THE SOCIOLINGUISTIC
SITUATION OF TRINIDAD & TOBAGO
Jo-Anne Sharon
Ferreira
(University of the West Indies, St. Augustine
campus)
I. Overview of the sociolinguistic history of Trinidad & Tobago
The
Republic of Trinidad & Tobago forms part of the English-official Caribbean
and is situated just 6km off the east coast of Venezuela. The country comprises two main islands,
which were formally united in 1889: Trinidad to the south which is the larger
of the two, and Tobago to the north.
Its usual classification as an anglophone or English-official country,
however, belies the reality of its complex sociolinguistic make-up, and its
multilinguistic past.
According
to the eleventh edition of the Ethnologue,
Trinidad & Tobago is recognised and classified as a multilingual country,
with English and Lesser Antillean Creole English as the main languages, and
with Bhojpuri, Creole French and Spanish being spoken to varying degrees and by
varying numbers of speakers (Grimes 78).
Although the percentages of speakers of the last three languages are
comparatively small, they nevertheless form important ethno-cultural pockets
even today. As a result of the
multilingual and multicultural history of the country, Trinidadian and
Tobagonian English has been heavily coloured by contact with each of these
groups as well as others.
The
following tables illustrate the racial and ethnic make-up of late twentieth
century Trinidad and Tobago, and the origins of the society’s multi-ethnic
composition will be discussed below.
Table 1
Population Distribution of Trinidad and Tobago
in 1960
ETHNIC GROUP
NUMBER OF PER SONS IN GROUP
PERCENTAGE OF GROUP TO POPULATION
African 358,590 43.31%
Amerindian/Carib 301 .04%
Caucasian 15,718 1.90%
Chinese 8,361 1.01%
Indian 301,945 36.47%
Mixed 134,750 16.27%
Portuguese 2,416 .29%
Syrian/Lebanese 1,591 .19%
Other 3,985 .48%
Not Stated 300 .04%
TOTAL 827,957 100.00%
Source:
Population Census 1960.
Table 2
Population Distribution of Trinidad and Tobago
in 1990
ETHNIC GROUP
NUMBER OF PERSONS IN GROUP PERCENTAGE
OF GROUP TO POPULATION
African 445,444 39.59%
Caucasian 7,254 .65%
Chinese 4,314 .38%
Indian 453,069 40.27%
Mixed 207,558 18.45%
Syrian/Lebanese 934 .08%
Other 1,724 .15%
Not Stated 4,831 .43%
TOTAL
1,125,128 100.00%
Source: 1990 Population and Housing
Census
In 1498, the arrival of the Spanish in Trinidad
signalled the beginning of the end for the indigenous Caribs and Arawaks. The overwhelming majority of Amerindians
were either annihilated or assimilated into Spanish Trinidad society. As a result, the only linguistic reminders
of the existence of these groups are seen in over 200 toponyms of Amerindian
origin, and in the names of some flora, fauna and cultural items in Trinidad
today, all of which were preserved through early contact with the Spanish (see
Baksh-Soodeen 1994).
The Spanish were the rulers of Trinidad for
almost three hundred years, but their language never dominated the island’s
population. By the nineteenth century,
long after their rule was over, one writer noted that the Spanish language was
relegated to being spoken “in certain districts and villages, in which the
people are almost entirely of Spanish descent” (Gamble 39), which holds
somewhat true even up to the present.
Although it was a language that had been in Trinidad hundreds of years
before the arrival of many other languages, it never came to be a language of
widespread influence, as French creole later did, due to historical factors.
In 1797, Trinidad was seized from the Spanish
for the British crown. Spain, however,
only formally ceded Trinidad to Great Britain under the Treaty of Amiens in
1801-02, so for at least four years both powers considered the island to be
under their jurisdiction. The lingua
franca at the time of British conquest was not Spanish, but French creole,
which had been introduced into the island only fourteen years before the
arrival of the British. This complex
sociolinguistic scenario in Trinidad of the late eighteenth century was largely
the result of Roume de St. Laurent’s successful (second) “Cedula de
Población”. This decree heralded the
introduction of French and French creole-speaking immigrants in significant
numbers into Spanish Trinidad, beginning in 1783. The population under Spanish rule reached only 1,400 people, but
burgeoned to 28,000 people by 1797, of whom 20,000 were French creole-speaking
enslaved Africans. As Borde put it,
“Trinidad at that time seemed like a French colony which Spain had recently
acquired” (2: 301).
