professor Czeslaw Bobrowski is appointed head of
the group and is to organize it. The aim of the
new council will be to prepare suggestions about
the country's economic development, methods of

[page 79]

JUNE 29 (cont.)	planning, and elaboration of "independent expert
opinions, proposals, and assessments." One of the
advisory council's major tasks will be to assess
proposals contained in the government's report on
the state of the economy and its program for 
overcoming the economic crisis.

Speaking at a Warsaw party conference after being
elected as a delegate to the forthcoming party 
congress, Politburo member and CC Secretary Stefan
Olszowski says that "deformations" in the party
go back as far as the 1940s. Discussing the
nature of party crises, Olszowski says that "an
achievement of the precongress program guidelines
is the revelation of the structural character of
these crises. Their sources are deformations 
reaching back to the years 1945-1948, deformations 
concerning mainly the paralysis of international party
democracy, the use of criticism and control."
According to Olszowski, the most important matter,
both for the party's renewal and for the 
"elimination of deformations in our social and economic
life," is to work out "a system of effective 
guarantees to prevent such crises."

On the last day of the celebrations to commemorate
the victims of the June 1956 events, Aleksandra
Banasiak, a head nurse, unveils a plaque in
Franciszek Raszeja Hospital, where those killed or
wounded in the riots were taken. Mayor Stanislaw
Piotrowicz and Bishop-in-Ordinary Franciszek
Przekupski of Chelmno-Warmia are present at the ceremony.

Speaking in Warsaw at a meeting of the party 
congress delegates, First Secretary Kania hails the
forthcoming Ninth Extraordinary PUWP Congress as
an event of international importance. He assures
the delegates that the party is fully capable of
mastering the country's present difficulties -- a
remark that seems ironic exactly 12 months after
changes in the system of meat sales, amounting to
an effective increase in the price of meat, 
triggered what became known as the August 1980 events.

JULY 2	Speaking in the Sejm debate on the economy. Deputy
Prime Minister and Chairman of the Planning
Commission Zbigniew Madej frankly admits that
the plan for 1981 will have to be drastically
changed. He justifies these changes by an 
anticipated decline in industrial production -- it
decreased in January by 10% compared with the same
period of 1980 and by May had declined to 18% -- 
and warns that these trends could persist until
at least the end of the year. Madej also suggests

[page 80]

JULY 2	that the national income for 1981 will probably
fall by about 15% below that of 1980 when the level
was some 2% lower than in 1979. In view of this
situation Madej proposes that the government be
empowered to adopt measures dictated by the current
requirements of the economy. Those measures would
not be defined within the framework of a new plan,
but would rather be specific, ad hoc measures in
response to changes in immediate requirements.

The trial of four KPN activists (Leszek Moczulski,
Romuald Szeremietiew, Tadeusz Stanski, and Tadeusz
Jandziszak), postponed on June 17, resumes in the
Warsaw Voivodship Court. The prosecution moves
that the defendants be arrested instead of 
remaining merely under police supervision.

JULY 3	The KPN trial is postponed until July 7 on
Moczulski's request.

JULY 5	Andrei Gromyko ends a three-day "friendly" visit
to Poland in his dual capacity as CPSU Politburo
member and Soviet Foreign Minister. Gromyko was
invited by the Polish party's Central Committee and
the government. During his stay in the Polish 
capital Gromyko has had several meetings with CC First
Secretary Stanislaw Kania and Prime Minister
Wojciech Jaruzelski as well as with Foreign
Minister Jozef Czyrek. Gromyko also met with and
talked to other members of the Polish Politburo
and CC Secretariat. Gromyko's visit was essentially
of a "working" character and is said to have been
conducted in a "fraternal atmosphere." The talks
between the Soviet official and the Polish leaders
reportedly centered on "an exchange of views related
to a variety of issues of common interest to both
sides."

A joint communique published in Moscow and Warsaw
after Gromyko's return accuses certain circles in
the West of trying to exploit events in Poland to
discredit the communist system. The document also
says that Poland was, is, and will continue to be
a firm link in the socialist community and that the
defense of socialist achievements in Poland is
inseparable from the problems of Poland's 
independence and sovereignty, its security, and the 
inviolability of its borders. (Although not mentioned
in the communique, the timing of the visit, barely
10 days before the opening of the Polish party's
extraordinary congress, strongly suggests that
internal political developments in Poland, and 
particularly the situation in the party, must have
been discussed at length.)

[page 81]

JULY 6	The East German press gives prominence to ADN
reports critical of Poland. The communist party
daily, Neues Deutschland, and almost every other
paper devote much space to a dispatch from ADN's
Warsaw correspondent describing the situation there
as extremely serious and saying that Polish leaders
recognize the need for urgent measures. The papers
also print in full a declaration by the Katowice
forum, which calls for nonrecognition of any 
delegates to this month's party congress who had not
been elected strictly according to party rules.

JULY 7	Nearly six weeks after the death of Stefan Cardinal
Wyszynski on May 28, Pope John Paul II names Msgr.
Jozef Glemp, Wyszynski's former secretary and since
1979 bishop of the northern diocese of Warmia, as
Archbishop of Gniezno and Warsaw and thus, according
to Polish tradition, the new Primate of Poland.
A federation of consumers in Poland is granted legal
status. The movement was initiated by journalists
and lawyers. Its aim is to protect the interests of
customers, control the quality of goods, and see that
the new "mechanisms" introduced in an economic reform
do not hurt the market. The federation reportedly
has some 5,000 members organized in consumer clubs
throughout Poland.

On the third day of the resumed trial of the four
Confederation of Independent Poland (KPN) activists
the proceedings are recessed until July 23. At the
brief session the presiding judge rejects a 
prosecution request that the defendants be returned to
police custody for having allegedly engaged in
political activities since their release last month.
The prosecution gives notice of appeal. (The four
were charged with trying to overthrow the Polish
system and damage Poland's defense potential and
its ties with its socialist allies. They were
released from custody early last month but ordered
to refrain from any political activity. The 
prosecution has charged that the defendants have violated
this rule.)

JULY 8	Polish dockers halt work on at least 60 ships in
Baltic ports for 1 hour in the country's first big
strike in 3 months. The stoppage, in ports from
Szczecin in the west to Gdansk in the east, 
coincides with warnings that industrial protests could
jeopardize next week's national communist party
congress. The dockers' action is in protest against
what they say was the government's failure to keep
a pledge to grant a port workers' charter on

[page 82]

JULY 8 (cont.)	conditions and rights by July 1. It is staged with
the full support of Lech Walesa and occurs as 
employees of the national airline LOT debate whether to go
ahead with a four-hour strike tomorrow. Official
Polish sources say a new spate of industrial unrest
could have damaging repercussions at the party 
congress, possibly encouraging hard-liners to question
the viability of the policy of dialogue.

Speaking at a press conference in Ankara Polish
Deputy Foreign Minister Marian Dobrosielski says
that the Soviet Union has given Poland considerable
economic aid since the start of the previous 
summer's labor unrest. According to Dobrosielski,
Poland has received over 4,500 million dollars from
Moscow "in merchandise and hard currency, some of
it as a grant." The Soviet Union has agreed to
postpone repayment of Polish debts "for several
years," and has increased deliveries of essentials
like oil, gas, and cotton. He says he does not
want to minimize the amount of Western aid extended
to Poland, "nor am I complaining, but only stating
facts." Government-guaranteed debts and the 
postponement of 2, 700 million dollars of debts to Western
banks now being negotiated would give Poland a
breathing space. Dobrosielski expects such 
rescheduling could also take place in 1982 and 1983.
Answering a reporter's question about the 
possibility of Soviet military intervention in his country, the
minister says that no state that has helped Poland
in its difficulties as much as the Soviet Union
could be planning such an intervention: "I can say
with full authority that the Soviets, from the start
of the problems, have extensively tried to help
Poland economically and sociopolitically." He 
condemns, however, what he calls a campaign started in
the West to suggest the Soviet Union would intervene
in Poland. "Warnings of a Soviet military 
intervention contributed to sowing mistrust between us and
our allies and destabilizing the situation in Poland."

Radio Warsaw and PAP say there will not be enough
meat this month to satisfy the country's rationing
program. This month's supplies are estimated at
140,000 tons, 5,000 tons less than the ration coupon
minimum. About 35,000 tons of meat will be imported
in August, up from about 2 7,000 tons this month.
The supply of cigarettes, which have been rationed
in some areas, is slowly improving. About 10,000 tons of
detergent will reach the market this month instead
of the planned supply of 17,000 tons. Radio Warsaw
blames this on what it calls the long process of
purchasing and transporting goods.

[page 83]

JULY 9	Labor troubles surface once again in Poland. The
employees of the Polish airline LOT, as well as the
employees of the Bydgoszcz Voivodship transportation
network, stage separate strikes.

LOT holds a warning strike from 0800 to 1200 hours,
with the intention of staging an indefinite strike
beginning July 24, unless the government approves
the managing director, Bronislaw Klimaszewski,
picked by LOT's Employees' Self-Government
Conference (KSR) to replace Managing Director
Wlodzimierz Wilanowski, who retired on May 1. The
dispute resulted from a difference of opinion on the
selection process for the new director. While LOT's
KSR, with 189 people representing a work force of
6,000, decided to do the job itself, the Ministry of
Transportation maintained that the appointment of
Wilanowski's successor was the prerogative of the
ministry.

Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski warns
delegates to the approaching party congress not to
treat it as a prescription for all of Poland's ills.
Speaking at a meeting of congress delegates in Lodz,
Rakowski says that the food situation is the most
acute problem facing the authorities and that the
government is distributing what food it has 
available: the belief that the government is keeping
food reserves for some special occasion is a "myth."
Speaking about the party, Rakowski says that it
should continue being open to all those forces that
want to realize socialism, but that openness does
not mean allowing a situation to develop where "very
despercite" views exist.

A quarter of Poland's industry is idle and the 
position could worsen, according to Trybuna Ludu. In
the latest of a series of articles on the nation's
economic crisis, the paper says the situation is
mainly a result of shortages of raw and semifinished
materials. At present 24% of industrial potential
is idle and the figure could grow by 10% by the
first quarter of 1982. "The crisis can be overcome
only by making better use of what we have," by means
of a complete break with old-fashioned concepts that
place a premium on quantity rather than quality, the
article says.

The Supreme Court hears the prosecution's appeal in
the KPN trial and rules that Moczulski, Szeremietiew,
and Stanski be remanded under temporary arrest with
Jandziszak remaining, on health grounds, under
police supervision. The Supreme Court justifies its
decision on the grounds that the accused have
ignored the conditions for their release, not to
engage in political activity, with Szeremietiew 
additionally ignoring his duty to submit to police 
supervision.

[page 84]

JULY 10	Meeting a mere four days before the opening of the
extraordinary party congress, the outgoing CC takes
final and politically important steps to ensure that
the gathering will not turn into a session of 
recriminations and criticism of past failures and 
mistakes. Presided over by First Secretary Stanislaw
Kania, the meeting apparently involves little or no
discussion, but focuses on a series of reports 
delivered by key members of the Politburo about the state
of preparations for the congress.

A report on the results of the precongress election
campaign is delivered by CC Secretary Kazimierz
Barcikowski, who notes that the campaign has been
marked by intense political agitation and has led
to considerable changes in the composition of the
local leadership bodies. He says, however, that
"these changes did not exceed those that took place
during the years 1956 and 1957," the time of the
post-Stalinist crisis in the party. Barcikowski
points out that as many as 85 central party 
officials have been elected delegates to the congress.
At the same time, he admits such groups as workers,
peasants, women, and youth are underrepresented in
relation to their actual membership in the party.
Commenting on the anticipated results of the 
congress, Barcikowski says that it will "serve the
tasks of consolidating the party, strengthening its
ties with the populace, and restoring its 
credibility ."

A "Forum of Communists" sponsored by the program
council of the Katowice Party Forum approves an open 
letter addressed to the delegates to the party congress .
The meeting in Katowice is attended by 
representatives of the Szczecin Communist Movement, the
Katowice Party Forum, the Warsaw Club 80, the Poznan
Forum of Communist, the Kalisz Party Forum (west 
central Poland), and the Krosno Club of Political
Thought (southeastern Poland), as well as party 
activists from many big industrial enterprises and social
centers from many Polish cities. The forum 
publishes a communique saying that it has discussed the
present situation in the party before the party 
congress. It also discusses the dangers to the 
Marxist-Leninist character of the party, which allegedly
come from rightist-opportunist forces. The forum
approves a statement in the form of an open letter
to be sent to the delegates to the ninth party 
congress .

JULY 11	In a scene-setting precongress report from Warsaw,
Soviet Television claims that Marxist-Leninist
forces in the Polish communist party face a 
difficult political struggle at the party's extraordinary

[page 85]

JULY 11	congress. Although the report appears to leave
open the possibility that the outcome of the 
congress may be positive, it also reflects Moscow's
deep suspicions of the way delegates have been
elected (by secret ballot) and the possibility that
Moscow might regard the final results as 
unacceptable should supporters of reform get the upper hand.

Police detain 10 members of Solidarity in Silesia
for handing out leaflets protesting the rearrest of
an anticommunist dissident group. The union reports
that members of the branch at Myslowice, near
Katowice, were also accused of sticking up Solidarity
electoral posters and with littering. The case is
sent to a court specializing in misdemeanors.

Jozef Klasa, a delegate to next week's party 
congress, says that the party must build up a 
partnership with society and that the congress will work out
better ways of social consultation by means of the
media. In an interview in the Warsaw daily Zycie
Warszawy, Klasa ascribes the errors of the past to
the lack of a sensible system of job appointments
and to the lack of sincere and open relations
between former leaders. Speaking about the 
precongressional conferences, Klasa stresses the struggle
for democratization within the party and fear that
this democracy might be distorted or fade away. He
says the conferences have shown a certain weakness
in formulating a congress program with too little
attention being given to the guidelines prepared by
the precongress commission and too much to the 
question of the former leaders" accountability. With
regard to the congress, Klasa says the party must
establish partnership relations with all social
forces, something that requires understanding and
stepping out of closed party circles. According to
Klasa, the congress will work out better and more
modern ways of social consultations by means of the
press, radio, and television. (Klasa was removed
in mid-June as head of the CC's Press, Radio, and
Television Department, which he had headed for about
eight months. He has, however, been elected as a
delegate to the congress by the Cracow party 
conference, where he was Cracow Voivodship First Secretary
from 1971 to 1975.)

JULY 12	Stefan Bratkowski, Chairman of the PJA, predicts
that groups opposed to Poland's process of renewal
will be active during this weeks' party congress.
Speaking to Western newsmen in Warsaw, Bratkowski
charges that the groups are "ready to sow disorder"
for the sake of their own personal interests. He
says this could cause some difficulties for the

[page 86]

JULY 12	moderate elements in the party, but he expects First
(cont.)	Secretary Kania to be re-elected by a large majority.
According to Bratkowski, if the "Polish experiment"
succeeds, it will strengthen the leftist movement
throughout the world. But if it fails, it will lead
to long-term domination by rightist forces in the
world. Because Poland is different from its 
socialist neighbors, it is difficult for them to understand
its problems, he says, but Poland could become a
"laboratory" for reform of the socialist system and
provide some helpful experiences for other countries.
Polish Minister of Domestic Trade Zygmunt Lakomiec
announces it will be necessary to reduce the amount
of meat available next month under the rationing
scheme, because of difficulties over imports. (Last
month there were problems in meeting the rationing
card quotas in some parts of the country, 
particularly in Warsaw, Katowice, Cracow, and Gdansk.)

JULY 13	TASS announces the departure for Warsaw of the
Soviet Communist Party delegation to the forthcoming
PUWP congress. It consists of Viktor Grishin (first
secretary of the committee of the Moscow city party
organization); Tikhon Kiselev (First Secretary of
the Belorussian Communist Party Central Committee);
Konstantin Rusakov (Central Committee Secretary
responsible for CPSU relations with other ruling
communist parties); and Boris Aristov (Soviet
Ambassador to Poland).

Radio Warsaw reports that Zycie Partii, until now a
communist party monthly political review, will be
published biweekly, because the party's internal
rebirth is essential for the recovery of its 
credibility, authority, and leading position in society.
Bus drivers on regional and town routes from the town
of Kutno (west of Warsaw) stage separate two-hour
strikes to demand increased supplies of food. The
strikes are scheduled to be followed by a food 
protest march in Kutno on July 16. Local police in
Kutno reportedly detain a CBS Television crew for
about an hour.

JULY 14	The Extraordinary Ninth Congress of the Polish
United Workers' Party opens in Warsaw. The 
gathering, attended by 1,962 delegates as well as 
representatives from 10 ruling communist parties and
numerous invited guests, begins its deliberations
with a major programmatic address by the outgoing
first secretary of the party, Stanislaw Kama.

[page 87]

JULY 14	The dominant theme of Kania's speech, which is 
officially presented as the report of the outgoing CC,
is a vigorous defense of the current party line,
exemplifying the strategy of "socialist renewal" in
the country's political and social relations. The
party strategy, according to Kania, involves the
acceptance of considerable changes in the management
of the economy, in the administration of social
affairs, and in the work of the party as well as in
its relations with other social organizations.
Kania also stresses the party's commitment to 
extensive economic reforms, to the development of 
socialist democracy, respect for the law, and reinforcement
of social discipline. His speech is followed by a
general deba'te with several speeches by different
local party delegates and a relatively lengthy 
statement by Viktor Grishin.

The work of the congress on its first day is
seriously affected, however, by a protracted dispute
about procedures and the agenda for the deliberations.
At the heart of the dispute, which developed at a
closed-door meeting of delegates even before the
formal opening of the congress, is a controversy
about the timing and the method of electing a new
first secretary. Some delegates (about 800) have
proposed that the future party leader be elected
directly from the floor at the beginning of the 
congress, while some 50 are said to have argued for
electing the entire CC from whose members the first
secretary would then be chosen by the delegates.
The PWUP Central Control Commission publishes the 
reasons for the moral harm it says has been done to the
party since the last congress. The report says that
the ideological permissiveness for "a modern style
of life," that some leading party members succumbed
to promoted the violation of ethical and moral 
principles. The report claims that a desire to set 
oneself up comfortably in life has led to irregularities
in the system of wages, prices, and incomes which
have not always been justified by the work done by
people in certain posts. The report notes that from
1971 to 1980 over 58,000 people were expelled from
the party, 40% of them having committed various kinds
of abuses including using their positions to obtain
persona1 advantages.

JULY 15	On the second day of the congress a closed-door 
session, held from 0830 to 1030 hours, resolves a 
dispute about the way in which the PUWP's new first 
seccretary will be elected. Western press agencies,

[page 88]

JULY 15 (cont.)	quoting congress officials, report that the first
secretary will be elected by secret ballot by the
congress itself after the election of the new CC.
The CC, which will also be elected by secret ballot,
will be enlarged from 143 to 200 full members. Once
elected, it will propose several candidates to the
congress for the position of first secretary. All
nominees will then have to be confirmed in an open
vote by the congress delegates. Those who survive
this procedure will be considered candidates for the
post.

The size of the new Politburo and Secretariat will
reportedly also be decided by the congress delegates
in an open vote after recommendations on the matter
have been made by the new CC. The composition of
these two bodies, however, will be decided by the CC
itself after nominations have been made by the new
first secretary and those CC members wanting to 
propose their own candidates.

At the evening closed session it is decided to expel
from the party former First Secretary Edward Gierek
and five of his closest associates, including former
Prime Minister Edward Babiuch, Jerzy Lukaszewicz,
Jan Szydlak, Zdzislaw Zandarowski, and Tadeusz Pyka.
The expulsion of Zdzislaw Grudzien, decided upon at
the voivodship level conference, is also confirmed.
Speaking at the end of the second day's plenary 
session Deputy Prime Minister Rakowski forcefully
defends the existing methods of dealing with social
problems in the country and mordantly criticizes
the authorities' failure to take decisive steps on
basic issues. The main theme of his speech is an
assertion that although "the policy of reaching an
agreement between the authorities and society has
been and still is essential, since its alternative
would be a major conflict, a collision between the
authorities and the majority of society, which
would be a national disaster . . . the crisis 
continues because the policy of agreement constitutes
merely a method of conducting policy. Equally
important is the content of the policies." Rakowski
goes on to note that the party has failed both to
develop a program and to undertake practical 
measures to resolve the difficulties. Rakowski sees
the reasons for this failure in such phenomena as
the conservatism of various party groups "which were
afraid of change," the activity of reformist elements
operating in the organization, extremist forces in
Solidarity, and the inability of the outgoing CC and
Politburo to "develop a common stand on the issues."
To improve the situation, Rakowski suggest that "we
the congress must elect a leadership that is

[page 89]

JULY 15 (cont.)	courageous in thought and action, credible to
society and the allies, and capable of restoring the
public's confidence in the party." This 
leadership, he says, should be capable of accepting 
innovation in both policies and methods of government
and should introduce changes in the institutional
aspects of the system, especially in the structure
of the Front of National Unity, an umbrella 
organization of all recognized political parties and 
officially sponsored social movements. Rakowski's 
concept of that change is not immediately clear, 
however, as he insists that the new form of the front
should also operate on the basis of "the leading
role of the party." (It is this principle, however,
that has been long recognized as the main impediment
to the effective operation of the front.)

Pravda prints most of Kania's address to the Polish
party congress, omitting, however, the parts about
reform, such as the promise that there will be no
going back from the worker-state agreements that
ended the wave of strikes last year, as well as 
proposals for free elections and limiting the terms of
office of communist leaders.

JULY 16	The congress continues its debates in closed 
plenary sessions and in 16 working groups. Even
though all the sessions are held in camera and thus
very little detailed information is made available,
it nevertheless appears that the debates, often
heated and controversial, are serving as a forum to
air internal party criticism of the country's 
current difficulties and to ascertain and apportion
blame for them. The main task, however, as the
groups see it, is to evolve policies that will
regain for the party at least the vestiges of 
credibility that it may once have possessed.

Later the main interest shifts to the process of
nominating and electing members of the central 
bodies: the Central Committee, the Central Audit
Commission, and the Central Control Commission. The
debate on the nominations seems to have started this
morning at the beginning of a closed session, when
the congress's nominating commission presented its
own list of 200 candidates for election as full 
members of the CC, 70 candidates for deputy members,
70 candidates for the audit commission, and 90 
candidates for the control commission. The numbers of
candidates correspond to the number of seats in each
of those bodies. In addition, the nominating 
commissions have presented "additional candidates" to each
of those agencies, with a total of 618 candidates
for 430 seats.

[page 90]

JULY 16 (cont.)	Union leaders of the 40,000 dock workers, meeting in
Gdynia, call an indefinite strike for July 23, to
press their demands for higher pay and better 
working conditions. The NCC of the Dock Workers'
Solidarity Union announces the planned walkout a
day after talks in Gdynia with the Polish Maritime
Bureau broke down. The strike will be unlimited
and will begin in Gdynia, Gdansk, Szczecin, and
Kolobrzeg.

The first hint of Soviet unease at the progress of
the PUWP congress surfaces in an Izvestia report that
some of the speeches were "revisionist," which 
suggests that the bulk of the congress speeches were
ideologically acceptable. The report claims that
speakers at the meeting have given considerable space
to the task of strengthening the leading role of the
communist party on the unshakable foundation of
Marxism-Leninism; "however, one cannot but mention
that some speeches of a revisionist character struck
a clearly discordant note." Izvestia does not say
which congress speeches it considers revisionist,
but the comment follows a call for continued reforms
by Deputy Prime Minister Rakowski.

JULY 17	Delegates to Poland's extraordinary party congress
give the slogan of socialist renewal a new twist by
turning out of office almost all members of the
incumbent PUWP CC and electing a sweepingly new
list of candidates, most of whom are unknown to the
public at large. Reaction to this development,
which is unprecedented in communist party politics,
is emphatic. Adjectives such as "amazing" and
"incredible" are overheard by Western news agency
reporters, and a journalist from the Polish state
news agency, PAP, is quoted as saying: "I listened
to all 200 names read out on television, and I only
recognized about 24. I have never heard of these
people."

Most dramatic is the fact that only four members of
the previous, eleven-member Politburo survive the
elections to gain a place on the new CC. These 
officials are Prime Minister Jaruzelski, who reportedly
received 1,615 votes; PUWP First Secretary Stanislaw
Kania (1,355); CC Secretary Kazimierz Barcikowski
(1,269); and Stefan Olszowski (1,090). Similarly,
few governmental ministers succeed in being elected.
Only Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw Rakowski with
1,085 votes; Foreign Minister Jozef Czyrek; Interior
Minister Miroslaw Milewski; and Minister of
Agriculture Jerzy Wojtecki are elected to the new CC.
All in all, only 18 members of the old, 143-member CC
remain on the new body. Equally surprising is the
fact that only one out of every six voivodship party

[page 91]

JULY 17	first secretaries is elected, in contrast to past
practice, whereby almost all the provincial party
leaders (there are 49) became CC members. 
According to PAP, 91% of the CC members, elected in
secret balloting by over 1,900 delegates, are new.
This is almost triple the 32% turnover rate at the
last party congress in February 1980.

JULY 18	On the fifth day of the congress Stanislaw Kania,
who rose to the top position in the leadership of
the Polish CP in early September 1980 and has headed
it for the past eleven months, is re-elected first
secretary of the party's new CC. Kania is returned
to office following a secret ballot cast by 1,944 of
the 1,955 delegates to the Extraordinary Ninth PUWP
Congress at a special closed-door session; 11 
delegates are reported to have abstained from voting.
Kania outpolls Kazimierz Barcikowski, his only 
competitor, by 1,311 to 568 votes; 60 delegates vote
against both candidates; and 5 votes are ruled
invalid. (In line with the new electoral procedures
Kania's position as first secretary makes him an 
exofficio member of the Politburo.)

Speaking at the party congress Deputy Prime Minister
Rakowski refutes accusations "that the government is
conducting some sort of peculiar food policy and is
storing food." He strongly denies the reports 
circulating in the country that "the supply 
difficulties constitute an attempt deliberately to 
manipulate the nation."

