AIDA-11=George Grigore and Gabriel Bițună (eds.). Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide. Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015. Bucharest: Editura Universității din București, 2016. (ISBN 978-606-16-0709-9).

Gabriel Biţună; George Grigore; AIDA (Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe)

This article deals with a treatise of lahn al-ʿāmma discovered in Tunis and dating back to the fifteenth century, al-Jumāna fī izālat ar-ratāna (‘The pearl that removes the corrupted speech’), a work which includes linguistic mistakes that belong to both Andalusi and Tunisian Arabic. The article presents a dialectological analysis of this treatise that represents a useful source for our knowledge of the linguistic situation of medieval Tunisia.

Peripheral Arabic varieties have been the focus of many researchers in recent Arabic dialectology history. They represent varieties of Arabic spoken outside the boundaries of Arab countries. Because of that, they took a different development route from that of “mainstream” Arabic varieties. Some of these varieties have developed in regions situated close to the borders of Arab countries (Turkey, Iran, Chad ,etc.), but others are still spoken in more remote areas, like Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Cyprus, Cameroon, Nigeria, etc. These varieties manifest different linguistics features, due to the close linguistic contact they had with the languages spoken in their areas (Persian, Turkish, Kurdish, Neo-Aramean, Uzbek, Greek, etc.), which rendered them virtually unintelligible to speakers of main stream Arabic varieties. In their case, the diglossia present in Arab countries (where the different domains of communication are covered by Fusha Arabic or Ammiyya Arabic, in a simpliﬁed schema) has been replaced by a bilingualism or multilingualism situation (for example, the Spoken Arabic of Mardin is found in the macro-context of a Turkish speaking country, but, in the same time, inside a micro-context of a Kurdish and Neo-Aramean speaking area).On top of the peripheral varieties, there are Arabic varieties spoken by Arab immigrants, in the contemporary and modern period, across the globe, where they formed more or less stable communities and whose language has witnessed various changes, due to the same socio-linguistic factors that modulated the peripheral varieties.

To comprehend how Arabic became a pluricentric language, we need to navigate through its rich history. In this paper, I focus on three stages in the development of Arabic: Classical Arabic, Middle Arabic and Modern Arabic. I explain how the fate of Arabic was permanently sealed in the Classical period with the emergence of Islam and the subsequent Islamic conquests. At the peak of the Islamic empire, the codification of Arabic preserved it as a dominant written language. However, the indigenous languages which Arabic had displaced in new regions gave way to non-dominant regional varieties. These varieties continued to diverge from the codified variety during the Middle period, giving rise to diglossia in Arabic. I conclude with a review of the modern period and the Arabic revival efforts which marked the creation of Modern Standard Arabic while the colonially influenced non-dominant varieties drifted further still.

Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015 This volume has been accomplished with the support of Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide Proceedings of the 11thInternational Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015 EDITORS George Grigore Gabriel Bițună 2016 Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naționale a României Arabic varieties – Far and wide : proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015 / ed.: George Grigore, Gabriel Bițună. – București : Editura Universității din București, 2016 ISBN 978-606-16-0709-9 I. International Conference of AIDA II. Grigore, George (ed.) III. Bițună, Gabriel (ed.) 811.411.21 Şos. Panduri nr. 90-92, 050663 Bucureşti ROMÂNIA Tel./Fax: +40 214102384 E-mail: editura.unibuc@gmail.com Web: http://editura-unibuc.ro Centru de vânzare: Bd. Regina Elisabeta nr. 4-12, 030018 Bucureşti – ROMÂNIA Tel. +40 213053703 Tipografia EUB: Bd. Iuliu Maniu nr. 1-3 061071 Bucuresti – ROMÂNIA Tel./Fax: +40 213152510 DTP & Graphic (coordinator): Emeline-Daniela Avram DTP & Graphic: Gabriel Bițună Cover photo: AIDA 11 Bucharest participants in front of the venue, Casa Universitarilor (The Academics’ House), 28th of May 2015 Back cover: AIDA logo, by designer Aluna Ille (Source: from the editors’ archive – all photo copyright responsibility falls to the editors) CONTENTS Foreword........................................................................................................................................... Massimo Bevacqua (1973 - 2015).................................................................................................... Yaşar Acat. ‫ دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻧﺎﺻر اﻟﻣﺷﺗرﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺟﺎت اﻟﻌرﺑﯾﺔ اﻷﻧﺎﺿوﻟﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﻌﺎﺻرة‬.‫…………ﯾﺎﺷﺎر أﺟﺎت‬..……… Jordi Aguadé. The Arabic Dialect of Tangier Across a Century..................................................... Faruk Akkuş. The Arabic Dialect of Mutki-Sason Areas................................................................ Saif Abdulwahed Jewad Alabaeeji. Aspects of Grammatical Agreement in Iraqi Arabic Relative Clauses: a Descriptive Approach...................................................................................................... Yousuf B. Albader. Quadriliteral Verbs in Kuwaiti Arabic............................................................ Muntasir Fayez Al-Hamad. ‫ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔً أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‬.‫…ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﯾﺰ اﻟﺤﻤﺪ‬. Jules Arsenne. Preliminary Results on the Arabic Spoken in Jnanate, Northern Morocco............ Lucia Avallone. Spelling Variants in Written Egyptian Arabic, a Study on Literary Texts............. Andrei A. Avram. On the Developmental Stage of Gulf Pidgin Arabic.......................................... Montserrat Benitez Fernandez. Notes sur le sociolecte des jeunes d’Ouezzane (Nord du Maroc)…... Najah Benmoftah; Christophe Pereira. Des connecteurs de cause en arabe de Tripoli (Libye)… Said Bennis. Opérationnalisation du paradigme de la diversité au Maroc : vers une territorialisation linguistique et culturelle........................................................................................ 9 11 13 21 29 41 53 65 73 79 87 99 107 119 Marwa Benshenshin. Les interrogatifs šən, šənu et šəni dans le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye).. 127 Simone Bettega. Linguistic Self-Representation in a Popular Omani Cartoon: Towards the Rise of a National Standard?.................................................................................................................... 137 Gabriel Bițună. The Spoken Arabic of Siirt: Between Progress and Decay.................................... 147 Aziza Boucherit. Reference and Spatial Orientation in “Ordinary Discourses”. hna vs. hnak, tәmm and l-hīh in Algerian Arabic................................................................................................... 155 Dominique Caubet. The Dialect of Msek – Beni Itteft (Al Hoceima), on the Borders with Berber – Revisited in 2014............................................................................................................................ 163 Letizia Cerqueglini. Etymology, Culture And Grammaticalisation: a Semantic Exploration of the Front/Back Axis in Traditional Negev Arabic............................................................................. 175 Ines Dallaji; Ines Gabsi. Overabundance in the Arabic Dialect of Tunis: a Diachronic Study of Plural Formation.............................................................................................................................. 185 Francesco De Angelis. The Egyptian Dialect for a Democratic Form of Literature: Considerations for a Modern Language Policy................................................................................ 193 Emanuela De Blasio. A Linguistic Study About Syrian Rap Songs.................................................. 203 Nabila El Hadj Said. Innovation of New Words Borrowed from French into the Algerian Dialect by Young Adults.................................................................................................................... 211 Moha Ennaji. Teaching and Learning Arabic as a Foreign Language........................................... Paule Fahmé-Thiéry. L’arabe dialectal aleppin dans le récit de voyage de Hanna Dyâb………. Khalid Mohamed Farah. Words of Old Semitic Origins in Sudanese Colloquial Arabic………... Ioana Feodorov. Le mélange terminologique comme trait spécifique au moyen arabe dans le Journal de voyage de Paul d’Alep (1652-1659) ............................................................................... 217 223 231 237 Daniela Rodica Firănescu. Ḥāšā-ki yā bintī! On Alethic and Deontic Modalities in Spoken Arabic from Syria.............................................................................................................................. 251 George Grigore. Expressing Certainty and Uncertainty in Baghdadi Arabic................................. 259 Elisabeth Grünbichler. Linguistic Remarks on the Dialect of al-Buraymi, Oman.......................... 267 Jairo Guerrero. A Phonetical Sketch of the Arabic Dialect Spoken in Oran (North-Western Algeria). 273 Evgeniya Gutova. Baby Talk in the Maghreb.................................................................................. 281 Juma’a Jidda Hassan. Interjections: Cases of Linguistic Borrowing in Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic Code Switching.................................................................................................................................. 