After the arrival of the French and their
African slaves in Spanish Trinidad, Spanish remained the language of
government, of archival records and of the law courts, but French quickly
became the language of commerce and society (Borde 2: 302). This scenario persisted even after the
take-over by the British. Although the
island was conquered by the latter, it continued to be socially and culturally
dominated by French and French creole speakers for a long time after. Interestingly, Spanish laws stayed in effect
for several years into British rule.
Because of the dominance and widespread use of French creole by the
overwhelming majority of the population, the English language itself only began
to gain ground at the beginning of the twentieth century, almost one hundred
years after British conquest.
Despite British rule, French and French creole
occupied positions of prominence and dominance respectively up to the late
nineteenth century. French creole had
long become “the medium of thought” of the population that was shared by the
élite and the masses (Gamble 39) and was the language “spoken most widely, the
lower orders scarcely using any other, though they can nearly all of them speak
English” (Gamble 29). That language
persisted in that rôle for over a century after the British had seized
Trinidad. In the last few years of
Spanish rule, the French and French creole speakers were under no evident
pressure to become Spanish, and were able to retain their cultures and
languages. It is not possible to
speculate on what linguistic policies would have prevailed, had Trinidad
remained Spanish for much longer.
Trinidad under Spanish rule appeared to have been linguistically
tolerant, possibly because of the weakness of Spanish control over the island,
but this was decidedly not the case under British domination.
When the British came into power, they
challenged the domination of the French at all levels, especially at the level
of language and religion. As language
is the chief culture marker for most groups, the French language was targeted
and it began to be slowly stripped away from the French Creoles. Despite ultimate loss of their language,
they, however, managed to preserve their identifiably French family names that
exerted considerable social prestige, as well as their religion, and an upper
class way of life in keeping with their original status as land-owners. Up to today, the appellation “French Creole”
in Trinidad is an élitist term used to refer not to the language, which is
referred to as “patois”, but to those
individuals of French descent, and the term has recently been extended to
include any Trinidadian of any European origin.
Only in 1823, twenty-six years after the
British took control, was English made the official language of Trinidad (Holm
350; cf. Gamble 17). By the
mid-nineteenth century, however, the majority of the population seemed scarcely
closer to becoming anglophone. One
author writing in 1866 even thought that “the day is far distant ere the many
tongues … found in Trinidad will become as one” (Gamble 45). In 1886, two decades later, Cothonay’s
conclusion was quite different. That
author advocated that English was “la langue de l’avenir pour la Trinidad,” and
went further to advise all newcomers to Trinidad to learn English, and then
Spanish for good measure: “conclusion pratique: vous tous qui désirez venir à
la Trinidad, apprenez l’anglais … et l’espagnol par-dessus le marché …” (317).
The year 1846 heralded the development of
further linguistic diversification in Trinidad, giving rise to a complex
multilingual situation. Already
linguistically cosmopolitan before slavery’s end in 1834 (the year of the
abolition of slavery and the beginning of the apprenticeship period), the
society diversified even further under waves of immigrants who were welcomed
for the sake of the plantation-based economy.
As Brereton put it,
“Trinidad was among
these Caribbean societies [that] were largely shaped in the post-abolition era
by the legacy of the slave system and its twin, the plantation mode of
production” (“Social Organisation and Class” 33).
The estates necessitated a large productive
labour force and the immigration policy was largely an attempt to boost the
economy.
Indentured immigrants came in their thousands
from India, and in their hundreds from China, Portugal and other European
countries, and other islands of the Antilles.