JULY 19	Meeting in a plenary session the party's CC elects
its new highest executive bodies: the Politburo and
the Secretariat. As was the case with the 
nomination of candidates for the party's top post, 
considerable attention is given by CC members to the rules
of procedure. The proceedings are opened by
Stanislaw Kania, who, pledging to the new CC members
that they will retain both the inspirational and
controlling prerogatives over the work of the 
executive bodies, proposes 14 candidates for full 
membership in the Politburo, 2 for deputy membership, and
7 as CC secretaries. These candidacies are then
discussed by the plenum with a period of questions
addressed to the candidates; finally, new candidates
are proposed from the floor. All candidates are
then included on a final list presented for a vote.
This procedure is prescribed by the regulations
adopted beforehand by the congress that give both
the first secretary and all CC members the right to
propose candidates for the executive bodies.

[page 92]

JULY 19 (cont.)	In secret ballot the following persons are chosen:
Full Politburo Members:
Kazimierz Barcikowski (re-elected)
Tadeusz Czechowicz
Jozef Czyrek
Zofia Grzyb
Wojciech Jaruzelski (re-elected)
Hieronim Kubiak
Jan Labecki
Zbigniew Messner
Miroslaw Milewski
Stefan Olszowski (re-elected)
Stanislaw Opalko
Tadeusz Porebski
Jerzy Romanik
Albin Siwak
Deputy Politburo Members:
Jan Glowczyk
Wlodzimierz Mokrzyszczak
CC Secretaries:
Kazimierz Barcikowski (re-elected)
Jozef Czyrek
Hieronim Kubiak
Zbigniew Michalek
Miroslaw Milewski
Stefan Olszowski (re-elected)
Marian Wozniak

The main speaker is Prime Minister Jaruzelski who
tells his audience that the "tragic situation" of
Poland's economy will become worse before it gets
better and that the already scarce supplies of meat
and meat products will decrease further in the next
two to four months. He promises, however, that the
government will try to improve its much criticized
rationing program, and he holds out the prospect of
a good harvest this year. He also says that many
"interesting proposals" have been submitted by the
delegates to improve food supplies and that the 
government will examine and implement those that
require central decisions. Nevertheless, these
more positive observations are coupled with the
grim prediction that needed agricultural and raw
material imports will boost Poland's foreign debt
by a further 3,000 million dollars in 1981 and that
food prices will have to be increased by at least
110% to restore some semblance of market equilibrium.

Turning to economic reform, Jaruzelski pledges that
the Polish government will act "quickly and 
consistently to implement the reform's basic concepts."
A schedule has been worked out and "the extremely
important stage of bringing the reform into effect
will fall in the fourth quarter of this year. 
Economic principles and instruments will be given

[page 93]

JULY 19 (cont.)	concrete form. All the preparatory work should be
conducted so that from January 1 of next year the
basic branches of the economy can function 
according to the new principles."
JULY 20	The congress ends by issuing an appeal to the
nation for a common and concerted "effort to pull
the country out of the crisis." The delegates 
overwhelmingly approve a new party programmatic 
declaration, accept a draft of the new statutes, and adopt
several resolutions.

The main theme of the congress's appeal is the
assertion that the current "economic, social, and
political crisis . . . endangers the existence and
the future of the Polish state." The 
responsibility for the crisis is" put "not so much on the
socialist system ... as on the former party and
state leaders who betrayed its ideals." The 
statement expresses the party's continuing determination
to punish the guilty but also points out that the
basic requirement at the moment is a unified attempt
by the entire population to improve the situation.
"Let all of us, in the spirit of partnership and
cooperation, make the program of political and 
economic renovation a reality," the appeal proclaims,
adding that "no one to whom the future of the 
socialist fatherland is dear should abandon us in this
moment of historic trial."

This element of determination to make a new 
beginning in obvioualy difficult conditions was also
very much evident in Stanislaw Kania's concluding
address. Expressing the hope that the congress has
contributed to the emergence of a "good will that
will remove doubts and bring back confidence in our
the party's ability" to stabilize social and 
political relations in the country, Kania outlines the
party's orientation in both international and 
domestic areas.

With respect to the party's international position,
Kania says that "this congress has dispelled all
doubts about our party's willingness and 
determination to ensure that Poland remains and will continue
to be a reliable ally of the Soviet Union and a firm
link in the socialist community." His assurance is
less emphatic, however, when speaking about the
domestic situation: "We are faced with 
extraordinarily difficult circumstances" with continuing 
"shortages of basic commodities on the market and the 
growing public dissatisfaction that results from them."
He then notes that "we are threatened with conflicts
instigated by those who, without any consideration

[page 94]

JULY 20 (cont.)	of the difficulties, remain interested in the con-
tinuation of tension and who are opposed to the line
of agreement accepted by the congress." Expanding
on the meaning of that "line of agreement," Kania
reaffirms his leadership's willingness to "strengthen
the role of the labor unions both as representatives
of workers' interests operating independently of the
administration and as partners of the party? in
finding an agreement on ways of pulling the country
out of the crisis." He also affirms the leadership's
continuing acceptance of the "active role played in
public life by Catholic and Christian organizations
as well as the cooperation between the Church and the
state." The main issue for the party in its domestic
policies, however, is to "establish lawful order in
the state, to condemn and to struggle with alien
forces that Both foster tension and, by using
demagogy and "disinformation," try to set up a 
system of authority in addition to and against the
existing one."

Turning to the issue of the congress itself and its
significance for the party, Kania says that the
gathering has provided a forum for "a debate on the
methods of running the party, ways of returning to
Leninist norms through the reinforcement of both
the democratic mechanisms and the centralism that
has been purged of earlier distortions." Then, 
proclaiming that the congress has confirmed the image
of the party as capable of generating both 
"critical dissatisfaction and a readiness to accept
change," Kania reminds his audience that while the
communist organization "must remain the party of
socialist renewal, it must also act as the party of
struggle against the enemies of socialism, against
anarchy, against counterrevolutionary danger to
Poland."

JULY 21	The Coordinating Commission of the Branch Trade
Unions declares its opposition to "any attempts at
cutting" the existing meat rations. During a
meeting presided over by Albin Szyszka, the 
commission notes "with concern" the current market 
shortages and particularly the "deteriorating supplies
of meat and other rationed food articles." The
meeting states that the branch trade union movement
"cannot accept" a situation where supplies do not
meet the amounts for which ration cards have been
issued.

The Sejm holds talks with representatives of the
state airline, LOT, in an attempt to avert a 
threatened strike. The talks in Warsaw concern the 
dispute over the appointment by LOT employees of a
general manager the government refuses to recognize.

[page 95]

JULY 21 (cont.)	The LOT employees call a strike for July 24 unless
the government reaches what they regard as a 
reasonable compromise. The government argues that it
must have the final say about who is appointed 
manager of LOT because the airline is part of the
defense establishment. As a result of the meeting,
the LOT Solidarity Works Commission suspends all
strike action, despite what it calls "the 
nonfulfillment of the employees' demands."

JULY 22	The threat of a strike of some 40,000 dockers 
scheduled for tomorrow has been averted by an agreement
between union and government negotiators. The 
dock-workers have been demanding a charter guaranteeing
them improved wages and working conditions.

In keeping with the changing political climate in
Poland and contrary to previous practice, the 3 7th
anniversary of the proclamation of People's Poland
is marked with rather low-key celebrations. Although
still a public holiday, there are few lavish 
decorations to be seen, and no parades or the usual 
entertainment, apart from some wreath-laying ceremonies
and the ceremonial changing of the guard at the
Tomb of the Unknown Soldier.

JULY 23	ZdzislcLW Krasinski, the head of Poland's State Price
Commission, announces that "drastic" consumer price
increases, ranging from 200% to 300%, for food and
energy are being prepared by the government and will
be submitted for public discussion in a few weeks'
time. Krasinski is quoted as saying that the 
authorities are cognizant of the fact that several cabinets
have fallen over attempts to change the "antiquated
price structure" and that the increases being worked
out will not be popular. Nevertheless, he_says, "if
we want to pull the country out of the economic
crisis, we must pay the price of the operation 
ourselves." If the Polish people refuse to accept the
increases, they will have to accept "giant lines
outside empty shops." According to Krasinski,
between 600,000 and 700,000 million more zloty are
in circulation at present than the value of 
available goods on the market. This burgeoning money 
supply is growing at the rate of 1,500 million zloty
daily. This means that only 70 out of every 100 
people standing in line today are able to spend their
money, and by the end of the year this will dwindle
to 50 out of 100.

Minister of Domestic Trade and Services Zygmunt
Lakomiec formally announces that meat rations will
be cut by 20% for the months of August and September

[page 96]

JULY 23 (cont.)	(i.e., from 3.7 kg to 3 kg per head a month) . He
justifies that decision by saying that "there is
simply not enough meat in the country" to meet the
quotas. He then goes on to say that, while the 
government will continue to attempt to increase imports
of meat from abroad, any improvement in the 
situation can be expected only in October, and even then
only a return to the established levels of rationing
will be possible.

The trial of the Confederation of Independent Poland
activists, Leszek Moczulski, Romuald Szeremietiew,
Tadeusz Stanski, and Tadeusz Jandziszak, resumes in Warsaw
Moczulski maintains that keeping him under arrest
has made it more difficult for him to prepare his
defense. He requests the court to return to him
essential materials, at present deposited with the
court.

JULY 24	In a lengthy interview published in Vjesnik (Zagreb)
on the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the 
conference of European CPs in East Berlin, Aleksandar
Grlickov, a leading Yugoslav party official and 
member of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia CC
Presidium, notes the deep differences and conflicts
within the international communist movement. At the
same time, Grlickov emphasizes the positive impact
that Polish events might have for socialist
forces and socialist development in the world at
present.

Grlickov's interview, in which he also condemns "the
wars between socialist countries that have occurred
in recent years," is significant not only because
of his clear-cut and bold criticism of using force
to solve international conflicts but also because of
its implied rejection of a new international 
communist conference as suggested today in a Pravda 
article by Vadim Zagladin, Deputy Head of the
International Affairs Department of the CPSU CC.

JULY 25	Hundreds of people march through the central Polish
city of Kutno to protest food shortages and poor 
distribution of food. The marches carry banners with
slogans such as "we are tired of being hungry," "we
are tired of queuing," and "we demand life on the
level of a civilized country." Another banner calls
for economic reforms rather than price increases.
The march, organized by the local Solidarity branch,
ends in the town square where union members read out
a resolution addressed to Prime Minister Wojciech
Jaruzelski listing the town's complaints and noting
that people cannot work because they are devoting all
their time to finding enough food.

[page 97]

JULY 27	Solidarity and government officials agree in Warsaw
that meat rations will be cut by some 20% next
month but not in September, as originally planned.
It is further agreed that the August cuts will be
compensated for by higher meat rations some time
before the end of the year. The talks on the meat
rations are held in Warsaw between delegations
headed by Minister of Domestic Trade and Services
Zygmunt Lakomiec and Warsaw Solidarity official
Stanislaw Rusinek. Lakomiec said earlier that the
decision to cut the ration in September would be
reviewed, with the final decision to be made next
month.

Lodz regional Solidarity organizes a protest against
food shortages and the announced cut in meat rations.

JULY 28	A strike alert goes into force in Czestochowa to
protest shortages of food and other goods.
Solidarity in Czestochowa issues a statement 
saying the alert has been called after strong pressure
from local factories. The statement says that the
general conditions in the city have stretched the
limits of human endurance and attempts to solve the
problems with the authorities have brought no results.
Planning Commission heads Zbigniew Madej and Nikolai
Baibakov, Deputy Prime Ministers of Poland and the
USSR, respectively, meet in Moscow to discuss 
problems of Polish-Soviet economic cooperation.

Prime Minister Jaruzelski presides over a Council
of Ministers' session which discusses Poland's
social and economic situation in the first half of
this year and the planned price increases.	Poland's
economic situation is described as "dangerous."
Hearing a report on work accomplished to date on the
country's price reform, the government "confirms the
principle of broad consultation with society" about
the extent and methods of its implementation.

Justice Minister Sylwester Zawadzki for the present
rejects an amnesty for prisoners, because "no state
can be expected to grant an amnesty at a time of
increased lawlessness and breakdown of public order."
The minister claims the number of prison inmates in
Poland is now the lowest in several years with 79,000
people in prison, 25,000 fewer than late last year,
and 40,000 fewer than 4 years ago.	Zawadzki also
notes that between last September and May of this
year the courts have released 25,000 convicts on
parole.

[page 98]

JULY 29	Events clearly suggest growing public 
dissatisfaction. Three short, but still limited, strikes
break out in different Warsaw factories because of
food shortages, and a public demonstration by bus
and truck drivers takes place in Lodz for the same
reason (this is the third successive day of such
demonstrations in that city and a new protest is
planned for tomorrow). In addition, thousands of
letters deploring the lack of official attempts to
improve the situation have been arriving at central
government offices from numerous factories 
throughout the country. Indeed, it appears that unless
some measures of placation are immediately 
introduced, spontaneous protests might spread throughout
the country.

Andrzej Wajda's Man of Iron, winner of the
Golden Palm award, opens in four Warsaw cinemas.
Acting on a CC resolution and a July 13 personal
appeal by Stanislaw Kania, the State Council
strips former First Secretary Edward Gierek, 
former Deputy Prime Ministers Piotr Jaroszewicz and
Edward Babiuch, and nine other former officials of
the state orders they received from 1971 to 1980.
The nine others are former Katowice Voivodship party
head Zdzislaw Grudzien, former Politburo member and
CC Secretary Jerzy Lukaszewicz, former Deputy Prime
Ministers Tadeusz Pyka and Tadeusz Wrzaszczyk, 
former trade union head Jan Szydlak, former CC
Secretary Zdzislaw Zandarowski, and former Ministers
Adam Glazur, Franciszek Kaim, and Wlodzimierz Lejczak.

Poland's democratic party publishes the first issue
of a new literary magazine, Epoka Literacka
Literary Age. Cezary Lezenski, in an article 
outlining the publication's editorial program, says it
is wide open to various literary ideas and points
of views and wants to serve all creative values.
The paper wishes, he says, to be worthy of writers
who have "fought with their pens" for the great 
values of democracy, tolerance, human dignity, and the
greatness and freedom of the national spirit.

The first bread rationing cards are introduced in
Ciechanow Voivodship in central Poland.

JULY 30	The Sejm opens a two-day session in Warsaw. Today's
proceedings concentrate on economic issues, the
main order of business being approval of the 
government's performance in that area in 1980.	It is
obvious that economic problems have played an
increasingly important role in shaping government
policies. The Sejm discussion takes place against
a background of widespread public protests over the
growing shortages of food and consumer products.

[page 99]

JULY 30	Reporting to the Sejm on the economy, the Chairman
of the Commission on Economic Planning, Budget, and
Finance "refrains from presenting a motion 
approving the government's economic performance and
recommends instead7 merely acknowledging the 
government's reports on the fulfillment of the 198O plan
and budget."

The special commission to monitor the implementation
of the Gdansk, Szczecin, and Jastrzebie Agreements,
meeting under the chairmanship of Jan Szczepanski
during a break in the Sejm session, calls on the
government to work out, jointly with the unions, a
general agreement that will include the basic 
principles of the social agreements signed so far as
well as procedures for settling disputed issues.

The Sejm accepts the resignations of several 
deputies, including eight former voivodship party 
leaders: Zdzislaw Grudzien (Katowice); Jozef Buzinski
(Bielsko-Biala); Jozef Majchrzak (Bydgoszcz);
Wladyslaw Juskiewicz (Bialystok); Boleslaw Koperski
(Lodz); Leon Kotarba (Rzeszow) ; Alfred Kowalski
(Pila); and Jerzy Zasada (Poznan). (Grudzien and
Buzinski have been expelled from the communist party.
Majchrzak, Juszkiewicz, Koperski, Kotarba, and
Zasada were dropped from CC membership two weeks ago,
while Kowalski resigned as a CC candidate member
last October.)

Head of the State Price Commission Zdzislaw
Krasinski says that the longer price rises are
delayed the bigger the increases will eventually
have to be. (On July 23 he announced consumer price
increase proposals ranging from 200% to 300% for
food and energy. The proposals are to be submitted
for public discussion in a few weeks.)

JULY 31	The Sejm approves a government program aimed at 
overcoming the current crisis and stabilizing the
nation's economy. The program was presented to the
Sejm at its last session in early July.

The Sejm also adopts a new law on censorship of the
media and the entertainment industry (for text see
Appendix). The law passes with no opposition and
only 3 abstentions from the more than 400 deputies
present. The passage of the censorship law appears
to be a landmark in Poland's domestic politics.
Until now the whole area of public communications
has been governed by a special decree introduced in
1946. Adopted by the communist authorities 
immediately after the war and during an intense power
struggle, the decree gave the government almost

[page 100]

JULY 31 (cont.)	total license to control the form and content of all
publications, artistic productions, and even simple
announcements, with no formal right of appeal
against official directives.

The Sejm also approves limited changes in the 
composition of the government. On Prime Minister
Jaruzelski's recommendation, the deputies accept
the resignations of Deputy Prime Minister Mieczyslaw
Jagielski, Minister of the Interior Miroslaw Milewski,
and Minister of Administration, Local Economy, and the
Environment Jozef Kepa, who are succeeded by Janusz
Obodowski, Czeslaw Kiszczak, and Tadeusz Hupalowski,
respectively. In addition, the Sejm accepts the
nomination of Antoni Rajkiewicz as the new Minister
of Labor, Wages, and Social Affairs.

These changes, particularly the resignations, are
hardly surprising. Milewski was recently elected at
the party congress and to both the Politburo and
the Secretariat, and these functions are 
incompatible with government office. As for Jagielski and
Kepa, both men failed in their bids for re-election
to the CC, a development that clearly indicated the
weakening of their political positions. In addition,
Kepa has been publicly accused of various financial
irregularities in his private affairs in a manner
suggesting the possibility of corruption in his 
public duties.

Speaker of the Sejm Stanislaw Gucwa and a Solidarity
delegation from Warsaw factories hold talks about
market supply, food rationing, and reduced meat
rations for next month. Those attending the meeting
include government officials and Jan Szczepanski,
head of the special Sejm commission controlling the
implementation of last year's agreements between
striking workers and the authorities.

Because of the deterioration in the country's 
political situation, Deputy Prime Minister Rakowski
proposes a meeting with Solidarity's NCC, to be held
in Warsaw on August 3.
[page 101]

The Rzeszow Agreement

Official Protocol of the Agreement signed on 18 February 1981
between the government commission and the Rzeszow Strike Committee.

+ + +

From 1 to 6 and 16 to 18 February 1981, in the offices of the
Voivodship Committee of Trade Unions in Rzeszow, talks were held
between the government commission and the strike committee acting in
the name of the National Founding Committee of the Union of Private
Farmers and the Interfactory Founding Committee of the Independent
Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity in Rzeszow, with the
participation of representatives of the National Consulting Commission of
Solidarity Trade Unions.

As a result of the talks on the strike committee's demands the
following agreements were accepted:

Section I: Use of Land

With regard to the demands about the use of land, the following
has been agreed:

1. It has been deemed advisable that a law should guarantee
the immunity of the farmers' private property, particularly land, as
well as the acceptance of private peasant farming as a lasting and
equal part of our national economy. This principle will be 
consistently implemented in law and in practice.

2. No later than 31 December 1981 the government will present
a draft adjusting the regulations controlling the sale and purchase
of land, taking into account the following principles:

a. annulment of the prohibition on selling farm property;

b. annulment of the current maximum norms, with maintenance
of the basic norms as defined in the laws on land reform;

c. simplification of the regulations limiting the division of
farms;

d. annulment of needless formal barriers that make it 
impossible for people connected with agriculture as well as people
ready to take up work in agriculture to purchase farm property and
a guarantee that the new regulations are correctly implemented.

3. The government will present to the Sejm no later than
31 December 1981 a draft law on the unification of land plots, after
consultation with representatives of farmers. The law will annul
the system of land exchange with nationalized agricultural units.
The government will instruct local offices of state administration
to delay such exchanges until that time.

[page 102]

4. Decisions about the distribution of land managed by the
State Land Fund will be made together with farmers' representatives.
Appropriate amendments to legal regulations will be made by
30 June 1981.

5. Beginning on 1 July 1981 grants and credits for land 
development will be given on an equal basis to all sectors of agriculture.

6. The previous system of handing over farms according to an
agreement made by the head of a rural community is as legal as an
agreement made by a notary. In the future amendment of the old-age
pension (see Section IV/1), however, the government will also 
suggest the possibility of handing over farm property to a successor
by act of notary, free of charge. The choice of either system will
be left to the farmer involved.

7. The regulations on the proper agricultural use of farmland
will be applied in practice with the participation of farmers'
representatives, in order to eliminate possible abuse of these 
regulations .

8. The government will present to the Sejm no later than
31 December 1981 a draft law on construction sites on village land,
taking into consideration, among other things, the following:

a. The state's allocation and expropriation of land for 
construction purposes will be done with the participation of the 
village community;

b. The payment for the land taken over must correspond to the
landowners' interests, i.e., it must be based on the current market
price of land;

c. The previous owner of expropriated land may reserve selected
plots for his own use and that of his successors if those persons
have no other plots available for construction.

9. In all cases of illegal or glaringly unjust taking over of
farm property by the socialized economy, the land thus taken over
must be given back to its rightful owner, or, should this prove 
impossible, indemnity made in the form of a land exchange or financial 
payment. Requests in this matter should be presented to the voivodship
office before 31 December 1981.

10. No later than 30 September 1981 the government will ask the
Sejm to annul:

a. the law of 24 January 1968 on the forcible sale of land
making up a farm property;

b. the law of 28 June 1962 on the state's foreclosure on 
farmland for unpaid dues.

The government will instruct local state administrative offices
to delay applying the above-mentioned laws until such time.

[page 103]

11. The government will present to the Sejm no later than
31 March 1982 a draft amendment on the law on expropriation, taking
preservation of farmland into account, and will include a 
prohibition on expropriation for agricultural purposes.

12. At the time of the next amendment (see Section IV/1) the 
government will suggest a change in the regulation on taking over farm
property officially for an old age pension, establish categories of
takeovers, and ensure that farmers are represented in procedures 
concerning these matters.

Section II; Agricultural Investments and Supplies for Agriculture
With regard to the demands on agricultural investments and 
supplies for agriculture, the following has been agreed:

1. With the participation of farmers' representatives and
experts a draft amendment will be prepared by 30 June 1981 to the
Council of Ministers' law on specialized farms and farmers' groups in
the matter of preferential treatment in credits and supply of the
means of production for such farms.

2. With the participation of farmers" representatives and
experts a government program will be prepared by 30 June 1981 for
supplying agriculture with the means of production, especially 
farming equipment, spare parts, and building material. This program will
present a better adjustment of farm equipment production to the
requirements of family farms (including market gardening in 
mountainous regions). In particular, this program will consider the supply
of tractors to private farmers.

3. No later than 30 June 1981 the register of typical 
individual farm buildings will be reviewed and lowering of the charges
for the supply of construction documentation will be considered. By
31 March 1981 the Minister of Administration, Local Economy, and
Protection of the Environment will form a commission, including 
representatives of farmers, to prepare by 30 June 1981 detailed 
proposals to simplify the issuing of rural construction permits.

4. After consultation with farmers' representatives and on the
basis of true production costs, the prices of farm equipment will be
reviewed by 30 June 1981. New farm equipment prices will be 
introduced no later than 1 January 1982. By 31 December 1981 the present
system of sales and purchases of spare parts will be analyzed and
regulations resulting from this analysis will be introduced.

5. In order to ensure the supply of the simplest farm implements
(pitchforks, rakes, plowshares, chains, etc.) their production and
supply will gradually be increased.

6. By 31 December 1981 changes will be made in the banking law,
in the statutes of the Food Economy Bank, and in cooperative banks,
greatly increasing the independence and self-management of these
banks.

[page 104]

7. Regulations will be issued no later than 31 December 1981
putting private farming on the same level as other forms of farming
with regard to access to and granting of credits. At the same time,
a system of tax and credit facilities for investment purposes will
be worked out for all sectors of agriculture.

8. Regulations restoring the system of advance payments for
tractors and transport equipment will be introduced by 30 June 1981.

9. As of 1 April 1981 sales of machinery and the means of 
agricultural production at home will no longer be possible in foreign
currency.

10. As of 1982 the means of agricultural production shall be
distributed among various agricultural segments according to the
area of farmland held by them. The application of that principle
must not lead to a decline in property value of socialized farm
units (building and farm equipment).

11. By 30 September 1981 convenient legal, credit, and supply
conditions will be created to develop small rural industry and 
agricultural services (in particular flour mills, saw mills, brick
kilns, and food processing facilities). In individual cases,
requests by former owners for the restoration of such undertakings
will be reviewed by the voivodship office if submitted prior to
31 December 1981.

12. As coal mining increases, the government will increase the
quota per farm to 1.5 tons, later increasing gradually coal 
deliveries for individual farmers until free market trade is fully
restored.

13. It is accepted as a guiding principle that the system of
store supply and food coupons will ensure true equality in 
consumption in towns and in rural areas. All decisions on this matter will
be made in consultation with farmers' representatives. The practice
of making farmers' industrial and food purchases dependent on their
deliveries of agricultural produce will be abandoned.

14. The prices of fuels, oils, and grease will be made equal
for all sectors of agriculture.

15. The cost of electric power will be made equal for town and
rural inhabitants. Two-tariff electricity meters will also be 
introduced . Furthermore, the electricity supply network will gradually be
extended to those villages that do not yet have three-phase electric
current.

16. New regulations on agricultural insurance will be worked
out with the participation of farmers' representatives no later than
30 June 1981. These changes will particularly be concerned with the
scope and forms of insurance as well as the principles and practice
of estimating and compensating losses.

[page 105]

17. Beginning in 1982, investments in the production of 
veterinary drugs will be greatly increased. This year 2,000 new Fiat 126
automobiles will be assigned for the needs of veterinary and 
insemination services directly supplying farms.

18. By 30 June 1981 the number of facilities selling alcohol
will be greatly reduced in rural areas, and incentives encouraging
shop personnel to increase alcohol sales will be annulled. At the
same time, antialcohol regulations will be strictly enforced by
administrative and prosecution organizations.

19. Prices for agricultural services will be established jointly
with councils of agricultural circle cooperatives and farmers' 
representatives. Credit payments for farm production services will be
extended to 30 days.

