Nile View

Dispatches by Wendell Steavenson.

October 6, 2011

Egypt: Remembering the 6th of October

Egyptians don’t call it the Yom Kippur War, they call it the 6th of October. On this day in 1973, the Egyptian Army, supported by the Air Force under the leadership of General Hosni Mubarak, pushed across the Suez Canal and dislodged the Israelis who had been occupying the Sinai Pensinsula, on the other side, since 1967. It was the only time in four Arab-Israeli wars that the Egyptians had the better of the Israelis. Tactically, the crossing was bold and ingenious (dissolving giant defensive sand berms with high-pressure water hoses; erecting pontoon bridges; commandos crossing the canal in exposed rubber dinghies), but the offensive surprise afforded by attacking on the eve of a Jewish holiday didn’t last long. After three days, the Israelis counterattacked. They divided the Egyptian Third Army, recrossed the canal, and came within a hundred kilometers of Cairo. Ceasefire and Camp David followed, with Israel ceding Sinai back, and the Egyptians were able to pretend that they had won the war and overturned decades of Arab humiliation.

This victory named a bridge, the 6th of October over the Nile, and a new Cairene suburb, the 6th of October, and provided the foundation for the Army’s valedictory status in Egypt. Last night, I was out walking amid evening promenaders and Coptic Christians protesting yet another church burning and beating by the military police. (One pulled up his sleeve to reveal a raised red welt from a long baton, laid over a tattoo of St. George slaying the dragon.) Across the street, a couple of hundred riot police and military police were massed. By the river, I saw an old man, who seemed to be mad, railing in the dusk. “Nasser took everything!” he said, “and left us this trash!” He pointed at a heap of flotsam garbage, and then to his chest: “I am a hero of October 6th!”

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October 6, 2011

iToys in Egypt

“iSad” was the tweet from the fake Arabic Barack Obama on Twitter. Not suprisingly, Egyptians feel pretty much the same about their Macs and iPods and iPhones and iPads as the rest of the world. Elite Egyptians, that is—an iPhone costs a thousand dollars here, although customers can buy one with a local phone plan and pay in installments. A couple of days ago I came back from the States with an iPod Touch for my translator, Hassan. Hassan is twenty-one and, weirdly in these times and in this place, totally apolitical. He used to work in a call center advising Australians on how to fix their glitchy Samsung headsets. He stroked the sleek, smooth curves of the new machine, plugged it into the charger, and within fifteen minutes had figured out how to turn it into a phone with the Viber app that lets iPhone users call each other free through any Internet connection.

Haythem Hassan, a young business graduate with an accountancy degree and a techno vocab that outpaces his English grammar, works in Cairo’s only dedicated iShop. Of course he was upset at the news that Steve Jobs had died: “It’s a big loss,” he told me, “because he had big ideas.” Haythem said he had found Jobs inspirational, and used Jobs’s advice and soundbites in his own sales pitches: “Windows 7 is seven reasons to switch to Mac!” “The new C.E.O.”—Haythem reached for his name—“Tim Howard”—it’s actually Tim Cook—“doesn’t have the charisma to make the great presentations to introduce new products.”

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October 5, 2011

A Syrian Resolution?

The Europeans who framed a resolution for the United Nations calling for Syria to halt military operations against its protesting people had apparently watered down the wording three times before it was put before the Security Council Tuesday. The word “sanctions” was removed altogether. Still, Russia and China vetoed the resolution, and so it did not pass. The American Ambassador to the U.N., Susan Rice, refused to listen to Syria’s Ambassador lecture her on the U.S.’s historical use of veto for resolutions sanctioning Israel, and walked out of the chamber.

Syria is not Libya; Russia and China helpfully abstained from the resolution that established a no-fly zone there, allowing it to pass and NATO planes to directly support the rebels against Qaddafi. In terms of the U.N. Security Council, Syria finds itself in an unhappy group with Burma and Zimbabwe, where Russian and Chinese vetoes also prevented resolutions sanctioning brutal regimes in the midst of crackdowns.

I was in Damascus in August, reporting on a story for The New Yorker, when the Security Council issued a weak statement condemning the ongoing violence against civilians. (A resolution was considered impossible to pass, as indeed it was.) It was clear then that diplomatic rumblings weren’t going to make much difference on the ground. The regime had decided to fight. It had been diplomatically isolated for years in any case, and it paid no heed at all to Saudi Arabia and Qatar recalling their Ambassadors or the exhortations from former allies such as Turkey, and even Iran, to temper its violence.

