Nile View

Dispatches by Wendell Steavenson.

July 27, 2011

Revolution in Cairo: A Graffiti Story

  • 110801_graffiti-01_p340.jpgBefore the revolution, political expression in Egypt was stifled…
  • 110801_graffiti-02_p323.jpg…but the anger broke through after the example of the Tunisian revolution of January.
  • 110801_graffiti-03_p323.jpgThe fist symbol of the April 6th opposition movement, founded in the wake of the violent crackdown on striking textile workers in 2008.
  • 110801_graffiti-04_p323.jpgRage of the oppressed, painted on a wall near the Fine Arts faculty of Cairo University
  • 110801_graffiti-05_p323.jpgNotice the S.M.S. message in his hand—the tools of social networking, especially Facebook and Twitter, were useful for massing people and outwitting the police during the revolution.
  • 110801_graffiti-08_p323.jpgThe police were defeated on the Day of Rage, January 28th, when protesters fought tear gas and rubber bullets to take Tahrir Square.
  • 110801_graffiti-29_p323.jpgNearly a thousand people are estimated to have died during the eighteen days of demonstrations that brought down Mubarak, and many stencils commemorate the martyrs. This portrait, by Ganzeer, is of Islam Rafat, who was run over by a car during protests on January 28th. At one point authorities painted over the image; an outcry went up on Twitter and Ganzeer repainted it. Ganzeer is hoping eventually to make portraits all of the martyrs.
  • 110801_graffiti-21_p323.jpgThe White House equivocation during the first days of protests in January, and its long-term support of Mubarak, caused a lot of dismay on the street. This image comes from a larger picture, in which a pipe connects Obama’s head to a shower that drips blood.
  • 110801_graffiti-26_p323.jpgNotice that the king has been toppled in this game of chess.
  • 110801_graffiti-11_p323.jpgThere are plenty of fists of defiance; this one is inscribed with a crescent and cross, the symbol of religious unity that was one of the features of Tahrir Square, when Coptic priests and Muslim Imams held hands and demonstrated together.
  • 110801_graffiti-15_p323.jpgFist and victory sign painted on a school wall.
  • 110801_graffiti-16_p323.jpgThe stylized hand, used most often as a symbol to ward off the evil eye, flips the bird. Underneath is written: Take that!
  • 110801_graffiti-13_p323.jpgAll over Cairo and Egypt, ordinary people have painted stripes of the Egyptian flag across walls, fences, and tree trunks in revolutionary and patriotic celebration.
  • 110801_graffiti-19_p323.jpgMubarak shows up in a number of guises on Cairene walls. Here he is eyeless, behind bars.
  • 110801_graffiti-20b_p323.jpgHere Mubarak is shown in a noose.
  • 110801_graffiti-28_p323.jpgThis is an image from a famous classic movie. The man is a drug dealer and he’s rolling a joint. His celebrated quote is written underneath: “I am the people!”
  • 110801_graffiti-30_p323.jpgRecently the street-art stencils have moved toward satire and subversion in the manner of Banksy.
  • 110801_graffiti-32_p323.jpgHere the Statue of Liberty wears a full veil. Underneath is written, “You’re not free!”—a quote taken from a Salafi song, advising women that they must remain submissive.
  • 110801_graffiti-33_p323.jpgChe Guevara is depicted with a prayer cap and long beard.
  • 110801_graffiti-34_p323.jpgAnd Snow White becomes a gun-toting revolutionary.
  • 110801_graffiti-35_p323.jpgThe recent retaking of Tahrir Square by protesters has prompted a new rash of graffiti. More and more, they explicitly denounce the rule of SCAF, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Here, its leader, Field Marshal Tantawi, has been put behind bars.
  • 110801_graffiti-37_p323.jpgTantawi’s underpants?
  • 110801_graffiti-39_p323.jpgThe red beret of the military police sits atop a pair of handcuffs. It is estimated that ten thousand civilians have been put through military tribunals over the past six months.
  • 110801_graffiti-42_p323.jpgIn recent clashes between police and youth on the square, a few Molotov cocktails were thrown amid a hail of stones. I watched one kid drop his and set fire to the hem of his trousers.
  • 110801_graffiti-45b_p323.jpgAs activists have now settled into Tahrir for a long-term sit-in, they decry the “couch party” of people who prefer to sit at home and complain about the ongoing disruption.