20. The ways of distributing the Agricultural Development Fund
will be determined by a general meeting of villagers.

Section III; Prices of Farm Produce, Purchasing, and Contracts

With regard to the demands about the price of farm produce, 
purchasing, and contracts, the following has been agreed:

1. By 31 December 1981 the government will prepare a basic
reform of the price system, increasing the purchasing prices of food
produce or lowering costs of the means of production and other costs
of producing agricultural goods. This reform will be prepared in
cooperation with representatives of farmers, trade unions, and
experts and will provide for a systematic verification of prices 
mentioned above in order to ensure the profitability of private farms.

2. Samples of contract agreements and conditions of contracts
will be made up after consultation with farmers' representatives.

3. Farmers' participation in public control of purchasing
points will be assured.

Section IV: Social Problems in the Countryside

With regard to the demands on social problems in the countryside,
the following has been agreed:

1. The government will present to the Sejm no later than
31 December 1981 a draft amendment of the law of 27 October 1911,
covering old age pensions and other social services for farmers and
their families. The basic principle of that amendment will be the
full equality of private farmers and other social and professional
groups in their social rights; this will apply particularly to family
allowances. The draft law will be worked out with the participation
of farmers' representatives and experts, and will consider farmers'
demands in the broadest possible scope. Particular attention will be
paid in preparing the draft law to the demands included in an 
addendum to this agreement.

[page 106]

2. A draft project for increasing the lowest old age and other
pensions for farmers to the level of the social minimum wage will
he prepared as soon as possible and will be implemented no later than
1 January 1982. Rural pensions and allowances will be increased 
concurrently with the increases of pensions and allowances of other
social groups.

Section V: Administration of Rural Communities

With regard to the demands about the administration of rural
communities, the following has been agreed:

1. Adjustment of community boundaries will be conducted upon
request of the inhabitants.

2. By 30 June 1981 the ministry of agriculture will prepare
new regulations for the organization and functioning of agricultural
services, including a separation of agricultural administration and
agricultural counseling.

3. In keeping with the principle of self-management of Rural
Cooperatives "Farmers' Self-Aid" (Samopomoc Chlopska), heads of rural
communities will not interfere in their affairs.

4. The government will request that in the draft law on national
councils to be prepared by a State Council commission, a regulation be
included whereby the heads of rural national councils are elected by
secret ballot from among candidates put up by the councilors, in 
keeping with decisions arrived at within a given council. The government
will make a similar suggestion with regard to annulling of 
regulations, empowering the presidiums of rural national councils to
approve the choice of bailiffs.

Section VI: Education and Religion

With regard to the demands about education and religion, the
following has been agreed:

1. The government will appoint by 30 April 1981 a commission
made up of representatives of the ministry of education, trade unions
active among teachers, and representatives of farmers, to study the
matter of rural education, with special emphasis on the school 
network in the countryside.

2. The ministry of education will prepare not later than
31 December 1981 a program for development of kindergartens and 
vacation camps for rural children. At the same time the Ministry of
Health and Welfare will draft a program to develop nurseries
for rural children. The organization of rural kindergartens and
nurseries should be adjusted to working conditions in agriculture.

3. In order to present full historical truth in the teaching
of history, the ministry of education will introduce additional 
historical material to supplement the existing history textbooks in the
1981-1982 school year. New textbooks will be introduced gradually
as of the 1982-1983 school year.

[page 107]

4. State administration offices will grant permits for the 
construction of religious buildings in keeping with the requirements of
the population. A joint commission of the government and the 
episcopate will study the overal aspects of constructing religious 
buildings .

5. This problem of hindering the religious practices of 
children in vacation camps has been discussed by a joint commission of
the government and the episcopate and has been submitted for a 
positive settlement to a working group for educational matters in the
said joint commission. It should be solved by 30 June 1981.

6. The government commission, states that the following demands
are being or will be considered and settled by the joint commissions'
of the government and the episcopate:

a. ensuring appropriate spiritual guidance in the army;

b. permitting monastic orders to run nurseries and 
kindergartens;

c. taking into consideration the ethical principles of 
believers in school subjects concerned with family life;

d. ensuring appropriate religious guidance in prisons;

e. increasing the circulation of Catholic publications.

The demands of the strike committee will be presented to the said
joint commission by the government commission.

Section VII: Legal Guarantees

The following has been agreed:

1. In order to guarantee the safety of the participants in
the strike held in the headquarters of the Voivodship Council of
Trade Unions in Rzeszow, the government commission states that the
farmers acting in the name of the National Founding Committee of
the Private Farmers' Union, persons aiding them, and their families
will be subjected to no consequences of a legal, administrative, or
other nature during the actions or afterward; nor will they be 
submitted to any chicaneries as a result of their protest activities.

2. This also holds true for workers belonging to Solidarity
and present during the protest action in the building in Rzeszow.

3. Persons participating in the said protest action and
employed in state enterprises will suffer no consequences from
articles 52, 64, and 65 of the Labor Code or from similar 
regulations concerning the employees of state railroads and state 
institutions.

4. The above decisions also apply to those participating in
the protest action, or their families and supporters, in the Municipal
Offices in Ustrzyki bolne and later in the office of Solidarity there.

[page 108]

Section VIII: Final Definitions

1. Whenever mention is made above of farmers' representatives,
this includes all legally active organizations of private farmers,
both present and future.

2. The strike committee, with the participation of the National
Coordinating Commission of Solidarity, is forming a commission, with
participants defined in the Addendum 2 of the present agreement. The
task of this commission will be to control the implementation of this
agreement and to conduct talks with the government on this matter.
The commission may settle other problems as they arise.

3. Both parties welcomed the signing of an agreement concerning
the distribution of property of the former Voivodship Council of
Trade Unions in Rzeszow.

4. The agreement signed between a government commission and
the strike committee in Ustrzyki Dolne is an integral part of this
agreement.

5. The text of this agreement will be presented in full to the
public through the press, radio, and television.

6. The present agreement becomes valid at the moment the 
agreement is signed between the government commission and the strike 
committee in Ustrzyki Dolne.

7. The protest action in the headquarters of the former
Voivodship Council of Trade Unions in Rzeszow ends with the present
agreement.

The agreement was presented and signed in four identical copies.
Rzeszow, 18 February 1981

Government Commission:	
Chairman:	Andrzej Kacala
Members:	Jerzy Wojciechowski
	Marian Magon
	Aleksander Merker
	Henryk Pracki
	Mieczyslaw Serwinski
	Jan Klopotowski
	Wojciech Ratynski
	
Interfactory Founding Committee	Jan Ogrodnik
of Solidarity in Rzeszow:	Antoni Kopaczewski
	
National Coordinating Commission	Lech Walesa
of Solidarity: 	Bogdan Lis 
[page 109] Strike Committee Acting in the Name of	Jan Kulaj
the National Founding Committee of the	Katarzyna Bisianska
Private Farmers1 Union:	Jozef Slisz
	Wladyslaw Mazur
	Wladyslaw Zabinski
	Czeslaw Opolski
	Wladyslaw Zagula
	Jozef Pelc
	Jan Aniol
	Henryk Kazimierski
	Jan Karus
	Jerzy Rozdzynski
	Henryk Czastka
	Artur Balosz 

[page 111]

Official Protocol of the Agreement in Ustrzyki Dolne

The following agreement was signed on 20 February 1981 between the
government commission and the strike committee in Ustrzyki Dolne.

+ + +

On 3 and 19 February 1981 talks took place in the offices of the
Interfactory Coordinating Committee of Solidarity in Ustrzyki Dolne
between a government commission and the strike committee in Ustrzyki
Dolne, acting on behalf of the Founding Committee of the Private
Farmers' Union and of Solidarity members from the Bieszczady area,
with the participation of representatives of the National Coordinating
Commission of Solidarity.

As a result of the talks on the strike committee's demands, the
following agreements were accepted:

1. The strike committee states that a serious disruption of
social norms has taken place in the Bieszczady area and that 
decisions irrational from both economic and social points of view were
made, offending the idea of justice.

As a result, the government commission will present the 
objections contained in Addendum 1 to the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers with a request to form a commission to study these 
objections and, depending on the findings, deal with them according to law.

As for the objections described in Addendum 2, the government
commission states that the commission founded in Paragraph 20 of this
agreement should make justified requests to the appropriate bodies
and institutions to clear up the matters and deal with them according
to law.

2a. The Voivod of Krosno, acting together with the Director of
the Union of State Farmers in Krosno, will define by 30 June 1981
the area of state-held land in the Arlamow region (commune of
Ustrzyki Dolne) and Tarnawy Muczne and W�losate (commune of Lutowiska)
which, from the viewpoint of rational exploitation, should be put up
for sale or rent to private farmers. Requests in this matter should
be presented locally to commune heads by 30 April 1981.

b. The government commission states that, should an appropriate
request be made, there should be no difficulty in handing over jointly
owned land in Carynskie to a responsible organizational unit of the
Ministry of Health and Welfare on the basis of an agreement
signed with a state agricultural enterprise according to which the
land is to be used for health purposes.

c. By 31 December 1982 the Voivod of Krosno will have a 
development plan of communities in the Bieszczady area prepared and, in
connection with plans already discussed with the populace and 
farmers' representatives, will request the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers to prepare a Council of Ministers' decision that will 
regulate in detail the development problems of this part of the country.

[page 112]

d. The government commission will present to the Chairman of
the Council of Ministers the strike committee's demands about the
ceding of the following properties of the Office of the Council of
Ministers:

i. forest grounds and buildings, especially the workers' hotel
in Muczne, and other property in Bircza and Stuposiany, to be at the
disposal of the forestry offices:

ii. property in Arlamow to be used as a TB sanatorium;

iii. houses in Trojca to be put at the disposal of the health
care unit in Ustrzyki Dolne for rest homes for disabled persons and
old age pensioners and the palace of the Ministry of Justice in
Olszanica to be used as a health center or the House of Bieszczady
culture.

3a. The network (boundaries) of communities are to be revised
on demand of the inhabitants.

The Voivod of Krosno, after consulting the Parish People's
Council in Solina and the City and Commune Council of Ustrzyki Dolne,
will ask the Minister of Administration, Local Economy, and Protection
of the Environment to exclude from the administrative boundaries of
Solina Commune the following villages: Daszowka, Lobozew Dolny and
Lobozew Gorny, Sokole, Telesnica Oszwarowa, and Telesnica Sanna, and
to include the said villages within the boundaries of the township
and Commune of Ustrzyki Dolne.

The voivod will ensure that a decision in this matter be made
no later than 1 April 1981.

b. The Voivod of Krosno will study three requests by the 
village inhabitants to be excluded from township boundaries and included
in rural areas, and will take the appropriate steps so that the taxes
of the inhabitants of the areas changed will Be revised as of
1 January 1982.

c. The government commission states that the Central Commission
for Place Names has reacted positively to the question of restoring
ancient place names.

A regulation of the Minister of Administration, Local Economy,
and Protection of the Environment has been prepared. The regulation
will come into force upon publication in Monitor Polski.

d. By 30 June 1981 the ministry of agriculture shall prepare
new regulations on the organization of functioning of the Community
Agricultural Service, separating agricultural administration from
farm counseling. The counseling services will be assigned all the
duties concerned with contracts and market gardening, sugar 
production, food processing and purchasing, animal husbandry, cooperatives,
supply and sales, and the professional advisory services of the
voivodship centers for the advancement of agriculture.

[page 113]

e. In keeping with the principle of self-management of_rural
community cooperatives, Samopomoc Chlopska Farmers' Self-Aid heads
of rural communities shall not interfere in the affairs of these
cooperatives.

4. The prerogatives of farmers' representatives include the
following: distribution of the Agricultural Development Fund; 
participation in making decisions on the use of the State Land Fund,
allocation of areas for construction including rural housing and use
of the fund for renewal and recultivation of farmland and of the 
community fund; organization of agricultural services, grazing, and other
needs of rural inhabitants; and making other decisions in all matters
essential for rural life.

5. With regard to the demand that jurisdiction over all matters
concerning land transfer be transferred to the state notary offices,
it has been agreed that all undertakings in this matter have been
determined by the agreement between the government commission and
the strike committee in Rzeszow.

6. The government will give priority to appropriating the neces-
sary financial and material means to ensure the completion of electric
supply in the countryside. The government will study the possibility
of installing power lines free of charge "to the doorstep" of separate
settlements, outlying settlements, single farmsteads, and other rural
areas.

7. With regard to the demand for equal additional financing of
all sectors of agriculture, it has been agreed to accept as binding
decisions made in the agreement between the government commission and
the strike committee in Rzeszow. Access to the fund for protection
and recultivation of farm land will also be assured to private farmers.
8. In the matter of the demand for reparations for damage done
by game and by natural disasters, it has been agreed to accept as
binding decisions made in the agreement between the government 
commission and the strike committee in Rzeszow.

When working out regulations, special attention will be paid to
the particularities of each region, including that of the Bieszczady
area.

9. With regard to old age pensions and retirement for farmers,
it has been agreed to accept as binding decisions made in the 
agreement between the government commission and the strike committee in
Rzeszow.

10. By 30 June 1981 the government will introduce a change in
tax regulations, aimed at freeing farm areas over 350m c.1,150 feet
above sea level from taxation.

11. With regard to the demand that purchase prices be adjusted
to correspond to the actual outlay in production, it has been agreed
to accept as binding the agreement between the government commission
and the strike committee in Rzeszow.

[page 114]

Furthermore, the strike committee in Ustrzyki Dolne points out
to the government commission the glaring disproportion between retail
prices of fruit and vegetables and their purchase price, unjustified
by rational costs of purchase, transportation, storage, and sales, and
it demands that state offices sharply reduce that disproportion.
12. A motion on guaranteed social allowances on the basis of a
work contract will be presented for study to the Minister of Labor,
Wages, and Social Affairs in connection with the reworking of the
labor code and insurance regulations.

13a. It is agreed to accept as binding the decisions on religious
matters made in Section VII, Points 4-6, in the agreement between the
government commission and the strike committee in Rzeszow.

b. In respect to these decisions, the demands contained in
Addendum 3 passed by the strike committee in Ustrzyki Dolne will be
taken into consideration.

c. The demand to use school facilities for religious 
instruction will be submitted by the government commission to the joint 
commission of the government and the episcopate.

14a. In order to improve the material conditions of cultural
development in the Bieszczady region, the Voivod of Krosno will 
examine the possibility of using for cultural purposes especially the
following: the rural center in Chmiel; the community center in
Lutowiska; the center of the Cooperative of Agricultural Circles in
Rownia; the former Miners1 House in Ustrzyki Dolne; the building
intended for a Bieszczady National History Museum in Ustrzyki Dolne;
the building intended as Regional Museum in Koczwia; the center in
Jablonka; the center in Srednia Wies; the library building in
Ustianowa; the center in Jasien; the center in Stefkowa; and the
People's House in Uherce. A cultural center should also be created
in the community of Tyrawa Woloska which has had no cultural 
facility at its disposal to date.

b. The Ministry of the Culture and the Arts will consider the
possibility of restoring touring cinemas to the Bieszczady region
and will study the possibility of extending them to other areas of
the country.

c. The Ministry of the Culture and the Arts will analyze the
need for creating cultural centers in the form of rural cultural
centers and municipal-communal cultural centers.

15. The Voivod of Krosno will evaluate the situation of health
services in the Bieszczady region from the viewpoint of the current
needs of the inhabitants and will undertake appropriate
organizational, personnel, and housing decisions aimed at improving the 
medical care of the inhabitants of this area.

16a. In the matter of demands concerning education and upbringing,
it is agreed to accept as binding the decisions covered in Section VI,
Points 1-3, of the agreement between the government commission and
the strike committee in Rzeszow.

[page 115]

It was further agreed that:

a. The hiring of educational workers with the highest possible
qualifications will be ensured.

b. Priority in supplying rural and suburban schools with 
learning aids and UNESCO educational films will be ensured.

c. The ministry of education will ask the Committee for Radio
and Television to show foreign films in their original version occasionally
in the first television channel to further the knowledge of foreign
languages.

d. "Upbringing and sobriety" will be included as part of the
educational programs.

e. The government commission promises to transmit to the 
headquarters of the Polish Scouting Union a demand to analyze the achieve-
ments of the "Bieszczady 40" campaign.

17. The government commission will transmit the demands about
the allocation of housing in housing cooperatives, as outlined in
Addendum 5, to the Central Management of the Union of Cooperative
Housing.

18. The Voivod of Krosno will make conference rooms of lower
level state administrative units or comparable halls in a given
region available for use by Solidarity upon submission of a
request stating in each case the conference room, day, hour, and
the name of the person responsible for order and security.
19. With regard to personal safety, the decisions expressed in
Section VII of the agreement between the state commission and
the strike committee in Rzeszow have been accepted.

20. The present agreement is an integral part of the agreement
signed in Rzeszow and will be controlled by the commission for the
implementation of the said agreement. Representatives of the strike
committee in Ustrzyki Dolne will be a part of that commission.

21. The protest action on the premises of Solidarity in
Ustrzyki Dolne ends with the signing of this agreement.

This agreement has been presented and signed in four identical
copies.

Addendum 1 to Paragraph 1 of the Agreement

The strike committee believes the following decisions to be 
irrational from the standpoint of the economy and social affairs:

1. Allocation of over 60,000 ha, including a large area of
arable land, for a center for the Office of the Council of Ministers
in Arlamow, aommune of Ustrzyki Dolne, and further tens of thousands
of hectares for similar centers in Muczne, Wolosate, and Carynskie
in the commune of Lutowiska.

[page 116]

2. The implementation of these decisions involved the removal
from these lands of inhabitants of over a dozen villages. In many
cases the removals were forcible and dramatic (Kwaszenina, Bramiow,
Trzcianiec, and others). Various kinds of chicanery and 
repression were used against people who did not freely agree to leave these
areas (Carynskie).

3. An artificial accumulation of game in the closed hunting
areas in Arlamow results in increased damage in nearby villages
(Wojtkowa, Wojtkowka, Jureczkowa, Nowosielec).

4. The above decisions and their implementation have resulted
in the removal from the care of the State Forestry Service of many
buildings previously used by forestry service and forestry workers (a
workers' hotel, housing for forestry workers belonging to the
Stuposiany and Bircz forestry range), and this has led to downgrading
forests and improper hunting practices (shooting of Carpathian deer).

5. Opening of large livestock-breeding facilities in these
mountainous areas is highly irrational, causing a lack of fodder
and, at the same time, a neglect of natural grazing lands (Tarnawa,
Wolosko).

6. The creation of closed resorts and luxurious housing 
facilities is an example of waste and contrary to the principles of
socialism in a people's state.

7. The construction of a high voltage power line in the sector
Solina-Muczne.

8. The organization of centers for the Office of the Council
of Ministers in the neighborhood of the Bieszczady National park
and the manner in which this center is exploited have a negative
influence on the flora and fauna of the park. Apart from this, an
area of strict environmental protection has been included in the
recreation center in Muczne - the peat bogs of Tarnawa, which were
destroyed by having been drained.

9. The existence of the Council of Ministers centers makes
it impossible to allow settlers in Bieszczady, and the existing
private farming is being reduced to bare vegetation.

Ustrzyki Dolne, 20 February 1981

Government Commission:
Chairman:																		Andrzej Kacala
Members:																		Jozef Michna
	Aleksander Merker
	Henryk Pracki
	Wieslaw Krauze
	Jan Klopotowski
	Wojciech Ratynski
 
[page 117]

Strike Committee Acting in the Name of the Michal Palasz
Founding Committee of the Private Farmers'	Antoni Wojnarowicz
Union and Members of Solidarity for the	Jerzy Jankowski
Bieszczady Region:														Wladyslaw Moskalik
	Antoni Cycon
	Jozef Sahara
	Mieczyslaw Mazur
	Krystyna Prokop-Kur
	Mieczyslaw Barlewicz
	Mieczyslaw Domaradzki
	Edward Kluz
	Leon Czaplicki
	Stanislaw Twardy

[page 119]

Joint Government-Solidarity Statement on Bydgoszcz Events[+]

On March 30 talks ended in the Palace of the Council of Ministers
in Warsaw between the delegation of the National Coordinating
Commission of the ISTU Solidarity under the chairmanship of Lech Walesa
and the Committee for Labor Unions of the Council of Ministers, under
the chairmanship of Mieczyslaw F. Rakowski. . . .

A joint agreement has been signed. This is the text:
Both sides, moved by profound concern for the good of the country,
undertake common action in order to remove the causes of the dangerous
socioeconomic crisis.

I. In the matter of the Bydgoszcz Events

After a study of the report of a commission led by Minister of
Justice Jerzy Bafia and after studying the course of a session of the
Voivodship People's Council in Bydgoszcz on March 26, the government
decided that the closing of the session of the Voivodship People's
Council took place contrary to legal regulations in force, and the use
of forces of order in removing representatives of Solidarity from the
building of the voivodship council was contrary to the principles
accepted and previously applied in solving social conflicts through
political means, above all through negotiations.

A certain justification for the precipitate action of the 
authorities was the atmosph�ire of tension prevalent in the city after the
occupation of the building of the United Peasant Party as well as the
propaganda campaign waged by the Bydgoszcz Interfactory Committee on
the eve of the session. Under these circumstances, the authorities
feared an increase and spread of the scale of the conflict.

The Chairman of the Council of Ministers will make a decision
on the attitude and role of deputy heads of the voivodship after
having studied the attitude of the Voivodship People's Council.

The government expects that the Voivodship People's Council
will express its stand in the first half of April.

The government approves the demand that Solidarity 
representatives give a full presentation of the events in Bydgoszcz on 
television. An expression of this has already been the publication of the
report of the government commission jointly with remarks by the
Coordinating Commission of the ISTU Solidarity. It has been decided that
by April 5 the press shall publish a communique of the voivodship
councilors and Solidarity of March 19. The government fully accepts
the statement of the government commission that the forces of order
that entered the voivodship office and took control of the building
and its surroundings were charged with preserving the security and
the bodily safety of the people conducted out of the building.

Under such circumstances, the forces of order are always 
responsible for persons under their care. The government, in keeping with
the demands of the Interfactory Strike Committee from Bydgoszcz, has
ordered both an official inquiry about people who have misued their
prerogatives"and the suspension from duties of those being investigated.

------------------------------------------
+ Trvbuna Ludu, 31 March 1981.

[page 120]

The government expresses its regret about the beating up of three
union activists.

The inquiry is continuing in order to establish and place before a
tribunal the persons responsible for the beatings. As soon as the
investigation is closed, they will be tried according to the law.
The voivodship office of the state attorney in Bydgoszcz, under the
supervision of the Public Prosecutor's Office, has been enjoined to
conduct a vigorous investigation, ensuring the participation of
Solidarity representatives in the indictment and trial procedures.

These above-mentioned steps have been dictated to the government
by the law. The government believes that a rigorous maintenance of
the laws is always necessary, but even more so at times when there
is social tension and when all participants may [excite] emotions and
cause uncontrolled reactions. The Council of Ministers demands that
all authorities strictly maintain laws and carefully control all
actions. The government believes that social and trade organizations,
including Solidarity, will not endanger internal peace in the country
by any actions contrary to the law, such as the occupation of public
buildings.

The government states that in order to reduce social tension,
all People's Militia units have been withdrawn from Bydgoszcz and its
environs.

II. In the matter of ensuring guarantees for the activities of labor
unions in the spirit of the agreements of August 1980, as demanded by
the ISTU Solidarity, it was decided:

1. To speed up work on the law on trade unions, so that
a draft of it might be presented to the Sejm in April
of this year.

2. Until the passage of this law, both sides agree to
follow the principles of the law as prepared by a
group nominated by the Council of State which will
include representatives of the ISTU Solidarity: it is
to be especially concerned with amicable settlements
of conflicts, as well as payment for strike periods.

III. Both sides will do everything in their power to avoid the 
emergence of conflicts in the matter of registration of the farmers' labor
union. Both sides acknowledge the initiative of Sejm Deputy Jan
Szczepanski, chairman of the special government commission for 
compliance with social agreements, who will submit with the least possible
delay to the commission the matter of unionizing private farmers. On
the basis of the draft laws on labor unions and on farmers' 
self-management, the government has already undertaken a number of 
decisions and actions ensuring the fulfillment of demands arising from
agreements with individual farmers (the Main Council of the Central
Council of Agricultural Circles and agreements in Rzeszow and
Ustrzyki Dolne). By April 5, after consulting with the Main Council
of the Central Council of Agricultural Circles, the government will

[page 121]

direct a team to conduct talks with individual farmers participating
in the protest action in the United Peasant Party headquarters in
Bydgoszcz. The government states that until the matter is settled,
the persons participating in the protest action in Bydgoszcz as well
as the founding committees of a trade union of individual farmers
will not be held legally responsible.

IV. In the matter of Demand III, the ISTU Solidarity, in keeping with
the principles of "full respect for freedom of expression in public
and professional life," (Point 4 of the Gdansk Agreement ), decided:

1. to acknowledge the statement of Sejm Deputy Jan
Szczepanski, chairman of the special government
commission for compliance with social agreements, that
the above-mentioned matter will be submitted to the
commission as soon as possible.

2. to create by April 10 a group made up of government
and ISTU Solidarity representatives to prepare the
material and suggestions for the debate in the Sejm
commission.

V. The government proposes that after the end of the present conflict
negotiations be started to achieve agreement on overall mutual
relations, so that conflicts that might arise in the future could be
solved without placing the country in a state of tension with
potentially disastrous results.

Representatives of the ISTU Solidarity state that the swift
fulfillment by the government of all promises will create the conditions
necessary to unite all social forces in order to lead the country out
of the socioeconomic crisis, in keeping with the 10-point program of
the government of General Jaruzelski.

In case of cancellation of the general strike, the Minister of
Labor, Wages, and Social Affairs will ask the Chairman of the Council
of Ministers for payment for the time of the warning strike on
March 27 of this year as payment for justified absence.

[page 123]

The Government Statement on the
Registration of the Private Farmers' Labor Union[+]

The Polish press agency transmits the following statement by the
government of the Polish People's Republic in the matter of
registration of the Private Farmers' Labor Union:

In keeping with the agreement of 30 March 1981, stressing the
need to eliminate the conflict that has arisen around the
unionization of private farmers, and taking also into account the
declaration of the Founding Committee of the ISTU of Private Farmers
submitted to the special commission of the Sejm of the Polish people's
Republic, in which the PUWP's leading role in socialist construction
is acknowledged, as well as the role of the UPP in
strengthening the worker-peasant alliance and also an attitude of partnership
toward the organization of agricultural circles, the government
believes that the road has been opened to the registration of the
ISTU of Private Farmers.