291 Qasim Hassan. Concerning Some Negative Markers in South Iraqi Arabic................................... Uri Horesh. Four Types of Phonological Lenition in Palestinian Arabic....................................... Bohdan Horvat. Voices and Registers in the [Dialect] Poetry of Fuad Haddad............................. Ștefan Ionete. Some Features of Arabic Spoken in Hasköy............................................................. Safa Abou Chahla Jubran; Felipe Benjamin Francisco .‫ﺻﻔﺎء أﺑﻮ ﺷﮭﻼ ﺟﺒﺮان؛ ﻓﯿﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﯿﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ورد ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﺮﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‬................................................. 301 307 315 323 331 Najla Kalach. Ḥomṣ Arabic: First Issues......................................................................................... 337 Maciej Klimiuk. Third Person Masculine Singular Pronominal Suffix -Hne (-Hni) in Syrian Arabic Dialects and its Hypothetical Origins................................................................................... 345 Maarten Kossmann. Yes/No Interrogatives in Moroccan Dutch..................................................... 351 Cristina La Rosa. Le relateur -Vn en arabe de Sicile : exemples et remarques linguistiques……. 359 Jérôme Lentin. Sur un type de proposition circonstancielle syndétique dans les dialectes arabes. 369 Diana Lixandru. Dialy – Status Constructus or a New Grammar of the Moroccan Body……….. 377 Marcin Michalski. Spelling Moroccan Arabic in Arabic Script: the Case of Literary Texts…….. 385 Karlheinz Moerth; Daniel Schopper; Omar Siam. Towards a Diatopic Dictionary of Spoken Arabic Varieties: Challenges in Compiling the VICAV Dictionaries…………………………...… 395 Amina Naciri-Azzouz. Les variétés arabes de Ghomara ? s-saḥǝl vs. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (la côte vs. la montagne)……………………………………………………………………………………… 405 Shuichiro Nakao. More on Early East African Pidgin Arabic......................................................... 413 Aldo Nicosia. Le Petit Prince in Algerian Arabic: a Lexical Perspective........................................ 421 Ahmed Salem Ould Mohamed Baba. Le lexique de l’Aẓawān. Une approche ethnolinguistique. 431 Victor Pak. Some Thoughts About Description and Teaching of Arabic Dialects........................... 439 Yulia Petrova. A Case of Colloquialization of the Text: the Kyiv Manuscript of “The Travels of Macarius” ........................................................................................................................................ 445 Tornike Pharseghashvili. Linguistic Archaeology of Peripheral Arabic........................................ 453 Stephan Procházka; Ismail Batan. The Functions of Active Participles in Šāwi Bedouin Dialects….. 457 Judith Rosenhouse; Sara Brand. Arabic-Hebrew Code-Switching in the Spontaneous Speech of Israeli Arab Students......................................................................................................................... 467 Lucie San Geroteo. Etude de quelques réalisations de l’arabe moyen syrien dans sîrat al-Zîr Sâlim... 475 Mehmet Șayır ‫ اﻷﻣﺜﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬.‫…………………………………………………ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺷﺎﯾﺮ‬ Apollon Silagadze; Nino Ejibadze. On Arabic (Egyptian) Fiction Created in the Vernacular….. Tatiana Smyslova (Savvateeva). Syntax and Semantics of Proverbs-Dialogues in Egyptian Arabic… Lameen Souag. From Existential to Indefinite Determiner: Kaš in Algerian Arabic…………..… Laura Andreea Sterian. Topicalization in Baghdadi Arabic Questions………………………...… Mehmet Hakkı Suçin ‫ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬.‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬......................................................................................................................... 485 493 497 505 515 521 Catherine Taine-Cheikh. baˁd(a) dans les dialectes arabes: glissements sémantiques et phénomènes de transcatégorisation.................................................................................................. 531 Faruk Toprak. ‫ دراﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت دﺧﯿﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺳﻌﺮد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬.‫ﻓﺎروق ﺗﻮﺑﺮاق‬................................................... 541 Zviadi Tskhvediani. al-öišbā÷ in Ancient and Modern Arabic Dialects........................................... 545 Islam Youssef. Epenthesis, Assimilation, and Opacity in Baghdadi Arabic.................................... 549 Liesbeth Zack. Nineteenth-Century Cairo Arabic as Described by Qadrī and Naḫla…………… 557 Magdalena Zawrotna. The Use of Taboo – Related Words in Egyptian Arabic a Sociolinguistic Approach to (Im)Politeness............................................................................................................... 569 Karima Ziamari; Alexandrine Barontini. Les liaisons dangereuses : médias sociaux et parlers jeunes au Maroc. Le cas de Bouzebbal............................................................................................. 579 FOREWORD After finding out the results of the scrutiny conducted within the General Meeting of AIDA (Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe), at the end of its 10th conference, which took place in November of 2013 at the University of Doha, Qatar, whereby our proposal to organize the 11th AIDA conference at the University of Bucharest had been enthusiastically embraced and approved by the greatest majority of participants, we felt immensely pleased, yet, also greatly worried. A significant concern when facing this big challenge was that we had to overcome it without the backing of compelling experience in this field, nor by some powerful resources in our hands. The issues we have encountered from the very beginning have been surpassed, nevertheless, due to the enthusiasm, responsiveness and desire to not let down the trust we have been granted by our colleagues, dialectologists, specializing in Arabic varieties from all over the world. The results were beyond everyone’s expectations, judging from the fact that the programme was chosen for registration by 163 participants from 40 countries, some of which attending an AIDA conference for the first time: Australia, Brazil, Iraq, India, Nigeria, Sudan, Turkey, Ukraine. It has been, therefore, the largest AIDA conference to date. The four days, 25-28 May 2015, of this 11th conference, hosted in the historical Casa Universitarilor in Bucharest, have been dedicated to the presentation of various papers dealing with aspects of Arabic varieties: phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, loans, code switching, creoles, pidgins, lexicology, dialectal atlases, comparative studies, diachronic and synchronic studies, sociolinguistics and didactics, which have been followed by discussions. Yet, apart from the official panels of the conference, there has also been an informal part, which was just as important, consisting in chats taking place at the venue, in the neighboring park, and open-air terraces we attended in the pleasant and friendly atmosphere of May. We have recollected events from other AIDA conferences, formed new friendships, set up work groups for future projects. The volume of work has been enormous. Going over our correspondence, in these past few days, covering the beginning of AIDA 11 action (May 2014, when we launched the first circular) until today, when we are ready to take the AIDA 11 papers to the printing house, we have written approximately 10.000 e-mails. Meanwhile, we have simultaneously had to respond to and carry out many other demands and responsibilities of our jobs at the University. In all this time, we had the outstanding support of Professor Mircea Dumitru, the rector of University of Bucharest and Professor Liviu Franga, the dean of Faculty of Foreign Languages and Literatures of University of Bucharest. Also, we enjoyed the continuous support of our department colleagues, Assoc. Prof. Laura Sitaru and Lect. Ovidiu Pietrăreanu and a group of students who are preparing to become specialists in Arabic dialectology and who have been constantly in gear during the development of the conference. We would like to take this opportunity to thank them all for their effort, devotion and sacrifice. At the end of the conference, the AIDA General Meeting elected a new executive committee formed of the chairman, Professor George Grigore, (University of Bucharest, Romania), two vicepresidents, Professor Kristen Brustad (University of Texas at Austin, USA) and Professor Karima Ziamari (Moulay Ismail University, Meknes, Morocco), a general secretary, Professor Liesbeth Zack (University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands) and a treasury official, Professor Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun (University of Vienna, Austria). This volume, entitled Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide, comprises a part of the papers presented at the AIDA conference held in Bucharest. Its publication is of the highest importance for the scientific community concerned with worldwide Arab studies, as it brings to the fore some Arabic varieties that have never been studied before, employing also new research methods, concerned 10 mainly with the organization, description and analysis of the corpus of dialectal texts in perfect concordance with the theories circulating at the time in specialized literature, by extending research beyond the linguistic framework per se, and especially towards pragmatics, sociology, ethnography, ethnology and anthropology. No matter how nit-picking we would be, we can only agree that this volume represents a top ranking reference source, due to its remarkable novelties, the solidity of the arguments and analyses, as well as the perspective over the linguistic situation in the Arab world. Furthermore, this is