Amid the cacophony of protest and debate since the revolution—which I wrote about for the magazine this week—there has been one method of expression that has regularly stopped me in the middle of Cairo traffic so that I can get out my iPhone camera: graffiti. (See the slide show above.) It’s suddenly all over Cairo, on schools, on telephone exchange boxes, on empty walls and corrugated fencing around building sites. Daubs of slogans, finely rendered panoramas of Tahrir Square, and, increasingly, the kind of biting satire and subversion that Banksy made famous.

One afternoon I went to see Ganzeer, one of the better known street artists. (There’s also Keiser, whose images include a lightbulb going off and a parade of ants, and Sad Panda, who, as the name suggests, paints dejected panda bears all over the place.) Ganzeer means “bicycle chain,” but his images go well beyond that. I found him at home, underneath a bushy Egyptian fro and wearing a pair of paint-spattered Adidas sneakers. He lives in a clean, white-washed apartment, and we sat on a sofa opposite his a work bench holding the tools of his trade: a stencil of Mubarak, a MacBook, and a pencil sharpener. Ganzeer is a graphic designer by day. “I don’t consider myself a street artist; it’s just that certain things say they should be on the street,” he told me.

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July 9, 2011

Tahrir Square: “The People Want to Topple the Marshal”

girl_square.jpgLast Friday was the Friday of Retribution, after the rock-throwing, tear-gas-hurling battles between protesters and police of the week before. This Friday, planned more than a month ago as a big back-to-the-square get-together, was dubbed the Friday of Persistance. A couple hundred-thousand people were massed there, cheerful and waving flags, and it felt as if Tahrir had returned to its old revolutionary self. The entrances were manned by volunteers checking I.D.s—in case of undercover police infiltrators—and bags for weapons, and the atmosphere was broadly optimistic. A lot of tweets used the word “amazing.” “We’re back in Tahrir and it feels good,” one protester told me simply. Word came through that there were big sit-ins and protests in Alexandria and Suez, too. It felt a little like the revolution was renewing its vows.

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July 6, 2011

Cairo: Policemen and Polo

Into every revolution a little surrealism must fall: I spent a recent Friday afternoon in Egypt watching a polo match. The field was a perfect rectangle of green and level baize against a dun-dry desert and the crumbled grandeur of the Fifth Dynasty pyramids of Abu Sir, and one of the teams was made up of policemen.

Captain Atef, the coach of the police team, told me the police force had many sporting teams under its umbrella; polo, in particular, is good for honing the skills of the mounted division. Atef was in his fifties and had heavy jowls; he shook his head at the new revolution and the troubles it was causing. The police were having a very hard time of it, he told me; now they daren’t go out on patrols alone, because they are liable to attack and intimidation by a population that has lost its fear and respect for them.

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June 30, 2011

Tents and Portents in Tahrir Square

tahrir-art-opt.jpg

Tahrir Square on Wednesday evening, as the street cleaners and volunteers swept away the rubble and the broken glass produced by the clashes, was back to its revolutionary carnival self. The atmosphere was calm and convivial—there were placards and signs, tea sellers and a few tents. The trees in the central grassy reservation were garlanded with hundreds of pronouncements and demands: “The judges were corrupt and they are still corrupt!” “Don’t forget the Military Council is part of the old regime!” “Stability + corruption = failed revolution.” “The people need a new Constitution!” “The workers are screaming for their rights!” “Egypt is still being controlled by America!” Elect Ahmed Zewail [the Nobel Prize winning American Egyptian chemist who has returned to Egypt and has become politically active since the revolution] as President!” “The current government is doing nothing!”