The government will take steps to:

a. define in the future law on farmers' self-management
and independent farmers' organizations the legal
basis for union activities and the principles and
deadlines of registration with regard to employees'
trade unions;

b. take the [passage] above into consideration in the
law on trade unions now being prepared.

Representatives of the National Founding Committee of the ISTU
of Private Farmers will participate with full legal rights in the
preparation of the above law. Until such time, the Private Farmers'
Union will develop union activities within the legal framework of
the Polish People's Republic.

The attitude outlined above eliminates, in the government's
opinion, the reasons behind the farmers' protest that has been
taking place in Bydgoszcz.

It is in the interest of the whole nation at this time to
concentrate attention on solving the most difficult economic and
political problems mentioned in the Sejm decision of April 10 of this year.

+ + +

--------------------------------

(+) As published in Trybuna Ludu, 18-20 April 1981.

[page 124]

Agreement

signed on 17 April 1981 in Bydgoszcz between a commission
appointed by the Council of Ministers and the National
Strike Committee of the Independent Self-Governing Labor
Union of Private Farmers' Solidarity in Bydgoszcz and the
National Founding Committee of Private Farmers' Union
Solidarity, with the participation of representatives of
the National Coordinating Commission of the ISTU Solidarity.

The National Strike Committee and the National Founding
Committee of the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers have accepted the
statement of the government of the Polish People's Republic dated
16 April 1981.

In connection with the government statement, the sides have
agreed on the following:

1. The government will ask the Sejm to create a legal basis for
registering the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers, so that the union
will be registered by 10 May 1981, in accordance with the demand of
the National Strike Committee and the National Founding Committee, on
the basis of the same principles and according to the same procedure
that pertain to the registration of workers' unions.

2. Until it is registered, the union will engage in completely
unhindered trade union activities within the framework of the legal
system of the Polish People's Republic, within the framework of the
union's statutes, and on the basis of the declaration of the National
Founding Committee of the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers of
12 April 1981. The legality of these activities will not be
questioned. To the extent to which they find it possible to do so, the
state authorities will make premises and technical means available
to the union's branches, in accordance with the regulations currently
in force.

3. The government will ask the Sejm to introduce regulations in
the labor union bill that has been drafted, in accordance with the
principles defined within the bill, to guarantee private farmers the
right to set up trade unions.

4. The government will begin efforts to guarantee the
representatives of the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers completely equal
participation in the work of the labor union bill and on the agricultural
self-government bills.

5. Regarding the question of publication in the press of the
social draft law on self-governing organizations of private farmers,
which was worked out by the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers, the
government will fully conform with the decisions made on this question
by the extraordinary Sejm commission for monitoring the observance of
social contracts.

[page 125]

6. The sides agree that the Rzeszow-Ustrzyki Agreement will be
fully and consistently implemented. In order to facilitate this,
working contacts will be intensified between the government side and
the ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers' commission for implementation of
this agreement.

7. With regard to legal proceedings against those who are guilty
of the events that took place in Bydgoszcz on 19 March 1981, the sides
state that this matter has been settled in the agreement between the
government and the National Coordinating Commission of the ISTU Solidarity
dated 30 March 1981. The government's position is that members of the
ISTU Solidarity of Private Farmers who were affected by these events
can -- and this is guaranteed -- take part in the preliminary
investigation and judicial proceedings on the same basis as representatives
of the ISTU Solidarity.

8. In order to guarantee the safety of those who took part in
the protest action underway at the headquarters of the Bydgoszcz
Voivodship UPP Committee and those who participated in the supporting
action in Inowroclaw, the government states that no consequences
whatsoever of a legal, administrative, or any other nature will be brought
to bear on the participants in those protest actions or their families,
or people who helped them or their families, either during the time
these actions are in progress or after they have ended; nor will they
encounter any difficulties whatever in connection with these protest
actions.

This applies to members of the ISTU Solidarity who are taking part
in or supporting the above-mentioned protest actions.

9. The text of this agreement will be published in full,
including through the press, radio, and television.

10. The two sides are agreed that the basic causes of the
farmers' protests in Bydgoszcz, in Inowroclaw, and in other regions of
the country ceased to exist at the moment of the signing of this
agreement.

With regard to the occupation strikes undertaken in Inowroclaw
and other places, to express solidarity with the demands of the
National Strike Committee in Bydgoszcz after the Sejm resolution of
April 10 of this year, and during the talks that took place with the
government commission, the government takes the view that this
constitutes a clear violation of the Sejm resolution.

The two sides are deeply convinced that the agreement signed will
serve social stabilization and national calm and will contribute
markedly to the development of agriculture and the production of
foodstuffs in the country.

Bydgoszcz, 17 April 1981.

[page 127]

The Draft Labor Union Law[+]

Chapter I -- Foundations of Labor Unions' Activities and Aims

Article 1: Labor unions are self-governing bodies and have the
right to create their internal structures freely, to work out labor
union statutes and regulations, to elect their representatives, to
appoint ruling bodies, and to draw up their action programs. They
also can conclude accords on cooperation.

Article 2: 1. Labor unions are independent and not subject to
supervision or control by the administrative agencies, which are
obliged to refrain from all kinds of interference that would restrict
or upset trade union activities complying with the law.

2. All labor unions have equal rights. The state bodies
are obliged to treat all trade unions on an equal footing.
Article 3: a labor union acts in accordance with the statutes,
which should comply with the Constitution of the Polish People's
Republic and with other laws. In particular, labor unions obey the
principle of the social ownership of production means, which is the
foundation of the socialist system of the state, and the principle of
the role of the PUWP as society's leading political force in socialist
construction -- a role fulfilled within the framework of the
Constitution of the Polish People's Republic.

Article 4: Labor union, membership is voluntary. No one may
suffer because of belonging or not belonging to a labor union.

Article 5: Labor unions represent their members before
enterprise managements, the bodies of power, state and economic
administrative bodies, political and social organizations, and foreign labor
union organizations, and cooperate with the aforementioned bodies and
organizations.

Article 6: Labor unions safeguard the rights and current and
long-term interests of the working people with regard to working,
wage, living, social, and cultural conditions.

Helping to increase and equitably divide the national income,
labor unions may, in particular, initiate and support efforts to
improve the methods of running and managing the national economy, of
rationally employing workers, and of correctly using their
qualifications and talents.

Article 7: Labor unions conduct educational activities to
foster vocational and professional ethics, the conscientious and honest
fulfillment of work duties, and the observance of people-to-people
relations.

Article 8: Labor unions may join international labor union
organizations in order to represent their members' trade and social
interests, and to act in favor of strengthening the working people's
international solidarity and of propagating progress and social justice.

------------------------------------

(+) Published in Glos Pracy, 30 June 1981.

[page 128]

Chapter II -- Setting Up Trade Unions

Article 9: The right to set up trade unions without previous
permission is ensured.

Article 10: Persons working within the framework of a work
contract have the right to set up and join labor unions, regardless of
the basis of such a contract or of their position.

Article 11: 1. In order to safeguard their professional rights
and interests, individual farmers running their own farms, and the
persons close to them who help to run these farms, have the right to set
up and join the private farmers' labor unions on the strength of this
law.

2. Other persons who make their living out of personal
work and who do not permanently employ employees for earning purposes
also have the right to set up and join trade unions.

Article 12: Any kind of retirement or temporary unemployment
caused by searching for work do not deprive one of the right to belong
to a labor union.

Article 13: 1. Soldiers on active service, persons doing substitute
military service, and functionaries of the Citizens' Militia and the
prison service are not entitled to set up and join labor unions or to
participate actively in labor unions of which they were members at
the time of their induction.

2. The Council of Ministers will define by decree the
labor union that will exclusively represent the rights and interests
of the employees of military units and the enterprises run by the
Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs,
and that are of crucial importance for the country's defense and for
safeguarding public order.

Article 14: Persons intending to set up a trade union elect a
founding committee and adopt statutes. The number of founders on the
day on which statutes are submitted for registration must not be lower
than 100.

Article 15: 1. The statutes of a trade union define the name and
site and the territorial and thematic extent of the union's activity
and aims, the principles of acquiring and relinquishing membership,
the members' rights and duties, the union's organizational structure
and ruling bodies, the election and recall procedure applying to such
bodies, the sources of the union's finances, the principles by which
the statutes are adopted and changed, and the manner in which the
trade union can be dissolved.

2. All members of a trade union have an active and
passive election right. The statutes may stipulate that the functions
in trade union ruling bodies must be separated from the functions in
the bodies of state and economic administration or in the ruling bodies
of political and social organizations. In such a case the statutes
leave it to the candidate for or member of the trade union ruling body
to choose one of those functions.

[page 129]

Article 15: 3. Elections to the trade union ruling bodies are by
secret ballot.

Article 16: 1. A trade union becomes a legal entity the moment it
has been registered. The Warsaw Voivodship Court is the registration
body.

2. The court will refuse registration if the statutes
show that the organization is not a trade union within the terms of
this law or if the statutes are incompatible with the rules of this
law.

3. The appropriate body of a trade union has the duty
to inform the court immediately about changes in the statutes. With
regard to recording statutory changes in the registration act.
Point 2 of the article is applied as appropriate. Before a decision
is made to register statutory changes, the actual statutes are in
force, except for the trade union's enactment and decisions that were
made on the strength of the new statutes at the moment it was adopted,
provided such enactment and decisions are not in conflict with the law.

4. The court will drop a trade union from the register:
when a statutory decision to dissolve the trade union is made; or if
the number of trade union members is below 100 for more than 3 months.
The appropriate body of a trade union has the duty to immediately
inform the court about the aforementioned circumstances.

5. In examining the issues mentioned in Points 1 and 3
the appropriate regulations of the civil code on nontrial procedures
are applied. The issues should be examined at once, but no later than
within a month of the application. The voivodship court's decision
can be appealed to the Supreme Court.

6. The Council of Ministers will define by decree the
detailed principles and procedures of registration.

Article 17: 1. Labor unions have the right to set up intertrade
union associations and organizations. The rules of this law are
appropriately applied to such associations and organizations.

2. Trade unions and intertrade union associations and
organizations may appoint trade union consultative commissions in
order jointly to implement; rights and duties to the extent stipulated
in an accord.

Chapter III -- The Rights and Duties of Trade Unions

Article 18: 1. Labor unions have the right to evaluate the
assumptions or drafts of legal acts as well as decisions on the rights and
interests of the working people and their families. That applies in
particular to:

[page 130 ]

a. draft socioeconomic plans;
b. the employees' rights and duties resulting from
work contracts or connected with them;
c. remuneration and other benefits for employees
and their families;
d. social insurance and social affairs;
e. safety and hygiene at work, health
protection, and recreation;
f. meeting the working people's housing needs;
g. prices, costs of living, and market supplies;
h. the protection of the natural environment; and
i. education and culture.

2. With regard to the issues that are mentioned in
Point 2 and that are of crucial importance for the working people
and their families, the labor unions are assured participation in
drafting acts or decisions.

3. A trade union's opinion can be presented in writing
or during the direct consultations between representatives of the
trade union and the appropriate body of government or administration.

A labor union's opinion in writing should be submitted to the
appropriate body of government or administration within a month.
Failure to do so is regarded as nonsubmission of reservations.

4. Should positions diverge, the body of government or
administration is obliged to take a stand on the demands or opinions
of a labor union and inform the union in writing about its stand and
the reasons for it.

5. With regard to the issues mentioned in Point 2, a
labor union has the right to express its opinion publicly, the mass
media included for this purpose. Trade unions are assured the right
to present their opinions at the session of the appropriate committee
of the Sejm of the Polish People's Republic or of the appropriate
People's Council.

Article 19: 1. Labor unions have the right to submit proposals on
issuing or changing legal acts concerning the rights and interests of
the working people and their families. Article 18, Point 5, is
applied appropriately.

2. The body of administration to which a proposal is
made is obliged within a month to inform the trade union in question
about its position on that proposal and the reasons for it, should
the position be negative.

Article 20: 1. Labor unions are entitled to conclude collective
work contracts. Such contracts cover all employees, no matter what
their trade union affiliation is.

2. In the sectors of work not covered by collective
contracts the settlement of working conditions and wages follows after
agreement with trade unions.
[page 131]

Article 21: 1. Trade unions exert social control over the working
and living conditions of employees and their families and over the
observance of employees' rights.

2. If a labor union thinks that, with regard to the
issues mentioned in Point a., the conduct of the body of state or
economic administration is inconsistent with the law or violates the
principles of social justice, it can appeal to the appropriate body
and demand that the irregularity in question be eliminated. The
appropriate body is obliged to respond within two weeks.

Article 22: Trade unions are entitled to appraise the working,
wage, and living conditions of employees. For that reason trade
unions will receive full information about the social and economic
situation throughout the country, a voivodship, or an enterprise, but
will be obliged to observe state and official secrecy in this regard.

Article 23: Labor unions are entitled to do their own research
work in the fields covered by the statutory activities, especially
statistical research and analysis of the price and wage indexes and
other elements of the living and working conditions of employees and
their families.

Article 24: Labor unions cooperate with labor inspectors and
other bodies responsible for protecting employees' health and for
observing the labor laws, especially the regulations and principles
of work safety and hygiene.

Article 25: Trade unions are entitled to conduct their own
publishing activities, to use mass media for the purposes of union work,
and to carry out educational and cultural activities.

Article 26: 1. Bodies of state and economic administration are
obliged to create conditions to enable labor unions to implement their
prerogatives, in particular to supply them with information on the
issues covered by trade union activities and to make available to
them the documents concerning the problems of employees.

2. Labor union members are assured personal safety
when discharging their union duties in accordance with legal rules
and statutory regulations.

3. An enterprise is obliged to grant to the employee
who has been appointed to fulfill trade union functions a period of
unpaid leave in keeping with the principle and procedures laid down
by their labor code.

4. A manager of an enterprise is obliged to release an
employee from work in keeping with the principles and procedures laid
down by the labor code for the period of paid leave that is necessary
to complete an emergency labor union function, if this function
cannot be completed within work-free time.

[page 132]

Chapter IV -- Labor Union Organization in an Enterprise

Article 27: 1. Enterprise labor union organizations discharging
their duties through their statutory bodies implement the tasks of
labor unions in work enterprises.

2. The functions of enterprise labor union
organizations include in particular:

a. taking a stand on all individual problems of
employees as defined by the rules of the labor
law;
b. taking a stand toward the manager of a work
enterprise and toward the workers
selfgovernment body with regard to the issues
concerning the rights and interests of the work
force, in particular with regard to drawing up
work regulations, bonus and premium regulations,
work schedules, vacation schedules, and the
social, living, and cultural needs of the work
force;
c. cooperation with the enterprise manager on
issues concerning raising employees'
professional skills, developing the rationalization
and innovation movement, and fostering the
principle of social relationships in the enterprise;
d. controlling the observance of the regulations of
the labor law, especially the regulations
involving the principles of work safety and hygiene,
and cooperating to this end with labor inspectors.

3. The fulfillment of the prerogatives of the trade
union in enterprises is accomplished in keeping with the procedures
and principles defined by the labor code, by this law, and by other
legal regulations.

Alternative I.

4. The labor union statutes providing for establishing
interfactory labor union organizations can determine the extent of the
powers of these organizations as reserved in the legal regulations on
enterprise labor union organizations.

Alternative II. Without Point 4.

Article 28: 1. In an enterprise in which a number of trade union
organizations operate, each one of them fulfills the functions
mentioned in Article 27, Point 2, Subpoint a, with regard to their members.

2. If a number of labor union organizations operate in
an enterprise, they can agree that the functions mentioned in
Article 27 will be discharged to an agreed extent by a joint labor
union representation (the Factory Consultative Commission).

[page 133]

3. An employee who does not belong to an organization
for the purpose of defending his employee's rights can indicate a
labor organization in his enterprise [for this purpose] if it agrees
that he do so.

Article 29: An enterprise and its labor union organization and
the Factory Consultative Commission in the enterprise in which several
trade union organizations operate can conclude accords (factory
social contracts) with particular regard to:

a. the principles of sharing the wage fund,
premiums and bonuses, the social fund, and the
housing fund, and of the production conditions
for increasing these funds;
b. the program to improve working conditions; and
c. other issues of the work force's living
conditions and of implementing the tasks of the
enterprise in question.

Article 30: 1. The enterprise manager is obliged to provide
premises for enterprise labor union organizations and to ensure them the
technical resources so they can function properly.

Alternative I.

2. Upon a motion of the enterprise trade union
organization, the enterprise manager is obliged to grant unpaid leave to
the employee elected to discharge a function in the enterprise trade
union organization. Such an employee is entitled to benefits
resulting from his work contract, except for the wages due to him on the
strength of his work contract.

Alternative II.

2. Upon a motion adopted by the enterprise trade union
organization, the enterprise manager is obliged to release from work
the employee (employees) elected to discharge functions in the
executive body of that organization for the period of the functions. If
a resolution is adopted that the employee should be released from his
work but should be paid in keeping with the provisions of his work
contract, then such a resolution may apply to 1 employee if the trade
union organization totals 2 50 to 500 members, 2 employees if it totals
501 to 1,000 members, and 3 employees if it totals 1,001 to 3,000
members. If the number of members is over 3,000, 1 employee may be
released for trade union duties per every additional 2,000 members.

Employees released for labor union duties without the right to
paid leave are entitled to other benefits from their enterprise in
keeping with the work contracts.

Chapter V -- Collective Disputes, the Right To Strike

Article 31: In case of a collective dispute, the appropriate
labor union and administrative bodies are obliged to begin
negotiations immediately to solve such a dispute.

[page 134]

Article 32: 1. If negotiations fail to solve the dispute, each side
may ask for mediation proceedings, which are conducted by a special
commission composed of six members appointed in equal proportion by
each side.

2. Solving the dispute in that way should occur within
seven days if the dispute involves one enterprise (enterprise dispute)
and within ten days if the dispute exceeds the affairs of a single
enterprise (dispute extending beyond the enterprise).

3. Solving the dispute is done by agreement, which is
binding on the sides. Should there be no agreement, the commission
issues the minutes detailing the differences and the position of the
sides .

Article 33: 1. If the dispute extending beyond the enterprise is
not solved in keeping with Articles 31 and 32, the sides can refer
it to the social arbitration board within the Supreme Court. If the
enterprise dispute is not solved, it may be referred to the social
arbitration board within the regional courts of labor and social
insurance.

2. The board is composed of the chairman appointed
from among the judges of the given court by the court president and of
three members appointed in an equal number by each side. The sides
should seek to appoint persons who are not directly interested in
settling the dispute.

3. The president of the court immediately sets the
date for the board's sitting and informs the sides or their
representatives of this.

4. If settling the dispute calls for specialized
knowledge, the board may ask for expert opinions.

5. The verdict of the board is decided by a majority
vote. If none of the parties makes any relevant reservations before
the dispute is submitted to the board for settlement, the board's
verdict is binding on the parties.

6. The Council of State will define the procedural
rules of the social arbitration board.

Article 34: 1. Labor unions are entitled to organize strikes in
keeping with the principles defined in this chapter.

2. Labor unions may also pursue other forms of protest
that do not violate the legal order and the principles of social
existence.

Article 35: 1. A strike involves collectively refraining from work
in order to protect employees' collective interests and labor union
rights and freedoms.

[page 135]

2. A strike is the ultimate measure and may not be
proclaimed without previously exhausting all the possibilities of
settling the dispute in keeping with the principles defined in Articles
31 and 32. This does not apply to proclaiming a strike in connection
with the failure to implement the verdict of the board, binding on the
parties as described in Article 33.

3. When making the decision to proclaim a strike, the
trade union body considers how far the demands justify the losses
caused by the strike.

Article 36:

Alternative I.

1. The enterprise trade union body proclaims the strike
after the decision to do so has been accepted by two-thirds of the
work force in a secret; ballot and has been approved by a superior
trade union body.

A strike extending beyond an enterprise is proclaimed by the
trade union body specified in the statutes. Participation in a strike
is voluntary. No one can be forced to participate or to refuse to
participate in a strike.

Alternative II.

1. The enterprise labor union body proclaims a strike
after the decision to do so has been accepted by a majority of the
work force and after a superior labor union body has agreed. A
strike extending beyond an enterprise is proclaimed by a labor union
body specified in the statutes. Participation in a strike is
voluntary. No one can be forced to participate or to refuse to
participate in a strike.

2. A strike is proclaimed at least seven days before
it actually begins and the enterprise manager is informed accordingly.

3. If a dispute concerns the collective labor contract
or other accord, the proclamation of a strike cannot follow before the
deadline for the lapsing of the collective contract or for the agreed
implementation of the contract's decisions is past.

Article 37: Strike organizers are obliged, in cooperation with
the enterprise manager, to ensure protection of property during a
strike and the constant functioning of those installations whose
stoppage may threaten life or limb or may cause irreparable losses.

Article 38: If the conditions referred by Articles 32, 36, and
37 are fulfilled, a production enterprise must not ask people who are
not members of its work force to continue the work.

Article 39: A strike that does not meet the conditions specified
in Article 35, Point 2, and Article 36 can be held only if the trade
union in question has been prevented from fulfilling such conditions
or if there has been a particularly glaring violation of trade
union rights and freedoms.

[page 136]

Article 40: 1. Employees of military units, of the factories run
by the Ministry of National Defense, of the defense industry
enterprises (shops and subshops), of the enterprises that supply the
population with water, electric and thermal energy, gas, and food, of
the health service establishments that take care of the sick, of
pharmacies, and of educational and upbringing establishments in which
constant supervision of the charges is a must have no right to strike.

Alternative I.

2. Employees of the state administration, banks, courts,
prosecutor's offices, the organizational units of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs, and the prison service, fire service
functionaries, and employees of the establishments directly involved in the
country's defense, of railroad and highway transportation, of
communications establishments, and of radio and television stations, also
have no right to strike.

Alternative II. Replace Point 2 with Points 2 and 3 as follows:

2. Employees of the state administration, banks, courts,
prosecutor's offices, the organizational units of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs, the prison service; fire service functionaries,
and employees of the establishments directly involved in the country's
defense also have no right to strike.

3. In the Polish state railroads establishment, in
other transportation establishments, in communications, and in radio
and television stations the strike organizers are obliged to
cooperate with the managements of these establishments in order to ensure
the necessary services with regard to the state's defense and the
population's basic needs.

Article 41: The right to strike does not release production
enterprises and their work forces from the duties resulting from the
regulations on the universal duty to defend the Polish People's
Republic.

Article 42: A strike may be preceded by a warning strike, which
should be restricted to the necessary minimum and should not last
longer than two hours.

Article 43: 1. In the interest of the employees who have no right
to strike or who do not want to avail themselves of the right to
strike, the trade union in question may, on the motion of such
employees, adopt a protest resolution, demand new negotiations on disputed
questions, and submit the dispute to a social arbitration board for
settlement. The body of the state or economic administration that is
a party to the dispute must not refuse to submit the dispute to a
social arbitration board for settlement, nor can it declare that it
will not respect the board's verdict.

Alternative I.

2. A labor union can proclaim a solidarity strike on
the motion and in the interest of the employees referred to in Point 1,
if the conciliation procedures (Articles 32 and 33) have been exhausted
and if a majority of the work force has agreed to strike. A solidarity
strike must not begin before a lapse of seven days from its
announcement and from the agreement of a superior trade union body.

[page 137]

Alternative II. Point 2 should be replaced by Points 2 and 3 as
follows:

2. A substitute strike can be held by other groups of
employees in the interests of the employees referred to in Point 1.

The procedures of Article 36 are correspondingly applied to a
substitute strike.

3. A trade union can proclaim a solidarity strike if
conciliation procedures (Articles 31 and 32) have been exhausted and
the regulations of Articles 36 and 39 have been taken into
consideration.

Article 44:

Alternative I.

1. In exceptional situations that are justified by the
national economy's critical state, the Sejm of the Polish People's
Republic may by resolution suspend strike actions for the necessary
period.

Alternative II.

1. In exceptional situations that are justified by the
national economy's critical state, the Sejm of the Polish People's
Republic may by resolution suspend strike actions for a necessary
period not exceeding two months.

Another such resolution may not be adopted before one year is
over.

Alternative I.

2. In the period referred to in Point 1, the
implementation of the regulations and decisions referred to in Article 18,
Point 1, Subpoints c, d, and g, can be allowed only if the labor
unions agree.

In that period, no action will be taken to restrict labor rights
and freedoms.

Alternative II. Without Point 2.

Article 45: l. A strike is forbidden as soon as mobilization is
proclaimed or a state of war emergency or a state of war are announced.

2. A strike is forbidden in enterprises situated in the
areas in which a state of natural disaster has been proclaimed, as
soon as it is proclaimed.

Article 46: Participation in the strike organized in keeping with
the preceding articles does not constitute a violation of employees'
duties. The striking employees and the persons aiding them are assured
personal safety during the strike action and after it and are
guaranteed the previous working and wage conditions. This applies also to
participation in other forms of protest referred to in Article 34,
Point 2.

[page 138]

Article 47: 1. During a strike organized in keeping with the
preceding articles, an employee continues to be entitled to social
insurance benefits and to other benefits resulting from the work
contract, except for the right to remuneration.

2. An enterprise pays to an employee who participates
in a strike, organized in keeping with the preceding articles,
compensation for his lost wages in the form of 50% of the wages due to
him for justified absence from work.

Alternative I.

3. The sides can, by agreement, fix a higher
compensation, taking into account all the aspects of the circumstances
connected with a strike, in particular the extent of satisfied demands
and the fact that the backlog caused by the strike will be made good
within the time specified in the agreement.

4. Labor unions and labor union confederations can set
up a strike fund and make decisions on its use.

Alternative II. Replaces Points 3 and 4 with Points 3 and 5 as
follows:

3. A work force is entitled to full remuneration for
the period of a strike if it makes good the backlog caused by the
strike.

4. In the agreement that ends a strike, the sides can
provide for a higher compensation for the period of the strike than
stipulated in Point 2, taking into account all the aspects of the
circumstances connected with the strike.

