September 22, 2014
Egyptian
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi was elected by a sweeping majority, in
recognition of his role in turning the page on the Muslim Brotherhood’s control
of governance. His election reflected the country’s desire to change the
Egyptian social and political identity, the people’s aspiration to restore
stability, security, and safety.
As
presidential candidate, Field Marshall El-Sisi had spoken about the grave
dangers that threaten the country internally as well as from across the region.
He gave multiple indicators of his social convictions, especially the urgent
necessity for paying more attention to simpler Egyptian citizens. Once elected,
he proceeded to start giant economic projects, which convinced him that
economic development is the real guarantee for a country’s independence as well
as the citizens’ freedom and respect for their rights. The president became
engaged with Arab and African countries. He began to communicate his foreign
policy with a visit to Russia, continuing with the plan and program that was
placed at the formation of Hazem El-Biblawi’s cabinet in July 2013.
Through
this interaction, he launched specific and important messages to the Egyptian
public, about the importance of diligent work and continuous production, taking
into account the circumstances of the weaker economic classes, the gravity of
the danger Egypt is exposed to. El-Sisi emphasized the importance of adopting
foreign policies that guarantee multiple options for the country.
Egyptian
citizens look forward to having more clarity in long-term economic policies to
attract major national and foreign investments. Citizens also aspire,
especially the youth which accounts today for more than half of the society, to
be assured by forming a new Egyptian social contract and the clarification of
the president’s vision for a stable system of governance. The two revolutions,
of January 25, 2011, and June 30, 2013, did not aim to destroy the country or
the state’s regime; rather the uprisings were a reflection of the Egyptians’
true desire to enjoy a stable regime in which every honest patriotic citizen
participates.
I
teamed up for about nine months with President El-Sisi when he was deputy prime
minister and minister of defense; I was minister of foreign affairs in both
cabinets of. Hazem El-Biblawi and Ibrahim Mahleb. I was surprised to find a
military man dedicated to communicating with the public and explaining current
events. At the very beginning, I assumed this just a superficial stance, until
he repetitively insisted on the request, even after he was elected as the
president of the country. It was a request with which I was happy.
The
impetus for writing this article is to communicate to the international
community. After a decade of political ineffectiveness, this great country
returned to a position of central international importance, since the January
25 revolution, first as a source of exaggerated optimism and then as a sign of
frustration and pessimism in fear of the outbreak of a civil war resulting from
instability. Before Egypt’s conditions become comparable to unstable
neighboring countries, such as Libya, Syria, Palestine, and Iraq, there
must a central national project that can determine the destiny of the Middle
East as one of two fates. The first fate is that it will collapse irreversibly.
The second is for the region to regain its prestige and to join the march of
civilization and progress in the world after a long delay of falling
behind—this is an improvement we have long awaited.
Indeed,
we are facing huge challenges and immense danger in the Middle East, most
important of which is the national identity of our country while others around
us are in danger. The national identity is the factor that shapes the regional
map and is considered the foundation of the contemporary national system and
relationships. After the collapse of national foundations from East to West and
their failure to respond to the aspirations of our societies, the stability of
the whole Middle East has become on the verge of collapsing. Polarization and
sectarianism are growing far too quickly.
From
the lens of security, the summer of 2014 was politically turbulent. The events
in Libya, Gaza, and Syria are indicators of insecure future of the Arab World
and the Middle East. We will witness effective this September political
initiatives in the region and internationally to deal with events in the area
from different angles. While some countries would like to avoid danger, others
aim to exploit instability. I trust that Egypt is preparing for all of that.
For
all these regions and for the importance of Egypt, the world aspires to be
introduced to President El-Sisi and his philosophy on the governance of Egypt
and ruling Egyptians—all Egyptians. The world appreciates his readiness to use
all his authorized power without hesitation, his military bravery in facing any
danger exposed to Egypt and his readiness to sacrifice. They hope to be assured
of his political prudence with his opponents as well as his supporters. They
also would like to see his acceptance of the other opinions regardless of how
much he dislikes it. They would like to see if he, as a man of peace in Africa
and the Middle East, is capable of making difficult decisions. They are
following with great interest the re-centralization of the international, foreign,
and regional Egyptian policies. The world waits for an Egyptian vision for the
Arab World and Africa.
One of
the best methods to counter what we are facing is early planning to deal with
expected dangers and challenges. And the initiative of offering an Egyptian
vision for the country, the world, and Africa. In addition, the president’s
vision will engage with the international community so that Egypt becomes an
active member in forming the regional and international agenda, before we are
faced with the ambitions of others. The beginning of political work in the Arab
League at the minister’s level, African meetings, and on the international
level through the United Nations all provide opportunities that must be used to
communicate with regional and international society in this regard.
The
starting point and initial messages must be directed toward the public opinion
of the Arab World (as long as we have asserted our Arab identity and our
pioneering role in the Arab World).
As an
Egyptian citizen, I suggest that these Egyptian messages concentrate on the
pressing dangers and future demands and the absolute necessity of collaborative
efforts, especially for safeguarding the Arab identity via launching a
presidential message to all the Arab peoples or by the delivery of a
presidential speech in the opening meeting for the Arab ministers in September,
the first such meeting since President El-Sisi assumed office. An unofficial
Arab summit should be held for consultation for some Arab leaders. The
president also started an Arab tour to assert the Egyptian message repeatedly
due to the special circumstances. This exceptional situation requires new
methods for conveying our message regionally and internationally.