(Immigration from Syria and Lebanon is largely a feature of the
twentieth century.) So varied was the
nature of post-emancipation immigration that Gamble concluded in 1866 that “the
languages spoken in Trinidad are numerous and diverse” (38). That author recognised that
Many
distinct peoples go to make up the population of Trinidad. There are men from all quarters of the
globe, and with but little exaggeration, it may be said that, in Trinidad, all
the languages of the earth are spoken. (28)
These languages included Amerindian languages
such as Carib and Arawak, and from the fifteenth century onward, Spanish,
French, Lesser Antillean French creole, English, Caribbean English creole,
Yoruba, Ibo, Congo, Urdu, Tamil, Hindi, Bhojpuri, Bengali, Portuguese, Chinese
languages (including Hakka), German, Danish, and Italian, inter alia, some of which have survived to varying degrees up to
the present.
Because of the economic benefits to be derived
by the plantocracy, the immigration policy was an open-door one, and it met
with varying degrees of success. The
openness to immigrants, however, was no indication of a tolerant language
policy that would ultimately allow the co-existence of other languages, since
immigrants were expected to eventually be assimilated into the society. While the co-existence of several languages
was in fact a reality for some time, it was socially difficult to support the
notion of the permanent existence of each language group. This was because of fairly intense, close
inter-group contact and because of the position taken by the colonial
powers. In terms of inter-group
contact, there were few rigid social boundaries and no insurmountable physical
difficulties in terms of the local infrastructure and geography of the land
that would prevent contact. On the
contrary, the population was both socially fluid and physically mobile. Indeed, inter-racial liaisons, official and
otherwise, became increasingly common.
From the point of view of the ruling colonial powers of the time, while
cultural and ethnic plurality could be tolerated, linguistic fragmentation was
clearly another matter. The outward
survival of immigrant languages, including those of groups that posed no
economic threats or challenges, was not to be allowed.
Between the 1830s and 1860s, that era of
significant non-British immigration that was to permanently change the face of
Trinidad, the British government began to develop what Brereton describes as
“full-scale policy of ‘Anglicisation’” (“Social Organisation and Class”
37). Although the multingual population
had resorted to French creole as its linguistic bridge for the numerous
competing languages, that language ultimately posed little sociolinguistic
threat to English, as it was looked down on as ‘broken French,’ and was
considered the counterpart of ‘broken English’, or English creole, which was
not recognised as a language in its own right.
Through the ‘Anglicisation’ policy, the
colonial government sought after the collapse of that bridge and its
replacement by that of English. How
active they were in pursuing these policies in the society generally is seen in
the establishment of the English-language schools in every ward of the
colony. Under the Education Ordinance
of 1851, a system of secular government-controlled Ward schools was
established, and “this system of education established in Trinidad after 1838
exercised a powerful influence on social development” (Brereton, A History of Modern Trinidad 122). These were specific measures put into place
for the efficient control of the varied population. The policy adopted affected the curriculum of the schools and
employment in the business sector, in short, socio-economic mobility. There were, however, “acute language
problems since English was the only language of instruction in the Ward schools
while the majority of the pupils were patois-speakers” (Brereton 123). As that historian notes, it was during this
period of Anglicisation that Trinidad’s first grammar of Creole French, a
“living, flourishing language,” was written by John Jacob Thomas in 1869 (122).
This Anglicisation policy was aimed largely at
the French Creole élite, the social and economic rivals of the less numerous
British expatriates and British Creoles, and was designed to combat the
pervasive influence of the French Creoles in every sphere of life. As Wood notes, “from the beginning of
British rule, the free classes were divided by religion and language” (1). Charles Warner, the Attorney-General in
Trinidad from 1844 to 1870, was in great measure responsible for promoting
English at the expense of French, and for deepening this division. Described as “the most influential
Attorney-General in the history of Trinidad” (Wood 37), “the dictator of
Trinidad,” “the evil genius of Anglicization,” and “the evil genius of the
country” by some (Wood 181), Warner was the man behind the Anglicisation
policy. According to Campbell, “the
consuming passion of his long career was to give an English identity to a
colony which was a mosaic of non-English cultural elements…” (“Charles Warner”
55). In 1845, Warner declared in the
Legislative Council that “English rights and privileges should only be given to
those who would take the trouble to learn English and to bring up their
children in an English way” (Wood 181).
