Across the Arab world, centuries of
authoritarian traditions are crumbling. Unfortunately, the
bitter truth is that the West has been almost absent in the
creation of a new Arab order, unlike its deep involvement in
Eastern Europe after communism’s collapse.
There are no simple solutions. Look at the trial in Egypt
that has riveted Arabs from North Africa to the Persian Gulf.
For Bashar Assad in Syria and Muammar Qaddafi in Libya, the
sight of Egypt’s disgraced former President Hosni Mubarak on a
gurney inside a cage in a Cairo courtroom, with his sons in
prison clothes seated behind him, is now embedded deep in their
memory.
To Assad and Qaddafi, Mubarak was the liberal, the friend
of the West. If this is how the West allows its friends to be
treated, what would happen to us, they may wonder. As a result,
the two strongmen will no doubt fight even harder to save
themselves and their families from the fate of the Mubarak clan.
And that is the West’s problem as the slaughter in Syria
escalates and the civil war in Libya drags on.
The rulers of Syria and Libya see no way out. Exile is
unthinkable. Qaddafi and one of his sons have already been
indicted by the International Criminal Court. Assad probably
expects to be indicted, too. And if Mubarak’s fate is what
happens with a trial at home, Qaddafi and Assad feel like so far
they have escaped from death row. Surrender isn’t an option.
In Libya, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization continues
its half-hearted air campaign. That ensures an advantage for the
rebels but doesn’t guarantee victory; it only prevents defeat.
After months of brutality in Syria, the United Nations on Aug. 3
finally condemned the violence that has already led to the
deaths of more than 1,700 civilians.
Little, Late
Each step from the outside world seems too little, too
late. And yet, the protagonists in this historic drama, the
civilians fighting for their lives and their future, still look
to the West for leadership. For them, the sovereign-debt crisis
in Europe, the debt-ceiling debate and unemployment problem in
the U.S., and the rise of China are abstractions. They remember
that just a few years ago George W. Bush, like some ancient
Roman emperor, projected U.S. power halfway around the world to
oust a government in Iraq and foster the perception of American
omnipotence.
Fighting for Reform
To his credit, President Barack Obama pledged that the
events of the Arab awakening are a priority and that the
administration would wield every tool of statecraft to help
those fighting for reform. We recognize that the circumstances
in Egypt, Libya and Syria are all different. And we know that
appetites are low for new initiatives in international affairs.
But we wonder whether the White House fully appreciates what is
at stake. Has every possible non-military action really been
examined?
Some Republicans in Congress have undoubtedly made the
administration’s job more difficult. Perhaps the most successful
step yet taken in the Syria crisis was sending Ambassador Robert
Ford to the city of Hama a few weeks ago. It was a classic case
of creative diplomacy, showing Damascus that the world was
watching and recording its actions. Now, some in the Senate are
saying the U.S. should copy Italy’s decision to withdraw its
ambassador from Syria. That is perverse. Syrian military forces
have just begun a siege of Hama, in which electricity, water and
supplies have been cut off, and entire neighborhoods are being
bombarded.
Ambassador Ford will return to Syria on Aug. 5. If the
Syrian authorities allow him to return, we urge that he continue
his efforts to shine a light on the crackdown in Syria and to
maintain channels of communication with the protesters, the
opposition and even the government. That is the least the U.S.
can do.
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