October 07, 2014
Lebanon
has so far avoided an economic and security collapse since the start of the
Syrian crisis, but major threats remain. The war in Syria has divided the
country politically and Lebanon has been without a president, as its sectarian
factions have been unable to agree on a new one for over four months. The
influx of over 1.1 million registered Syrian refugees has placed tremendous
strains on the already struggling economy. Most worryingly, the government has
not devised a clear strategy to deal with the refugee pressures. Worsening the
threat, the Islamic State, which now controls large swaths of territory in
Syria and Iraq, briefly seized the Lebanese border town of Arsal last month.
Many worry the extremist group will make further inroads within a Sunni
community feeling increasingly alienated from the country’s political process.
Four
experts on Lebanon take an in-depth look at these challenges and their impact
on the country’s stability.
Dysfunctional
Politics
Ayman Mhanna, director of the
Samir Kassir Foundation and executive committee member of the Democratic
Renewal Movement.
Rival
Lebanese political parties may have finally reached consensus on two issues
that have drawn much attention over the last three years: the public sector’s
salary scale increase and the management of the Syrian refugee crisis. However,
the processes and circumstances that have led to the consensus embody all that
is wrong about governance in Lebanon today.
On
September 6, 2012, the Lebanese Council of Ministers, led by then-Prime
Minister Najib Mikati, approved a bill
to increase the wages of public sector employees. Given the absence of an
agreement on how to fund the bill—which originally would have cost an estimated $1.9
billion—discussions stalled in parliament. Civil servants and teachers’ unions
organized large scale demonstrations and boycotts in response. Graduating
students were in turn at risk of being unable to enroll in university the next
academic term until the Minister of Education devised a stopgap measure and
issued attendance certificates.
But
suddenly, political parties that had long clashed over the issue announced in
mid-September 2014 an agreement to approve a revised bill.
The measure, however, was not in response to citizens’ social concerns; it was
the price to pay to secure a new extension of parliament’s term. Speaker Nabih
Berri had tied the extension to the resumption of legislative activity;
therefore, the Sunni Future Movement-led March 14 coalition, which sought to
postpone the parliamentary elections, had to abandon its declared opposition to
legislating under presidential vacuum.
Likewise,
political gridlock characterized the government’s response to the Syrian refugee
crisis. It took Lebanon two years to begin discussing a coordinated
response, spurred by the recent clashes between the army and Islamist militants
in Arsal, followed by the kidnapping of 30 Lebanese soldiers and the subsequent
execution of three of them. The first proposal to emerge was to relocate more
than 100,000 refugees in Arsal to another area. While commendable in theory,
the plan
lacks practical implementation mechanisms and any mismanagement might deepen
the problems between the Lebanese army and the refugees, with all the dangerous
security implications that would ensue.
The
salary scale debate and the handling of the fallout from the Syrian war are two
key examples of the Lebanese government’s failure to plan ahead. Major
policies, affecting the lives of Lebanese and Syrians for decades to come, are
decided hastily, either to achieve short-sighted political gains or in response
to dramatic developments. While the Lebanese political class has so far managed
to avoid a complete collapse of the security and economic situation in Lebanon,
its way of doing politics is not sustainable. Lebanon’s leaders ignore its
fundamental problems in the hope that negotiations among its regional sponsors
would reduce political tensions and magically solve all pending issues. Such an
approach might bring about the election of a president, but will neither wipe
out the growing budget deficit nor solve the political gridlock and the myriad
challenges caused by the influx of over 1.1 million registered Syrian refugees
into Lebanon.
An
Economy Under Strain
Sami Nader, an economist and
columnist at Al-Monitor’s Lebanon Pulse.
The
Lebanese economy is facing a major threat. For the third consecutive year,
Lebanon’s public debt is growing well beyond its real economy. For instance,
although public debt increased
by 10.1 percent in 2013, economic growth did not exceed 1.5 percent. This does
not bode well. Drastic action is needed at all levels of government in order to
reverse the trend, rein in the budget deficit, and deploy effective strategies
for growth.
The
root causes of the economic crisis largely stem from the deterioration of
security amid the three-and-a-half year Syrian crisis, the political paralysis
and freezing of public institutions, the lack of inclusive politics, and the
absence of much-needed reforms.