Warner was instrumental in the setting up of
the Queen’s Collegiate School, later Queen’s Royal College, in 1857. This prestigious school for boys used
English as the medium of instruction.
In order to combat the growing dominance of the British, and their
values, religion and language, its French and Catholic rival, St. Mary’s
College, was established in 1863. Up to
1870, the language of instruction in that school, as well as its female counterpart,
St. Joseph’s Convent, was French (Brereton 125).
The Anglicisation policy was to take effect
only in the early twentieth century, the dominant French creole reluctantly
giving way to English and Creole English.
Before that happened, Gamble described the place of French creole or “patois,” as it is locally called, as
the language which the
African and the Coolie, and the stranger in general, learns first, and of
course, for the simple reason that he hears it most frequently spoken. Its vituperative epithets are numerous and
forcible; and … the best known, because the most frequently in use. (39)
By 1923, within a century, French creole was
finally displaced as the lingua franca, long after Warner’s reign. The majority of the population now spoke
English and/or English creole (EC).
Brereton notes that the acquisition of English as the first language of
the children of the French creoles in the early 1900s was a “major landmark in
the assimilation of the French Creole élite” (122). Unlike their parents, these English-educated children were not
taught French at home, and French was used to exclude the children from adult
discussions. Other language groups in
Trinidad also went through this process of assimilation at the same time that
their languages went through the process of attrition, or vice-versa.
Warner’s policy was all-embracing in its
reality and affected all speakers of other languages, including Spanish
speakers as well. The Spanish language
remained mostly an in-group marker learned by children, although it was spoken
by some clerks in Port-of-Spain dry goods stores where continental customers
made their purchases (Gamble 39). Many
among that group also spoke French creole since that language was learned by
adult non-native speakers as the lingua franca. Most 19th century immigrants were probably obliged to learn
French creole rather than English at first.
When the Portuguese came, for example, they came into contact with
English, English creole, French creole, and Spanish. Whether or not Spanish
speakers were themselves marginalised in British Trinidad, even their language
appeared to have the victory over that new immigrant language. This was because of the long-standing
presence of Spanish speakers and the apparent issue of one-way intelligibility
between the two languages (some Portuguese speakers could understand Spanish
but not necessarily vice-versa, Gamble 40).
No immigrant language was expected to survive in the face of French
creole, the prevailing lingua franca of the 1800s, English, the language of
prestige, and even Spanish, a marginalised but language of long-standing
tradition.
In sum, the linguistic policy of a British
regime was one of the chief factors militating against against the continuing
use of other languages in Trinidad, and the prolonged contact among the varying
ethnic groups resulted in the weakening and ultimate collapse of traditional
boundaries among these groups. In the
late nineteenth century, the British did their best, and finally succeeded, in
their sustained efforts to quench French as a rival language to English in the
school system and otherwise. Languages
such as the ‘patois’, or the
French-lexicon creole, though beginning its slide underground, still persisted
towards the end of the nineteenth century.
English creole, although neither officially nor unofficially recognised,
was gaining ground. (This may well have
suited the government: if the masses had a good command of English, this might
have enabled them to have greater possibilities of social mobility and/or
dominance.) Although it was a reality
in the complexity of daily linguistic exchanges, English creole hardly figured
in discussions of educational and linguistic policy makers, largely because of
its low social status as a heavily stigmatised variety of English. Only recently has it been recognised as a
linguistic system in its own right, worthy of study and docmentation, and the
following section goes on to discuss some salient linguistic features of TEC as
studied by diverse linguists.
II. Linguistic characteristics of the English Creole
Trinidadian and Tobagonian English (or
Trinbagonian English) is one of the many varieties of (non-rhotic) Standard
English around the world. As a national
variety of Standard English, it is mutually intelligible with other varieties
of English and differs from other such dialects only in certain phonetic
differences, and in some lexical items “often relating to its fauna and flora,
or to its folk and religious customs” (Crystal 345). In other words, “the standard English of Trinidad and Tobago
(TE), like other standard international varieties, has some distinctive
features, mostly in pronunciation and lexicon” (Winer 3). Although it differs little from other
dialects in its morpho-syntax and the large majority of its lexicon, accent and
vocabulary therefore clearly distinguish Trinbagonian English from other
varietes of Standard English in the region and the rest of the English-speaking
world.