5. Trade unions and their confederations can set up a
strike fund, which is inviolable.

Chapter VI -- Regulations on Labor Unions of Private Farmers

Article 48: Private farmers' labor unions have the following
rights, in particular:

a. to give opinions on assumptions of legal acts
and decisions on the rights and interests of
private farmers and their families, especially
with regard to the development of individual
farms, individual farm property, land husbandry,
the protection of farmlands, area development,
the provision of building plots in rural areas,
the development of the rural infrastructure,
and the protection of the natural environment;
b. to participate in the preparatory work to fix
the prices for farm produce, farm production
means and agricultural services as well as the
norms and principles of classifying farm produce
and the organization of procurement;

[page 139]

c. to give opinions on the conditions of farm
cultivation contracts, cooperation, and sales with
regard to farm products and of production
services for agriculture; and
d. to exercise social control over the effectiveness
of the administrative, banking, technical, and
commercial services for agriculture and of the
functioning of health, social, cultural, and
educational establishments in the rural areas.

Article 49: The appropriate body of state administration supplies
as far as possible the premises for the private farmers' labor unions
and makes it possible for them to buy technical resources to ensure
their proper functioning.

Article 50: 1. The regulations that allow a labor union's
participation in proceedings before state bodies are correspondingly applied
in the case of the private farmers' labor unions.

2. A representative of the private farmers' trade
union can act as a farmers' plenipotentiary representative with
regard to the issues involved in running a farm.

Article 51: Whenever this law speaks of enterprise disputes,
they should be understood as the disputes affecting a single rural
commune; but whenever it speaks of disputes extending beyond the area
of an enterprise, they should be understood as disputes extending
beyond the affairs of a single rural commune.

Article 52: 1. The private farmers' labor unions have the right to
organize protest actions in order to defend the collective interests
of farmers and the unions' rights and freedoms.

2. A protest action is the ultimate measure and cannot
be proclaimed before the possibilities of settling the dispute in
accordance with the principles defined by Articles 31 and 32 have
been exhausted. This does not apply to proclaiming a protest action
in connection with the failure to implement the verdict of the
arbitration board as defined in Article 33, a verdict binding on the
sides.

3. The activities conducted during the protest
campaign must not endanger life or limb, cause destruction, or
constitute a crime.

4. During the protest campaign nothing may be done to
stop the supplies of foodstuffs necessary to meet the population's
current needs and the country's defense needs.

5. No one can be forced to participate in a protest
action and suffer adverse legal consequences for participating in
such an action organized by trade unions.

[page 140]

Article 53: 1. A protest action is proclaimed by a statutory body
of a trade union by agreement of a superior trade union level.

2. A protest action is proclaimed at least seven days
before it begins and the appropriate body of state administration is
informed accordingly, unless special circumstances make it necessary
to abandon this deadline.

Article 54: With regard to the issues not covered by this
chapter, in the case of the private farmers' labor unions the regulations
of Chapters I to III are correspondingly applied, and with regard to
solving collective disputes and to protest action also the regulations
of Articles 31 to 33, 43 (Point 1), 44, and 45 are applied.

Chapter VII -- Labor Union Property

Article 55: 1. Should a number of labor unions adopt a resolution
on merging into a single labor union, the property rights and duties
are transferred to the new union as soon as it is registered.

2. Should a trade union adopt a resolution on dividing
itself into a number of trade unions, the property rights and duties
of the previous union are transferred to the new unions as soon as
the last of the new unions is registered. The resolution on the
division of the previous trade union should define the shares of the
property rights and duties of the new unions.

Article 56: 1. Should a new trade union be established, after this
law has come into force, by the separation from the previous trade
union of the enterprise, branch, territorial, or trade organizations,
the property rights and duties of the previous trade union are
transferred to the new trade union in the proportion fixed by the trade
unions concerned.

2. If such proportions have not been fixed, the
property rights and duties are transferred in the proportionate ratio
between the number of the trade union members that have gone over to
the new trade union and the number of the members of the previous
trade union on the day of the new trade union's registration.

3. If within six months of the registration of the new
trade union the number of the members of the previous trade union who
went over to the new trade union has crucially changed, each trade
union may ask for a new fixing of the proportions in which the
property rights and duties were transferred to the new trade union.

4. A regional court is empowered to examine disputes.
The court proceedings observe the appropriate civil code regulations
concerning the abolition of coownership of property.

[page 141]

Chapter VIII -- Responsibility for Violating the Regulations of the
Labor Union Law

Article 57: He who, in connection with his position or function,
violates the trade union rights resulting from this law and other
legal enactments, will be punished by imprisonment for up to 1 year,
by restricted freedom, or by a fine of up to 10,000 zloty.

Article 58:

Alternative I.

He who runs a strike organized in defiance of the
regulations of this law will be punished by imprisonment for up to
1 year, by restricted freedom, or by a fine of up to 10,000 zloty.

Alternative II.

He who runs a strike organized in defiance of the
regulations of this law will be fined up to 10,000 zloty.

Chapter IX -- Interim and Final Regulations

Article 59: 1. Whenever reference is made in this law to legal
enactments without a closer definition of them, they should be
understood as the enactment of this law.

2. Whenever reference is made in this law to economic
administration bodies, they should be understood as including,
correspondingly, the manager or the owner of an enterprise.

Article 60: 1. Employee assistance and loan funds are set up in
the socialized production enterprise for all employees to use,
regardless of their trade union affiliation. Trade unions supervise
these funds.

2. The duties of production enterprises with regard
to organizing those funds and the fund's skeleton statutes will be
laid down by the Minister of Labor, Wages, and Social Affairs in
agreement with labor unions. The Minister of Finance will define
the principles in keeping with which fiscal guarantees are given to
those funds.

Article 61: The following laws lapse:

a. the decrees of 6 February 1945 on the
establishment of plant councils (The Official Gazette
No. 8, Item 36, Amendment of 1947, No. 24,
Item 92);
b. the law of 1 July 1949 on trade unions (The
Official Gazette No. 41, Item 293, Amendment
of 1980, No. 24, Item 83); and
c. the law of 6 May 1981 on the registration of
intertrade union organizations (The Official
Gazette No. 11, Item 52).

[page 142]

Article 62: (The proposals that reflect the current state of
the talks among labor unions.)

Alternative I (of the ISTU Solidarity and the Confederation of
Autonomous Trade Unions).

1. The property rights and duties of the Federation of
Labor Unions in Poland are transferred to the employees' labor unions
which exist on the day this law comes into force. This transfer is
done in proportion to the number of members.

2. The Liquidation Commission appointed by the
Chairman of the Council of Ministers from among representatives of
labor unions divides the property referred to in Point 1 or fixes the
principles and ways of using that property.

The commission's decisions are made by a majority of the votes
calculated in proportion to the number of the members of the trade
unions in question. There is no appeal against such decisions. The
commission is assisted in its work by a representative of the
Liquidation Commission of the defunct Trade Union Central Council, which has
an advisory vote.

3. The property rights and duties of the trade unions
that were members of the Federation of Labor Unions in Poland are
transferred on the day this law comes into force to the trade unions
that have been set up since 31 August 1980. This transfer is done in
the proportion corresponding to the ratio between the number of the
members who went over from the previous trade unions to the present
trade unions and the number of the members who have stayed in the
previous trade unions. The legal number of members is the one
registered on the day on which this law comes into force.

4. Labor unions -- or in case of a dispute, labor
unions and the Warsaw Voivodship Court -- divide by agreement the
property referred to in Point 3 or fix the principles and ways of
using that property. The court proceedings observe, correspondingly,
the civil code regulations on the abolition of coownership of
property.

5. When fixing the ways in which the vacation homes,
sanatoriums, and other social facilities existing on the day on which
this law comes into force are used, it is necessary to make all these
facilities available to employees regardless of their trade union
affiliation.

Alternative II (of the Consultative Commission of the Industrial
Branch Trade Unions).

a. The property issues of the Federation of Labor
Unions should be settled through agreement
among labor unions, but the property of the
Industrial Branch Labor Unions cannot be
subjected to a legal settlement because it is the
property of the active corporate body
[dzialajacych osob prawnych].

[page 143]

b. Agreement is given to Point 5 proposed in
Alternative I.

Article 63: 1. The acts registering trade unions completed by the
Warsaw Voivodship Court and by the Trade Union Central Council before
this law comes into force, retain legal validity as envisaged by this
law in connection with the registration of labor unions.

2. The court proceedings begun with a view to
registering a trade union before the law comes into force continue in keeping
with the regulations of this law.

Article 64: Should labor union statutes be in conflict with
the enactments of this law, the corresponding regulations of this law
prevail.

Article 65: 1. The register of the trade unions maintained by the
Trade Union Central Council is transferred to the Warsaw Voivodship
Court.

2. The voivodship court will include in the court
register a trade union recorded in the register referred to in Point 1
as soon as the first change in the statutes is recorded in the
register in keeping with the procedure and principles of Article 16,
Point 3.

Article 66: The following changes are made in the Labor Code of
26 June 1974 (The Official Gazette No. 24, Item 141, amended in 1975,
No. 16, Item 91, and in 1981, No. 6, Item 23 [quotation marks as
published]:

1. The code's terms, including their number and case:

a. "the plant council" and "the labor union delegate"
are correspondingly replaced by the terms "the
enterprise labor union body";
b. "the immediately superior level" is
correspondingly replaced by the terms "the superior (higher
level) statutory labor union body above the
enterprise trade union body";
c. the phrase "on agreement with the Trade Union
Central Council" is expunged; and
d. the phrase "on agreement with the main
administration of the appropriate labor unions" is expunged.

2. Article 10 reads as follows:

"Representing their members, labor unions cooperate with the
production enterprise manager, employees' self-government groups, and the
bodies of state and economic administrations in developing the
correct labor relations that are consistent with the principles of
legality and social justice and take action to protect the employees'
rights and interests on the principles defined by the trade union law,
this code, and other legal enactments."

[page 144]

3. Article 24 reads as follows:

"Article 24, Paragraph 1. In the production enterprise in which no
trade union organization is active, the powers of the enterprise trade
union body devolve correspondingly on the employee's commission and on
the trusted elder if the enterprise in question employs fewer than 20
employees.

"Paragraph 2. The enterprise work force elects the employees'
commission of the trusted elder for two years.

"Paragraph 3. The Minister of Labor, Wages, and Social Affairs will
determine by decree the procedures by which the employees' commission
and the trusted elder are elected and will stipulate the principles
of their activities.

"Paragraph 4. The production enterprise manager is relieved of the
duty, provided for by the labor law regulations, to cooperate with
the enterprises' trade union body:

"a. if an employee who does not belong to a labor union
has not indicated an enterprise labor union body to
safeguard his individual employee's rights or if the
body indicated by him refuses to act on his behalf;

"b. if in the enterprise referred to in Paragraph 1 the
work force refuses to elect the employees' commission
or the trusted elder."

4. The following Article 233a is added after Article 233:
"Article 233a, paragraph 1. If the social labor inspector ascertains
a glaring violation by a production enterprise of the regulations or
principles of work safety so that an employee's life and limb are
directly threatened and if the enterprise manager refuses to follow
the inspector's instructions, the enterprise trade union body may
oppose the further employment of the employee in question, informing
the labor inspector accordingly.

"Paragraph 2. In the case referred to in Paragraph 1, the employee
in question may stop doing his job, without losing the right to
remuneration, until the labor inspector's instructions are carried out or
until the enterprise gives him another job of equal kind and
remuneration. The employee in question may avail himself of that privilege
also in the case when there is no opposition from the enterprise trade
union body [to the dangerous job he does]."

5. [As published] Article 240 reads as follows:
"Article 240, Paragraph 1. The collective labor contract is concluded:

"a. on behalf of production enterprises: by the
minister (the head of the central office), the central
cooperative organization or the social organization
grouping production enterprises or the federation
of the nonsocialized production enterprises;

"b. on behalf of the employees: by the statutory body
of the appropriate labor union or the interlabor
union federation or organization.

[page 145]

"Paragraph 2. If the collective labor contract is to cover the
employees who are members of a number of labor unions, the
negotiations on the contract are attended by all the labor unions concerned,
which for that purpose establish a consultative commission in such a
way that it duly represents the number of the interested trade union
members. The collective labor contract can be signed if it is agreed
to by the trade unions that represent the majority of the employees
to whom the contract is to apply.

"Alternative: Expunge the last sentence in Paragraph 2 and replace
it with the following: 'The conclusion of the collective labor
contract is done at the forum of the consultative commission. The
contract is signed by the labor unions that have drawn it up.'

"Paragraph 3. The Council of Ministers will determine by decree the
kinds of production enterprises or vocations and professions for which
no collective labor contracts are signed and will detail the principles
and procedures for concluding and terminating contracts and for their
registration and publication."

Article 67: This law comes into force on the day of its publication.

[page 147]

The Directions of the Operations of Solidarity, the Independent,
Self-Governing Labor Union, in the Current Situation of the Country[+]

Prepared by the Center for Social and Labor Tasks attached
to the National Consultative Commission of Solidarity, the
Independent, Self-Governing Labor Union. This report was
discussed in a preliminary fashion at a National
Consultative Commission meeting held on 25 February 1981 as well
as examined and approved as material for general
discussion by the Center's Program Consultative Council.

I. Basic Values

Our labor union was set up just six months ago as a result of the
workers' struggle backed by the entire country. Today we are a great
social force totaling many millions of members. Thanks to all that,
the entire labor world in Poland is at last able to take dignified
and effective action for the sake of its common causes.

We were born of the protest against wrongs, humiliation, and
injustice. We are an independent, self-governing labor union of the
working people from all regions and all trades. We defend the rights,
dignity, and interests of the entire labor world.

We want to mold life in our country in keeping with the ideals of
patriotism, social justice, and civil democracy. As a labor union
we do not intend to take over the job of the state apparatus of power.
What we want to do is to represent the working people's interests
before the apparatus, and that is why we will defend the rights of
man, the citizen, and the worker. At the same time, we shirk no
responsibility for our nation's and state's fates.

1. The nation's best traditions, Christianity's ethical principles,
democracy's political mandate, and socialist social thought -- these
are the four main sources of our inspiration.

We are deeply attached to the heritage of Poland's whole culture,
which is merged with European culture and has strong links with
Catholicism but which contains various religious and philosophical
traditions. The ties with the generations of Poles who fought for
national freedom and social justice and who handed over to us
traditions of tolerance, brotherhood, and civil responsibility for the
republic and of equality before the law are alive in us. That is why
there is room among us for everyone regardless of his world outlook,
nationality, or political convictions.

2. The idea of uniting working people imparts great importance to
the qualities produced by common efforts. Those qualities are
represented by Solidarity -- a term that we have adopted as the name of
our labor union -- and by good fellowship and the ability to make
sacrifices and to do everything for the labor union community and for

----------------

+ Published in Glos Pracy, 14 April 1981; and Tygodnik Solidarnosc,
17 April 1981.

[page 148]

broader social interests. The idea of the working people's
brotherhood in their common front against exploitation, no matter what
slogans are used to disguise such exploitation, should also be this
sort of virtue.

3. Defending the working people, which is our basic labor union job,
is based on the principle of observing social justice. We will seek
to make sure that this principle is the basis of running the state
and its institutions and offices, and that it governs all solutions
relating to social policy and to the organization of communal life.

We base social justice on the principle of the natural dignity of the
person of man, of the working man, and of his toil. It is our wish
that the principle of man's dignity permeate everything about our
union and serve as the foundation on which relations in the new
society are built.

The principle of social justice and of man's dignity makes it obvious
that in their most essential nature all people are egual. That is why
we will seek social eguality.

We recognize the principle that one should be paid according to the
quality, quantity, difficulty, and risk of one's work ("to each
according to his work"), and we will seek to level off unjustified
disproportions in that regard. However, the principle of meeting the
social minimum has precedence over the aforementioned principle.
Meeting the social minimum means satisfying not only elementary needs
in food, clothing, and housing, but also all those social and cultural
needs that make it possible to lead a dignified life in order to
develop one's personality. Fighting for just wages for work, we will
require ourselves to be honest in professional work and to observe
high ethics in performance, reliability, and effective work results.
Shoddy work, turning out defective products, and common "trash"
detract from the dignity of the worker and harm society.

The principle of equality makes it obvious that total democracy must
be observed in public life. Only under a truly democratic system
will we be able effectively to fight for our labor union and workers'
interests. Only under such a system will it be possible to fulfill
the principle of genuine participation by the working people in the
country's social and public life. That is why we will seek to expand
the forms of social participation in public decision-making and in
reviewing what the authorities do.

4. Our labor union proceedings require us to observe the civil
liberties recorded in the Constitution of the Polish People's Republic,
liberties such as the right to profess one's own views, freedom of
speech and the press, the rights to honest information, to assembly,
and to free association. We will defend people who are subjected to
repression for those liberties, and we will regard such repression as
a violation of the law. For those reasons we will also demand the
elimination of curbs on the right to form associations, of curbs that
stem from censorship, and especially of those that are not connected
with overriding public interests but result from manipulation in
order to defend the current interests of the governing teams.

[page 149]

5. Our labor union observes the traditions of the workers' movement
and invigorates the features of those traditions that strengthen our
ideals of social justice, democracy, freedom, and independence. We
will enrich those traditions with the memories of the 1956 actions
taken by the Poznan workers and with the bloody sacrifices of the
workers in the coastal areas in 1970 and of the Radom and Ursus
workers in 1976.

May Day is a special symbol. We must impart a new meaning and a new
form to May Day, because it is our day - the day of the working
people, not of the state employer. We will make it a day when those
who stand on the dais and those who march are not divided: it will
be a day of festive meetings among united and equal working people.

6. We recognize national values as a valuable and vital part of our
collective consciousness, and we take the view that the Poles'
patriotism is an irreplaceable platform for social integration and
generosity for the sake of the fatherland. We take the view that national
values form the basic bond of our society in the contemporary world
and constitute the final justification of our independence and
sovereignty. The social protest in the form of a strike last summer was
also directed against efforts to eliminate our national values from
our social consciousness. That protest is one of the sources of our
union.

7. Our labor union is an organization with a plurality of outlooks
on the world and is open to believers of all faiths and to
nonbelievers. Nevertheless, an overwhelming majority of our union members,
like the majority of our nation, have been brought up in the
Christian religion. Christian inspiration has been one of the
foundations of the ideological merits that are included in our program.
The cross hanging side by side with the white eagle in many union
rooms reminds our members of their moral origins and fills them with
faith in the justice of our cause. We will continue that stream of
inspiration, while never giving up the lay nature of our organization.

II. Basic Reasons for the Crisis

We must all overcome together the economic crisis that is
threatening us with disaster. We should bear in mind, however, that we will
not be able to overcome it if we fail to expose and eliminate its
political-social causes. The disappearance of democratic
institutions and the resulting profound division between society and the
apparatus of power within the present system of public life are at
the bottom of that crisis. Erroneous doctrinal concepts and decisions
concerning agriculture (the ultimate elimination of individual
peasant property) and the priority given capital goods industries were,
among other things, responsible for the crisis. They went hand in hand with
disdain for those sectors of the economy that meet the needs of the
population and with the state apparatus's practice of taking over
[nonagricultural] cooperatives and small private enterprises.

[page 150]

1. The dominant feature of that system is the lack of democratic
mechanisms for decision-making, the lack of responsibility for
decisions and for replacing people in executive positions. Decisions
concerning the entire community are made by party and administrative
agencies over which no social control is exerted. Such decisions are
not preceded by free discussions, which might produce various
alternative solutions to the problems at hand. There is no scope for the
views of independent experts as well as a lack of access to the necessary
information about the state of the country and the economy. This
means that society is excluded from the process of decision-making.
Decisions are made by this or that echelon of the bureaucracy.

2. Bureaucratic methods of governing make it impossible to correct
errors. Often, it is impossible even to hint at the disastrous
results of erroneous decisions. This is made impossible primarily
through censorship and through the expanded rules governing state,
economic, and official secrets. It is also made impossible by the
entire system, which is organized on the principle of fighting all
attempts to work out alternative programs or independent analyses and
evaluations. This blockade applies not only to political and social
issues but also to economic and even technical ones. Practice of this
sort causes us losses amounting to billions and billions of zloty.

3. The bureaucratic system of governing the state and managing the
economy has helped establish a closed group of rulers who are not
subject to control by the governed. The people in the power
apparatus make decisions from the viewpoint of their personal interests,
material privileges, and advancement rather than because of any consider
tion of social interests. The erroneous decisions on investments
(building the Katowice steel complex, for example) and foreign loans
that often go to waste have freguently been the results of the efforts
of interest groups supporting or combatting each other within the
power apparatus. In 1976-1979 the economic bureaucrats in large
measure frustrated any steps that might have prevented the crisis. As a
rule, the bureaucratic apparatus was against any change or reform
that might undermine its own position, income, and influence.

4. All these things have been responsible for the fact that Poland
has had no opportunity to carry out socioeconomic reforms and to save
us from crisis. The existing political system has been unable and
has not had the strength to repair itself by itself. Only a severe
economic crisis, the outbreak of social protest, and the establishment
of Solidarity have paved the way for reform and renewal.

An important conclusion emerges from all this: that economic reform
in Poland will not be successful and will not produce the hoped-for
economic results if it does not go hand in hand with a profound
reform of the system of government that would eliminate the causes
of the crisis rooted in the sociopolitical system and would establish
guarantees that the old system would not return.

[page 151]

III. Economic Issues

1. Solidarity's Attitude Toward the Recurring Economic Crises

Our country's profound economic crisis manifests itself primarily by
the enormous, increasing disproportion between supply (of goods and
services) and demand. This crisis affects all spheres of the economy.
It did not arise in the past few months or past few years: it has
been developing gradually for decades. It is a crisis caused by a
profound degeneration of the productive system, which is unable to
meet demand insofar as the quantity and range of goods are concerned.
This crisis bears directly on society's standard of living, on
working conditions, and on the working people's real income. While the
crisis intensifies, the working people's already low wages are losing
their real value.

The crisis in the Polish People's Republic's economy concerns the
structure, economic policy, and the system. In addition, unfavorable
economic conditions have also been a factor.

A) Defects in the Economic Structure Are the Direct Cause of the
Difficulties:

The structural nature of the crisis manifests itself in the constant
and increasing disproportion between that part of the economy that
caters to the people's needs and the part that is concerned with
expanding the means of production. This is because an excessive part
of the country's economic potential is used to produce the machinery
and installations that produce new machines and installations, but
the production of consumer goods is a secondary sector in that
production structure. Agriculture, in particular, which is a sector
meeting the people's basic needs and employing one-quarter of the
populace, has been relegated to an inferior position within the
national economy. It is obvious that an economy with such a
structure is unable to provide even a moderate standard of living for the
working masses.

B) Persistent Defects of Economic Policy:

The structural disproportions of the economy are the result of a 
longterm economic policy conducted in a voluntaristic way by a narrow
group of people from institutions, who are not subject to social
control. In addition, the concentration of decisions in the main
centers of command, the lack of cost accounting, and the price chaos have
made any control by society impossible. Such a state of affairs amounts
to total economic arbitrariness and irresponsibility. As a result,
economically harmful decisions were made and gigantic investments were
initiated without the necessary justification and without providing
the necessary conditions (transportation, energy, cooperation). Under
that voluntaristic policy, private farmers were subjected to special
discrimination: It was made especially difficult for them to obtain
scarce capital goods and the necessary prices. Attempts have been
made to compensate for the inefficiency of the system and economic
policy by contracting ever larger foreign loans. Capitalist bankers

[page 152]

were supposed to finance the economic incompetence of the centrally
planned state economy, but loans have to be repaid together with
interest, which is possible only if the economy functions properly.
Such a mode of compensation could not therefore be used for long.
On the contrary, it became an additional factor in the breakdown of
the economy. The end results of that method of compensation are an
enormous debt of over 24,000 million dollars, not counting short-term
loans and the prospect of further debts. The country must find more
money to repay the interest and the loans that it earns through
exports. That means that all our imports have to be paid for by
additional loans, which it is increasingly difficult to obtain. Besides,
the conditions stipulated by the foreign banks (the interest rate and
the payment deadlines) are becoming ever worse. The simple fact is
that we have been adjudged bankrupt and are being treated accordingly.

In such a situation it is impossible to guarantee an adequate import
of goods from the West for our economy. That is why we are
restricting the import of raw and other materials and even of spare parts,
and that is what primarily determines the fact that our economy's
production capacity is not being fully exploited.

C) Factors Involving the System:

The most profound reasons for the present crisis must be sought in
the system itself. All economic decision-making has been monopolized
by the main centers of command, which issue orders to the individual
enterprises: What they have to produce, how much, and how. This is
called running the economy through a command and distribution system.
In such a situation the enterprises have no freedom to fix production
programs and to choose production methods, which means that it is
useless for many enterprises to practice cost accounting. Nor do the
central planners practice cost accounting themselves because they
lack the necessary information in the form of correct prices. Such a
situation is made worse by the enterprises' effort to boost outlays
to the maximum extent, because they are interested in fulfilling their
plans in terms of value, which is done, among other ways, by increasing
costs. Finally, the increasing concentration of decision-making has been
responsible for the total failure to exploit the mechanism of
motivating individuals and teams. All that together has brought about
largescale waste of human labor and of material resources. It is enough
to say that we have to use far more raw materials, energy,
transportation, and labor to produce one unit of national income than is the
case in the French or West German economies.

D) Chance Factors:

Certain unfavorable factors have also affected our country in the
past few years, such as the poor harvest in 1980. When evaluating
that factor, however, we must bear in mind that every economy must
be prepared for times of unfavorable economic outlook and must have
something in hand in order to be able to override them without
breaking down; but if it does break down under the impact of temporarily
unfavorable circumstances, then it does so not because of objective
reasons but because the economic system is defective, the economic

[page 153]

policy bad, and the economic structure highly unbalanced. As
a result of the operation of all those factors, the economy of the
Polish People's Republic is functioning badly. One outcome has been
and continues to be the decreasing rate of rise in the national
income and a violent drop in that income in the past two years. That
is why the country is experiencing a serious crisis that threatens
the national economy with a total breakdown.

2. Solidarity's Attitude Toward Economic Reform

A) Support for the Reform Is a Condition for Its Success:

The preceding analysis shows that the present economic system does
not satisfy social and economic needs. A profound reform of the
system that will eliminate the sources of the constantly recurring
crisis tension is the only way permanently to overcome the crisis and
to send our economy down the road to balanced development. Our labor
union fully supports the question of economic reform, because it
takes the view that such a reform is in the interest of all our union
members and of all our people.