In
addition, the international community is looking forward to the attendance of
President El-Sisi at the annual meeting of the United Nations General Assembly
in New York. I remember attending the speeches of both the Russian President
Gorbachev and the leader of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, when each delivered a
historic speech that described his vision clearly and confidently. They
answered also bravely, candidly, and positively, all questions that the
international community posed. They also addressed all suspicions that were
circulating about the abilities of their countries (under the dire
circumstances they were facing) to integrate into an international system if
compared to communists or others who had just emerged out of the horrors of an
apartheid regime. I remember the image of both of them in front of the audience
of the General Assembly, proud of the journey and their accomplishments, each
holding his chin up in dignity and patriotism as commander and with the
prudence of a leader.
I
invite President El-Sisi to deliver a similar historic speech in front of the
General Assembly appropriate for the magnitude of the challenges and the
occasion—and Egyptian prestige. In this speech he should explain the Egyptian
circumstances and difficulties with confidence and determination. He should not
stop there, but should go further, explaining candidly and clearly the guiding
principles of his political philosophy for the establishment of a governing
system in Egypt as an embracing country for its patriotic people. These are the
most important questions that circulate in the minds of the international
community.
We
also have before us an opportunity to inform the international community of the
president’s vision for the necessary principles for organizing the African and
Arab world including their aspirations and goals. This should attract the
interest of the international community and guarantee its understanding and
cooperation for building a better future, on a sound foundation. After
reviewing the dangers of the factional polarization and the denominational
extremism threatening our Arab World and poverty and imprudent governance
throughout Africa, it is beneficial that we have ideas about the way to
succeed. We must adhere to the national identity of the Arab countries and
respect the character of minorities, their cultures, and ethnic roots. The
president might consider the following:
1) Inviting all of the presidents of stable Arab countries to hold national
dialogues for their peoples.
2) The countries would then present the results of those dialogues to the Arab
League to identify these groups, record them, and coordinate them.
3) The Arab League should issue a document or an announcement about the Arab
citizenship to assert its respect for the national state and the unity and
sovereignty of its territories, including compatible principles for the
protection of cultural and social persona for the minorities within the context
of the national state.
4) Inviting the Arab World to review this document every ten years (so that
progress doesn’t stop).
Discussions
about the Middle East cannot take place without thinking about the Arab-Israeli
conflict, especially with the events of Gaza and the collapse of U.S. Secretary
of State John Kerry’s efforts. It is a new opportunity to reclaim the position
at the forefront of the Egyptian initiative in leading the efforts for a
comprehensive solution to the dispute, completing the efforts that have been
exerted to reach a ceasefire in Gaza via offering different ideas and a
specific program to change the method of dealing with this case. How can we see
dead people in the thousands and countless victims without punishment and
accountability? And how can we lean on the fairness of the law while the law is
implemented according to double standards in the area? How can we discuss the
peace process and peaceful solutions while witnessing excessive use of force
and illogical and irresponsible debates and theatrical negotiations that lack
seriousness and credibility? We must candidly tell the world that Arab life is
precious and that national rights are legitimate and must be accomplished. The
time is now for accountability, decisiveness, and insistence that the
international community make difficult and brave decisions.
The
goal must be to build on the feeble hope to solve the dispute peacefully and
comprehensively, in a way that guarantees that the Arab World regains its
territories. The establishment of a Palestinian state will be in exchange for
guarantees for Israeli security. This can be done through the continuation of
efforts toward a ceasefire by working with the Palestinian Authority on an
international level, while demanding that the United Nations provide protection
for the occupied Palestinian people. The international community should place a
limited timetable for conducting direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations in the
next two months at most, efforts under the auspices of the Quartet countries.
They must urgently work toward a comprehensive deal for solving this dispute
completely for the two parties, Palestinian and Israeli, and presenting the
results to the Security Council in February.
Finally
as much as the international community is interested in hearing the president’s
national vision there is also a strong international desire to hear his
international vision and the principles that he sees governs Egyptian foreign
policies in the future. The most important of these principles are:
· Egypt is a modern patriotic state
that does not discriminate against its citizens.
· Egypt is a state that adheres to
international law, without any discrimination or exception
· Egypt is an independent state
that secures its needs by having diverse relationships with different countries
of the world, befriending all of them as much as they show respect for the
country’s rights and best interest.
· Egypt is effective and
interactive within the international system and is concerned with its
development to become fairer, more just , and more inclusive. Most importantly,
the Security Council and economic organizations must guarantee the rights of
developing countries.
· Egypt is a prudent and mature
country that safeguards the national resources of our contemporary world, with
innovative tasks and initiatives regarding energy and climate issues.
· Egypt is a humane state that
respects the rights of minorities, women, and youth.
· Egypt is a sovereign state that
will not hesitate to defend itself to guarantee national security. At the same
time it is a country that believes in collective security and the danger of the
spreading of weapons of mass destruction internationally and in the Middle
East. Egypt challenges the international community to de-arm from such weapons
before the year 2020.
These
are important messages from Egypt to the Arab World and the international
community. President El-Sisi’s speech is a precious opportunity to regain
Egyptian political leadership.
Nabil
Fahmy is the founding dean of the School of Global Affairs and Public Policy at
the American University in Cairo. From 2013 to 2014, he served as Foreign
Minister.
This
article was originally published in Arabic in Al-Ahram newspaper.