It must be noted that the TE accent, in
particular, acts as one of the chief identifying symbols or markers of the
country, making citizens of Trinidad and Tobago immediately recognisable to
each other outside the country. Accent
functions as the nation’s linguistic flag-bearer or as one of the country’s badges of national identity, in much the same way that
a language often serves to bind an ethnic or national group together while
separating it from the outside world.
Rather interestingly, the similarity between the accents of Welsh
English and Trinbagonian English has often been noted by nationals of both
countries (see also Solomon 1994), although there is no historic connection
between the two varieties of English.
Like other varieties of English, TE consists of both formal and
informal English, and the latter may contain elements of both Standard English
and non-Standard English. The
vernacular of the country, however, is not English but Trinbagonian, which is a
Caribbean creole language otherwise known as Trinidadian
and Tobagonian English creole or TEC.
Most linguists agree that the vernacular of the country is a dialect of
English-based or English-lexicon creole and therefore a separate language from
English, some even suggesting that it is a relexification of the country’s
French-lexicon creole (Solomon 1994 ).
Others such as Hancock, however, see the vernacular as a non-Standard
variety of English and therefore as regional dialect of English. Although the TEC or the national vernacular
is the mother tongue of the majority of the population, it must be noted that
TE is the mother tongue of a relatively small minority.
The term “creoles” or “creole languages” is
used to refer to languages that are typified by “the process in which they were
formed, rather than solely by linguistic characteristics” (Winer 4). In other words, these terms are historical
designations, not linguistic ones, and refer to the unusual circumstances in
which the languages were created, unusual in the sense that they often involved
sudden and dramatic contact between two or more groups speaking two or more
unrelated languages. Such cultural
conflict or contact ultimately gave rise to a new language in an unusually
short space of time.
In the Caribbean, for example, the formation of
creole languages depended on the ratio of one segment of the population to
another and the social power of these segments in relation to one another (see
Mintz 1971). In this situation, the
minority group (comprising speakers of a Western European language) was the one
who held power, and the majority group comprised speakers of several different
languages (languages of West Africa, many of which were not mutually
intelligible). The latter were cast
together as one and came to be viewed as one group by the power group. The minority language was therefore the one
that was imposed on the majority multilingual group. Some understanding of the minority language was therefore
fundamental for communication with the minority power group, as well as for
intra-group communication among the majority group.
Caribbean English-lexicon creoles were
themselves often formed within at least two or three generations, a unique
history unlike that of many other non-creole languages, including that of the
lexically related Standard English.
Although the latter is a language that also bears the lexical fruit of
sudden cultural contact or clash, it developed over a period of hundreds of
years and over several generations and was able to preserve distinctly
recognisable English (Germanic) morpho-syntax, although it permanently adopted
a great deal of Latinate lexicon. While
the lexicon of Caribbean English-‘based’ creoles has most of its origins in
Modern English (hence the use of ‘English-based’ or ‘English-lexicon’), West
African languages have “clearly influenced the lexicon, and more
controversially, the grammar and phonology of the resulting creole” (Winer
4). It is also interesting to note that
modern Caribbean English-lexicon creoles preserve dialectal and regional
features of Early Modern English (standard and non-standard) in lexicon,
phonology and some morphology, some of which are no longer in use in modern
Standard English.
In this overview, Trinbagonian or TEC will be
treated as a Caribbean English-lexicon creole language. In the same way that TE forms part of a
wider grouping known collectively as International Standard English, Trinbagonian
(as a Caribbean creole language) may be considered to be a dialect of a wider
grouping known as Caribbean English-based creole. Trinbagonian is similar to other members of this wider group of
regional creole languages in its origins and development and in both its
historic and modern morpho-syntactic structure. Again, however, Trinbagonian differs from other such languages in
its phonology and lexicon, both of which help to distinguish it as a national
variety.