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September 18, 2011

Politics in Another Egypt

One evening last week, I drove out of Cairo into the Delta—never a happy proposition; the roads and the traffic are terrible and thirty-five miles can be three hours of crawl, honking, and swerving between tractors, crammed minibuses, trucks overloaded with bricks, wood, stoves, careening motorbikes, and donkey carts. Obstacles like that keep journalists, and many Egyptians, in the capital, and foster the impression that that all of politics happens within a few blocks of Tahrir Square.

I arrived after dark in Menya El Qamh, a Delta town of half-finished red brick buildings, where Abdel-Moneim Aboul el-Fotouh, who is running for President, was due to speak. Fotouh was, until recently, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, and was expelled for violating the Brotherhood’s stated policy against fielding candidates. (I wrote about Fotouh, and the tensions within the revolution, in The New Yorker this summer.) There was trash heaped along the banks of an irrigation canal, and men sat outside, passing the time with a glass of tea.

“Most of the people here are from the farming class,” Mohamed Fathy Hanafi, a young graphic designer, told me. His family foundation, the Al Hanafi Organization for Society and Development, has, over the past few months, invited Presidential candidates to come and speak to the town. “There’s much stronger political awareness since the revolution,” Hanafi said. “People are thinking about the direction of the country, how SCAF”—the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces—”will deliver their promises to hand over to a civilian authority.” He told me the Muslim Brotherhood was strong here: they had provided social services for many years. The old nationalist Wafd Party also had an office, but the new liberal parties had not yet made any effort to create a presence.

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September 10, 2011

Revolution Overspill at the Israeli Embassy

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At midnight last night I stood outside the tall apartment block that houses the Israeli Embassy on several of its upper floors. The dark sky was filled with fluttering sheets of paper that swirled like giant confetti. A strip of yellow light illuminated a dozen or so protesters who had got into part of the embassy and were now throwing documents to the whistling, jeering, and jubilant crowd below. The crowd was mostly young men—some friendly, some tough, a couple belligerent to me: “Why is she taking pictures? She’s a foreigner!” Motorcycles careened through the throng and people snatched up the pieces of paper and read out photocopied visa applications. Then the tear gas started, accompanied by the ricochet crack of what may have been tear-gas canisters or rubber bullets being fired, I don’t know. People began running to-and-fro. Trees in a park across the intersection caught on fire. As I retreated across a bridge, I saw maybe twenty or more armored personnel carriers driving towards the fray.

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September 5, 2011

Mubarak Back On Trial

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Mubarak’s trial resumed today. As during earlier sessions, there was a stone-throwing, insult-hurling scuffle in the parking lot outside Gate 8 of the vast Police Academy compound where the proceedings are being held. The black uniformed state-security police, baking in their riot helmets, cordoned no more than twenty enthusiastic Mubarak supporters in a pen made of crush barriers. Apart from one skinny thug who tried to pull my translator’s hair, they seemed to be middle-class women who had been infected by a particularly virulent strain of conspiratorial thinking.

“I am here because the Americans want to remove my President, like they removed Saddam Hussein and Qadaffi,” one women, who had a laminated picture of Mubarak around her neck, told me. I tried to back away politely. “I just want to tell you one more thing!” she said several times, trying to explain that it was IsraelAmerica (all one word) that had paid the thugs to go to the streets and give the country to the Muslim Brotherhood. I asked her if she had gone to Tahrir during the revolution. She shook her head: of course not.

On the other side were the martyrs’ families. Many held up posters of their relatives who had been killed during the revolution. One, Fowsi Ashur, a mechanic from Tanta, a city in the Delta, told me he had lost his son. “After five girls and when I was already old, God had given me a son,” he said. Mohammed had been shot four times as he was walking home through a protest on January 29th. Ashur thought the trial was an unnecessary complication. “My lawyer is God!” he declared. “The killer is obvious! I don’t know why they are bothering!”

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September 2, 2011

Eid Without Mubarak

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After Ramadan, the month of fasting, when the moon wanes to a thin crescent, comes Eid al-Fitr, the feast. The traditional holiday greeting is “Eid Mubarak,” which means “blessing of the feast.” This year, in Egypt, the joke has been that there’s no Mubarak; instead it’s “Happy Eid.” Thousands gathered on Tuesday in Tahrir Square for the prayer that breaks the fast. They held Egyptian flags and shook the hands of the state security police who have garrisoned the space since kicking out protesters at the beginning of Ramadan.