a work that gathers together, besides the papers of several well-renowned researchers who are famous all around the world, articles authored by younger researchers, master or doctoral students who are very passionate about their work, well trained and very knowledgeable of previous research, and who will surely take the study of Arabic varieties and the AIDA spirit to new horizons. Last but not least, we would like to include a few details regarding the drafting and putting together of this volume, namely the record-breaking short time in which it has been finished despite certain catastrophic events. After we had almost finished laying out the volume that we started working on in September 2015, a computer virus broke out of the blue into our systems and deleted all our files, at the beginning of December. After a few days of confusion and hopelessness, we started reconstructing everything from scratch, text by text, and after two more months, the volume was again ready for publication. In all this time, we finished the proofreading and editing operations, and we carried out an arduous correspondence both with paper authors and referees. Hence, setting modesty aside, we believe that the publication of this volume is the outcome of a real tour de force. This volume, due to its wide range of articles about the Arabic varieties situation, which is in a continuous tussle, opens up new perspectives on this field of studies, thus prodding us to reflection and new pursuits. We would like to take this opportunity again to invite all AIDA colleagues – present and future – to meet up on the occasion of the 12th AIDA conference which will take place in Ankara in 2017 in order to share our research results. George Grigore Gabriel Bițună Bucharest, February the 2nd, 2016 MASSIMO BEVACQUA (Rossano Calabro, 08-02-1973 ‒ Sidi Bou Saïd 04-02-2015) Massimo nous a quittés dans la nuit du 3 au 4 février 2015 dans son appartement à Sidi Bou Saïd, victime d’un assassinat brutal. Dernier d’une fratrie de cinq enfants, il grandit dans sa Calabre natale et, son Bac dans la poche, il « monte » pour s’inscrire à l’Université « La Sapienza » de Rome, Département d’Etudes Orientales, première langue arabe. A l’âge de 24 ans, sur le point de terminer sa « laurea », on lui diagnostique un cancer dévastant à l’intestin. Opéré d’urgence, sans aucun optimisme de la part de son chirurgien, et après un an de chimiothérapie intensive et de descente en enfer, Massimo surmonte la maladie, au grand soulagement de tout son entourage. Il soutient brillamment sa thèse en Dialectologie Arabe avec Olivier Durand et Angelo Arioli : traduction et analyse linguistique de la pièce Junūn de Jalila Baccar, entièrement en dialecte tunisien. Il poursuit avec un Doctorat à l’Université de Bari, thèse sur l’interférence du français en arabe tunisien. Depuis dix ans environs Massimo enseignait la Traduction italo-arabe à l’Université Hayy El Khadra de Tunis et au Centre Culturel Italien. Dans l’espoir d’un retour en Italie, il accepte des contrats intérimaires auprès des Universités de Viterbe, Pesaro et UNINT de Rome. Surnommé « Professeur Tunis Air », il fait la navette semaine après semaine entre la Tunisie et l’Italie. Infatigable mais fatigué tout de même ‒ à l’âge de 41 ans il ne rate ni fêtes ni soirées en boîte ‒, il n’en reste pas moins amoureux de son métier. Positif, solaire, simple, fin, toujours de bonne humeur, ami de tous et généreux, d’une élégance naturelle et charmeuse, sont les termes qui mieux le dépeignent. Grand, mince, un visage très méditerranéen illuminé d’yeux verts, séduisant, toutes ses amies et étudiantes en pincent pour lui. Il est single par choix : « Avec la vie que je fais » dit-il en riant, « quelle femme me supporterait-elle plus de six mois ? » Tous ses étudiants, tunisiens et italiens, sont unanimes à en rappeler l’excellence didactique, la clarté d’exposition et la précision dans l’art de la traduction, sans oublier l’enthousiasme qu’il sait transmettre avec une générosité infinie. Partout où il enseigne, il donne tout son mieux. Il aime viscéralement la Tunisie, dont il a appris à la perfection la langue écrite et parlée, et sait en faire découvrir les aspects les plus profonds et émouvants à tous ses nombreux amis. Le départ de Massimo laisse en tous ceux qui l’ont connu un vide sans fond, une blessure qui cicatrisera avec grande difficulté, une injustice intolérable. Massimo est catholique et très croyant. Paix à son âme, ‫رﺣﻤﮫ ﷲ‬, ‫ זכרונו לברכה‬de la part de nous tous. Tu nous manqueras pour toujours, tu continueras à vivre à travers nous, nous refusons de parler de toi au passé ! Olivier Durand ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺷﺎر أﺟﺎت ‪YAŞAR ACAT‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺷﺮﻧﺎق‬ ‫‪Abstract: In this study we have examined common elements of Arabic dialects in Turkey towards a comparative typology‬‬ ‫‪of Otto Jastrow. There are three areas where Arabic dialects are spoken in Turkey, namely the Mersin – Adana – Hatay‬‬ ‫‪region, the Urfa region and the Diyarbakir – Mardin – Siirt region. The Arabic dialects of each of these regions belong to a‬‬ ‫‪different branch of Arabic: to Syrian sedentary Arabic, to Bedouin Arabic and to Mesopotamian sedentary Arabic.‬‬ ‫‪Linguist M. Swadesh has prepared a list of hundred words in order to point out the familial relationship between‬‬ ‫‪languages. This list is extremely important in terms of the determination of familial relationships between languages and‬‬ ‫‪dialects. Through a comparative analysis, this article aims to point out the common elements in Anatolian Arabic dialects‬‬ ‫‪used among cities that live under different circumstances. To achieve this end, M. Swadesh’s list has been applied to dialects‬‬ ‫‪of Mersin – Adana – Hatay region, the Urfa region and the Diyarbakir – Mardin – Siirt region, and the results are interpreted‬‬ ‫‪accordingly.‬‬ ‫‪Keywords: Arabic dialects, Anatolian Arabic dialects, basic words, common elements of Arabic dialects.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﻟﮭﺠﺎﺗﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻌﺮوف أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺳﺎﻣﯿﺔ وأن اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ إﻟﻰ أﺳﺮة ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ أﻛﺒﺮ ھﻲ أﺳﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻣﯿﺔ‪ .‬إن أﺻﻠﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﻌﻮد إﻟﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮب‪ ،‬وھﻢ ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺠﺰﯾﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ .‬ھﻨﺎك ﺷﻮاھﺪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﻌﻮد ﻟﻠﻘﺮن اﻟﺴﺎدس‪ ،‬وھﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ُﻛﺘﺐ ﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﻘﺮآن‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﺪأ‬ ‫اﻧﺘﺸﺎرھﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ اﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎن وﻻدﺗﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﯾﻦ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ وﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ أﻧﺸﺄؤا دوﻟﺘﮭﻢ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺿ ّﻤﺖ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺸﻤﺎل اﻷﻓﺮﯾﻘﻲ‪ .‬وﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ھﻨﺎك اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﯿﺪﯾﺔ )أي ﻣﺎ ﯾﺴﻤﻰ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ أو ﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺮآن(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ وﺟﻮد ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻋﺪﯾﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ وﺿﻌﮭﺎ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ھﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﮭﺎ ﺟﻤﯿﻊ اﻟﻨﺎطﻘﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ واﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻢ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﮭﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻌﯿﺪ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ وﻓﻲ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋﻼم ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺮآﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﻨﺤﺼﺮ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻت اﻟﺪﯾﻨﯿﺔ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮدة‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﻰ أﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ً 'اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺪارﺟﺔ'‪ ،‬ھﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺔ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬وﻧﺘﯿﺠﺔ اﺧﺘﻼط اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻲ اﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﻓﺘﺤﮭﺎ )ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺎرس وإﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ واﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮل ‪...‬إﻟﺦ(‪ .‬ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ھﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﺣﺎﻟﯿﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﯿﺎة اﻟﯿﻮﻣﯿﺔ وﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﯿﺎدﯾﻦ ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﺸﻔﮭﻲ‪ .‬إن ﻋﺪد اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﺟﺪاً‪ ،‬وأﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ً ﻧﺠﺪھﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺔ ﺟﺪاً ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ وﯾﺼﻌﺐ اﻟﺘﻔﺎھﻢ ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﮫ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻨﯿﻒ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺘﯿﻦ ﻛﺒﯿﺮﺗﯿﻦ‪ :‬اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﯿﺔ )اﻟﻤﺸﺮﻗﯿﺔ( وﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ )ﺳﻮرﯾﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪...‬إﻟﺦ(‪ ،‬واﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻓﻲ ﻟﯿﺒﯿﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻐﺮب‪ ،‬اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ..‬إﻟﺦ‪ .‬إن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺪارﺟﺔ أو اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﯾﺸﺎن ﻣﻌﺎ ً وﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﻤﺎ وظﯿﻔﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﺪدة ﺑﻮﺿﻮح‪ .‬إن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﻰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬وھﻮ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﯾﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﯾﻤﺔ وﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﻘﺮآن واﻷدب اﻟﻜﻼﺳﯿﻜﻲ واﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ 'اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿّﺔ'‪ ،‬أي ﻟﻐﺔ ﻋﺎ ّﻣﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﯾﻮﺟﺪ ﻷﯾﺔ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﺤﻜﯿﺔ أﺳﻠﻮب ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺮواﺑﻂ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺨﯿﺔ واﻟﻔﻜﺮﯾﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻷﺳﻠﻮﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﯿﺮة ﺟﺪاً‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﻋﺮب اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮل‬ ‫ﯾﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪة ﻣﻨﺎطﻖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ )‪(Sasse 1971, Jastrow 1978, 1981, Grigore 2007‬‬ ‫ودﯾﺎر ﺑﻜﺮ )‪ (Talay 2013‬وأورﻓﺔ )‪ (Aslan 2013‬وأداﻧﮫ و ھﺎﺗﺎي )‪ .(Ağbaht 2012, 2014‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ وﺑﺎدﯾﺔ وﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺘﮫ‬ ‫وﻋﺎداﺗﮫ وﺗﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪه وﺑﻌﻀﮭﻢ ﯾﻘﯿﻢ ھﻨﺎك ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮون وھﺆﻻء ھﻢ ﺑﻘﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﯾﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘﻘﺮت ھﻨﺎك وﻟﮭﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺎﺗﮭﻢ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﮭﻢ‬ ‫وﻋﺎداﺗﮭﻢ وﺗﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪھﻢ‪ ،‬وﻣﻨﮭﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺰح اﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ أوﻗﺎت ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮة ﻗﺎدﻣﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮاق وﺷﺒﮫ اﻟﺠﺰﯾﺮة وﯾﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺒﺪوﯾﺔ وأﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﺮب اﻷواﺋﻞ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﺳﻜﻨﻮا ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﺒﻼد ﻓﯿﻘﯿﻢ أﻛﺜﺮھﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎطﻖ اﻟﺠﺒﻠﯿﺔ واﻷراﺿﻲ اﻟﺨﺼﺒﺔ وﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﺿﻊ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ اﺳﻤﺎء ﻗﺒﺎﺋﻠﮭﻢ‬ ‫وﻋﺸﺎﺋﺮھﻢ اﻟﻘﺪﯾﻤﺔ‪ .‬وھﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ أﻗﺎم ﻣﻨﮭﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪن و اﻟﺒﻠﺪات اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮة ﻣﺜﻞ ھﺎﺗﺎي و أورﻓﺔ وﻣﺎردﯾﻦ وﻣﺎ زاﻟﻮا ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﮭﻢ ‪ ،‬ﻓﯿﺘﻜﻠﻢ أھﻞ ھﺎﺗﺎي وأورﻓﺔ وﺣﺮان )أھﻞ اﻟﻤﺪﯾﻨﺔ( اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﺑﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻗﺮﯾﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ أھﻞ ﺣﻠﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺣﯿﻦ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﺮب ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ وﺳﻌﺮد وﻣﻮش وﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ وﺗﻌﺮف ﺑﻠﮭﺠﺔ أھﻞ اﻟﺠﺰﯾﺮة‪ .‬و ﻛﺜﯿﺮ ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻌﺸﺎﺋﺮ واﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﺒﺪوﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺷﺎر أﺟﺎت ‪YAȘAR ACAT‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫واﻟﺤﻀﺮﯾﺔ زﺣﻒ اﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺪن اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮة وأﻗﺎم ﺑﮭﺎ وﻣﺎ زال ھﺆﻻء ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﺑﻠﮭﺠﺎﺗﮭﻢ اﻟﺒﺪوﯾﺔ واﻟﺤﻀﺮﯾﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻤﻠﻮھﺎ ﻣﻌﮭﻢ وﯾﻨﺘﺸﺮون ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎطﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻧﺤﺎء ﻣﺪن ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﻣﺎ اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﯾﻘﯿﻤﻮن ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ وﺳﻌﺮد وﺑﻄﻤﺎن وﻣﻮش ﻓﺄﻏﻠﺒﮭﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب اﻷواﺋﻞ وﻣﻌﻈﻤﮭﻢ ﻓﻼﺣﻮن ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻮن‬ ‫وﺑﻌﻀﮭﻢ ﻣﺴﯿﺤﯿﻮن وﯾﻌﯿﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮﯾﻒ اﻟﺠﺒﻠﻲ وﯾﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﺰراﻋﺔ وﺗﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﯿﻮاﻧﺎت وﺑﻌﻀﮭﻢ اﻵﺧﺮ ﯾﻌﯿﺸﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪن واﻟﺒﻠﺪات‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮة اﯾﻀﺎ ً وﯾﺘﻮاﺟﺪون ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ واﺳﻌﺔ ﺗﻌﺮف ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻤﯿﺔ وﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﮭﺎ ھﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ وﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﺴﯿﺤﯿﯿﻦ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ واﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮاھﻢ وﺑﻠﺪاﺗﮭﻢ ﺗﺤ ِﻤﻞ اﺳﻤﺎ َء ﻋﺸﺎﺋﺮھﻢ وﻗﺒﺎﺋﻠﮭﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻋﺪاد ﻋﺮب ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ )إﺣﺼﺎء ‪(2009‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ إﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن‬ ‫إﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮب‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ )‪(%‬‬ ‫‪13.43 1.780.775 13.255.685‬‬ ‫اﻟﺮھﺎ‬ ‫‪1.663.371‬‬ ‫‪780.030‬‬ ‫‪46.48‬‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫‪4.771.716‬‬ ‫‪600.070‬‬ ‫‪28.78‬‬ ‫أﺿﻨﺔ‬ ‫‪2.085.225‬‬ ‫‪560.245‬‬ ‫‪11.74‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ‬ ‫‪1.647.899‬‬ ‫‪467.850‬‬ ‫‪28.39‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ‬ ‫‪744.606‬‬ ‫‪313.460‬‬ ‫‪42.10‬‬ ‫‪210.510‬‬ ‫‪12.38‬‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻤﺎن‬ ‫‪510.200‬‬ ‫‪190.880‬‬ ‫‪37.41‬‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺮد‬ ‫‪300.695‬‬ ‫‪130.540‬‬ ‫‪43.41‬‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪479.221‬‬ ‫‪81.340‬‬ ‫‪16.97‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮش‬ ‫‪406.886‬‬ ‫‪45.250‬‬ ‫‪11.12‬‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻄﻠﯿﺲ‬ ‫‪328.767‬‬ ‫‪42.870‬‬ ‫‪13.04‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺲ‬ ‫‪123.135‬‬ ‫‪41.640‬‬ ‫‪33.82‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻧﺎق‬ ‫‪430.109‬‬ ‫‪33.870‬‬ ‫‪7.87‬‬ ‫ﻏﺎزيﻋﻨﺘﭗ ‪1.700.763‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫وھﺎھﻨﺎ ﻧﺤﻦ ﺳﻨﺘﺤﺪث ﻋﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ وﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷوﺻﺎف اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ أﻟﻔﺎظﺎ ﻛﺜﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ واﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ واﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ وﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﻔﺮدات اﻵراﻣﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻨﻘﺴﻢ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت إﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ اﻗﺴﺎم رﺋﯿﺴﯿﺔ ھﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‪ ،‬وﯾﺘﻔﺮع ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻌﺪﯾﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﺗﺼﻞ اﻵن إﻟﻰ ‪ 18‬ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﺼﻨﯿﻒ أﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﺳﺘﺮو )‪ .(Otto Jastrow‬إذ ﺗﻨﻘﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‪ ،‬وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‪ .‬وﺗﺘﻔﺮع ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺜﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﻰ ﻋﺪة ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﺮﻋﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺴﻮد ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ أو ﻗﺒﯿﻠﺔ أو ﻗﺮﯾﺔ أو دﯾﺎﻧﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻣﻞ ﺗﻨﻮع اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ أﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺘﺴﻊ اﻟﺮﻗﻌﺔ اﻟﺠﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﻢ اﻟﺠﺒﺎل واﻷﻧﮭﺎر‪ ،‬وﯾﻘﻞ اﻻﺗﺼﺎل ﺑﯿﻨﮭﻢ؛ ﻓﺘﺄﺧﺬ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮ ﺷﯿﺌﺎ ً ﻓﺸﯿﺌﺎ ً وﯾﺴﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﺎ ً ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺎ ً ﻋﻦ ﻏﯿﺮھﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﯿﺆدي ذﻟﻚ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪوث ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺟﺪﯾﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (2‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﻈﺮوف اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻌﺪدة اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺎت ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪوث اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت؛ ﻓﻜﻞ طﺒﻘﺔ ﺗﺤﺎول أن‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﺎ‪ ،‬أو أﺳﻠﻮﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي اﻟﻤﻤﯿﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪https://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%B9%D8%B1%D8%A8_%D8%AA%D8%B1%D9%83%D9%8A%D8%A 1‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬ ‫‪ (3‬اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻧﻔﺼﺎل ﻗﺒﯿﻠﺔ أو دوﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ‪ ،‬واﻋﺘﻨﺎق اﻟﻤﺬاھﺐ اﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﯾﺎﻧﺎت اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪة ﯾﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ دﺧﻮل أﻟﻔﺎظ واﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎت ﺟﺪﯾﺪة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ .‬وﻻ ﺷﻚ أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﻗﻰ اﻻ ﺑﺘﺠﺪد روح اﻟﻨﺸﺎط واﻟﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻓﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت‬ ‫اﻟﺤﯿﺎة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (4‬اﻟﺼﺮاع اﻟﻠﻐﻮي واﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎك‪ :‬ورﺑﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ذﻟﻚ أھﻢ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪوث اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت؛ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺮاع ﯾﺆدي إﻟﻰ اﻧﺘﺼﺎر‬ ‫إﺣﺪاھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺧﺮى طﺒﻘﺎ ً ﻟﻘﻮاﻧﯿﻦ ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ؛ ﻓﺎﻷﻗﻮى ﺣﻀﺎرةً وﻣﺎدةً ﻗﺪ ﯾُﻜﺘَﺐ ﻟﮫ اﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎر‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻐﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﺗﺘﺮك أﺛﺮھﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﯿﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺗﺆدي إﻟﻰ ﺗﻄﻮر‪ ،‬أو ﺗﻐﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ‪ .‬وھﻜﺬا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ھﻲ اﻟﻤﻐﻠﻮﺑﺔ واﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ أن اﺧﺘﻼط اﻷﻗﻮام ﺑﺒﻌﻀﮭﻢ‬ ‫ﯾﺆدي إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﯿﺮات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ دﺧﻠﺖ اﻻﻧﺎﺿﻮل اﺣﺘﻜﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ ،‬واﻧﺘﺼﺮت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻐﺎت اﺧﺮى ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻘﺪ اﺻﺤﺎب ھﺬه اﻟﻠﻐﺎت ﻛﺜﯿﺮاً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻤﯿﺰات ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷﺻﻠﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﺎرن‬ ‫ھﻮ أﺣﺪ ﻓﺮوع ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺨﻲ اﻟﺬي ﯾﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻟﺘﺤﺪﯾﺪ اﻟﺼﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺨﯿﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ اﻟﺼﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻄﻮرﯾﺔ أﺻﻼً ﻣﺸﺘﺮ ًﻛﺎ أو ﻟﻐﺔ أم‪ ،‬وﯾﮭﺪف ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﺎرن إﻟﻰ ﺗﺄﺳﯿﺲ أﺳﺮ ﻟﻐﺎت‪ ،‬ﻹﻋﺎدة ﺗﺄﺳﯿﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻷم‬ ‫وﺗﺤﺪﯾﺪ اﻟﺘﻐﯿﺮات اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻤﻮﺛﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰ واﺿﺢ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻷﻧﻮاع اﻟﻤﻮﺛﻘﺔ واﻟﻤﺠﺪدة‪ ،‬ﯾﻀﻊ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﺎرن ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺪارة ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﻧﺠﻤﺔ ﻷي ﻧﻮع ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﺘﻲ ُﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﯾﺮ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ أﺳﺎﻟﯿﺐ اﻟﺘﺼﻨﯿﻒ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‪ ،‬ﺑﺪ ًءا‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺤﺺ اﻟﺒﺴﯿﻂ وﺣﺘﻰ اﺧﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻔﺮﺿﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻮﺳﺒﺔ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻄﺮق ﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺎت ﺗﻄﻮﯾﺮ طﻮﯾﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﯾﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﻮرت طﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺟﺪﯾﺪة وھﻲ اﻹﺣﺼﺎءات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﯾﺪي ﻋﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺎت ﻣﻮرﯾﺲ ﺳﻮادﯾﺶ‬ ‫)‪ (Morris Swadesh‬اﻟﺬي ﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ .1952‬ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺗُﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻗﺼﯿﺮة ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت اﻷﺳﺎﺳﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔ‪ .‬اﺳﺘﺨﺪم ﻣﻮرﯾﺲ ﺳﻮادﯾﺶ ‪ 100‬ﻋﻨﺼﺮ )وﻛﺎﻧﻮا ‪ 200‬ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺎس( اﻟﻤﻔﺘﺮض ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﮫ اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺖ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺘﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻗﻮاﺋﻢ أﺧﺮى أﯾﻀًﺎ‪ .‬وﯾﺬﻛﺮ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺼﻨﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﻨﻮاة وﯾﺘﺮاوح ﻋﺪدھﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻦ ‪ 100‬إﻟﻰ ‪ 200‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻘﯿﺎم ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس ﻋﺪد اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ذات اﻟﺠﺬر اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﺠﻮھﺮﯾﺔ أو اﻟﻨﻮاة اﻟﺘﻲ وﺿﻌﮭﺎ ﺳﻮادﯾﺶ‪ .‬وﻛﻠﻤﺎ‬ ‫ازداد ﻋﺪد اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ذات اﻟﺠﺬر اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺘﺮك ﻓﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺘﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت أو ﻟﮭﺠﺘﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ذﻟﻚ أن ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺘﯿﻦ‬ ‫أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺘﯿﻦ ﻗﺪ اﻧﺸﻘﺘﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺮة ﺣﺪﯾﺜﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﺣﺎول ﺳﻮادﯾﺶ وﻏﯿﺮه‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ھﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻛﻤﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪاد اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺦ‬ ‫اﻟﺬي اﻧﻔﺼﻠﺖ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻟﻐﺘﺎن ﻣﻌﯿﻨﺘﺎن ﻋﻦ طﺮﯾﻖ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﻠﻤﺎت ذات اﻟﺠﺬر اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺬھﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺳﮭﻮﻟﺘﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﻤﺜﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ أن اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﺻﺤﯿﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ھﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪة‬ ‫ﻧﻮاﻗﺺ‪ :‬ﻓﮭﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿﺔ ﺗﻔﺘﺮض أن اﻟﻠﻐﺎت ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻐﯿﺮ ﺑﻤﻌﺪل ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬وأﻧﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺎت ﻧﻘﻞ واﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻻ ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ ﻟﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﯾﺠﻌﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت ﺗﺒﺪو أﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﺎ ً ﻣﻤﺎ ھﻲ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﻠﯿﻞ ھﺬا اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي اﻟﺸﮭﯿﺮ أﻋﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮاﺑﺔ ‪ 100‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﯿﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻀﻤﺎﺋﺮ )أﻧﺎ‪ ،‬أﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ھﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ھﻲ‪ ... ،‬اﻟﺦ(‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻ‪ ،‬أب‪ ،‬أم‪ ،‬رﺟﻞ‪ ،‬اﻣﺮأة‪ ،‬طﻔﻞ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺮة‪ ،‬ﻧﺎر‪ ،‬ﻋﯿﻦ‪ ،‬أﻧﻒ‪ ،‬وﺟﮫ‪ .... ،‬اﻟﺦ ﻹظﮭﺎر اﻟﻘﺮاﺑﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‪ .‬وﻓﻲ‬ ‫ھﺬه اﻟﻮرﻗﺔ ﺳﻨﺤﺎول أن ﻧﺴﻠﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ واﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮات ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﻣﻨﺎطﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﻋﺪة‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﺎرن ھﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺑﺤﯿﺚ ﻧﺘﻮﺻﻞ اﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﺪل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺸﺎﺑﮭﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ھﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﮭﻤﺔ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺤﺪد درﺟﺔ اﻟﻘﺮاﺑﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت وﺗﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻘﺎرن ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ‪ .‬وطﺒﻘﻨﺎ ھﺬه اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ اﻗﺴﺎم رﺋﯿﺴﯿﺔ ھﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد وﻓﺴﺮﻧﺎ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮﻧﺎ أﻋﻼه ﺗﺘﻔﺮع‬ ‫ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺜﻼث اﻟﻰ ﻋﺪة ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﺮﻋﯿﺔ وﻧﺤﻦ أﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻟﮭﺠﺎﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻔﺮﻋﯿﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﯿﻨﺔ ﻟﮭﺬه اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﻤﯿﺔ ھﻲ ﻋﯿﻨﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ– ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‪ ،‬وﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺣﺮان ﻋﯿﻨﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﮭﺠﺔ ھﺎﺗﺎي اﻟﺒﺪوﯾﺔ ﻋﯿﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﻲ‪ .‬وھﻜﺬا ﺣﺎوﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل اﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﺪل ﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﯿﻞ‪.