Our support for the reform must be expressed, among other ways, by extensive
discussions of its principles and by clearly defining its direction,
form, and goal. Be defining through discussion the desirable shape of
the reform, we will prevent it from becoming shallow and vitiated.
Solidarity will not, however, propose its own draft reform, because it
takes the view that the ultimate shape of the reform can be defined by
discussing the already existing drafts. All the same, it is possible
to ask whether Solidarity should more actively commit itself to
preparing and carrying out the reform. It could, for example, work out
its own draft solutions to key issues.

The economic reform should be the outcome of free and public
discussion by experts and should be carried out by the state apparatus of
power which is in control of the national economy as a whole. On the
other hand, our union's task is to see to it that the reform
ultimately leads to improving the working people's situation.

That is why our union will support those aspects of the economic
reform that are consistent with the principles of an equitable social
policy and provide the best opportunities for permanent, not merely
temporary, improvement of the country's economic situation. Defining
the conditions that must be fulfilled during implementation of the
reform, we realize that it is necessary at times to sacrifice
temporary interests in favor of long-term and genuine improvements. We
can assume such a risk only if all decisions on the reform are
coordinated with us and all our people, if we are presented with the
complete calculations of the gains and losses resulting from each
individual solution, and if the basic principles of the state's social
policy are harmonized with us and are observed.

B) The Nature of the Expected Changes:

The economic reform should shape in a new way the structure and
functioning of the central planning done by the main centers of command,
the socialized enterprises, and the other elements of the economic
system.

[page 154]

Central planning should be deprived of its prescriptive and command
characteristics, which means that it must not transfer its tasks to
enterprises by means of commands and prohibitions. Tasks for
enterprises should be defined with the help of economic instructions
(such as prices, taxes, etc.).

Central plans should be strategic, not operational, and should cover
periods of several years. Central plan targets determining the
direction of economic development should be fixed by means of socialized
[collective] planning. The participation of the public in the process
of planning and in exerting control over it should be guaranteed by
open decisions and discussions in the Sejm, in self-government bodies,
and in public and labor union organizations. The main trends of
development in the rate of economic growth, the division of the
national income into investments and consumption, including the basic
directions in social consumption, should be subject to control.
Public control should also guarantee protection of independent
socialized enterprises and family-run farms from restrictions ordered by
economic and public administrations. Intermediate links between
enterprises and the central economic authorities, such as branch
ministries and associations, should, to a significant degree, be
abolished.

Socialized enterprises should be granted independence in the sphere
of adopting a production program and of determining production methods.

For that reason, the central distribution of raw materials and other
means of production should be restricted and purposefully eliminated.
The work of the enterprise should be based on self-financing, that is,
on meeting one's own expenses with one's own income. Enterprises
should be evaluated not for their plan fulfillment but for their
economic results. An enterprise should be able to use its profits freely,
including allocating them for investments and particularly for the
rational maintenance of its installations. The way in which an
enterprise functions, its degree of independence, and the way public
management operates in it depend on the scale and nature of the
enterprise. To enable an enterprise to work properly under the new system
the market should be demonopolized and producers should be permitted,
to some degree, to compete.

Changing the pricing system will be a serious dilemma for Solidarity.
These changes will be necessary if enterprises are to operate
efficiently, but it may prove to be difficult to change retail prices.
Changes in retail prices call for compensation in wages and for
convincing the entire labor union and general public of the need for
such change. This point requires broad discussion.

The new system must provide the various forms of ownership of the
means of production with equal legal rights and equal conditions for
economic development. Enterprises under national, cooperative,
communal, individual, or family ownership should be treated equally so
far as marketing prices, supplies, personnel, and tax policies go.
In particular, the development of private family farms and family
craft and service enterprises should be freed from all restrictions.

[page 155]

The consistent implementation of the program to feed the nation
from the efforts of Polish agriculture is among the most important
tasks confronting the country. The basic elements of such a program
must be: full respect for private farmers' right to own land and
significant improvements in supplying private farms with farm
machinery, tools, mineral fertilizer, and other articles necessary
to intensify farm production.

The functioning of such a planned and market economy will bring to
the surface certain social problems on which our labor union must
assume a clear position. The labor union admits that enterprises
will have the right to make changes in the level of employment in
line with their needs, but the state authorities will continue to
be responsible for pursuing the policy of full employment. It will
no longer be possible to burden enterprises with the policy, but an
appropriate central fund will be needed to provide jobs and funds
to cover the cost of retraining and transferring persons from industry
and administration to other economic branches and trades. The
self-financing of enterprises may also result in some of them shrinking
or shutting down. In such cases, the union will demand that the
interests of the employees of such enterprises be insured in advance.

The employees' proper share in enterprise profits may increase
differences in the incomes of persons employed at various
enterprises. That issue must also be discussed in our union. The
farreaching independence of enterprises and an economy based on the
market system may cause economic and social difficulties (increased
prices, difficulties in employment, etc.). The reform, as it
progresses, must be carefully monitored and the irregularities that
arise must be eliminated.

Making the socialized enterprises independent makes it possible and
even necessary to establish authentic workers' self-government. Our
union considers that the formation of workers' self-governing bodies
in socialized enterprises is an indispensable element of the economic
reform. Self-governing bodies in an enterprise should have powers
enabling them effectively to control the operations of the enterprise
and should therefore have the right to manage the enterprise property,
should draw up policy for production and sales, the methods of
production, and investment policy. They should also have a decisive
say in the division of the enterprise's profits. Detailed solutions
may depend, among other things, on the size and specific feature of
an enterprise. The participation of workers' self-governing bodies
is particularly necessary in the appointment and dismissal of
directors (appointment, advising, or offering the job competitively).
The problem of workers' self-government should be broadly discussed
in the union.

Our union will back up workers' self-government and will fully
support it. But the jurisdictions of self-governing bodies and of
labor union organizations in the enterprise must be clearly separated
on the assumption that the union primarily defends the interests of
employees on the payroll, while the self-governing body represents
and bears responsibility for the production and economic interests
of the enterprise. The self-governing body must consult the union
organizations on all questions concerning the division of the
enterprise profit and the employees.
[page 156]

The labor union considers that the economic reform should be
carried out as rapidly, comprehensively, and democratically as
possible. In particular, we consider that the reform must not
be postponed until our economy is fully stabilized. For that
reason, it is necessary rapidly to provide a program for halting the
declining trend in the economy. In order to get down to the reform,
it is also essential to restore' the normal pace of work and to find
dimensions for businesslike cooperation in such fields as improving
the economic position of the enterprise, finding the most suitable
forms of self-government, combating alcoholism, and so forth.

3. The Labor Union and Problems of Social Policy

There is a danger that in 1981 the situation of the population will
deteriorate. In particular, the situation in foreign trade will
continue to deteriorate. There are no guarantees that this year
our country will obtain the 10,000 to 11,000 million dollars of
necessary additional credits, including 6,000 to 7,000 million dollart
to repay the debts, 3,000 to 4,000 million dollars to pay the interest
on the loans and 1,000 million dollars to pay for the current deficit.
If we fail to obtain these credits, the decline in production will be
very big and will directly affect consumption. The chances of
increasing consumption by means of altering the division of the national
income, that is, by reducing investments to increase consumption, are
very limited, because it is no longer possible to continue cutting
unproductive investments in such fields as housing, health services,
and education.

There is the danger of the complete disorganization of the market
and of [the supply of] consumer goods. Compared with 1980, the
population's cash income is increasing in 1981, while the supply
of manufactured goods will be inadequate. In agriculture, too,
the year 1981 cannot be favorable, because it will still be
impossible to restore the size of livestock herds reduced in 198O. The
annual increase in the population's income will not therefore be
covered by any increase in the supply of goods.

A) The Principle of the State's Responsibility for the Costs of
the Crisis and of the Reforms:

The union considers that the responsibility for the results of the
crisis and of the reforms introduced rests with the state, no matter
if the economic reform carried out will make enterprises really
independent or what the form of that independence assumes. In
practice, the state is the direct organizer of economic life in
Poland. For that reason, notwithstanding the activity of various
unions, public organizations, and societies, it is precisely the
state and its agencies that have the duty to protect the population
from the results of the crisis, and the union will make the state
agencies accountable for that.

The government has failed to present a program for getting the
country out of the crisis. The 1981 plan, recently adopted by the
Sejm, shuns the basic problems. A plan for stabilization, promised

[page 157]

long ago, is still missing. The general public and our union
have still not received even a report on the state of the economy.
This lack of effort must result in a deepening of the crisis. The
government should immediately present a program for getting the
country out of the crisis and should make it subject to a 
nationwide discussion. In view of the passive attitude of the authorities,
the union has been compelled to come forward with its own project.
We do not intend to act as a substitute for the government. Our
only intention is to indicate the basic directions for economic
and social policy, lines essential from the point of view of the
working people and at the same time decisive for many aspects of
the country's economic situation. Aware that the country's economic
situation is desperate indeed, the Solidarity Labor Union will
abstain from far-reaching wage and social demands in 1981, provided
that:

The principles [on which] the government's economic policy [is
based] will be agreed upon with the labor union, particularly in
the sphere in which the union is directly interested:

The government will pledge consistently to carry out a program of
reforms that will in the future guarantee a moderately rapid and
harmonious development of the economy (the general principles of those
reforms will be outlined in the next chapter);

The government in its economic policy will actually, and not only
declaratively, respect the principle of protecting the average
level of the population's real income and will give priority to the
economically weaker groups.

B) The Principles of a Good Market:

Seven months after the signing of the poststrike agreements, the
working people are suffering mainly from the fatal and constantly
deteriorating state of the market. The empty stores and warehouses
make the wage increase we ourselves have won dubious. The growing
lines for commodities and the burgeoning black market are
disorganizing the lives of our families. Under the present circumstances,
it is necessary to increase the supplies of consumer goods to the
market, and this must be done. However, it is not yet impossible
rapidly to improve all food supplies. Under the present conditions,
two optional versions of an immediate settlement should be taken
into account and examined: one -- admitting the possibility, of
extending the rationing system on the market; and two -- firmly
opposing the introduction and preservation of that system.

The first version recognizes the need for a sound market and
particularly for the profitability of agriculture. That calls for changes
in procurement and retail prices. However, that option regards
ration coupons as a necessary evil. When the most essential
commodities are very scarce, money cannot be the only factor regulating
their distribution. Without ration cards, it would be difficult to
ensure minimum supplies of basic commodities, particularly to those
earning less than others. The second option opposes the extension
of the rationing system to other articles and provides for the
earliest possible abolition of the system, because the introduction
of ration cards results in unnecessary stockpiling in some households

[page 158]

and in shortages in others, and it undermines the role of wages
as an incentive for good work. According to that option, the
application of the mechanism of prices would be much better than
the rationing system, and in any case that mechanism should be
socially acceptable.

Both proposals should be subject to broad discussion.

C) The Principle of a Social Minimum

We demand that in 1981 the government fully implement all
obligations it assumed in the agreements with regard to wages and social
affairs. In particular, we expect the principle of a social minimum
in the sphere of wages, pensions, and disability payments to be
introduced as soon as possible into the practice of structuring
incomes; family allowances to be increased; and maternity leave
to be prolonged. On the other hand, we are not putting forth
demands for new wage regulations.

In particular, the costs of the reform must under no circumstances
be borne by the least prosperous citizens of our country. It is
necessary to specify the minimum needs of an average citizen,
depending on his or her age and family conditions, and the
appropriate social minimum should be checked and modified depending on
changes in market supplies, in commodity prices, and in the structure
of consumption. Shortages must not be permitted to expand in the
social sphere and the state should take pains to guarantee the
social minimum for all people in Poland, irrespective of whether
they are employed or involuntarily unemployed.

The state should also endeavor to assist financially and materially
every person living below the social minimum. The union, for its
part, will check both the level of the minimum and the standards
for fixing it, as well as the way the state implements the program
for ensuring the social minimum for all citizens.

We are aware that even the implementation of this modest program
will additionally increase the financial means of the population
without increasing market supplies. In our opinion, however, those
decisions must be taken, because the material situation of those
population groups who are in the most difficult situation can only
improve as a result. While evaluating that demand, one must bear
in mind that an additional improvement in the living standard of
those people at present living below the social minimum, the policy
of increased family allowances and prolonged maternity leave, the
policy of reviewing disability payments, rents, etc., even if they
are significant, constitute only a small part of the sums of money
possessed by the population which are not matched by commodities.
Not undertaking that program would, therefore, only insignificantly
improve the market balance, but at the expense of people in the most
difficult situation. Our union will never accept savings of that
kind.

[page 159]

In order properly to apply the principle of a social minimum in
practice, the public should adopt a position on it. The problem
of a minimum implies the issue of a maximum. It is necessary to
define an income level that must not be exceeded. In this
connection, we demand, among other things, the abrogation of the 1972
decree which, departing from general rules, provides for high
pensions and allowances for privileged persons and their families.

D) The Principle of Sharing the Costs of the Crisis Proportionally

Social justice requires that the costs of the crisis and of the
necessary reforms be equally shared by all citizens; equally
means in proportion to their affluence. Poland is a country with
significant differences in the incomes of individual social groups.
For that reason, the costs of the crisis should be borne by more
prosperous people to a greater degree than by those earning less,
and should be appropriately taken into account in the system of
increasing wages and taxes. No one, irrespective of his status in
the state, may be exempted from the operation of that principle,
and the implementation of that principle requires that the labor
union and other public organizations exercise control over the whole
process. That must be discussed in detail in the light of the needs,
aspirations, and traditions of the individual occupational groups.
The main point is that the application of that principle must not
deprive highly qualified occupational groups who work unselfishly
of the sense of their own worth and of the motives for increasing
production efforts.

The costs of the programs for restoring equilibrium should primarily
be borne by the most prosperous groups, particularly by people
enjoying privileges linked with the exercise of power. The union
should advocate such a policy calmly but firmly, because in the
1970s social inequalities increased markedly and the privileges
enjoyed by people exerting power expanded on an even larger scale.
At the same time, that is precisely the group of people responsible
for the present state of our country. The preservation of privileges
for people exercising power is socially dangerous and under the
existing circumstances also profoundly immoral. People exercising
power, isolated by privilege from the realities of life for the
rank-and-file citizen and alienated from society, are unable to
understand society's problems.

Therefore, taking into account the economic situation and the
requirements of social justice, we should bring up the following
demands to the authorities:

To introduce universally obligatory, progressive taxes, which would
equalize pay in cases where the entire income per family member
exceeds the level of the average monthly wage;

To tax luxury items (luxurious automobiles, vacation homes, etc.);

To restrict unjustified privileges possessed by the power apparatus
(apartments, office automobiles, special health services, etc.), as
well as to reveal the income and properties of persons with standing
in the power apparatus.

[page 160]

The proposed measures of redistribution as well as the system of
compensating the incomes of the population to make up for rising
prices -- making compensation total only for the most difficult
material situation -- will make it possible both to reduce those
inequalities that the public does not accept and to finance the
most essential social programs.

The trade union is aware that market equilibrium must be restored
gradually, but as rapidly as possible. We are also aware that this
cannot be attained solely through incentives for increasing
production and market supplies. Price increases are also inevitable, but
the increased prices may result in declining real wages. Under such
circumstances, the union has been confronted with the problem of
adopting a position on that issue. Full compensation for the increased
living costs, resulting from rising prices, should apply to those
earning the least, and at the same time those earning the most should
obtain no compensation at all. However, in the case of the
middle-bracket wage earners, constituting the majority, two possible
settlements should be considered: Either the rising cost of living is to
be compensated for partially, thus improving market equilibrium, or
is to be compensated fully, thus causing the market situation to
deteriorate and prolonging emergence from the crisis. These two
options should be widely discussed within the labor union.

There should certainly be no compensation for the increase in the
prices of luxury articles, tobacco, and liquor. The problem of
compensation for rising prices should be settled comprehensively,
in conformity with the appropriate article of the poststrike
agreements. The system of these compensations should be agreed upon in
detail with the union and should be submitted for public discussion,
because the effect of the compensations and their acceptance by the
public depend on the choice of the method of calculating and
applying them.

E) The Universal Right To Work:

The first difficulties on the labor market can already be felt and
it is to be expected that, as the crisis mounts, unemployment may
occur among some groups of people. One must also take into account
that, in the initial stage of the economic reforms, that problem
will cause particular difficulty, requiring the union to cooperate
closely with enterprise managements and the central economic
authorities, since the problem of employment requires the division of
tasks between enterprises and the central economic authorities. To
be economically efficient, enterprises should have the right to
change the level of employment in line with their needs, and the
central authorities should bear responsibility for the full
employment of all workers. Through an active policy of providing new
jobs and through the public fund for meeting the costs of changing
the qualification of and assistance to workers fired by enterprises,
the central authorities can achieve this goal. At the same time,
it will be necessary to put into effect vocational retraining
programs financed by the state and endorsed and supervised by the
union.

[page 161]

At the same time it is important, and extremely difficult, to
provide appropriate jobs for graduates of all types of schools.
That calls for examining the qualifications of workers, for
replacing those without the appropriate education, for shifting
workers around in a considerate manner, for ensuring greater
mobility of workers on a nationwide scale, etc. The situation
of young people graduating from college-level schools is
particularly difficult in the present year and will remain so in the near
future.

Such efforts may cause serious tension and even social injustice.
They should be considered and discussed in advance in the various
vocational circles, depending on the acuteness of the employment
problems that may occur in each one. The union should also take
into account the need, or maybe even the necessity, for organizing,
within the scope of its jurisdiction, a large-scale and long-term
project for vocational retraining.

F) Improving Working Conditions:

The economic reform designed to make enterprises independent and
to rid them of the system of orders and directives should
proceed hand in hand with efforts to improve substantially the
employees' working conditions.

At present, a significant portion of the work forces work under
difficult conditions or those harmful to health. Enterprises
should be obligated to allocate a portion of the amortization fund
and the enterprise development fund, specified by the workers'
selfgovernment, to improving working conditions: Minimum allocations
for that purpose should be defined by law.

The sanitary supervisors at enterprises have brought up numerous
cases of disregarding norms where health standards (toxic agents,
dust, noise, heat, etc.) have been disregarded. In connection with
that, we should demand that Poland ratify the 1977 ILO Convention
No. 148 on protecting employees from the dangers of air pollution,
noise, and vibration, and that Polish labor protection regulations
be strictly adapted to the requirements of that convention.

The use of greater leisure thanks to shorter work time is an
important factor in arranging the work of enterprises and the entire
national economy in a proper way. It is a factor that may provide
strong incentives for streamlining the organization of the
enterprise and for productive work. We should demand that enterprise
managements and the economic administration, within the framework of
negotiations on implementing the second stage of reducing work
time, outline a specific plan for organizational improvements and
technical measures designed to compensate for the reduced work time.

IV. Guarantees for the Future

1. Legality

We consider it a matter of fundamental importance to restore full
legality to relations between the authorities, on the one hand, and
the public and the citizen, on the other, in order to enhance self-

[page 162]

government and openness in public life. Restored legality is
indispensable for normal cooperation between Solidarity and the
agencies of state power in order to overcome the present political
and economic crisis in Poland.

Legality means that the law should express the interests and will
of soceity and should, by its precepts, bind together authority and the
citizen. Nobody must stand above or beyond the law.

The law should be above state power and the administrative and economic
apparatuses. The citizens and their organizations should be subject
to the law. All should be equal before the law. The law should be
one and fair to everybody, irrespective of position in society and
the state.

High rank must be restored to courts and agencies called upon to
settle controversies, not only among citizens, but also between
citizens and their organizations, on the one hand, and state agencies
on the other, because we regard the courts as independent
institutions, as the guarantors of civil rights and freedoms.

In line with general demands, the administration of justice requires
expansion through:

1. Giving administrative courts the authority to pass sentences
in cases where the political rights of citizens (the right to form
organizations and hold meetings, freedom of speech and of the press,
etc.) are infringed;

2. Setting up constitutional courts to make the constitution a
living and respected law;

3. Setting up a State Court [trybunal stanu] to judge persons who,
while holding the highest office, abused their trust and exposed
the state to danger or great harm. We second public voices
demanding that detention as a preventive measure be carried out on the basis
of a court order. I

We also consider that the prosecutor's right to supervise
investigative offices should be strengthened to provide the suspect with
appropriate protection of his rights, irrespective of the procedural
guarantee of protection at the initial stages of the procedure.

We consider that the prosecutor's office should be incorporated into
the system of justice which would, like the government, be subjected
to control by the Sejm.

We have declared ourselves for the inviolability of judges and thus
for the abrogation of the generally criticized practice of
restricting Supreme Court judges to one term of office, because that practice
infringes upon the principle of judicial independence. The appropriate
election of assessors to various kinds of courts is another condition
for judicial independence. The present method of appointing assessors
does not guarantee that they are properly selected. We consider that
assessors should be elected in general elections along with council
members at the basic and voivodship levels.

[page 163]

The administration of justice should be accessible to all, and
for that reason the profit-ma king character of court fees and the
endeavors to derive revenue, at any price, for the state treasury
from the Ministry of Justice must be given up.

Justice requires not only court control, but also public control
over the agencies of public security and order. The Sejm and
people's councils should systematically examine the work of those
agencies in open, public discussion. The public should also have
an insight into penitentiary conditions and the union should have
the right to check up on labor conditions of prisoners.

We demand that union freedoms, recognized through the ratification
of the appropriate international conventions, be stated to their
full extent in the law, along with the right to strike and to
undertake other measures by employees to attain their rights. We also
demand that farmers' family property be inviolable.

Since the law, as we have said, should be an expression of the
interests and will of society, representative agencies empowered
to pass laws and to adopt decisions, should be authentically
elected. In connection with that we consider it necessary to put
into effect new regulations for elections to the Sejm and people's
councils, regulations guaranteeing organizations and groups of
citizens the right freely to nominate their candidates for deputies
and council members, and for the voters the right freely to elect
their representatives from among those candidates.

2. The Openness of Public Life and Censorship Problems
Effective defense of the interests of the working world and other
forms of civil activity are impossible without making obligatory in
our country the principle of openness in public life. This applies,
on the one hand, to freedom to criticize and freedom of speech,
and on the other to citizens' free access to state administrative
documents and to citizens' possibility to express and publish their
views. Openness in the authorities' activity is indispensable if
a future repetition of the practices of concealing behind the screen
of official secrecy harmful, selfish, illegal, or even criminal
decisions is to be avoided. Both those freedoms and the openness
can only be restricted to protect the legally defined basic
nationwide values and interests, for example, in a case where views are
voiced which insult the moral and religious out looks of society;
the protection of state secrets; and voicing views undermining
international alliances.

It is necessary legally to define the limits permissible for
censorship, to make that interference subject to judicial control, and to
put into effect the rule that censoring should be clearly marked in
the text. The restriction of censorship must go hand in hand with
guaranteeing public access to the state-owned mass media, such as
radio, television, and publishing houses, and with giving all legal
associations access to the means necessary for independent publishing.
The mass media, particularly radio and television, should be subjected
to public control.

[page 164]

3. The Principle of Cadre Selection

Cadre policy has thus far failed to guarantee the proper selection
of persons for executive positions, which have almost exclusively
been reserved for members of the party, which has the decisive say
in appointments.

Such a state of affairs circumscribes civil rights, because the
overwhelming majority of citizens are discriminated against so far
as access to executive positions is concerned, and society has no
influence on appointments to them. Many executive positions are
held by unsuitable persons who enjoy no prestige among the working
people. That is very harmful both for culture, in the broadest
sense, and for the national economy.

Under such circumstances, it is essential, as soon as possible, to
open up access to executive positions for all citizens possessing
the proper professional qualifications and guarantee the public a
say on appointments to those positions. It follows that executive
positions should be held by persons who are competent and accepted
by an enterprise's employees. The principle of permanency
[nomenklatura] may be applied only to political positions.

4. Self-Government, People's Councils

We support efforts to enhance true self-government. We particularly
support endeavors to enhance a judicial self-government that would
provide the conditions necessary to make the courts independent, as
well as efforts to make college-level higher schools
autonomous and scientific establishments self-governing, which is
a condition for the smooth development of scientific thinking and
for the complete training of new generations of experts. We regard
the independent students' movement as an authentic social force that
will play an active part in helping to promote the democratic shape
of the future. The labor union also backs the aspirations of
creative, scientific, public, regional, and other societies for
full independence of operations.

The need to guarantee Polish farmers full rights to an independent
and self-governing labor movement, enjoying the same privileges as
our labor union does, is a separate issue, an issue of fundamental
importance for the entire nation. We will support the farmers in
the struggle for their rights and we will give them every legal,
organizational, and other assistance.

Last but not least, cooperative organizations, which have a long
tradition in our country, constitute an important form of self-
government. The cooperative movement must again become true to
its name. In present practice, the citizens have no influence on
the composition of the representative bodies of people's councils.
Elections have, to a large extent, been fictitious. Council
members do not need to win the support of the voters and thus they
do not properly represent their interests. To date, people's
councils have not only failed to defend with adequate vigor the
interests of the inhabitants of a territory, but have also frequently
tolerated corruption, illegal privileges, theft, and mismanagement.

[page 165]

Guided by the interests of the working people in the broadest
sense, our labor union must call on the authorities to change
that state of affairs. In particular, we must demand:

Changing voting regulations in such way as to enable the voters
really to elect one representative from among several candidates;

Adopting the rule that anyone may run in elections to the people's
council, provided that he or she wins the support of the proper
number of citizens;

Holding, before the end of this year, new elections to people's
councils on the basis of democratized voting regulations.

V. The Life of the Labor Unions

1. The Territorial and Vocational Structure of the Union

Structurally, our union has not yet assumed its final form, but
one can already say that as a rule, the fundamental territorial
link guaranteeing mutual assistance and solidarity among the working
people of various trades and at various enterprises has come about.
The territorial structure of the union is the best guarantee of
the interests of the working people and provides the best conditions
for negotiating with the authorities and administration at the
national, regional, local, and enterprise levels.