Most
of the engines of growth are sputtering. Tourism, which has accounted for more
than 20 percent of GDP in past years, is in sharp decline—the number of
tourists visiting Lebanon decreased by 6.7 percent
in 2013. In the same period, and for similar reasons, foreign direct investment
(FDI) dropped
by 23 percent, and greenfield FDI dropped by 48 percent, indicative of the
government’s failure to channel investments into productive sectors of the
economy. This has had a negative impact on the real estate sector, which now
suffers from less capital inflow from the Gulf; the number of real estate sales
transactions declined
by 7.2 percent.
Other
sectors with high growth potential are faced with legal barriers or lack of
reform, including electricity and telecommunications, in addition to Lebanon’s
offshore oil and gas fields that are still awaiting exploration. Meanwhile, the
government does not seem impressed or bothered by the absence of growth and its
crippling public finances. It keeps spending at an alarming rate: government
expenditures for 2013 rose
by 2.4 percent while the budget deficit widened
by 3.9 percent.
The
Syrian refugee crisis came at the wrong moment for Lebanon. Neither its economy
nor its weak infrastructure could withstand such a burden. More than 1.1
million registered Syrian refugees—between one-quarter to one-third of
Lebanon’s population—have settled here. Not only does it impose huge costs on
the Lebanese economy, but it also endangers the country’s delicate social
fabric. To put things in perspective, in a visit to Lebanon early this year the
president of the World Bank likened the refugee influx to the entirety of the
Mexican population resettling into the United States during a three year
period.
In the
World Bank’s report presented to the United Nations in September 2013, the cost
of the Syrian crisis on the Lebanese economy was estimated
at $7.5 billion over three years. It is very likely that the cost to Lebanon
will rise several billion dollars more for the 2014 fiscal year.
All of
this paints a dire outlook for the Lebanese economy. The only way for Lebanon
to cope with the economic fallout is to enact better security measures, make
politics inclusive, and implement targeted reforms. All of these seem beyond
the reach of Lebanon’s political establishment, which must shy away from the
broader regional upheaval and focus on limiting the spread of sectarianism at
home.
No
Policy for Refugees
Kareem Shaheen, reporter at the
Beirut-based The Daily Star.
Lebanon
and its people have become the victims of three years of government inaction
and a lack of strategy to address the influx of Syrian refugees. The result has
been a refugee crisis that has stretched the country's infrastructure past the
breaking point, brought refugees in competition with poorer Lebanese for jobs,
and caused myriad security headaches.
Lebanon
has over 1.1 million registered Syrian refugees, roughly half of whom are under
the age of eighteen. Four out of five refugee children are out of school as the
academic year begins. The refugee influx is such that Lebanon has surpassed its projected
population for 2050, according to António Guterres, the UN High Commissioner
for Refugees.
Syrian
refugees have had to bear the blame for recent events, including the brief
takeover of the northeastern Sunni town of Arsal, near the border with Syria,
by militants pledging loyalty to Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State. It is
believed that some of the militants were residing in the scattered refugee
settlements around the town. The settlements were partially burned in the
Lebanese army’s ensuing siege. Since then, following the kidnappings and
beheadings of soldiers held captive by the jihadis who attacked Arsal, other
settlements have been periodically attacked and raided.
Locals
in some Christian-majority towns have stepped in to fill the security void left
by the government. Many towns have instituted strict curfews on refugees,
barring them from leaving their homes at night. Municipalities in Batroun,
for example, have called on residents to volunteer with the municipal police,
set up observation posts, and take part in patrols targeting the Syrian refugee
community there, with some Syrians complaining of abuses and discriminatory
treatment.
The
government has only recently begun stepping in. A proposal to build refugee
camps between Arsal and the Syrian border is gaining momentum, and has emerged
as a key demand in the aftermath of the ISIS-Nusra takeover. Even residents who
have long supported the Syrian opposition back the proposal, but it has not yet
been endorsed by the cabinet.
Building
refugee camps was always going to be political dynamite for any Lebanese
government, as they are wary of comparisons to the established Palestinian
presence in the country and its role in the nation’s 1975-1990 civil war. But
supporters of the proposal say it is necessary to bolster security and track
Syrian refugees, many of whom are unaccounted for and carry incomplete
identification papers.