‬‬ YAȘAR ACAT ‫ﯾﺎﺷﺎر أﺟﺎت‬ 16 ‫ﺟﺪول ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ‬ 3 ‫اﻟﺮﻗﻢ‬ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 ‫اﻻﻧﻜﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﺋﺔ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻟﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻣﻮرﯾﺲ ﺳﻮادﯾﺶ‬2 ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬ –‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ‬ ‫اداﻧﮫ– ھﺎﺗﺎي‬ kül saffa gəšər baṭən čəbīr ṭér ‘add eswed dem ‘aÌəm ṣadr ə‘lig ətfər kul əsčəne gəšər baṭən čəbir ṭayr ‘aḍḍ eswed dem ‘aÌəm ṣadər ə‘lig əÌfər – ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ– ﺳﻌﺮد‬ kəll/kəllən ərmādé qəšré ğawf/baṭən ə gbīr ṭayr gəzz əswəd dem ‘aÌəm ṣədər ə‘ləq/əš‘əl Ìəfər ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‬ bütün, hep kül kabuk, zar karın büyük kuş ısırkara kan kemik göğüs yaktırnak 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 all ashes bark belly big bird bite black blood bone breast burn claw (nail) cloud cold come die dog drink dry ear earth eat egg eye fat (n.) feather fire fish fly (v.) foot full give good green hair bulut soğuk gelölköpek içkuru kulak yer, dünya yeyumurta göz yağ tüy ateş, od balık uçayak dolu veriyi, hoş yeşil saç ġēm ġēm ġeym berd ta‘āl mūt čelb əšrab yēbəs əḏən arḍ-ge‘ ukūl bēd ‘ēn semən riš nār səmeč ṭīr rəğəl melyēn ənṭi əkweyyəs/ zén eḫaḍar ša‘ər berd ta‘āl mūt kelb əšrab yēbəs əḏən arḍ/mətraḥ ukul bēḍ ‘ēn semən ša‘ər nār semek/šabbūt ṭēr rəğəl melyēn/məmteli i‘ṭi zēn ḫaḍar ša‘ər 37 38 hand head el, kol baş, kafa īd ras īd rās berd ta‘ā mūt kelb əšrab yēbəs əḏən arÌ kəl bayÌa ‘eyn dehné ša‘ər nār semek fərr sēq mətli i‘ṭi ə kweyyəs aḫÌar pərč/ša‘ər/ še‘fé īd rās ‫اﻟﺠﺪول اﻷول‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻞ‬ ‫رﻣﺎد‬ ‫ﻗﺸﺮة‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬ ‫طﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺾ‬ ‫اﺳﻮد‬ ‫دم‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪر‬ ‫اﺣﺮق‬ ‫ظﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﯿﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎرد‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﺐ‬ ‫اﺷﺮب‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺑﺲ‬ ‫أذن‬ ‫أرض‬ ‫ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﯿﻀﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﯿﻦ‬ ‫دھﻦ‬ ‫رﯾﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎر‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻚ‬ ‫طﺮ‬ ‫رﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺘﻠﺊ‬ ‫أﻋﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ‬/‫ﺟﯿﺪ‬ ‫أﺧﻀﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﺪ‬ ‫رأس‬ 2 .‫ﻟﮭذه اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻣﺔ ﻣﺎ أﺧذﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺗﺑﺎر اﻟﺗﻐﯾرات اﻟﺻوﺗﯾﺔ اﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻛل ﻟﮭﺟﺔ ﺑل ﺳﺟﻠﻧﺎ اﻷﺻوات ﻛﻣﺎ ھﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺟﺎت اﻷﻛﺛر اﻧﺗﺷﺎرا‬ ‫ وﺧﺪﯾﺠﺔ‬1945/ ‫ ﺣﺴﯿﻦ‬،‫ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﯾﺔ دﯾﺮزﺑﯿﻨﺔ‬1948/ ‫ و ﺳﻌﯿﺪة اﺟﺎت‬1926/‫ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺪوﯾﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﺒﺎر اﻟﺴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ )ﯾﻮﻧﺲ اﺟﺎت‬3 ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﯾﺔ ﻛﻔﺮﺣﻮار وﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﻮن ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺖ ﺧﻠﯿﻞ ﺑﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ اﺑﺸﮫ وﺧﻮﻟﺔ ﺷﺎﻧﻘﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻛﻔﺮﻋﻼب وﻋﺎدل اﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺖ زﯾﺘﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﯾﺔ ﺣﺒﺴﻨﺎس وﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬1950/‫ﻛﻮﻛﺄﻟﺐ‬ .‫ وﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ أورﻓﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﺎي وﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ ھﺎﺗﺎي ﻣﻊ ﺳﻤﯿﺮة ﻛﺎروﻛﻮ و ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﻛﺎروﻛﻮ‬.‫ﺻﻮﯾﺼﺎل ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺖ اﻻﻣﺎرة ﻣﻦ ﺿﯿﻌﺔ دﯾﺮزﺑﯿﻨﺔ‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬ 17 əsme‘ galb əsme‘ galb əstənət/əsme‘ qalb ‫اﺳﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ‬ horn I kill dinlekalp, yürek boynuz ben öldür- garən eni mevvıt garən āni əḏbeḥ ‫ﻗﺮن‬ ‫أﻧﺎ‬ ‫اﻗﺘﻞ‬ 44 45 knee know diz bil- rukbe ə‘ləm rukbe ə‘ləm/ ə‘rəf 46 47 48 leaf lie liver yaprak uzankaraciğer wereg ınğadı‘ mi‘lēgə’l-esved 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 long louse man many meat moon mountain mouth name neck new night nose not one person rain red road root round sand say see seed sit skin sleep small tobacco stand ṭwīl gaməl reğəl čəṯīr leḥəm gamər ğibel uṯum əsəm urguba ğədīd lēl ḫušše mu wēḥəd šaḫəs/ wēḥəd məṭar ḥamar ṭaréq/ darb ‘ərəğ əmdewwer qūm gūl šūf bəḏər ug‘əd ğəld nēm əzġēr tətən əgaf ṭawīl 80 81 82 83 star stone sun swim uzun bit adam çok et ay dağ ağız isim, ad boyun yeni gece burun değil bir kişi yağmur kırmızı yol kök yuvarlak kum söyle-, degör tohum oturderi uyuküçük tütün (ayakta) duryıldız taş güneş yüz- wereg ənğadı‘ mi‘lēgə’lesved ṭwīl gaməl reğəl čətīr leḥəm gamər ğibel utum əsəm urguba ğədīd lēl ḫušše mu wāḥəd wāḥəd məṭar aḥamar derəb ə‘rūg əmdewwer reməl gūl šūf bidār ug‘ud ğəld nēm sġīr tətən weggəf qərn ene mevvət/əqtəl/ əḏbeḥ rəkbe ət‘ellem/ ə‘rəf waraq ətmedded qasabətə’s-sevde neğəm ḥağar šems sbeḥ neğəm ə ḥğara šems əsbeḥ nəğme ḥağar šəms əsbeḥ 39 40 hear heart 41 42 43 qamle rəğğēl ə kṯīr laḥme qamar ğebel ṯəmm əsəm reqbe ə ğdīd leyl pūz mo/lē wēḥəd wēḥəd/ šaḫəs maṭar aḥmar ṭaréq ə‘rōq əmdawwar qūm qūl ṭallə‘ bəzər əq‘ed ğəld nēm əzġeyyər tətən sekkən/heddi ‫رﻛﺒﺔ‬ ‫اﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ورق‬ ‫اﻣﺘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﺪ‬ ‫طﻮﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫رﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻢ‬ ‫اﺳﻢ‬ ‫رﻗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﯿﻞ‬ ‫أﻧﻒ‬ ‫ﻻ‬/‫ﻟﯿﺲ‬ ‫واﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮ‬ ‫أﺣﻤﺮ‬ ‫طﺮﯾﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺬر‬/‫ﻋﺮق‬ ّ ‫داﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪور‬/‫ي‬ ‫رﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻞ‬ ‫اﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺬر‬ ‫اﺟﻠﺲ‬/‫اﻗﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺗﻦ‬/‫ﺗَﺒْﻎ‬ ‫ﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫اﺳﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﯾﺎﺷﺎر أﺟﺎت ‪YAȘAR ACAT‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫َذﻧَﺐ‬ ‫ذاك‬ ‫ھﺬا‬ ‫أﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺴﺎن‬ ‫ﺿﺮْ س‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ‪ِ /‬‬ ‫ﺷﺠﺮة‬ ‫اﺛﻨﺎن‬ ‫اذھﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎ ّر‬ ‫ﻣﺎء‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎذا ‪/‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫أﺑﯿﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻣﺮأة‬ ‫أﺻﻔﺮ‬ ‫‪‘əṣ‘əṣ‬‬ ‫‪hāk‬‬ ‫‪hēy‬‬ ‫‪ənt‬‬ ‫‪ənsēl‬‬ ‫‪Ìərs‬‬ ‫‪devmé‬‬ ‫‪əṯneyn‬‬ ‫‪rôḥ‬‬ ‫‪ḥārr‬‬ ‫‪may‬‬ ‫‪nəḥné‬‬ ‫‪eyš‬‬ ‫‪abyaḍ‬‬ ‫‪məné‬‬ ‫‪mara‬‬ ‫‪aṣfar‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ḏél‬‬ ‫‪ḏēk‬‬ ‫‪hēḏe‬‬ ‫‪ənte‬‬ ‫‪əlsēn‬‬ ‫‪sən‬‬ ‫‪əšğara‬‬ ‫‪əṯnén‬‬ ‫‪rôḥ/əməš‬‬ ‫‪ḥarr‬‬ ‫‪may‬‬ ‫‪əḥne‬‬ ‫‪šunu‬‬ ‫‪ebyaḍ‬‬ ‫‪mənu‬‬ ‫‪əḥurma‬‬ ‫‪aṣfar‬‬ ‫‪dél‬‬ ‫‪hadāg‬‬ ‫‪hēd‬‬ ‫‪ənte‬‬ ‫‪əlsēn‬‬ ‫‪sən‬‬ ‫‪əsğara‬‬ ‫‪ətnén‬‬ ‫‪rūḥ‬‬ ‫‪šôb/ḥār‬‬ ‫‪may‬‬ ‫‪nəḥne‬‬ ‫‪šunu‬‬ ‫‪ebyad‬‬ ‫‪mīn‬‬ ‫‪mara‬‬ ‫‪aṣfar‬‬ ‫‪kuyruk‬‬ ‫‪o, şu‬‬ ‫‪bu‬‬ ‫‪sen‬‬ ‫‪dil‬‬ ‫‪diş‬‬ ‫‪ağaç‬‬ ‫‪iki‬‬ ‫‪git-, yürü‬‬‫‪sıcak‬‬ ‫‪su‬‬ ‫‪biz‬‬ ‫‪ne‬‬ ‫‪beyaz, ak‬‬ ‫‪kim‬‬ ‫‪kadın‬‬ ‫‪sarı‬‬ ‫‪tail‬‬ ‫‪that‬‬ ‫‪this‬‬ ‫‪thou‬‬ ‫‪tongue‬‬ ‫‪tooth‬‬ ‫‪tree‬‬ ‫‪two‬‬ ‫)‪walk (go‬‬ ‫‪warm‬‬ ‫‪water‬‬ ‫‪we‬‬ ‫‪what‬‬ ‫‪white‬‬ ‫‪who‬‬ ‫‪woman‬‬ ‫‪yellow‬‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪98‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺪل اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ– ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ‬ ‫– ﺳﻌﺮد ‪%‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ ‪%‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ‬ ‫– ھﺎﺗﺎي ‪%‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‬‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ –‬ ‫اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ –‬ ‫ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ اﻟﺠﺪاول‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ذﻛﺮﻧﺎ أﻋﻼه ﻗﺴﻢ أﺗﻮ ﺟﺎﺳﺘﺮو )‪ (Otto Jastrow‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ اﻟﻰ ﺛﻼث ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت ھﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ –‬ ‫اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‪ ،‬وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ وﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‪ (Jastrow 2006) .‬وﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬه اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻜﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ واﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ واﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ وأﺧﯿﺮا ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻼث ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎن ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻖ اﺣﺼﺎء ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻗﺎرﻧّﺎ ﻛﻞ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت رأﯾﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺗﻜﻮن أﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﺎورة ﻟﮭﺎ‪ .‬وﺑﺪأﻧﺎ أوﻻ ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ‬ ‫– اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي وھﻜﺬا وﺿﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ رﺋﯿﺴﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺪاﯾﺔ وﻗﺎرﻧّﺎھﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى وﺣﺎوﻟﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺸﺮح ﻣﻌﺪل اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‪ . 93 % :‬اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪sčəne “saffa”, rīš “ša‘ər”, əkweyyəs “zēn”, mewwət “əḏbeḥ”, reməl “qūm”, hadāg “ḏēk”, mara “ḥurma”.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‪ . 82 % :‬اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪saffa “ərmādé”, semən “dehne”, rīš “ša‘ər”, ṭīr “fərr”, rəğəl “sēq”, melyēn “mətli”, ə‘ləm “ə‘rəf”,‬‬ ‫‪ınğadə‘ “ətmedded”, mi‘lēgə’l-eswed “qasabətə’s-sevde”, ḫušše “pūz”, derəb “ṭarēq”, reməl “qūm”,‬‬ ‫‪šūf “ṭallə‘”, weggəf “sekkən”, dēl “‘əṣ‘əṣ”, sən “Ìərs”, əsğara “dewmé”, šunu “eyš”.‬‬ ‫‪ə‬‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة‬ 19 :‫ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‬.2 :‫ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬. 93 % :‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‬ saffa “əsčəne”, ša‘ər “rīš”, zēn “əkwweyyəs”, rās “ša‘ər”, əḏbeḥ “mewwət”, qūm “reməl”, ḏēk “hadāg”, ḥurma “mara”. :‫ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬. 