The union is, however, also fully aware that individual trade and
branch groups have their own interests. For that reason, branch
sections are being set up within the territorial structure. Those
sections encompass enterprise-level labor union organizations in
a branch or in interfactory labor circles. They form councils or
coordinating commissions at the regional level; on the latter's
initiative, sectional authorities at the national level are created.
That is how the interests and needs of individual categories of the
working people should be protected vis-a-vis the territorial labor
union organizations. And the subordination of branch and trade
commissions to the labor union's governing bodies guarantees
protection of the common interests of the working people.

Our labor union faces the great problem of streamlining the 
structure of those sections and commissions and of finding the correct
relationship between the basic authorities of the union -- the
regional and national authorities -- and the branch and trade union
sections.

The basic assignments of the sections include preparing drafts of
collective labor agreements and other agreements concerning the
problems of employees working in specific branches. They also
include sponsoring other activities, such as vocational qualifications,
health risks, work hygiene and safety, etc. In certain situations,
the local authorities can entrust other functions to labor union
branches or sections. Labor union problems of a vocational or branch
nature are very much present in daily practice because of the 
tradition of the old branch structure of the unions and because of
current needs. That is why questions concerning the correct attitude

[page 166]

of sections toward the union authorities, the division and scope
of their assignments, the manner in which the authorities are
selected in the vocational union and branch sections, and other
questions urgently require wide-ranging discussions.

2. The Basic Principles Underlying Labor Union Democracy and
Operations

We want our labor union to be independent, and we know what this
means. We want our union to be self-governing and independent and
to diffuse democracy in public life countrywide. The rights and
practice of our labor union permit us to indicate the principles
that determine the nature of our union democracy and activity.
First, all union members are equals. Each union member has equal
rights, only one vote, and the right freely to express hi;: views
on union subjects. There are no better and no worse union members,
regardless of their function, which may give them the temporary
right to make decisions on behalf of other members.

Second, the union's authorities are servants and representatives.
Each person with a function in the union is no more than a 
representative authorized by his electors to serve them and the entire
union. That is why they have the duty to keep their electors fully
and at all times informed about decisions taken and the reasons for
them. That is why they can be relieved of their union functions if
that is the will of their electors. Union operations cannot be
effective unless there is a guaranteed filling of all necessary
permanent jobs or without providing the necessary promises and
technical equipment. Nevertheless, the country's and union's 
difficult situation and the bad record of the former Central Trade
Union Council (CRZZ) make it imperative that we be especially
moderate and modest in meeting those needs. We must be thrifty in
administering the union's fiscal resources. The wages of permanent
union employees should not be higher than other wages in the national
economy.

Third, the union operates in the open. Equality and the service
nature of union operations acquire true significance only if the work
of all union echelons is open. In particular, all negotiations with
the government and with representatives of employers must be open.
Union members must be able to examine the documents of the union
authorities and their sections which must use all channels to provide
information to the widest masses of union members about current
problems and pending activities. A special role is to be played in
this regard by the union organizations and circles, whose job it is
to keep members informed not only about the position of the union
leadership but also about the position of the individual 
organizations, and to militate in favor of providing the most comprehensive
information about union activities.

Fourth, The Union, acts in keeping with the principle of solidarity.
That is the meaning of the individual self-governing factory
organizations in the general community of working people professing
solidarity. That is most obvious in the case of strikes, during

[page 167]

which individual factories or regions substitute for or help each
other. That universal bond of solidarity imparts a special stamp
to our union. That is because, in our own interest, we make
decisions that are consistent with the interests of other people.
Maintaining such solidarity requires unceasing cooperation and
exchange of information among factory organizations in various
branches and regions, regardless of the territorial bodies of union
authority.

Fifth, the union's members are bound together by mutual agreements.
The union's statutes or the resolutions adopted by the factory
meeting are binding on all members of the organization, even if they
voted against such resolutions. It is necessary to observe the
democratically adopted mutual agreements even in cases where 
deviation would produce temporary advantage. Within the union, the rule
of law is a necessary requirement for effective activity and democracy,
and it is precisely the statutes and various resolutions that 
constitute our labor union law. However, none of that makes criticism and
conflict redundant. On the contrary, internal criticism and 
conflict are signs that the union is healthy. We need constant critical
supervision over the operations of the union and its individual
echelons, but the changes resulting from such criticism should be
carried out in keeping with democratic principles.

Observance of the aforementioned principles in the life of our
union is not an easy matter. The need for collective action in
situations of constant threat may at times prompt a tendency to give
precedence to the requirements of effective steps over the principles
of union democracy. It is a fact, however, that the union's strength
lies in its democratic nature. There is no better discipline in
work [for the union] than unity among those who themselves actively
participate in collective decision-making. That is why we cannot
permit ourselves to think in terms of a beleaguered fortress. 
Otherwise, we would acquire the same defects in public life against which
we wish to fight.

Finally, sixth, the union organization applies various forms of
struggle in the fight to solve workers' problems. For example, it
intervenes in conflicts between employees and employers, places
demands before employers and the authorities, organizes and runs
employees' protests etc. Nevertheless, strikes play a special role.
We do not forget that strikes are not only the ultimate instrument,
they are also tests of the union's common sense and solidarity. That
is why they must, in the feelings of the populace, be justified.
Reasons for strikes must also be [made] adequately proportionate to
the social costs caused by strikes.

Here, it is necessary to be guided by a number of principles:

a) Strikes should be effective, but should cost as little as
possible;

b) Strikes must have social support from the population, and this
is connected with the need to keep society extensively informed
about the reasons for a strike;

[page 168]

c) It is important to select strike areas: to select a spot
that hurts the state employer most painfully and the people
least painfully. Strikes should spare those spheres of the
economy that work directly to meet the population's needs.
Strike negotiations (with management or the authorities) are
important elements of the union struggle. It is necessary from the
very outset to be carefully prepared for such negotiations and to
know what one wants to achieve. The most important point is that a
compromise, unavoidable in many cases, does not cause a conflict
in the union organization, but that it welds the organization
together by preparing it for further struggle for the cause.
We must safeguard trade union democracy with the help of various
institutions and forms of action. The union press and publications
must not be censored by the union authorities in their coverage of
union matters.

That is because the press and these publications must serve as a
constant source of complete information about the union and of
criticism of shortcomings, which we will certainly not suceed in
avoiding completely. We must also see to it that a comprehensive
flow of information is provided within the union -- that is,
constant, rapid, and detailed information for the lower echelons
and the mass of members about the decisions and work of the higher
echelons , and for the higher echelons about the needs and views of
the union's members. It is also necessary for the individual factory
organizations and for various regions to supply each other with
information.

3. The Basic Functions of the Factory Organizations

The self-governing factory organization is the basis of the union's
whole operations. The higher levels of the union organization
are to represent the interests of factory organizations and to
reach democratic decisions in constant agreement with the union
members in the individual factories. The regional or national
authorities make decisions only on issues that are of interest to
all the members of the union.

Each factory organization must, therefore, work out its own action
program. Such a program includes three basic groups of issues:

1. Actions to defend the rights, dignity, and interests of the
employees in a given factory. This involves supervision over the
work of the factory management and of the various factory departments.
It requires constant checkups on working conditions and on decisions
concerning wages, promotions, transfers, bonuses, benefits, and
vacations. The factory organization defends its members and the
interests of all employees, regardless of whether {they are union
members. It also seeks to develop friendly relations among employees
and to promote their commitment to an efficient organization of work
in their factory.

[page 169]

2. Safeguarding the social and spiritual needs of the organization's
members and their families. The factory organization should 
constitute a living social community, within which various activities
are conducted to strengthen union solidarity and to develop the
personalities of the union's members. In cooperation with other
factory organizations or specialized departments of the union, it
is necessary to promote athletic, recreational, educational, and
cultural activities. Joint experiences make people more friendly
and prepare them for joint efforts in threatening situations,
when the time comes for an energetic fight to defend one's own rights.
In keeping with its self-governing powers, each factory organization
must work out for itself the ways in which those tasks are to be
carried out. Those matters are as important as the defense of
economic interests. That is because our union has made it its job
to develop the personality of the working people and because our
union wants to help them intensify their spiritual lives and, finally,
to help the family life of its members. It is also desirable to
promote amateur athletic and cultural activities, to participate in
the activities of workers' universities with the broadest possible
range of subjects, and to organize jointly recreation, tourism,
excursions, and various forms of celebrating union holidays.

3. The issue of wages for employees of the union's factory 
organizations necessitates comprehensive discussions. All of them (or
some of them) can be paid wages by factories, which are obliged by
law to release from factory work those employees who are employed
by the unions. Such a solution considerably cuts union expenses
and can be legally demanded of factories. Another solution is to
meet all the personnel expenses of the factory organizations from
the union's funds. That would stress the union's complete 
independence. Factory employees working for the union's factory 
organization would be granted unpaid vacations from their factory.

Should the first solution be adopted, that union organizations take
advantage of factory positions placed at their disposal, it is
necessary to decide whether such positions should be filled 
exclusively by union employees (secretaries, bookkeepers, wage and work
safety specialists, legal advisers, etc.), or whether they could
be filled by elected activists.

4. Control . over the activities of the union's broader echelons
and cooperation with other factory organizations.

It is the job of every union member to be constantly vigilant that
the union's representatives act in keeping with the interests of
the members and according to the principles of union democracy.
In case of incorrect conduct, it is necessary to criticize and even
to dismiss an improperly working union functionary from his position.

VI. Conclusion

Solidarity is the main guarantee for the process of renewal. There
is no other social force in Poland that would be able to replace
Solidarity in that job. Following the path of renewal, we must be

[page 170]

determined and ready to make sacrifices. Either Solidarity
transforms its social environment, or the present system will
impose its norms and goals, will paralyze our efforts, and in
the end, will swallow us up, annihilating our hopes for a rebirth.
There is no turning back from the path we have chosen. We can
only go forward toward the complete renewal of the country.

February-March 1981.
[page 171]

The Program for the Development of Socialist Democracy,
the Strengthening of the Leading Role of the PUWP in Socialist
Construction, and the Socioeconomic Stabilization of the Country
(adopted at the PUWP's Extraordinary Ninth Congress)

Preamble: The PUWP's principal goal is to serve the nation
and the motherland and to build socialism in Poland [in
that order--ed.]. The party's activity is based on the
historic experiences of the Polish nation, the Polish 
working class, achievements of Polish revolutionary and 
democratic thought, and on [the experiences] of other workers'
and communist parties. The party abjures privileges in any
form for its members as inconsistent with its ancillary
[sluzebna] role vis-a-vis the nation. All citizens should
be able to take part in deciding matters concerning the fate
of their country and their environment. A creative approach
to Marxism-Leninism calls for an honest analysis of reality,
including all errors committed in the process of socialist
construction in Poland.

I. The Crisis, Its Roots, and Nature

1. What really caused the present crisis is a combination of
"faulty mechanisms" within the party, the state, and society on
the one hand, and of specific "mistakes" made by certain individuals
in leading positions on the other. The latter is a consequence of
the former: the individual errors resulted only too often from the
existing "distortion of social and political life." Punishing the
culprits without removing the causes that made their actions
possible therefore appears pointless and cannot prevent similar crises
in the future.

2. The crisis that affects all domains of public life became
apparent only in 1980, but it had its roots in the events of
1948-1949 in Poland when the gap between socialist ideology and actual
political practice became manifest. It involved such "distortions"
as a serious curtailment of democratic principles in internal party
and public life; an overgrown central bureaucracy in the party,
state, economic, and cultural apparats; and the deprivation of the
party's right to control its leaders (at the same time, society was
prevented from controlling the regime authorities). These 
"distortions" have never been completely overcome; in fact, after repeated
attempts to remove them in 1956 and in 1970, and the ensuing short
reform periods, centralistic and antidemocratic methods "inconsistent
with the nation's spiritual tradition and its political culture" were
resumed.

3. Owing to a lack of any consistent conception of how to solve
the mounting economic inconsistencies, all consecutive crises, 
irrespective of their actual nature, ended in the same way, namely, in
economic disaster and social conflict.

----------------------------------
(+) Summary of a text published by Trybuna Ludu and dated July 1981.

[page 172]

4. The gradual elimination of self-governing institutions,
reducing them to a sham existence while real power was taken over by
party and government executive branches, led to a disastrous personnel
policy: courageous, competent people were replaced by more compliant
ones. A good part of the apparat became demoralized, operating 
practically outside of public control. The chasm between the regime and
society kept growing. Enemies of socialism took advantage of that
sad state of affairs, making the situation even more perilous; not
only the socialist system, but the very existence of Poland itself
as an independent state was in jeopardy.

5. Negative phenomena in the Polish economy stemmed chiefly from
the faulty functioning of the [Gierek] administration. Decisions
about investment were taken arbitrarily, which had a devastating
effect on agriculture and industrial production of utility goods.
The first signs of economic imbalance in the mid-1970s were 
disregarded, and social protest resulted only in more restrictions and
increased distrust among the advocates of reform.

6. The party, rendered powerless by its leaders, lost public
confidence. Unjustified restrictions on the freedom of expression
did untold wrong to the spiritual life of the nation, affecting 
culture, science, and education.

7. These malpractices were particularly resented by the new
working class; the young generation of Poles, better educated and
well-versed in all technical and social intricacies, increasingly
aspired to a more active role in the management of their respective
places of work and of their country. This invaluable human 
potential had been wasted in both areas -- the economic and the political.
Not only were the regime institutions unable to motivate them to
engage in public affairs, they even discouraged such engagement in
the first place.

8. The working class's protest against the "degeneration of
the system" was therefore fully legitimate. The party's role as the
political and ideological representative of the working class and
the leading force in the nation makes it its duty to lead the 
country out of the present doldrums. To meet this historic challenge
properly, the PUWP must continue the process of internal renewal and
do its best to regain public confidence.

9. One essential condition for ending the crisis is the full
realization of changes in people's social and cultural awareness.
Owing to its higher educational level and increased self-esteem, the
citizenry is becoming more aware of its right to help decide on 
central and local government matters.

10. Another important condition for the party to restore its
credibility is a thorough and honest explanation of all the dramatic
events that occurred in postwar Poland, especially the tragedies of
1956 and 1970. The congress puts the Central Committee under the
obligation to set up a commission immediately to "elucidate all 
circumstances and facts" related to these events, including the personal

[page 173]

responsibility of individuals. The commission must publish within a
year a detailed report including not only the bare facts, but also
all the implications along with concrete proposals about the steps
the party and the state should take to prevent such tragedies from
occurring again in the future.

II. The Party

1. The leading role of the party is the indispensable condition
for the progress of socialism in Poland. What makes this claim 
legitimate is the party's close ties to the working class. All the 
successive crises in postwar Poland resulted from a temporary weakening of
these ties.

2. Marxism-Leninism, on which the party's work is based, must
be implemented consistently and in keeping with Poland's "historical
traditions and actual needs." The state is the basic instrument of
the working class's power; the party's role being to lead the nation,
it must be given concrete instruments of power to fulfill that task
properly. The party's guidance consists in "mapping out strategic
goals" rather than controlling the state administration and doubling
its work. It must act in keeping with socialist ideals of democracy,
legality, civil rights, and freedom. The PUWP is the guarantor of
Poland's independence and security; an advocate of socialist renewal,
it conceives of itself as the chief defender of the historic 
achievements of socialism. The PUWP remains faithful to patriotic and
internationalist ideals. A double responsibility is implied -- to
the Polish workers and the nation on the one hand and to the world
revolutionary movement on the other.

3. The principle of the party's ancillary role vis-a-vis the
working class and the nation has to be verified in everyday practice.
The PUWP has to operate publicly [jawnie] and be permanently subject
to control by the working people." The complex tasks facing the PUWP
today cannot be achieved by the party or even by the workers alone.
A broad front of "progressive and democratic forces" must be created
for that purpose. Responsible posts should be given to members of
the allied parties (United Peasant Party, Democratic Party), as well
as to competent nonparty people. High moral standards and professional
qualifications will be required from all. The effectiveness of the
work of the leading cadres should be under the steady control of the
party and the public.

4. Emphasis should be laid on the democratic election of party
authorities and on "grassroots" control of their activities. At the
same time, the role of the central party authorities should be
strengthened to assure a more efficient steering of party policy.

5. The new provisions of the party statutes on the work of the
party apparat and the selection of its cadres should be implemented
consistently. The apparat should fully realize its ancillary role
toward the basic party organizations; party apparart officials must
never encroach on the jurisdiction of the state administration, the
Sejm, or the people's councils. They should act in keeping with the
decisions made by the collective party bodies, never against their
will. Direct cooperation among various local party organizations
["horizontal structures"] is deemed a "useful," complementary form
of party work insofar as it cooperates with the party authorities.

[page 174]

6. Basic party cells should be given more independence and
responsibility, but they should respect the general rules set by the
actual party leadership and abide by the authorities' decisions.

7. Membership figures must not be artificially inflated; 
emphasis should be placed instead on the quality of the membership: only
valuable and committed people should be accepted. Signs of hustling
and excessive self-importance should not be tolerated.

8. The ideological unity of the party should be restored, among
other ways by open discussions and debates in which all participants
are able to present conflicting views. The present ideological
infighting within the party involves "revisionist, reformist, and
social democratic" deviations on the one hand, and dogmatic and 
conservative tendencies on the other. Religious believers can join the
party if they wish to and be politically active in keeping with its
program. On the whole, however, the party adopts the "scientific"
[i.e., nonreligious] world outlook and carries out its educational
work in keeping with this principle.

9. Polish history: there is an urgent need to eliminate "gaps
and oversimplifications" in the presentation of modern Polish history.
At the same time, some bourgeois historians are trying to 
rehabilitate the ideas of right-wing political groups; this should not be 
tolerated. Any manifestations of nationalism, cosmopolitanism, and anti-
Sovietism must be strongly opposed.

III. Socialist Democracy, Self-Government, Law, and Order
1. Socialist democracy can only be developed in a strong state
having at its disposal an efficient, modest, and trustworthy apparat
subordinated to the nation [sluzebny wobec obywateli]; openness
[jawnosc] of public life and social control of all its domains should
become everyday practice.

2. For the process of democratization to pass from the stage of
criticism and demands to that of definite measures (legal and 
practical) the following is necessary:

a. The Sejm must fulfill its constitutional functions fully,
for example, by exercising control over other agencies of
power.

b. Local government (people's councils) at all levels should
be given all the powers necessary for it effectively to 
manage local affairs, allocate funds, have a say in appointing
local officials and managers, etc.

c. Self-government in factories and institutions should be
given decision-making and controlling powers in keeping with
the working class's aspirations and needs.

d. In rural areas independent and competent bodies of 
agricultural and cooperative self-government should be set up in
accordance with the new law.

[page 174]

Trade Unions: Independent, self-governing unions are an
important element of democratization; the party declares
its "good will and sincere, partnerly approach" to all
kinds and forms of union movement and stresses the 
necessity for all unions to feel jointly responsible for 
mapping out economic and social policies.

The congress pronounces itself in favor of full autonomy
for all social organizations and associations established
in accordance with the law.

The congress pledges that the CC will initiate the 
preparation of amendments to regulations governing the
elections to the Sejm and the people's councils in order
to make them more democratic.

3. The PUWP and its leading role in the society and the state:
the party should meet this task while fully abiding by existing laws,
without ever encroaching on the jurisdiction of the "representative
and executive bodies" or the state administration. In particular,
the party must consistently follow the line of "dialogue and 
understanding" with all patriotic forces and circles, appoint members of
other political parties as well as nonparty people to responsible
posts, and see to it that the functioning of the regime 
administration is influenced by public opinion.

4. The National Unity Front should be given a new "formula" and
become truly an all-Polish alliance of the forces of good will, common
sense, and patriotic responsibility. The congress expresses
respect for and recognition of the patriotic attitude of the Catholic
Church and its feeling of responsibility for Poland's fate, and
favors further progress in the dialogue and cooperation between the
state and the Church for the sake of the "socialist motherland's"
well-being.

5. The mass media: the lost of the public's trust in the 
veracity of the mass media is an essential element of the present crisis;
overcoming it requires more openness in public life, honest 
information, and restoration of the proper importance and role of public
opinion. Newsmen must have full access to sources of information
guaranteed by law, along with the right to publish critical reports
about all people accused of malpractice, irrespective of their posts.
The Polish Journalists' Association and members of individual 
editorial boards should help draft a comprehensive press bill that should
be passed by the Sejm by mid-1982.

6. The party controls all the media -- both party-owned and
otherwise -- through its special bodies as well as through party
organizations in editorial offices. Journalists have the right and
the duty to oppose "extremist interpretations" of the party's policy
of any kind. Party journals should open their pages to every party
organization and every party member irrespective of his stand, and
should become an open forum for ideological discussion.

[page 176]

7. Grave organizational, personnel, and technical problems 
currently affecting the work of the media must be solved soon; the 
pertinent government regulations are expected in 1982.

8. Legislation: the party sees the necessity of "adapting the
socialist legal system to the needs and aspirations of working 
people," and calls for the prompt adoption of a number of bills, 
including [those] on trade unions, people's councils, and higher education.
9. The authority of the law in general, and that of the courts,
militia, security services, and lawyers must be essentially enhanced.
One possible measure would be to include the labor courts and 
administrative boards into the system of public courts. State Arbitration
Courts for Economic Affairs [Panstwowy Arbitraz Gospodarczy] could
possibly be given independent status.

10. The congress calls for the complete independence of judges,
and for the enhancement of the role of the citizenry [czynnik
obywatelski] in the administration of justice.

11. The current system of nomination [by the Sejm] of the
Prosecutor General and the Chairman of the Supreme Court must be
reconsidered. The CC should examine the motion calling for the 
creation of a Constitutional Tribunal or else empower the Supreme Court
to fulfill such a role. Police and security forces should be
respected and supported by the public; their strengthening is 
necessary, in view of the current attempts to "exploit the crisis for aims
inconsistent with Polish state security."

12. The armed forces are under the special care of the party,
which supervises their personnel matters, ideological and political
attitudes, and morale, as well as their ties with the rest of society.
The congress expresses its high esteem for the "legions of party 
members in uniform" as well as for all soldiers. The strengthening of
the defense of the state on the foundation of the steadfast
Polish-Soviet alliance and of membership in the Warsaw Pact remains one of
the chief aims of the PUWP' s program.

IV. The Younger Generation

1. The younger generation has been particularly affected by the
current crisis. The chasm between proclaimed party programs and
everyday practice has resulted in a severe crisis of confidence among
young people with regard to the party's real intentions and policies.
2. The struggle for the young people's confidence is a struggle
waged for the socialist future of society as a whole. After the
1980-1981 events the party realized the need to offer the young responsible
jobs in political, social, and economic spheres.

3. The party's paramount duty toward the younger generation is
to carry on the struggle to restore their faith in the proclaimed
ideals. These ideals include social justice and general welfare based
on work as the sole criterion of one's remuneration.

[page 177]

4. The congress is of the opinion that the state must base its
social policy on assuring better living conditions to the young by
way of a. bonuses and credits for young families; b. allocation of
housing facilities; and c. better care for children, especially in
rural areas. Of special importance is a substantial prolongation of
paid maternity leave and the introduction of special benefits for all
mothers raising small children. This program must be constantly 
monitored by responsible government agencies.

5. Work: all young people should be able to work in keeping
with their qualifications and with the needs of the national economy.
A new formula must be found to attract young people to rural areas,
including the granting of preferential social and economic treatment
to young farmers. The criteria for job advancement should be open
and undisguised.

6. The congress supports the idea of setting up a special 
government committee at the Council of Ministers with the aim of 
coordinating the state's policy in this respect. The proportion of young
people in all forms of social self-government should be increased 
substantially.

7. Education: a pupil should be regarded not merely as the
"object" of training but rather as the "subject" of educational 
endeavors aimed at transforming the social milieu as well as one's own 
personality. Children from workers' and peasants' families must be given
equal chances to those other social groups for a promising "start in
life."

8. The part played by sports and tourism in developing young
people's personalities cannot be overestimated.

9. The youth movement: its independence does not preclude, 
however, the party's guidance and its influence on the "transformations"
occurring within that movement. This influence must be exerted by
party members attached to youth organizations.

10. More efforts should be made to secure the political and 
ideological homogeneity of the younger generation.

11. The party CC must within a year hold a special plenum devoted
to youth problems.

V. The Economy; Social Policy

1. It is the party's duty to society as a whole to introduce
economic reform as soon as possible. For the economy to become more
effective it is necessary to create conditions under which the 
enterprises could become independent and self-governing and base their work
on the principles of self-financing. The Sejm should pass bills on
state enterprises and on the self-government of their employees that
should serve as the legal and organizational base for the 
implementation of economic reform. The congress calls for a thorough 
reorganization and substantial reduction of the administrative apparat.

[page 178]

2. The congress approves the guidelines for overcoming the
crisis as presented by the government, with regard to both short-term
and long-term goals.

3. Market production (especially food industry products) must
be increased substantially and small industries and services improved.
Incomes must be determined in a more rational way; the government, in
consultation with the trade unions, should fix new deadlines for 
salary rises specified in the pertinent social accords.

4. The reform of retail prices is absolutely necessary as an
important part of the economic reform. It should take into account
increased production costs as well as the gradual reduction of state
subsidies (e .g., for agricultural production). Retail price reform
should involve just compensation and should be introduced only 
following a genuine, proper consultation with all political parties,
trade unions, and society as a whole. The public must be fully
informed about each element of the reform and all its implications
and economic consequences. Decisions can be taken only after public
consensus is reached.

5. Indebtedness: in order to achieve a marked improvement in
that field, export production must be accelerated; within six months
the government will work out a long-range program to that effect.
New organizational and institutional solutions have to be found in
order to enhance the production and sale of goods for export. There
is an urgent need to empower individual enterprises to conduct export
activity of their own and to set up currency funds earmarked for the
import of raw materials and machines necessary for production. Dates
of repayment of foreign debts should be renegotiated. The zloty must
be stabilized; its convertibility should be envisaged for the future.

6. The CMEA: an important factor in overcoming the crisis is
to ensure closer economic cooperation with the Soviet Union and other
CMEA countries. The congress calls for the government and all 
economic organizations involved to discharge their duties honestly in
keeping with all bilateral and multilateral agreements. Poland is
vitally interested in long-range CMEA projects, especially in the
areas of raw materials, power, and fuel. The party fully supports
the CPSU initiative to call an international conference of CC 
economic secretaries with the aim of accelerating the economic 
integration of CMEA countries.