TEC is considered here to be separate from TE
and other Englishes in its morpho-syntax, but similar at the level of lexicon,
since English is the source of the bulk of its everyday vocabulary; hence the
term “Trinbagonian English creole” or “Caribbean English-lexicon creole”. (See the Appendix for Trinbagonian words
originating from languages other than English.) Within TEC, there are two main linguistic varieties, which are
not always mutually intelligible, and these are Trinidadian (TrC) and
Tobagonian (TbC), using Winer’s designations.
The continuum theory has been used to explain
the relationship between TE and TEC. An
understanding of this relationship is important because of the seeming
closeness of the two languages which interact almost constantly on a daily
basis, at both the written and spoken levels, and sometimes even appear to
overlap. This theory posits that a
sociolinguistic continuum exists in Trinidad and Tobago, and looks at TE as the
social “acrolect”, at one end of the continuum, and TEC as the social
“basilect”, at the other end of the pole, with “mesolectal” varieties in
between. However, as noted earlier, TEC
consists of TrC and TbC. The former may
be considered to consist of mostly mesolectal varieties, while the latter
consists of both mesolectal and basilectal varieties, and is considered to be
more distinct from English, the lexifying language.
Applying the continuum theory to language in
Trinidad and Tobago, TE is the “acrolect”, TrC/TbC is the “mesolect” and TbC is
the “basilect”. Originally, the terms
were sociolinguistic designations, intended to denote the social position of
the speakers of such varieties. Hence
those who spoke the acrolect usually belonged to the most socially privileged
group while those who spoke the basilect belonged to the least privileged
group. The terms appear to have lost
their sociolinguistic overtones, with “basilect” for example now referring to
the creole language, while “acrolect” has come to be associated with the
standard official language of the country.
It is often said that a basilect exists in
Tobago, but not in Trinidad. Tobagonian
has, in fact, been compared to Jamaican (see James 1974). Trinidad, on the other hand, no longer has a
basilect, though it once did, according to Winer 1993. Modern Trinidadian may be said to be a
heavily decreolised variety, with only a few vestiges of the old basilect. Here it is useful to note that Tobago’s
population is at least 90% of West African origin, despite the fact that five
colonial powers fought over this island and it changed hands 21 times, and
unlike Tobago, Trinidad changed hands only twice and was ruled by only two colonial
powers. The language history of the
latter is far more diversified, since immigrants from nearly every continent
went in their numbers to that island.
This may help to account for Tobago’s ability in preserving the historic
basilectal varieties, while immigration of speakers of a variety of languages
(including creole languages) to Trinidad partly accounts for the decreolisation
of the latter’s creole language.
Factors such as ethnic, class and geographc diversity are also known to
characterise the TrC varieties, perhaps more than the TbC varieties, but both
are clearly multidialectal in nature.
Phonetics and phonology
Following is a brief discussion of some of the
more salient features of the phonology of TEC.
TEC consonants are the same as those of TE,
with the exception of the interdental fricatives. While these fricatives are known to and sometimes used by TEC
speakers, especially in hypercorrective forms, the language is characterised by
the use of /t/ and /d/ in words of English origin that use // and //, such as
‘thigh’ and ‘that’ which are pronounced /tai/ and /dat/, the former also being the
pronunciation of ‘tie’.
Other salient features include the practical
non-existence of consonant clusters in word-final position, a
morpho-phonological feature. These
include the final /t/ in the ‘st’ and ‘kt’ clusters of English, for example, /bEs/ ‘best’ and /wk/ ‘walked’, the final /d/ in the ‘nd’ of English,
such as /an/ ‘and’ and the non-use of /s/ in plural forms where English uses the /s/.
The nasal /n/ is velarised after the
back vowel //, in words such as /d/, and the velar plosive is often palatalised,
such as /gjadn/ ‘garden’ and /gjet/ ‘gate’.
