Yazidi stand outside their tents at a Turkish refugee camp for those fleeing the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, Mardin, Dec. 7, 2014. Gail Orenstein/Demotix/Corbis
January 23, 2015
Now more than any time in recent memory, the Arab World as a political
entity is confronted with ominous threats and hair-raising domestic and
regional challenges. The Arab national identity is being tested by the natural
forces of change: demographics, globalization, and interdependence on the one
hand, and extremist ideologies on the other. Arab economies and security are
also over-dependent on foreign powers or stakeholders, which makes the Arab
world prey for conflicting influences and interference. Arab apathy and a
diminished inclination or ability to deal with problems further exacerbates the
challenges. And, a pattern of bad governance and misguided policies
marginalizing or discriminating against ethnic minorities has generated
domestic turbulence and fissures in the social fabric of Arab society.
As the largest nation in the Arab
World and heir to a long and proud history of leadership, Egypt is best suited to address these new challenges and dynamics. What is
needed from Egypt is vision: not only on how to build a better future for this
great country, but for the Arab World in its entirety. She can offer a model of
the social and cultural contributions of good governance and a more equitable
and stakeholder-friendly social contract between state and citizen. To be effective, the vision
should entail a strong regional compact between the Arab nations towards
addressing our common challenges. In this role, Egypt, the oldest nation state
in the region, and the traditional beacon of Arab society, carries the
responsibility of defining the future of the Arab World.
The first message in this effort
should be directed at domestic and Arab public opinion, and would be most effective if
articulated at the Egyptian presidential level. The message should highlight
the risks of present and future challenges, emphasize the inevitability of
cooperative action between the Arab nations, and affirm the imperative of
preserving Arab identity. Above all, it must commit the full strength of the
Arab World to meeting these challenges and preventing the potentially
catastrophic consequences of the attempts to re-demarcate the Arab region.
The recent events in Iraq, Syria,
Libya, the Gaza Strip, and Yemen are portents of a stormy future for the
region. Yet, before we can turn our attention to Arab peoples outside our
borders, we must begin a dialogue about the principles that should govern us
internally. These principles must aid in building a better future, by
eliminating the risk of polarization, sectarianism, and religious extremism
that so threaten the Arab World today. At the same time, these principles
should generate new ideas about how to reconcile the Arab national identity
with respect for the culture and character of the region’s minorities of
different ethnic origins. The principles take into account the need to confront
extremism robustly but wisely. In pursuit of such principles, I propose the
following:
—That
the heads of the stable Arab countries hold separate national dialogues between
their peoples.
—That
these states then provide the results of these dialogues to the Arab League to
be monitored, coordinated, and recorded whenever possible.
—That the Arab League thereafter
draft a document or declaration of the Arab World Citizen, calling on its members to
respect the national state, the unity of its territory, and its sovereignty,
while doing so incorporating principles for the protection of the cultural,
personal, and social context of national minorities in the state.
—That the Arab World review this
document every ten years in order to preserve the progress of societal change.
—That an urgent and joint meeting
between the Arab states’ respective ministers of the interior and justice be
held to develop better cooperation with respect to the issue of terrorism,
regardless of political differences elsewhere, a proposal previously endorsed
by the Council of Arab Foreign Ministers at the beginning of 2014, and later at
the Arab summit in Kuwait. Terrorism of the most dangerous sort sows poison and
division amongst us, creating a cancer that cannot be ignored or eliminated by
tactical individual responses.
—That a meeting be held between
the leaders of the Arab intelligence agencies and ministries for better
consultation and exchange of information about extremist movements and develop
ways to confront them.
—Finally, it is also important to
facilitate dialogue between Arab intellectuals and elites regarding the best
educational and cultural paths to confront extremist ideology.
It is an understatement to say
the Arab World is at risk. We have a national and moral responsibility to
redirect and correct the political rudder of our homelands, to embrace our
common roots and ties, and build a durable, just, and stable international
polity inclusive of the Arabic-speaking world. We must ask ourselves: Which model of
Arab civilization will produce the states we want to live in? My conclusion is
that these states should be:
—Modern national, democratic, pluralistic states, which do
not discriminate between citizens.
—Legitimate states that respect
and adhere to domestic and international law as an authority upon us and others, without
discrimination or exception.
—Independent states, which
believe in the need for strong relations with the different nations of the
world, provided they respect our rights and interests.
—Active states interacting with
the international system, working towards greater involvement amongst the
Security Council as well as international economic organizations in order to
ensure the rights of developing countries.
—Wise states which carefully
maintain their natural resources, and develop strong positions and initiatives
regarding environmental degradation and the use of such resources as energy and
water.
—Humane states which respect the
rights of minorities, women, and children.
—Sovereign states which will not
be deterred in pursuing their self-defense and national security, yet at the
same time seek to secure collective security on a regional basis and to resolve
disputes by peaceful means.
The Arab World faces a critical
choice: To embrace progress and move forward, or slide into a societal and
political abyss that will destroy the Arab World as a political entity and
erode its societal identity.
Nabil Fahmy, a former foreign minister of Egypt, is dean of the School of
Global Affairs and Public Policy at the American University in Cairo