Amid
the influx, both refugees and locals have suffered from years of government
inaction. The vast expansion in Lebanon's population has stressed its
electricity grid, which has faced more extensive blackouts, and its education
system, which no longer has the capacity to absorb Syrian children. Already, 85 percent
of Syrian refugees live among the poorest two-thirds of Lebanese—Palestinians
fleeing the violence in Syria have, for instance, taken refuge in the
Palestinian refugee camps here, overcrowding already dense and impoverished
neighborhoods. Harsh conditions are meanwhile prompting the twice-displaced
Palestinians from Syria to flee on dangerous migrant boats to European
countries along the Mediterranean coast. Some have died en route.
Belatedly,
the Lebanese government has taken stopgap measures, including stricter controls
on the border and stripping refugee status from Syrians who go back home for
visits. But none of these measures will be enough to resolve simmering tensions
or the security and economic fallout from the unprecedented refugee crisis. It
is unclear if even a proposal as fundamental as establishing refugee camps will
solve the crisis this late in the game.
The
Aftermath of Arsal
Maha Yahya, senior associate at
the Carnegie Middle East Center.
Public
fears raised by events in Arsal have generated an anti-Syrian social climate
that does nothing to resolve Lebanon’s security issues. The beheading of three
Lebanese soldiers by ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra in the last few weeks has sent
shockwaves across the country. Coming in the aftermath of an intense conflict
between the Lebanese army and militant Islamists in the border town of Arsal,
it raised concerns that the Lebanese army was becoming ever more embroiled in
the Syrian conflict. Public reaction is alternating between patriotic support
for the army, quieter support for Hezbollah, and xenophobic reactions against
Syrian refugees.
In
response to the conflict in Arsal and all that followed, Syrian refugees across
Lebanese territories have been subjected to blatant and unjustifiable attacks
that have increased in tempo and scale amid official indifference. Most
critically, this climate has extended across Lebanese territories to areas where
Syrians were once welcome. For example, a recent message
to Syrian refugees in the city of Baalbek warned them with kidnapping and
battery if they did not leave. A number of Lebanese political leaders,
including Walid Jumblatt of the Progressive Socialist Party and Hassan
Nasrallah of Hezbollah, have condemned these attacks, but they are drowned out
by a more dominant depiction of Syrian refugees as a security threat and
unbearable burden to the country. Some have gone as far as to claim
that “every gathering by Syrians is a sleeper cell.”
Attacks
on Syrians have not been limited to random individuals or groups. In the last
week, images have been circulating on social media in which army officers stand
over scores of captured male Syrian refugees lying face-down on a sandy road,
some adjacent to the burning tents that once housed them. Local reactions to
these images have alternated between complete support for the army and
condemnation for what looks to be random incarceration and mistreatment of
refugees simply for being Syrian. Support for the army was most exemplified in
a Facebook post by popular singer Tania Saleh, who told them,
“My hand is in your boot.” This unleashed a storm of satirical criticism at her
expense. There has also been criticism of the army’s actions against the
refugees from scores of journalists
and activists, who admonished the army for acting more like a militia than a
state institution. For this, these activists were also attacked on social media
for their “unpatriotic” sentiments at a moment of national crisis.
The
actions of ISIS have raised existential fears for many Lebanese, particularly
Christian communities who worry about their safety should the group establish a
permanent foothold in the country. Some towns, including Batroun,
have taken measures into their own hands by arranging for their own
self-defense.
But
this uptick in xenophobia in the name of fighting terrorism is placing
thousands of Syrian refugees at risk and may push alienated youth towards
radicalism. Already, an increase in radicalization among some youth in Lebanon
is becoming apparent, with reports of pro-ISIS graffiti and ISIS flags flown in
different parts of the country. Unless Lebanon dials back the dominant
narrative that casts all Syrian refugees as potential enemies to the country,
they may push some refugees into the arms of extremist groups. And given the
stalled political climate, it is on the Lebanese to combat these stereotypes
from the bottom up—so Lebanon can focus on eliminating the real threats to its
security.
This article is reprinted with permission from Sada. It can be accessed online at:
http://carnegieendowment.org/2014/10/03/how-is-lebanon-faring/hqzg