In an Army propaganda video aired on state television, a small girl approaches a soldier guarding a street with a plate of traditional qahk cookies, beneath the tagline “The Army is the people.” A crowd of a few hundred on Wednesday night were not so convinced. They tried to stage a protest amid the celebration, and forced themselves onto the circular grassy meridian where the July sit-ins took place. The police called in the Army, and scuffles and rock throwing ensued as the protesters chanted, “Go back and guard the borders!” On Thursday, I saw more than a dozen state security police vans lined up in the roads adjacent to Tahrir. Nearby were two big Toyota S.U.V.s, one with curtains obscuring the back seat, of the type used to bundle people away. The black uniformed state security police ringing the meridian, now a sort of totem of territory, had brought in metal guard posts, with a narrow roof for shade and a bench. They looked like mini bus stops.

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August 29, 2011

Cairo’s Long, Hot Ramadan

It is August and hot, in last days of Ramadan, and Cairo sighs and sleeps through the afternoons. The city is enjoying a hiatus from protests. At the end of July, the big Tahrir Square sit-in was drawn down voluntarily by activists groups; military police and central security then forcibly cleared out the remaining protestors, tearing down tents amid running rock battles, and arresting dozens. A protest outside the Israeli Embassy—which began after two Egyptian soldiers were killed ten days ago during a confused attack by Palestinian militants wearing Egyptian army uniforms, just over the Sinai border—is winding down, too.

As activism seems to fade, politics is taking its place. Parliamentary elections are expected—although the date hasn’t yet been announced—sometime in the fall. Blocs and coalitions and alliances are forming. A few friends active in the leftish-liberal Egyptian Social Democratic Party came over last week for a drink, and debated whether to join forces with the Free Egyptians, run by Naguib Sawiris, a billionaire Christian businessman (he is seen as a political liability; avowedly secular in a conservative country and prone to gaffes), or with the Adl, or Justice Party, which strives to be a bridge between liberal and religiously conservative constituencies. “One of the Adl guys told me they’re gambling,” a friend told me. He is a member the Foreign Affairs committee of the E.S.D.P., and a gynecologist. “Either they will pick up the majority in the middle or they will fall between two stools.”

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August 24, 2011

“Next Ramadan in Tripoli”

On Monday, after the Egyptian government recognized the rebel Transitional National Council as the legitimate government of Libya, a group of exiles in Cairo persuaded some Army officers to let them into their country’s embassy, a staid villa on the leafy island of Zamalek. Salah Din Soufraki, who is known as Dino, had been going to demonstrations in front of the embassy for months. “It’s a very tired old building,” he said. “It was full of lots and lots of pictures of Qaddafi, and everything was green.” The ambassador had been a Qaddafi loyalist until the end, he said. “We called him a couple of times, but he refused to leave. He told us to go and mind our own business.” There’s no new ambassador yet, though, and so he and others decided not to have a handing-over ceremony. Who would they hand it over to?

