August 13, 2014
As the
Islamic State consolidates its presence in Iraq the question of an independent
Kurdish state has again become the subject of heated debate. Despite a rapidly changing situation, with U.S.
airstrikes supporting peshmerga attempts to push the Islamic State back,
realities regarding the prospects of Kurdish independence remain largely
unchanged. Potential challenges include security hurdles, disagreement among
Kurdish stakeholders, and the lack of broad international support.
As
aspirations among the Kurdish population for an independent, secure, and
economically flourishing state within Iraq mount, rifts within Kurdish parties
stand in the way of even an agreement on whether independence is viable. Rival
Kurdish groups, each fearful of losing the status quo, have proven extremely
divided on the question of statehood. The quest for independence is more likely
to incite these rivalries than soothe them. Massoud Barzani, the president of
the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), has been pushing for independence,
while his main rival party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), remains unconvinced. Despite its support for independence, the
Gorran (Change) movement is concerned about the potential dominance of the
Barzani family and the absence of democratic and accountable institutions on
which a viable state could be built.
The
Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a Kurdish group operating in Turkey and
currently listed as a terror organization, has been wary of the KDP’s push for
independence. Instead of a central independent Kurdistan, the PKK favors the
idea of democratic autonomy—empowering local communities with more
decision-making powers. This explains the PKK’s strained relationship with the Kurdistan
Regional Government (KRG) and their competition over representing and shaping
the Kurds’ interests. The PKK has been framing its objections as driven by concern that statehood would make an
independent Kurdistan a proxy state of Israel, the United States, and Turkey in
the fight against the Islamic State.
Outside
Iraq, the potential implications of an independent Kurdish state are crucial,
particularly in Turkey, where up to one-quarter of the population is Kurdish.
Although Turkey does not officially support an independent Kurdish state—the
Turkish government fears independence could set a precedent for its large
Kurdish minority—it has not made any statement against it either. Kurds have
found an unlikely ally in Erdogan’s Turkey, but the advent of an independent
Kurdish state could increase the rising anti-Kurdish nationalism. Recently,
during a local elections campaign in March, some members of the pro-Kurdish
Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) were attacked by crowds chanting, “Go back to your
hometowns.” Unless Turkey ensures interethnic harmony with deeper democratic
institutions and reaches an agreement with the PKK, an independent Kurdistan
could threaten Turkey’s internal cohesion.
Beyond
Turkey, the issue of international support for an independent Kurdish state is
far from settled. The United States favors a united Iraq and is unlikely to
accept a unilateral declaration of independence, especially since the recent
dispute over whether a crude-oil tanker from Iraqi Kurdistan could unload their
cargo in Texas, leaving the tanker sitting off the coast for several days.
Besides, if the central government is not willing to let Kurdistan go, many
members of the Arab League will similarly be unlikely to recognize an independent Kurdistan. Iran, with
its large Kurdish population and close relations with the PUK, is also hesitant
to stand behind an independent Kurdistan, for two main reasons. The first is
Tehran’s close relations with the central government in Baghdad, and second is
their fear of Israel’s potentially close relations with Kurdistan. Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his nation’s support for an
independent Kurdish state, claiming it would enhance the alliance of moderate
powers in the region, and Iran worries that Israel would have immense influence
on the domestic affairs of this new neighboring state.
As the
euphoria of the Arab Spring fades amid the rise of ethnic and sectarian
violence across the Arab world, the degree of support for an independent
Kurdistan, especially by the European Union, will likely depend on its
commitment to democracy. This stance toward democracy is far from clear,
particularly with regard to respecting the
rights of minorities in Kurdistan. Although the KRG has been more tolerant and
successful in managing multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities than the
central Baghdad government, democratic consolidation will be essential for
establishing sustainable societal peace in the region. Overall, without the
consent of a significant amount of other states, a self-declared Kurdish state
is unlikely to bring prosperity and peace either to the Kurds or to other
ethnic and religious communities in the region.
Finally,
despite the presence of well-organized and well-trained peshmerga forces,
serious security challenges in a highly volatile region will continue to exist
even after the potential establishment of the Kurdish state. The recent takeover of the strategic Mosul Dam by the
Islamic State’s forces and the seizure of the Kurdish town of Sinjar
highlight the size of the challenge ahead in securing the border of an
independent state. While the external threat posed by the Islamic State will
remain, the recent inflow of around 300,000 Sunni refugees as well as around
200,000 Syrian Kurdish refugees into Iraqi Kurdistan is likely to increase
internal security costs, especially if the new state does not
have broad international support. An independent Kurdistan may one day become
real, but internal, regional, and international dimensions of statehood need to
be considered more thoroughly.
This article is reprinted with permission from Sada. It can be accessed online at: http://carnegieendowment.org/sada/2014/08/12/debating-kurdish-state/hkm5
Serhun Al is an instructor and a PhD candidate in the Department
of Political Science at the University of Utah.