86 % :‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‬ ə sčəne “ərmāde”, semən “dehne”, ṭīr “fərr”, rəğəl “sēq”, zēn “əkweyyəs”, ınğadə‘ “ətmedded”, mi‘lēgə’l-eswed “qasabətə’s-sevde”, ḫušše “pūz”, šūf “ṭallə‘”, əgef “sekkən”, ḏēl “‘əṣ‘əṣ”, hēḏe “hēy”, sən “Ìərs”, əsğara “devmé”, šunu “eyš”, ḥurma “mara”. :‫ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ – ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ – ﺳﻌﺮد‬.3 :‫ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬. 82 % :‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺮﺳﯿﻦ – اداﻧﮫ – ھﺎﺗﺎي‬ rmādé “saffa”, dehne “semən”, ša‘ər “rīš”, fərr “ṭīr”, sēq “rəğəl”, mətli “melyēn”, ə‘rəf “ə‘ləm”, ə tmedded “ınğadə‘”, qasabətə’s-sewde “mi‘lēgə’l-eswed”, pūz “ḫušše”, ṭarēq “derəb”, qūm “reməl”, ṭallə‘ “šūf”, sekkən “weggəf”, ‘əṣ‘əṣ “dēl”, Ìərs “sən”, dewme “əsğara”, eyš “šunu”. :‫ اﻟﻜﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬. 86 % :‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ أورﻓﺔ‬ ə rmādé “əsčəne”, dehne “semən”, fərr “ṭīr”, sēq “rəğəl”, əkweyyəs “zēn”, ətmedded “ınğadə‘”, qasabətə’ssewde “mi‘lēgə’l-eswed”, pūz “ḫušše”, ṭallə‘ “šūf”, sekkən “əgef”, ‘əṣ‘əṣ “ḏēl”, hēy “hēḏe”, Ìərs ərs “sən”, dewme “əsğara”, eyš “šunu”, mara “ḥurma”. ə ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺗﻤﺔ‬ ‫ أو‬،‫وﻛﻤﺎ ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ أﻋﻼه ﻓﺈن اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﯿﺰ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺻﻮﺗﯿﺔ؛ ﻓﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺗﻨﻄﻖ اﻟﻘﺎف ﻛﺎﻓﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﻠﺐ وﻛﻠﺐ أو ﺟﺘﯿﺮ واﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬ ‫ وﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮن ھﺬه اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﯿﺔ‬.‫ أو ﻓﻲ طﺮﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﻨﺒﺮ وﻧﻈﺎم اﻟﻤﻘﺎطﻊ‬،‫ وﻗﺪ ﯾﻜﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻗﯿﻖ ﺻﻮت أو ﺗﻔﺨﯿﻤﮫ‬...‫ أو اﻟﺬال زاﯾﺎ‬،‫اﻟﺠﯿﻢ ﯾﺎء‬ ‫ ﻷن دﻻﻻت ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ وﻟﻮ‬،‫ وﻗﺪ ﯾﻜﻮن اﻻﺧﺘﻼف ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت‬.‫ وﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﻢ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺻﻮات ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ‬،‫اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ووزﻧﮭﺎ‬ ‫ رﻏﻢ ﻛﻞ ھﺬه اﻹﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت ﻓﮭﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ زاﻟﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺣﯿﺎة أﺻﺤﺎﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﯿﻮﻣﯿﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ إﻟﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ‬.‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﮭﺎ‬ ‫ وﻛﻠﻤﺎ ازدادت اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ازداد‬.‫ وﺗﺮﻛﯿﺒﯿﺔ ﻛﺒﯿﺮة‬،‫ ودﻻﻟﯿﺔ‬،‫واﺣﺪة ﯾﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ رواﺑﻂ ﺻﻮﺗﯿﺔ وﻟﻔﻈﯿﺔ‬ ‫ وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ إذا ﻗﻠﺖ اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﺑﺘﻌﺪت ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻣﻊ‬.‫اﻟﺘﻘﺎرب ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ‬ ‫ ﻓﮭﻲ – ﻓﻲ اﻷﺻﻞ‬،‫ وﯾﺬﻛﺮ أن أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻤﻌﺮوﻓﺔ اﻧﻔﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻟﻐﺎت أﺳﺒﻖ‬.‫ﻣﺮور اﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻛﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺎت ﻻ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ إﻻ رواﺑﻂ ﺿﻌﯿﻔﺔ‬ ‫ ﺛﻢ اﺗﺴﻌﺖ اﻟﻔﺮوق ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ وﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﺻﻠﯿﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻏﺪت ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺪث ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎت‬،‫– ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم أو ﻓﺮع ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‬ .‫ أو ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬،‫اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﮭﻨﺪﯾﺔ اﻷورﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ‬ Ağbaht, Mahmut; Arnold, Werner. 2014. “Antakya’nın Dursunlu Köyünde Konuşulan Arap Diyalekti”, I. Uluslararası Türkiye’de Konuşulan Arap Lehçeleri ve Sözlü Edebiyatları Sempozyumu May 17-19 2013, Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi, Mardin. Nüsha, sayı 39, II. 7-26. Ağbaht, Mahmut; Arnold, Werner. 2012. “Der Kluge und der Narr. Ein Text im arabischen Dialekt der Nusayrier von Sqūtiyyāt in der türkischen Provinz Hatay”. Studia Andrea Zaborski Dedicata. Folia Orientalia, vol. 49. 25-35. Aslan, Ahmet. 2013. “Diyar-ı Mudar (Harran)’da Arap Halk Edebiyatı”, I. Uluslararası Türkiye’de Konuşulan Arap Lehçeleri ve Sözlü Edebiyatları Sempozyumu May 17-19 2013, Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi. Mardin. Grigore, George. 2007. L’arabe parlé à Mardin – monographie d’un parler arabe périphérique. Bucharest: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti. Jastrow, Otto. 1978. Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qəltu-Dialecte, vol. I, Phonologie und Morphologie. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Jastrow, Otto. 1981. Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qəltu-Dialekte, vol. II, Volkskundliche Texte in elf Dialekten. Stuttgart : Franz Steiner. Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 1971. Linguistische Analyse des Arabischen Dialekts der Mḥallamīye in der Provinz Mardin (Südossttürkei). Berlin. Talay, Shabo. 2013. “The Arabic Dialect of Sine, Province Diyarbakır: a Missing Link between Mesopotamian and Levantine Arabic?”, I. Uluslararası Türkiye’de Konuşulan Arap Lehçeleri ve Sözlü Edebiyatları SempozyumuMay 17-19 2013, Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi, Mardin. THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TANGIER ACROSS A CENTURY JORDI AGUADÉ University of Cádiz Abstract: The scope of this article encompasses a diachronic outline of the Arabic dialect spoken in the North Moroccan town of Tangier. Concerning this dialect, we have an important number of data covering a gap of more than hundred years, in other words, from the time when Tangier was a small town until today when its population is estimated at about 1.000.000 inhabitants (according to the data from the 2014 census). We have principally sourced texts with transcriptions. These are French translations and glossaries, edited and published by W. Marçais in Paris 1911. Secondly, other sourced data are those compiled in 1970 by M. Assad in an unpublished PhD. In addition, reliable information concerning the dialect of Tangier in the first half of the 20th century can be found in two other publications: in a collection of tales edited by B. Meissner (1905), and in an unpublished text transcribed by G.S. Colin (1930). Data from all these publications are compared with those collected by J. Aguadé in the last four years among young speakers of Tangier 1. Keywords: Morocco, Moroccan dialectology, Tangier Diachronic studies of modern Arabic dialects are often not possible due to the lack of linguistic data from earlier sources. We have only contemporary texts or grammatical descriptions at our disposal. This is especially the case of Morocco, a country for whose dialects limited data are available. These data go back to earlier than the beginning of the last century and it helps us to gain some insight into their diachronic evolution 2. Regarding Casablanca, for instance, we only have the Marokkanisch-Arabische Gespräche im Dialekt von Casablanca of Georg Kampffmeyer (published in Berlin in the year 1912), a compilation of texts which shows, for instance, that at the beginning of the 20th century the dialect spoken in this town had interdental phonemes, a feature no longer existing today: all interdentals having shifted to occlusives (Aguadé 2005:61-62). Also available is material concerning Tetouan, a town whose dialect was described in the 1950s by the German scholar Rudolf Singer in two articles (Singer 1958a and 1958b). According to the data collected by Singer, at that time men in Tetouan produced the phonemes /q/ as /ʔ/ and /r/ as /ġ/ (Singer 1958a:108-109), whereas today men consistently avoid both realizations because they are seen as typical feminine features. Tangier is the only Moroccan town for whose dialect we have several studies, and these range from the beginning of the 20th century onwards, as we will see next. Before proceeding with our analysis, however, we shall first of all give an outline of the history of this town which, with a million inhabitants, is the most important in Northern Morocco today. As is the case in other North Moroccan coastal towns, Tangier has experienced a turbulent past. Due to its proximity to Europe, Tangier’s history is characterized by successive conquests and destructions (especially from the 15th century onwards) as the following list evidences (El Mansour 2000: 183-185): - end of the 7th century: Arabic conquest - 1471 Tangier under Portuguese rule 1 This article is part of the results of the Spanish research project FFI2014-54495-C2-2-P. I would like to thank my colleague Maurice O’Connor for his corrections of the English texts in this paper. 2 Mǝlḥūn or Zajal compilations are of little interest for diachronic research because they are written in a quite artificial language which does not reflect the everyday speech. 