When it comes to the economic rights of Egyptians, the first priority of a state of co-citizenship is to genuinely champion an Egypt for all Egyptians. This primarily means guarding national economic security by multiplying the potential and competitiveness of the national economy, as well as protecting the country’s economic sovereignty.

We should remember that despite the accomplishments and attempts in development and industry over the past two centuries, the mission of building a state of co-citizenship is still at hand in order to liberate the Egyptian economy from the shackles of backwardness. I mean building the needed economic capabilities to produce high-tech products and services and their high added value, and the competitiveness that guarantees a larger share of the world’s wealth through trade and investment.

In order to strengthen national economic security, there is no alternative to multiplying the capabilities and competitiveness of the national economy and protecting national economic sovereignty, essentially through guaranteeing the requisites of guarding its existence, borders, independence, sovereignty, unity, stability, interests, values and institutions to ensure that Egypt remains for Egyptians.

This would also mean enhancing the country’s resources in terms of national economic power and limiting foreign economic threats. It is critical to continue raising the standard of industry, speeding up development, modernising agriculture, safeguarding energy and multiplying production.

Accordingly, the “state of co-citizenship” should confront the challenges of a world economic environment thick with more restrictions than opportunities for countries that are late starters, such as Egypt.

In order to situate the slogan “co-citizenship is the solution” as part of a comprehensive vision, roadmap and work plan to confront the challenges facing national economic security, and in order to bring into focus economic and non-economic rights for co-citizenship, I will summarise the challenges ahead and possible solutions.

First, multiplying Egypt’s economic power and competitiveness in the world arena requires it to face the challenge of catching up with the economy of information and economic globalisation.

Without this, it would be impossible to address the dangers of Egypt's marginalised economy, like any other economy that had fallen behind in the age of industry in the past and the age of information later. Neither would it be possible to handle the challenge of economic globalisation, which is increasingly threatening because of the bias of globalisation regulations, the management of its institutions and profits in light of the imbalance of global economic and overall power, while influential economic powers dictate the agenda.

Egypt needs to be capable of responding to the challenge of rising disputes with regional and trans-regional economic blocs of advanced or rising industrial economies, while the Egyptian economy is weak and faces restrictions from these partnerships.

Second, multiplying Egypt’s share of the world’s wealth requires it to adopt principles that are compatible with a globalised economy. Without this, we will not be able to overcome the new challenges contained in the agreements of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which, for the first time, include specific clauses regarding copyright protection that multiply restrictions on, and the cost of, technology transfers and the spread of know-how. It has also restricted advancement through traditional means of reverse technology and the liberation of trade of agricultural products, and triggered the food crisis, and did not block the savage war of pricing food.

Neither did it confront the inhumane expansion in cultivating biological fuel sources at the expense of growing food, liberating trade in services, including financial services, which weakened the necessary monitoring of capital flow. It also removed textile quotas resulting in unfair competition, and curtailed protection for national products and support for nascent industry and national investments.

Third, in order to increase Egypt’s chances at globalisation we must focus on bringing home expatriate technicians and scientists, or their investments, instead of sending them away. This would require training the unskilled workforce and eliminating the reasons for the country’s brain drain. Industrialised states have double standards that restrict the entry of average workers, but give incentives for the immigration of brilliant minds.

Egypt must realise that exporting goods with a competitive advantage in terms of price and quality is the only way to leap over the new protectionist barriers placed by industrialised countries.

It is also the only way to deal with the repercussions of the world economic crisis.

Egypt must at the same time eliminate the reasons for the strict positions of industrialised states regarding work conditions, child labour, protecting the environment, standards of quality and human rights, etc.

Fourth, building an open market economy in Egypt requires enhancing opportunities, benefits and potential while curtailing restrictions, losses and the dangers of a know-how economy and globalisation.

By this, I mean placing regulations that protect the national economy from the dangers of flaws in regulating the liberty of the financial sector and the heavy flow of capital to and from overseas. It also means that strategic decisions are taken solely by the national regime when choosing the national economic and social system.

At the same time, the exposure of the national economy to foreign economic disruptions, pressures, crises and threats should be limited by strengthening technology security, water and food security, energy and environment protection, information security and human security.

Fifth, building the foundations of equality and justice in the world economic order through industry and fast-paced development requires the transfer of technology and know-how and attracting direct foreign investment. But the nation should maintain control over its resources, natural wealth and key infrastructure such as energy, transportation and communication. While Egypt needs to engage on the global arena and world trade, local capital should have access to the national market and the nation should hold sole power to decide the direction of the national economy and continue to control major industries, institutions and technologies.

Sixth, in light of the difficulties and demands after the January 25 Revolution, Egypt does not have the luxury to turn down conditional Arab or foreign aid that could undermine its national economic sovereignty.

Egypt must accept funding from Arab development funds, the World Bank and the IMF because of pressing needs and use these funds not only to overcome the temporary liquidity crisis but also to improve its production capabilities.

At the same time, it must avoid falling into the trap of foreign debt once again while keeping dependency on aid to a minimum to avoid submitting to the conditions of donors and their diktats regarding the economic and social system, and the direction and rate of production and development.

Finally, I believe that in light of the above, the strategy of Egypt’s national economic security in a state of co-citizenship faces three main challenges. First, boosting our economic and competitive capabilities in the global arena by empowering the economy, specifically by outlining and implementing a strategy for industry and development. Also, making progress in industrial technology in this era of information and global economy, and speeding up comprehensive economic development by utilising the versatility of the Egyptian economy.

Second, limiting the overexposure of the national economy by closing the gap in funding, human resources, know-how and technology resources, as well as food, water and energy resources, while boosting the rewards of military and security spending.

Third, building an economic and social order that gains legitimacy by accomplishing economic efficiency, promoting social justice and guaranteeing human security of Egyptians by improving their standards of living and quality of life, as well as protecting all economic, social and human rights.