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July 27, 2011

Revolution in Cairo: A Graffiti Story

  • 110801_graffiti-01_p340.jpgBefore the revolution, political expression in Egypt was stifled…
  • 110801_graffiti-02_p323.jpg…but the anger broke through after the example of the Tunisian revolution of January.
  • 110801_graffiti-03_p323.jpgThe fist symbol of the April 6th opposition movement, founded in the wake of the violent crackdown on striking textile workers in 2008.
  • 110801_graffiti-04_p323.jpgRage of the oppressed, painted on a wall near the Fine Arts faculty of Cairo University
  • 110801_graffiti-05_p323.jpgNotice the S.M.S. message in his hand—the tools of social networking, especially Facebook and Twitter, were useful for massing people and outwitting the police during the revolution.
  • 110801_graffiti-08_p323.jpgThe police were defeated on the Day of Rage, January 28th, when protesters fought tear gas and rubber bullets to take Tahrir Square.
  • 110801_graffiti-29_p323.jpgNearly a thousand people are estimated to have died during the eighteen days of demonstrations that brought down Mubarak, and many stencils commemorate the martyrs. This portrait, by Ganzeer, is of Islam Rafat, who was run over by a car during protests on January 28th. At one point authorities painted over the image; an outcry went up on Twitter and Ganzeer repainted it. Ganzeer is hoping eventually to make portraits all of the martyrs.
  • 110801_graffiti-21_p323.jpgThe White House equivocation during the first days of protests in January, and its long-term support of Mubarak, caused a lot of dismay on the street. This image comes from a larger picture, in which a pipe connects Obama’s head to a shower that drips blood.
  • 110801_graffiti-26_p323.jpgNotice that the king has been toppled in this game of chess.
  • 110801_graffiti-11_p323.jpgThere are plenty of fists of defiance; this one is inscribed with a crescent and cross, the symbol of religious unity that was one of the features of Tahrir Square, when Coptic priests and Muslim Imams held hands and demonstrated together.
  • 110801_graffiti-15_p323.jpgFist and victory sign painted on a school wall.
  • 110801_graffiti-16_p323.jpgThe stylized hand, used most often as a symbol to ward off the evil eye, flips the bird. Underneath is written: Take that!
  • 110801_graffiti-13_p323.jpgAll over Cairo and Egypt, ordinary people have painted stripes of the Egyptian flag across walls, fences, and tree trunks in revolutionary and patriotic celebration.
  • 110801_graffiti-19_p323.jpgMubarak shows up in a number of guises on Cairene walls. Here he is eyeless, behind bars.
  • 110801_graffiti-20b_p323.jpgHere Mubarak is shown in a noose.
  • 110801_graffiti-28_p323.jpgThis is an image from a famous classic movie. The man is a drug dealer and he’s rolling a joint. His celebrated quote is written underneath: “I am the people!”
  • 110801_graffiti-30_p323.jpgRecently the street-art stencils have moved toward satire and subversion in the manner of Banksy.
  • 110801_graffiti-32_p323.jpgHere the Statue of Liberty wears a full veil. Underneath is written, “You’re not free!”—a quote taken from a Salafi song, advising women that they must remain submissive.
  • 110801_graffiti-33_p323.jpgChe Guevara is depicted with a prayer cap and long beard.
  • 110801_graffiti-34_p323.jpgAnd Snow White becomes a gun-toting revolutionary.
  • 110801_graffiti-35_p323.jpgThe recent retaking of Tahrir Square by protesters has prompted a new rash of graffiti. More and more, they explicitly denounce the rule of SCAF, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. Here, its leader, Field Marshal Tantawi, has been put behind bars.
  • 110801_graffiti-37_p323.jpgTantawi’s underpants?
  • 110801_graffiti-39_p323.jpgThe red beret of the military police sits atop a pair of handcuffs. It is estimated that ten thousand civilians have been put through military tribunals over the past six months.
  • 110801_graffiti-42_p323.jpgIn recent clashes between police and youth on the square, a few Molotov cocktails were thrown amid a hail of stones. I watched one kid drop his and set fire to the hem of his trousers.
  • 110801_graffiti-45b_p323.jpgAs activists have now settled into Tahrir for a long-term sit-in, they decry the “couch party” of people who prefer to sit at home and complain about the ongoing disruption.

Amid the cacophony of protest and debate since the revolution—which I wrote about for the magazine this week—there has been one method of expression that has regularly stopped me in the middle of Cairo traffic so that I can get out my iPhone camera: graffiti. (See the slide show above.) It’s suddenly all over Cairo, on schools, on telephone exchange boxes, on empty walls and corrugated fencing around building sites. Daubs of slogans, finely rendered panoramas of Tahrir Square, and, increasingly, the kind of biting satire and subversion that Banksy made famous.

One afternoon I went to see Ganzeer, one of the better known street artists. (There’s also Keiser, whose images include a lightbulb going off and a parade of ants, and Sad Panda, who, as the name suggests, paints dejected panda bears all over the place.) Ganzeer means “bicycle chain,” but his images go well beyond that. I found him at home, underneath a bushy Egyptian fro and wearing a pair of paint-spattered Adidas sneakers. He lives in a clean, white-washed apartment, and we sat on a sofa opposite his a work bench holding the tools of his trade: a stencil of Mubarak, a MacBook, and a pencil sharpener. Ganzeer is a graphic designer by day. “I don’t consider myself a street artist; it’s just that certain things say they should be on the street,” he told me.

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