7. Investment: indispensable for investment policy is the 
concentration of resources on such major areas as food, the building
industry; expansion of the fuel, raw material, and power base; health
protection; and culture and education (in that order). The government
must reconsider its investment plans; a number of less urgent projects
will have to be halted.

8. Employment policy: to prevent unemployment, certain groups
of the work force will have to be transferred to mining, the power
industry, trade, services, and agriculture. The last three groups
listed above will require preferential treatment as well as financial
and material aid.

[page 179]

9. Power and fuel: within the next few months the government
must work out a comprehensive report on the state of affairs in the
field of energy and, later, a long-range program of development of
the power and fuel industry (including fuel conservation). Coal 
mining must be given special attention as the country's fuel base and
the source of hard currency; human and technical potential must be
fully put to use; the working and living conditions of miners must be
markedly improved.

10. Maritime economy and shipping: the CC must convoke a plenum
in the first half of 1982 to assess the problem. Transport: a report
will be presented on its state by the end of 1981 and an appropriate
program worked out in the future.

11. Social policy: this is based on the following principles:
equal pay for equal work; welfare for all pensioners and the disabled;
housing for each family; health care and recreation; an equal start
in life; and the just distribution of income.

12. Work: work is the right and duty of all citizens. Just
relations between wages should be established; financial means 
earmarked for wages and their increase should depend on the economic
results obtained by the enterprises in question (with details left
under the jurisdiction of enterprise administration and of the 
employees' self-government bodies).

13. Subsistence level: the lowest salaries and pensions must be
revised; social welfare in rural areas must be efficiently assured.
14. In the party's view, the following relationships between 
salaries are justified: the lowest salary should amount to half of the
average; the highest salary should not be more than three-and-a-half
times the average. An adequate tax policy must follow, in order to
prevent excessive incomes (in both the national economy and the 
private sector).

15. Aid to families is an essential element of the party's social
policy (special care should be given to large, young, and
single-parent families). Family allowances should be automatically adjusted
to the rising cost of living. A special allowance for mothers 
rearing small children should be introduced in 1981 and later gradually
increased; related post-maternity leave should be gradually extended
to three years. Young families of workers and students should be
granted credits both by the state and by their respective employers.
Kindergartens and nurseries should be available everywhere, including
in new housing developments where they are in particularly short 
supply.

16. The government must work out and submit to the Sejm in 1981
the new bill on old age pensions and annuities. Pensions should
depend on the actual duration of one's employment; special bonuses,
such as those presented to holders of state awards, must be distributed
fairly.

[page 180]

17. Housing: in the long run, the funds earmarked for housing
construction and the related infrastructure should amount to a 
minimum of 30% of investment expenditure. Private housing construction
in urban and rural areas should be supported by state credits.
Allocation of apartments, building lots, and building materials should
be subject to public control. Housing cooperatives should be self-
governed and allocate housing facilities exclusively to their members,
in the order agreed upon in common. The congress approves of the
amended housing bill, whereby one family has the right to only one
apartment.

18. The congress puts the government under the obligation to work
out reports: a. on protection of the environment and b. on the general
health situation in Poland; and the following long-range plans:
a. a five-year plan for the development of health care and social
welfare, b. central and regional plans for environmental protection,
and c. a "minimum-program for the most urgent needs of the health
service. Practical steps should also be taken to halt the spread of
alcoholism and drug addiction.

19. A 40-hour workweek should be introduced after the economy has
been stabilized. Recreation facilities, rest homes, and so forth
should be accessible to the general public. The number of private
plots [ogrodki dzialkowe] should be doubled.

20. Retail trade: a marked increase in expenditure and 
employment is necessary to make its operation effective. Private artisans
must be encouraged by creating for them conditions of stabilization
and expansion of their trade.

VI. Agriculture and Food

1. The congress accords top priority to these matters; the party
attests to the constancy and durability of the present agricultural
policy. There is only one Polish agriculture, irrespective of whether
the soil is cultivated by collective or private farmers, or owned by
the state. The whole national economy must be subordinated to the
paramount goal, which is the progress of agriculture and the food
industry. To this end, the production of agricultural machinery tools,
fertilizers, building materials, pesticides, and other items of vital
importance to the farmers should be at least doubled over the next
five years. To make genuine progress possible, necessary investment
should be extended to as much as 30% of the overall investment budget.

2. All sectors of agriculture will be assured equal economic
and social conditions for their work. Decisions on the purchase of
agricultural land will be transferred to village self-government as
well as to the respective staffs of the collective and state farms.
Private farms, which have the biggest share in agricultural 
production, are a permanent and stable element of Poland's socialist economy.
The congress reaffirms the inviolability of private ownership and the
right to inherit agricultural land. The socialized sector of 
agriculture must cooperate with private farmers and help them out with
machinery and other means of production.

[page 181]

3. The congress favors the strict observation of the inviolable
principle of permanent and proper profitability of agricultural 
production, allowing for a proper price relationship between agricultural
production and the means of production and services. The respective
price corrections will be based on analyses made by the Ministry of
Agriculture and the Food Industry on the one hand and the trade unions
on the other. The crediting and taxation system has to be modified
accordingly, with the aim of creating stable bases for [private] 
farming.

4. An increase in fodder production is a requisite for increased
animal production. In order to cut down on fodder imports, Polish
production must be improved and a consistent land conservation and
reclamation program carried out.

5. The revival of agricultural self-government is a symbol of
the renewal and a sign of the farmers' sense of self-esteem. Legal
and organizational forms must be created for all kinds of rural
self-government (including trade unions) to participate fully in
decision-making in all matters concerning agriculture; genuine partnership
must be established. Of special importance to the countryside is
partnerly cooperation among Agricultural Circles, Rural Solidarity,
and other farmers' trade unions.

6. The new system of old age pensions for private farmers should
be an important element in the effort to level social conditions in
rural and urban areas. Village schools: the school network in the
countryside must be expanded in favor of small local schools and 
kindergartens in the villages, especially in view of the persistently
bad state of school transportation (from local to comprehensive parish
schools). Health care: more village health centers must concentrate
on treating illnesses connected with agricultural work; farmers should
have broader access to rest homes and sanatoriums. There should be
more efficient aid to farmers suffering from natural calamities and
other disasters and temporarily unfit for work.

7. There is an urgent need to expand and modernize the food
industry. Adequate supplies of machinery, coal, transportation, and
raw materials must be assured to exploit fully the existing industrial
potential. Storage capacities should be extended in order to decrease
waste. Local small industries should be encouraged and developed.

8. Forestry and timber: the forests should be protected by
limiting deforestation and intensifying reforestation. Hunting 
facilities should be transformed in part into recreation areas; damage
done by the hunting of game must be drastically reduced.

9. The congress puts the CC under the obligation to reassess
progress in agriculture and the food industry periodically.

[page 182]

VII. Culture, Education, Science, and Technology

A. Culture and the Arts

1. Tolerance proved to be a durable feature in the history of
the Polish nation. The party is in favor of the continuation of that
tradition.

2. Drastic disproportions in meeting cultural needs between the
inhabitants of urban and rural areas, as well as between various
regions and social strata, must be leveled. There is an urgent need
for an increased allocation of investment funds to poorly developed
regions and for the creation of legal standards obliging local 
government authorities to assure the necessary infrastructure.

3. The program for teaching the humanities in schools should be
expanded to assure broader access to cultural wealth.

4. Creative artists and writers should be able to participate
in decision-making and programming of policies concerning their fields,
and to help decide the allocation of financial means. Their
self-government must, however, remain in line with the "strategic goals"
of the party's and state's cultural policies. The congress recommends
that the need to set up an All-Polish Cultural Council be considered.
That body would initiate and assess the cultural program and serve as
a platform for cooperation among various cultural associations, social
organizations, trade unions, and people's councils.

5. Cultural patronage should be carried out jointly by trade
unions, regional cultural associations, and social organizations; it
should be subsidized by the state, the people's councils, and the
respective factory administrations. There is an urgent need to change
the existing law on associations, to promote the development of 
cultural and social associations.

6. Expenditure: the persistent decrease of expenditure earmarked
for cultural purposes should be halted and the trend reversed (from
the present 0.6% of the state budget to 2% in the not-too-distant
future), especially in the following fields: the printing industry,
libraries, the recording-and film industry, as well as in the 
conservation of national monuments and the national heritage. The living and
working conditions of people involved in cultural work must be improved;
the compensation system connected with retail price increases should
also encompass the creative arts.

7. A free and fully conscious choice between various ideological
and artistic values should be made possible.

8. The congress favors the principle of the "noninstrumental"
treatment of creative work; writers and artists should enjoy the
freedom of choice between various cognitive and esthetic values. The
party still sticks to its well-known ideological and artistic
preferences, however.

9. Popular folklore (peasant and workers' customs) should be
cultivated.

[page 183]

10. The duty to implement the party's policy in the field of 
culture and the arts falls to members of party cells in their respective
areas.

11. The party wishes to win over for its cultural policy aims all
outstanding cultural figures on whose knowledge and experience it wants
to lean.

B. Instruction and Upbringing

12. Without a modern school system it is not possible to attain
a harmonious development of society or to overcome the economic
and social damage caused by the current crisis. The current school
system will be gradually modified and improved, that is, no 
comprehensive, drastic reforms are in store. All changes will be introduced
only after a consensus has been reached among teachers and the public.
The CC should encourage the government to act in the following 
directions: assuring better conditions for the operation of schools, 
kindergartens, and boarding houses [internaty] for pupils; the 
construction of new school buildings, especially in underdeveloped areas and
new housing developments; modernization and extension of the existing
buildings; an improvement in the living conditions of the teaching
profession (teachers' average pay should be equal to that earned by
technical personnel in industry; with adjustments tied to the 
inflation rate); the adequate supply of textbooks and other teaching aids;
the adequate supply of machines and raw materials for vocational
schools; the solving of the problem of bussing and catering; the
improvement of health care, recreation, and sport facilities for
pupils; and the stressing of the importance of vocational schools as
the main instrument for training skilled workers, artisans, and
farmers. The government should double its expenditure on education
within the next few years and work out a consistent program of 
development of the material and technical bases of the school system.

13. The whole complex of educational problems should be debated
at length by the Sejm; the need to established a National Educational
Council should be given proper consideration. Such a body attached
to the Ministry of Instruction and Upbringing should initiate and
assess the program of development in that particular field, and help
decide on the financial matters involved.

14. Youth from the countryside and small provincial towns should
be given better educational opportunities. The school should remain
open to all problems of public interest, through the teachers' and
the pupil's engagement in social and self-government organizations.
The school's character as a lay (i.e., nonreligious) institution is
the best token of religious tolerance; it safeguards the freedom of
choice and world view.

15. Teachers: it is the party's strong wish to help improve the
profession's image and prestige. The problem will find a 
comprehensive solution in the Teachers' Charter; the government's program of
improving the material status of educational employees should be fully
implemented within three years. The school system must be freed from
the overgrown bureaucracy; the school's autonomy will be expanded and
the role of Teachers' Councils enhanced.

[page 184]

16. Party cells in schools are considered an important factor of
ideological and political work and the guardian of party ideology.
The congress puts all local and school party organizations under the
obligation to strengthen the party's influence upon nonparty teachers.

C. Science and Technology

17. The party highly esteems the rank of scholars and their 
advisory function with regard to the functioning of society and the 
authorities. As it caters to a considerable degree to the future needs of
society, science will be protected as far as possible from the adverse
effects of the crisis.

18. The congress considers the present policy in this field of
state administration to be insufficient. A report on the actual state
of science should be presented and a long-range program of development
for science and technology worked out.

19. To meet public expectations, the part played by science and
technology in solving important national problems should be basically
increased. Scholars should be consulted in matters of nutrition,
health care, protection of the environment, education, remodeling the
structure of the national economy, management methods, and so forth.
One essential condition of this is the radical debureaucratization of
the system of management, financing, and planning of scientific
research.

20. Scientific fields should work in conditions of autonomy and
self-government; their part in establishing policy programs and 
managing guidelines in the field of science should be more basic.

21. Bureaucratic barriers hampering scientific cooperation and
exchanges with other countries should be abolished. The government
should provide an adequate legal and organizational framework for the
export of Polish scientific and technical knowledge.

22. To meet the social expectations and tasks, scientists and
scholars must have full freedom of expression of their opinions and
scientific judgment. Intellectuals should be guided in their 
scholarly and public activities by their sense of personal responsibility
and should demonstrate courage in the pursuit of truth. The 
realization of this principle will also have a vital impact on
Marxist-Leninist social studies. The party is in favor of the free 
publication of the scientific assessment of social and economic decisions.

23. Scholars must have broad and free access to all information
on economic, social, and political problems.

24. Academic institutions: a marked improvement in the working
conditions of academic teachers is necessary. The party fully supports
the recent changes at the universities, involving the independent
establishment of school curriculums, self-government, etc. It should
be stressed, however, that the whole academic community must be 
responsible for the moral and political climate prevailing in individual
schools and research institutes.

[page 185]

25. The increased impact of the academic sphere on the system of
management of universities and research institutes is an expression
of a legitimate urge toward democracy.

26. The Polish Academy of Sciences acts as an adviser to both the
authorities and society in general. The party will listen intently to
the voice of scholars and will take it into account.

27. The congress turns to scholars with a proposal for helping
reorganize the functioning of various learning institutions and for
mutual cooperation (e g., through individual exchanges, access to
laboratories and research files, technical installations, etc.).

28. Research institutes attached to the respective ministries have
the specific task of combining scientific work with economic and social
practices. A number of such institutes appear, however, rather 
inefficient and should therefore be discontinued.

29. The CC should encourage the government to improve the 
effectiveness of the technical and research base in industry by the end of
1981.

30. New, efficient ways of realizing the party's policies in the
academic world must be defined. They should be included in the draft
bill on higher education and the Academy of Sciences.

31. Party organizations in academic spheres have the double task
of promoting the Marxist-Leninist line of scientific studies and 
uniting the academic circles around common goals. Teams of scientific
workers should be established at the CC and at each regional
(voivodship) party committee.

VIII. International Party and State Relations

1. The congress restates the party's basic policy guidelines:
friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union and other bloc states
remains the fundamental principle of foreign policy. It is based on
Marxist-Leninist principles as well as on peaceful coexistence among
states with differing sociopolitical systems.

2. The further strengthening of ties with the CPSU and other
communist parties is necessary.

3. The same also is true with regard to the Warsaw Pact.

4. Mutually advantageous economic cooperation with the capitalist
countries should be continued; no interference in Poland's internal
affairs should be tolerated, however. Attempts to exploit Poland's
crisis to impair its regime and its system of alliances must be foiled.

5. The CSCE: contacts promoting the development of economic,
cultural, and scientific relations, as well as tourism, should be
enhanced. Contacts with Polish communities abroad should be cultivated
and cultural and economic cooperation expanded. Efforts to preserve
peace should be intensified.

[page 186]

6. The Soviet Union's peaceful initiatives are in line with the
vital interests of the Polish nation and deserve unconditional 
support. An international conference on disarmament in Europe will be
convoked in Warsaw in the not-too-distant future.

[page 187]

The Law of 31 July 1981
on the Control of Publications and Public Performances[+]

Article 1: 1. The Polish People's Republic ensures the freedom of
speech and print in publications and public performances.

2. It is the duty of state bodies and institutions as well
as of political and social organizations to ensure and preserve the
implementation of the freedom of speech in publications and 
performances.

3. The use of freedom of speech and print in publications
and public performances is regulated by this law.

Article 2: When making use of freedom of speech and print in 
publications and performances, it is not permitted to:

a. attack the independence or the territorial
integrity of the Polish People's Republic;

b. call for the overthrow of, insult, ridicule,
or demean the constitutional system of the
Polish People's Republic;

c. attack the constitutional principles of the
foreign policy and of the alliances of the
Polish People's Republic;

d. conduct war propaganda;

e. disclose information constituting a state
secret, including economic secrets and
secrets about defense and the armed forces;

f. call for criminal activities or praise them;

g. disclose without the consent of the parties
involved information about investigative
procedures or spread information about the
conduct of a trial held behind closed doors;

h. injure religious feelings and the feelings
of nonbelievers;

i. advocate national or racial discrimination;

j. advocate socially harmful behavior, in 
particular alcoholism, drug-taking, cruelty,
and pornography.

Article 3: 1. Publications and public performances destined for 
public use are subject to the initial control of bodies responsible for
the control of publications and public performances.

2. Bodies for the control of publications and public 
performances are:

a. local offices for the control of 
publications and public performances, acting as
offices of the first instance, thereafter
to be called local offices;

b. the Main Office for the Control of Press,
Publications, and Public Performances,
thereafter to be called the Main Office.

-------------------------------
(+) Dziennik Ustaw No. 20, 12 August 1981

[page 188]

Article 4: 1. Not subject to initial control are:

a. speeches made by delegates and councilors at
open sessions of the Sejm and of the people's
councils and their bodies, as well as 
interpellations and questions put by deputies and
councilors;

b. decisions of courts, tribunals for special
misdemeanors, and legislative bodies deciding
on labor questions, including the motivations,
unless the secrecy of the proceedings was
clearly stipulated;

c. normative acts as well as other legal acts of a
general nature, including national
socioeconomic plans and local development plans,
including reports and official opinions;

d. official printed materials and forms of state
bodies as well as printed materials and forms of
cooperative and economic organizational units,
destined for official use by these units;

e. statistical publications under the control of
the Main Statistical Office;

f. single maps and map collections, as well as
maps included in publications under the control
of the Main Office of Geodesy and Cartography;

g. school textbooks and teaching aids approved by
the education ministry;

h. scholarly and educational publications of 
institutions of higher education; of institutes of
the Polish Academy of Sciences; of independent
educational bodies and research bodies and
institutes, created according to regulations
in force; institutions for the education of
clergy; and registered scholarly associations,
as well as the printed material of these 
institutions serving to collect data for research
purposes;

i. examination papers and masters' theses as well
as dissertations, including those for a 
doctorate and habilitation reproduced in numbers
necessary for receiving a diploma, or the defense
of a doctoral dissertation or habilitation in
institutions defined in Point h;

j. publications, pictures, and recorded material
approved by the Catholic Church and other
Churches and religious unions for the teaching
of the faith; documents, liturgical, theological,
conventual, prayer and catechistic texts; texts
about Church law, announcements and information;
the transmission of religious ceremonies over
radio and television and cultural and religious
performances conducted on Church property; 
letters and texts destined for the internal use of
religious institutions; and forms, printed 
matter, and other documents necessary for the 
official activities of these institutions;

[page 189]

k. bulletins containing information -- including
commentaries, on matters concerning statutory
activities, as well as printing materials,
forms, and announcements in political 
organizations, labor unions, and other social 
organizations -- destined for internal distribution
among members of these organizations and thus
marked; in the case of such a publication 
systematically violating Article 2, the Main
Office may, after cautioning the publisher to
no effect, subject the given publication to
preventive control over a strictly defined
period not longer than six months. This 
decision may be submitted to the Supreme
Administrative Court according to principles
outlined in this law;

1. publications for the internal use of the armed
forces and internal military undertakings 
subject to control of military offices responsible
for preserving secrets;

m. resumption of publications issued in People's
Poland that had previously obtained printing
permits;

n. publications of written works already published
before 1918;

o. printed music, records, and recordings
containing only music;

p. art and photography exhibitions of an artistic
character;

q. artistic or entertainment performances not of
a public character;

r. programs of internal cable radios;

s. original artistic prints;

t. bibliographical publications and
bibliographical data;

u. commercial and trade prints and personal printed
material; and

v. private manuscripts in no more than 100 copies.

2. The Main Office may, at the demand of the editor of
the newspaper or publication involved or the editor or person
responsible for a performance, fully or in part exclude publications or
performances the subject-matter of which excludes the possibility of
violating Article 2.

Article 5: The offices of control of publication and public
performances may not forbid publication or performance of works of given
authors or issue directives about the interpretation of events,
activities of institutions, or individuals.

Article 6: 1. The Main Office is under the control of the State
Council.

2. The Chairman and Deputy Chairmen of the Main Office are
nominated and recalled by the State Council.

[page 190]

3. The Chairman of the Main Office is in charge of that
office and supervises the activities of regional offices.

Article 7: 1. A Board of the Main Office is active within that office.

2. The Board is made up of:

a. the Chairman and Deputy Chairmen of the Main
Office;

b. nine to twelve members nominated and recalled
by the State Council:

i. one-third [to be chosen from] among 
candidates presented by the Chairman of the
Council of Ministers, and

ii. two-thirds [to be chosen from] among 
candidates presented by political and social
organizations and creative associations.

3. The Board of the Main Office:

a. gives its opinion on the annual report of the
activities of the Main Office;

b. evaluates periodical reports on the activities
of various regional offices;

c. offers its opinion on candidates for the post
of director of regional offices;

d. studies cases and makes decisions in matters
defined in the statutes; and

e. constitutes an advisory body and offers 
opinions to the chairman of the main body in other
matters concerning the scope of activities of
the institutions that control publications and
public performances.

Article 8: 1. Regional offices are created jointly for one or more
voivodships.

2. Regional offices are created and eliminated and their
seats and territorial boundaries are established by the State Council;
the decisions of the State Council in this respect are to be published
in Dziennik Ustaw of the Polish People's Republic.

3. A regional office is managed by a director nominated
and recalled by the Chairman of the Main Office.

Article 9: 1, The State Council periodically, at least once a year,
reviews information and reports on the activities of the institutions
controlling publications and public performances, taking into account
the opinions of the government, the Chairman of the Supreme Court,
the Public Prosecutor of the Polish People's Republic, and the
Chairman of the Supreme Administrative Court; the State Council may
ask political organizations, labor unions, and other social 
organizations for their remarks and opinions on the reports and information
received.

[page 191]

2. The State Council presents an annual report to the Sejm
on its activities connected with the bodies of control of publications
and public performances.

Article 10; 1. The State Council passes regulations establishing the
detailed methods of control of publications and public performances
by the Main Office and regional offices.

2. The internal organization of the Main Office and of the
regional offices is defined by the statutes given them by the State
Council at the request of the Chairman of the Main Council; the said
statutes also establish the organization and the detailed scope and
course of action of the Board of the Main Council.

3. The resolution of the State Council in matters defined
in Article 1 is to be published in Dziennik Ustaw of the Polish
People's Republic.

Article 11: Proceedings in matters within the scope of the offices
of control of publications and public performances are conducted
according to the code of administrative procedure, taking into 
consideration changes arising from the present law.

Article 12: 1. The following are to be submitted to the control of
the regional office in order to receive permission for distribution:

a. in case of printed texts, galley proofs, or
the equivalent after setting or, with the
approval of the appropriate regional office,
typescripts not later than:

i. three hours before printing of the paper
as planned in the timetable of the 
printing plant; information destined for daily
papers is to be presented successively
not later than one hour before the 
printing deadline of the current events;

ii. twenty-four hours before the printing
deadline of a weekly publication 
(information and commentaries on current events
in process, not later than twelve hours
before printing, however);

iii. forty-eight hours before the printing
deadline of a periodical appearing less
often than once a week and more often
than every two months.

iv. fourteen days before the printing 
deadline of remaining periodicals;

b. in the case of public performances -- the text
and the stage instructions for dress rehearsal,
and should the performance be based in a text
which has previously obtained permission to be
printed, published, or performed, the stage
instructions for dress rehearsal; the place and
time of the dress rehearsal is to be announced
not later than forty-eight hours previously, a
and if the performance is not preceded by a
dress rehearsal -- forty-eight hours before
showing;

[page 192]

c. in the case of television shows and radio
programs -- the script not later than
forty-eight hours before being included in the
schedule and then not later than twenty-four
hours before broadcasting -- a trial recording;

d. in the case of television and radio newscasts --
information typescript or film or magnetic tape
not later than twenty-four hours before 
broadcast, in the case of current events, items are 
presented successively, the last one not later
than ten minutes before the program, while 
commentaries on current events not less than six
hours before broadcast;

e. in the case of films -- a working copy not
later than forty-eight hours before scheduling
in the program;

f. in the case of exhibitions -- their final form
not later than twenty-four hours before 
inauguration.

2. The person submitting a publication or a show for 
initial control is obligated at the same time to give the control office
an address to which the decision is to be announced to him, as 
mentioned in Article 13, Points 2 and 3.

Article 13: 1. If the publication of a show submitted for control does
not violate the principles outlined in Article 2, the appropriate
regional office may agree to its publication, and if it does, it
issues a decision forbidding publication fully or in part.

2. The decision should be made and handed over or
announced to the party involved at once, not later than:

a. six hours for information broadcast over
radio or television;

b. twelve hours for information material 
distributed in daily papers and papers 
appearing more frequently than once a week, and
forty-eight hours as far as remaining 
material is concerned;

c. forty-eight hours in the case of a public
performance;

d. one month in the case of occasional printed
matter or a periodical appearing less 
frequently than once a month;

e. three months where other publications are
concerned.

3. There is the right to appeal a decision issued by a
regional office to the Main Office or, should it not have been issued
within the time limit stipulated in Point 2 above, within seven days
after the announcement of the decision and from the moment of 
deadline if a decision had not been issued. The decision of the Main
Office should be issued and handed over or announced to the party
involved at once, but no later than:

[page 193]

a. three days in the case of an article 
commenting on current events;

b. seven days in the case of a daily newspaper
or a periodical appearing not less frequently
than once a week;

c. fourteen days in the case of a public 
performance;

d. one month in the case of all remaining 
publications.

4. If a negative decision has not been announced to a
party that has fulfilled the requirements established in Article 12,
Point 2, within the deadlines established in Point 3, the subject 
matter submitted to control may be published.

5. The legal basis given the office as the reason for the
decision may not be changed by the said office in the course of 
proceedings.

6. Regional offices have the right to check the adherence
to the approved text of every performance and dress rehearsal. In
case of a glaring divergence, they may forbid a performance until it
has been restored to its previous state.

Article 14; With the agreement of the author, an editor of a 
newspaper or periodical, a publisher, or the organizer of a public 
performance may, and at the demand of the author must, indicate in the
text or in a separate note or in the layout of an exhibition, the
interference of the Main Office for the Control of Press, Publications,
and Public Performances, noting the legal basis as shown by the said
office in its decision.

2. In case of an author's death, his rights pass to his
heirs and, should he h
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