With regard to vowels, TEC has more lengthened
monophthongs (or pure vowels) and fewer dipthongs in comparison to Interational
Standard English. A phonetic vowel
chart for TEC may be set forth as follows:
Front Mid Back
Close I u U
Close-mid e e o
o
Open-mid E
Open a
The dipthongs of TEC include
// as in /b/ ‘boy’, /a/ as in /ba/ ‘buy’ and /au/ as in /haus/ ‘house’. In TEC, the following
lengthened monophthongs exist: correspond to dipthongs in several other, but
not all, English dialects as in /e/ as in /bet/ ‘bait’ and /o/ as in /bot/ ‘boat’. They correspond
to the dipthongs /ei/ and /ou/ in several other, but not all, dialects of Standard English. In both sequences, the second vowel is
considered to be sufficiently close to the first and is seldom used in TEC, and
absence of it (or use of a lengthened first vowel) does not hinder
comprehension. In all the dipthongs of
TEC, however, the second element is crucial, and the dipthongs form part of the
phonological repertoire of this creole, as well as its lexically related TE.
Morphosyntax
The following is a summary of the verb
paradigm for the active verb ‘to eat’ (based on Winer 1993:21):
Present Habitual | I
does eat |
Present Progressive | I
eating [itn] |
Perfective | I eat |
Past Perfective |
I did eat |
Past Habitual | I used
to eat [juztu] |
Past Progressive | I was
eating [itn] |
Completive | I done
eat |
prospective Future | I
going and eat [gon] |
remote Future |
going
and eat [gon] |
According to Winer, “an idealized
depiction of contemporary tense and aspect oppositions in TEC could be made as
follows (based on Winford 1992:7)”:
ASPECT
Imperfective Completive Perfective
Present Past Habitual Progr. “Past”/
Habitual Habitual Durative Non-past
doz useto doz/useto V-in (ing) don zero
(does) (used to) be+Vdur (done)
TENSE
Relative
Past Future
Prospective Remote
did goin
to/an go/will
(going to)
O
Lugar e o Futuro do Crioulo na Sociedade trinidad-tobagense*
In Trinidad & Tobago today,
attitudes towards TEC range from affectionate pride to outright rejection,
while attitudes towards to TE range from pride to indifference. While Tobagonians recognise that Tobagonian
(TbC) is separate and distinct from English, Trinidadians have more ambiguous
feelings and opinions about Trinidadian (TrC).
Most Trinbagonians in general tend to want to discuss the rich and
varied lexicon of TEC, since it is a reflection of the cosmopolitan history and
present make-up of the country, and this they often do with great pride. They are less able to identify TEC’s
morpho-syntactic features and often do not know what belongs to TE and what belongs
to TEC. Although most readily
acknowledge that differences do exist between TE and TEC, not all see the
latter as a separate “language”. Many in fact consider it a dialect of English,
as opposed to a dialect of Caribbean Creole English, and an inferior dialect of
English at that. This attitude harks
back to the days of British colonisation, and is a result of constant negative
comparisons with TE and other varieties of Standard English.
“Bidialectal education”, especially
in the primary schools, has been discussed and promoted at varying levels, from
the Faculty of Humanities and Education of the University of the West Indies,
St. Augustine, to the Ministry of Education, to the man on the street. (The term is used as opposed to “bilingual
education” since, as noted above, TEC is not considered by the majority of
Trinbagonians to be separate language from TE, in particular the mesolectal
varieties.) Some individuals have
attempted to use this approach naturally, while others have rejected it altogether.
The fact remains that TEC and TE
will continue to co-exist for a long time to come. The two language systems continue to fascinate the linguist as
well as the layman, and discussions, whether at home or in the conference hall,
are usually heated and animated. The
country’s rich literary history, both oral and written, shows extensive and
natural use of the dynamic interplay (or codeswitching) between TEC and TE by
their native speakers. Other languages,
especially Spanish, French creole and Bhojpuri, have left their indelible mark
on the language(s) and people of Trinidad and Tobago (this is so above all in
the domain of lexicon and family names), and both TEC and TE will long remain
the hallmark of the people of Trinidad and Tobago.
