January 22, 2015
The
government of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi
hopes to implement a double-faced policy: try to appease the international
community and outside supporters, arguing that the country is on track for
democracy and justifying restrictive measures under an anti-terrorism banner,
while at the same time showing zero tolerance for dissent or criticism.
The
approach is doomed to fail. President El-Sisi can continue to talk big at the
United Nations’ General Assembly about his “new Egypt” that will
“guarantee freedom of speech,” and can make small gestures by releasing a political prisoner here and there. But the only way for Egypt to do right with the world
is to release all journalists from behind bars
and reform the oppressive laws that put them there.
El-Sisi’s real challenge, in the near future, will be addressing
the country’s failing economy. He has depended on the generous cash flow from
Egypt’s Gulf allies who pledged $12 billion dollars in aid. But those countries
are notorious for failing to deliver on their pledges (including those made for
rebuilding Gaza and for aiding Syrian refugees). Also, their money, if it comes, won’t be sustainable and
won’t inspire the confidence of global financial institutions and investors.
The contradiction
in policy is obvious and sometimes causes embarrassment. El-Sisi presents
himself as Egypt’s new strong man. He assumed executive and legislative powers and used his initial appeal to pass unpopular reforms, like cutting food and gas subsidies. But when it comes to releasing
journalists from prison, El-Sisi claims suddenly that his hands are tied. For
instance, when the U.S. media pressed the Egyptian president over concerns
about the absence of due process for detainees and the sentencing of
journalists, El-Sisi said that he cannot interfere because he wanted to
respect the independence of the Egyptian judiciary.
Egypt’s
attempted reconciliation with the international community and securing of foreign
support, investment, and aid are not possible as long as Egypt holds at least
12 journalists behind bars. What is happening inside Egypt cannot be concealed from
outside observers. Silencing local non-governmental organizations and the media
won’t stop independent voices and international groups from exposing Egypt’s human
rights crisis.
We at the
Committee to Protect Journalists have documented an unprecedented number of
anti-press abuses since the El-Sisi-backed government ousted former President Mohammed
Morsi in July 2013. Al-Jazeera’s journalists imprisoned in the country have
been a major talking point raised with El-Sisi and every other Egyptian
official to step foot outside the country to attend global events or meet with counterparts.
Most
importantly, as Egypt prepares for parliamentary elections and to host an
international economic conference in March, international scrutiny of its
affairs is going to shape its chances for international aid and investment. Muzzling
the news media and threatening critical voices diminish any chance of credible
election results since open debate is a requisite for any free and fair
election.
Without
credible elections, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry might use a waiver to temporarily
allow the flow of aid to Egypt this year because of pressing security concerns,
such as containing the militant group the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and to
accommodate Egypt’s allies. But he cannot credibly certify to Congress that
Egypt is moving toward democracy and thus is worthy of receiving aid in the
future.
Furthermore,
international investors need rule of law and guarantees against government
interference or abuse. The government’s use of politicized charges to hold
thousands in pretrial detention for extended periods and sentence hundreds to
death without due process does not bode well for investors to operate freely.
Take for
example, the bizarre November decision of the Cairo Regional Center for
International Commercial Arbitration (a trade and commerce court) to fine comedian
Bassem Youssef and his company, Q-Soft, 50 million Egyptian pounds ($13 million)
because his show was not “purposeful and constructive” and was “smearing the
country’s political direction.” In doing so, the court went well and beyond its
rule as a commercial arbitrator to become a political critic to the contents of
Youssef’s show on behalf of the government. The Egyptian government’s cultivation
of public mistrust and xenophobia based on “subversive foreign threats” to
justify its crackdown on critics doesn’t encourage any international investors
to take their chances in Egypt, either. Police raids and the shutdown of TV channels
and local NGOs and the forcing out of international NGOs are nothing but red
flags.
Al-Jazeera’s
journalists were arrested, put through a year-long sham trial, indicted without
evidence, and now will be retried, all for what one of the three, Mohamed Fadel
Fahmy, called a “geopolitical game” between Egypt and Qatar that had to do
nothing with their work as journalists. In reality, the three are closer to
being “hostages,” Fahmy wrote.
These are
the challenges that stand between the Egyptian government and its effort to
engage with the world. El-Sisi won’t need to convince the world of his “new
Egypt,” but rather do the necessary work to break from the old one. Showing
tolerance of dissent and allowing media and civil society to operate freely,
would be the first step. Otherwise, he is wasting valuable time and
opportunities for the reforms that Egypt needs most.
Sherif Mansour is the Middle East
and North Africa Program coordinator at the Committee to Protect
Journalists.