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June 29, 2011

Tear Gas Back in Tahrir Square

tear-gas-tahrir.jpg

I was halfway through a conversation about the relative quietude of the past couple of weeks in Cairo. I think I stupidly said something about “the doldrums of the revolution”—half a minute later it popped up on Twitter: gunfire reported around the Interior Ministry.

The Interior Ministry is a few blocks from Tahrir. Last night, we got there a little after 10:30 P.M. As we arrived on the square, a column of riot police, Central Security—with black uniforms (unlike the regular police, who in the summer wear white), who have not been deployed since they disappeared from the streets on January 28th, the Day of Rage—were running at a mass of protestors. Plumes of white tear gas streaked the sky. Sounds of gunfire cracked overhead. I stood with a couple of friends for an hour or so, watching people running to and fro, and stones flying through the air.

“So the rubber bullets are back, the tear gas is back, the fun is back!” said a friend of mine, a young kid who used to work in a call center. The police tried to advance from two streets, but each time they were pushed back. The protestors were all young men, kids, fearless and wily. From time to time the injured—heaving with gas inhalation or shocked from the pain of a rubber bullet to the torso—were carried out. No one, it seemed, had any idea what the fighting was all about.

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June 21, 2011

The Brotherhood’s Candidate?

There is something intriguing about watching the Muslim Brotherhood tie itself into knots as it tries to navigate democracy. Back in the nineties, there was the Wassat, or Center Party, a liberal wing that split off from the main branch; now there’s Al Nahda, the Renaissance, another breakaway party, and the Brotherhood movement itself has been forced to establish a new political party of its own, called the Justice and Freedom Party. Its board includes Christians, in order to comply with legislation that forbids parties formed on a solely religious basis.

In addition, the Brotherhood’s youth wing is openly frustrated with the movement’s stasis and its hierarchical organization, and doesn’t seem to pay attention to its Guidance Council. During the early days of the revolution, before the Brotherhood decided to climb on the bandwagon—their spokesman told me that they hadn’t wanted to jeopardize the demonstrations by getting involved earlier—the younger members defied their leadership by joining the protesters on Tahrir. A couple of weeks ago, a large demonstration was called, ostensibly to protest the Military Council’s efforts to shape the political future of Egypt according to its own agenda. The Muslim Brotherhood said that it would not take part; the youth ignored that directive.

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June 20, 2011

An Editor’s Revolution

Hisham-Kassem.JPG

I went to see Hisham Kassem on Sunday afternoon. Whenever I get confused—which is often, as the Egyptian revolution-post-revolution is an inchoate labyrinth—I go to see Kassem. He worked on Egyptian human rights before anyone had ever heard of blogging, and started the first Egyptian independent newspaper (and had it wrested from his control by the authorities) in the dark, difficult days of Mubarak. He is in his early fifties, with a wide gray mustache, and has navigated Cairo society and politics and the attendant warp and weft of media and human rights for a good couple of decades. He has always dreamed, I think, of running a really great newspaper. Kassem has what many of the new revolutionary generation lack: experience.

Three years ago, when I first met him, he had just moved to a street near the Interior Ministry and complained wryly about all the demonstrations—it was 2008, the year when groups of lawyers and judges rebelled against their political constraints and the year, too, of strikes in textile factories and bread riots—even as Egypt seemed mired in its same old stagnant pond. “I don’t know,” he said then. “I have the feeling that anything could happen.” This January, in the first week of the revolution, he was as dumbfounded as everyone else, and shocked and angered by the violence he had witnessed the police mete out to the protesters. He talked about the bravery of the youth: “This is something I have wanted all my life; I nearly cried.” The emotion moved across his face, as if he still could not believe it all was happening. “Can you imagine? For the past thirty years! Just when you have given up!”