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Appendix
Some
examples of non-English influences on the lexicon of Trinidadian
in
everyday usage
French
Carnaval
Dame
Lorraine a
Carnival character
dimanche
gras o
domingo antes do Carnaval
jab-jab
(diable) ‘diabo’ (Carnival
character)
jouvert
(jour ouvert) a madrugada do 2ª feira do
Carnaval
pierrot
grenade a
Carnival character
Folclore
lajablesse
(la diablesse) ‘diaba’ (a folklore character)
mamaglo
(mama de l’eau) ‘mãe d’água’ (a
folklore character)
papa
bois ‘guardião
da floresta’ (a folklore character)
Flora
e Fauna
pommerac
(pomme des Malaccas)
pommecythere
(pomme de cythère) ‘kajamanga’
shado
beni (chardon bénit) ‘cilantro’
zandoli
(anoli) ‘lagarto’
zaboca
(avocat) ‘abacate’
and
the common names of several mangoes
Other
bazodee
(abasourdi) ‘aturdido’
bosi-back
(bossu) ‘corcunda’
commess
(commerce) ‘confusão’
doux-doux ‘amor’
(apelido)
fête ‘festa’
maco
(from the French for mackerel) ‘fofocar’
macommere
(?) ‘madrinha’
maman
poule ‘maricas’
mauvais
langue (mauvaise langue) ‘falar mal de alguém’/
‘fofocas’
picong
(piquant) ‘mordaz’
poteau
d’église ‘paroquiano
regular’
tout
bagai (tous les bagages?) ‘tudo’
tout
moun (tout le monde) ‘todo o mundo’
zanj
(ange) ‘anjo’
Spanish
Christmas
aguinaldo ‘canção
de Natal’
parang
(parranda) ‘canção de Natal’/ ‘festa’
parrandero ‘cantor
de parang’
shac-shac ‘maracas’
(um instrumento)
Food
arepa um
salgado
boyo
(bollo) um salgado
chicarron pele
do porco frito
pastelle
(pastel / hallaca) uma
prata de Natal
poncha
crema uma
bebida a base de leite e rum (Natal)
sancoche
(sancocho) uma sopa
Flora
and Fauna
balangene
(berengena) ‘beringela’
caimet uma
fruta
carite um
peixe
cascadura
(casca(ra) dura) um peixe
gavilan um
pássaro
macajuel
(macaurel) uma cobra
mauby
(mobi) uma árvore
morocoy
(morrocoyo) ‘tartaruga’
wabeen
(guabine) um
peixe
Other
alpagat
(alpargata) ‘sandália’
burrokeet
(burriquito) ‘burro’(a Carnival character)
douen
(duende) ‘anão’ (a folklore
character)
francomen
(francamente) seriously speaking
jefe ‘chefe’
koskel
(cosquillas) brightly coloured and
unmatching
laniappe
(la ñapa) ‘extra’
maga
(magro) ‘magro’
maljo
(mal de ojo) evil eye
mamaguy
(mamar gallo) ‘sacanear alguém’
panyol
(español) ‘espanhol’
peon
‘camponês’/
‘fã’
trabesau
(atravesado) ‘mestiço’
Bhojpuri
Flora
alu ‘batata’
baigan ‘beringela’
barra ‘tipo
de pão frito’
bhaji ‘espinafre’
bodi ‘vagem’
channa ‘grão
de bico’
Food
dhal ‘ervilhas
secas’
dhalpuri ‘tipo
de pão de Índia’
dosti ‘tipo
de pão de Índia’
kachouri um
salgado
khurma um
doce
paratha ‘tipo
de pão de Índia’
polouri um
salgado
roti ‘pão
de Índia’
sada ‘tipo
de pão de Índia’
Religion
jhandi ‘bandeira
de oração’
mandir ‘templo’
puja ‘orações
hindus’
Clothes
dhoti for
men
sari for
women
Other
neemakaram ‘traidor’
Yoruba
accra (akara) ‘pastel
de bacalhua’
bassa-bassa ‘confusão’
Chinese
pow um
salgado
whe-whe um
jogo de apostas
Portuguese
calvinadage
(carne vinha d’alhos) ‘carne em vinha d’alhos’
Arabic
kibbee ‘kibe’
Trinidadian
in Portuguese = trinidadiano, trinitino, trinidense, trinitário
Tobagonian
= tobagense, tobagino
Trinbagonian
= trinbagense ?