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May 31, 2011

Big Fish on the Nile

Over the weekend I was in Asyut, a sleepy city that stretches, like the rest of Egypt, along the green stripe of the mighty Nile. The population is half Christian, half Muslim; half muddling through, half below the poverty line. Its previous governor, an apparently energetic man, painted the town brick red and cream. Jesus’ family stayed near Asyut for some weeks while on the run from the Romans.

I wanted to get an idea of how the revolution is playing in the provinces. I walked and talked and sat in cafés and in church courtyards. Everyone said that Asyut was peaceful and calm and that there were no problems here between Muslims and Christians; they had lived side by side for centuries. On Monday morning my translator and I went to the big concrete governorate building to find out if we might be able to interview the new governor. A young, garrulous governorate employee named Mahmoud brought us coffee while we waited.

“Before the revolution,” he told us, “the police pressed very hard on the people here.” Arrests, “commissions,” intimidation. “Now, no—but we are not sure of them.” The police, he thought, were pretending to be nice. “They are acting,” the said. “They are afraid of people since the revolution. But they are taking commissions just as before. Last month I had to get a license for my car and it was the same thing as always: twenty pounds here, twenty pounds there…. We support the people in Tahrir; we are looking to them. Here in the provinces, we cannot raise our voices.’

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May 28, 2011

Rage, Carnival, and the Mask of Freedom

poster233.jpg

It was billed as a Second Day of Rage, but the square yesterday was more like a carnival. There seemed to be more street vendors than ever: fresh orange juice, fresh guava juice, Turkish coffee, hibiscus tea, chick peas, tubs of couscous, sausage sandwiches, roasted corn on the cob, roasted sweet potatoes, kebabs, buckets of ice, Coke bottles, cans of soda, balloons, and a hundred different revolution T-shirts.

The Muslim Brotherhood said they would not join the protest. The Muslim Brotherhood Youth said they would. I bumped into Ibrahim Houdaiby, who is simultaneously getting a master’s in political science at the American University in Cairo and another in Islamic jurisprudence at Al Azhar University. His grandfather was a Supreme Leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, but Houdaiby himself, a moderate Islamist, has split with the party and was laughing at the Brotherhood Youth’s defiance. “I think today shows two things,” he told me: “People’s anger and the inability of organizations to contain their own people.” It wasn’t just the Brotherhood; the Free Egyptian Party said they would attend, but their leader, Naguib Sawiris, said he wouldn’t.

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May 25, 2011

Cairo: The Word on the Street

boulaq.JPG

One of my favorite neighborhoods in Cairo is Boulaq. It’s a slum squatting in a grand old French quarter of the city, adjacent to downtown. Step inside, a block from a honking highway roofed with a overpass, and the lanes are pitted and dusty, kids play tag with a loop of packing plastic, vendors shout the price of watermelons, the walls are crumbled grand façades, washing strung across forgotten elegant balustrades. There is a little open crossroads, untravelled by many cars because the road is narrow and uneven, where several cafés spill out onto the street and you can get a good fried-shrimp sandwich in a rough pitta (the subsidized government bread; an individual round costs an amount of money so small there is no currency denomination for it) and a cold bottle of Coca-Cola.

So I sat in the lee of the Farmers Café, named for a man whose name was Farmer, and watched the dust motes swirl in the afternoon haze. Women do not sit in these cafés; they are for men, who come to drink tea and clack dominoes and pass the afternoon. But I am a foreigner and therefore the rules, happily, do not quite apply. I asked them how things were.

“I don’t know. Only God knows,” said a man called Mahmoud, who had a plasterer’s trowel beside him on the rickety table.

“Are things different after the revolution?”

Mahmoud looked up to the sky. “It’s in God’s hands.”

Another man, old enough, he told me, to be a grandfather, balding with a prayer callus on his forehead, said, “It’s freedom now.”

“What difference does it make for you?” I asked.

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