22 JORDI AGUADÉ - 1580 Tangier under Spanish rule (union of Portugal with Spain) 1640 Tangier under Portuguese rule (after Portugal’s independence) 1661 tangier under English rule (as part of Catherine of Braganza’s dowry to Charles II) 1684 Moroccan reconquest of Tangier by the sultan Mulay Ismail 1923 International Zone 1940 Spanish occupation 1945 restoration of the International Zone 1956 independence of Morocco and of the International Zone. Taking into account this brief historical outline, it becomes obvious that the dialect of Tangier cannot belong to the traditional urban dialects; the town was often destroyed and its Muslim population expelled. In my opinion, the origin of the dialect of Tangier goes back to no earlier than the year 1648 when Mulay Ismail retook the town. This means that the town had lost its original inhabitants and was repopulated by the sultan with peoples from the surrounding areas and from other towns like Meknes or Fes. In other words, in the Tangier of the end of the 17th century, a mixed dialect was spoken and its mixed origin can explain the lack of some typical North Moroccan urban features in the dialect of Tangier (for instance the realization of *q as /ʔ/ or *r as /ġ, ʁ/). In the last hundred forty years the population of Tangier experienced a very fast growth, as following numbers show 3: 1878: about 20.000 inhabitants 1952: 164.000 inhabitants 2004: 664.295 inhabitants (including the modern districts of Bni Makada, Charf Mghogha, Charf Souani, Tanger Médina). District of Tanger Médina alone: 169.185 2014: 1.010.883 inhabitants (including districts of Bni Makada, Charf Mghogha, Charf Souani, Tanger Médina). District of Tanger Médina alone: 243.082. Fortunately, we have reliable older publications concerning the Arabic spoken in Tangier. These publications are dated from the beginning of the 20th century until the 1970s. In addition, I have recently recorded dialectological data among young people in Tangier, which means that, for the dialect spoken in this town, we have data that cover more than a century. The aim of my paper, therefore, is to analyze the evolution of the Arabic of Tangier in the last hundred years, comparing older data with the results of my research about the dialect spoken today. To commence with, allow me to provide a brief description of the main sources for my paper 4. The first source is an article by Bruno Meissner entitled “Neuarabische Geschichten aus Tanger” and published in 1905. It contains ten tales, gathered by the author during a stay in the town in the year 1901, with their phonetical transcription and translation into German. The second source regards a book Textes arabes de Tanger, which contains five large texts collected by Marçais (in the years 1900 and 1907) written in Arabic script with transcription, French translation and a glossary. Marçais’s collection is particularly important due to the experience of its author regarding North African dialects. The author gives details about his informants who were not only men (a more common practice at the time) but also women, and also provides the reader with their sociolinguistic background. My third source is an unpublished text of Georges S. Colin, collected in the year 1930 and analyzed by Zakia Iraqui-Sinaceur in an article published in the year 1995. This text is especially 3 Source: Haut-Commissariat au Plan. Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat 2004 (= http://www.hcp.ma/Recensement-general-de-la-population-et-de-l-habitat-2004_a633.html) and Haut-Commissariat au Plan. Recensement général de la population et de l’habitat 2014 (= http://rgph2014.hcp.ma/downloads/Publications-RGPH2014_t18649.html). 4 Of course there are more publications about the Arabic of Tangier than the list I give here, but not all are suitable for a linguistic analysis. For this reason I have chosen only the most reliable ones, written with precise phonetic transcriptions. 23 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TANGIER ACROSS A CENTURY interesting because Colin was an outstanding expert in the field of Moroccan dialectology and his transcriptions are particularly accurate. The fourth source is Mohamed Assad’s Le parler arabe de Tanger. This is an unpublished PhD thesis of a Moroccan student, directed by the Finnish scholar Heikki Palva, and held at the University of Göteborg (Sweden) in the year 1978. Assad’s data are based on his own fieldwork in Tangier (during the years 1972-1977) as well as on previous texts compiled by Marçais and other dialectologists (Assad 1978: introduction p. 3). Lexicon Concerning the lexicon of the Arabic spoken in Tangier, an outstanding information source is the material gathered by Colin and published (posthumous) in two different dictionaries by IraquiSinaceur (1993) and de Prémare (= DAF). Both dictionaries are especially important for lexicological research as Colin, on most occasions, specifies the geographical provenance of the lexical items he collected. This gives us information regarding the lexicon of the Arabic dialect spoken in Tangier. Another important source is the Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte (= WAD), a lexical atlas of the Arabic dialects edited by Peter Behnstedt and Manfred Woidich. Finally, the last source I have used for my research are the (unpublished) data I gathered in the last years interviewing young informants. All of these were born in Tangier and their parents are native Tangerines. Phonology Regarding phonology, the modern dialect of Tangier presents the same phonemes as from a hundred years ago, including non-Arabic sounds like /č/ and /p/ in loanwords. A characteristic feature (common to other North Moroccan pre-Hilalian dialects) is the realization /q/ of *q (instead of /g/ as it is the case in Hilalian dialects): bqăṛ “cows” (instead of bgăṛ), qāl “to say” (instead of gāl), qănṭṛa “bridge” (instead of gǝnṭṛa), etc. As is the case in other North Moroccan dialects, Tangier has a richer vocalism than a Hilalian urban dialect like Casablanca and displays three short vowels: /ă/ (instead of /ǝ/ /ǝ/ /ŭ/ /ŭ/ in Casablanca) Examples of minimal pairs in the modern dialect are: dxăl “he entered” ≠ dxŭl “enter!”; nǝqṛa “I will read” ≠ nŭqṛa “silver”; xăḍṛa “green (f.)” ≠ xŭḍṛa “vegetable”; ḥăll “he opened” ≠ ḥŭll “open!”; xṛǝž “he went out” ≠ xṛŭž “go out!”; ṛăšš “he sprinkled” ≠ ṛŭšš “sprinkle””; skǝt “he kept quiet” ≠ skŭt “keep quiet!”; Concerning diphthongs, no important changes can be found between the older sources and my data, as the following table shows: 1900-1907 zăyt ~ zīt “oil” bīt “room” ḥăwma “quarter” yăwm “day” ṣăyf “summer” ḥăyṭ “wall” today zit bīt ḥăwma yăwm, ṣăyf ḥăyṭ 24 JORDI AGUADÉ qăwl “speech, saying” ġăyṣ ~ ġīṣ “mud” măwt ~ mūt “death” ḍăw “light” qăwl ġăyṣ măwt ḍăw As we can see, the shift to monophthongization, characteristic for urban Hilalian dialects like Casablanca or Marrakech (Aguadé 2002:302 and Sánchez 2014:83-84) is still not the rule in Tangier. Pronouns If we take a look at the following table we can see that, today, for the 2nd person of the singular only the gender-unmarked form ntīna is used in Tangier. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, gender distinction was attested, as the texts collected by Meissner and Marçais attest to: Marçais 1900 & 1907: 2 sing. ntīn, ntīna (m.) / nti (f.) 2 pl. ntūm, ntūma (m./f.) Meissner 1901: 2 sing. ntīn, ntīna (m.)” / nti (f.) 2 pl. ntūm, ntūma (m./f.). Colin circa 1930 5: 2 sing. ntīna (m./f.) 2 pl. ntūma (m./f.) Assad 1972-1977 6: 2 sing. ntīn, ntīna (m.) / nti, ntĭyya (f.) 2 pl. ntūma (m./f.) Aguadé 2011-2013: 2. sing. ntīna (m./f.) 2 pl. ntūma (m./f.) Thanks to Colin’s text, we know that gender distinction disappeared as early as in the 1930s. The fact that Assad in the 1970s still mentions the feminine form nti/ntĭyya has, in my opinion, a very simple explanation; the author is simply quoting Marçais and his Textes arabes de Tanger, written seventy years earlier. Genitive marker Marçais provides in his Textes arabes de Tanger some examples of the use of the genitive marker mtāʕ (besides d-, dyāl) : today only d-, dyāl are present. Verbs According to Marçais (1913:22 ss.), during his stay in Tangier, the conjugation of the sound verb was characterized by a peculiar feature: “Un premier type est caractérisé par le maintien, aux 1ères et 2es personnes, de la voyelle de la de la 3 pers. masc. sing. [...] ainsi : nʕăs «il a dormi » → nʕăst « j’ai dormi », nʕăsna « nous avons dormi » e 5 6 Iraqui-Sinaceur 1995:137. Assad 1978:94. 25 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TANGIER ACROSS A CENTURY Un deuxième type est caractérisé par l’apparition aux 1ères et 2es personnes, d’une voyelle différente de celle de la 3e pers. masc. sing. Dans le plus grand nombre des verbes qui offrent ce type de flexion, cette voyelle est ŭ [...] ; dans un très petit nombre seulement, elle est ĭ ; ainsi : a) alternance vocalique ă – ŭ dxăl « il est entré » → dxŭlt « je suis entré », dxŭlna « nous sommes entrés » [...] b) alternance vocalique ă – ĭ ḍḥăk « il a ri » → ḍḥĭkt « j’ai ri », ḍḥĭkna « nous avons ri » lʕăb « il a joué » → lʕĭbt « j’ai joué », lʕĭbna « nous avons joué » ḍḥăk et lʕăb sont, à ma connaissance, les deux seuls verbes de ce type”. Today, both verbs follow the conjugation of the first type mentioned by Marçais and thus they display the same vowel in all persons: ḍḥăk → ḍḥăkt, ḍḥăkna lʕăb → lʕăbt, lʕăbna On the other hand, verbs of the second type like dxăl → dxŭlt, dxŭlna are still very common today. In the texts collected by Meissner and Marçais, the mediopassive voice may be expressed by the prefixes n- (= form VII) or t-: nǝžṛăḥ / tǝžṛăḥ “he has been wounded”: today only the prefix t- is used: tǝžṛăḥ. Lexicon With the exception of some obsolete devices and technolects, the overwhelming majority of the lexical items found in older texts are still in use today. Some changes in the lexicon are as follows: 1900-1907 ma “water” is plural: l-ma sxūnīn “the water is hot” yātāy ~ ātāy “tea” sīr! (pl. sīru!) 8 “go!” kuššīna “kitchen” dūga dūga!9 “directly!” Today l-ma sxūnīn ~ l-ma sxūn (plural or singular) ātāy (yātāy only elderly persons) 7 mšī!, mšīw! kūzīna (unusual) Another interesting aspect of the dialect of Tangier is its capacity to resist influence from the so called “Moroccan koiné”, namely the dialect spoken in Casablanca-Rabat 10. So far as I can see, there is no influence from this koiné; neither in its phonology 11, morphology, or in its lexicon. As a matter of example, I shall provide some lexical items in which the differences between Tangier and Casablanca are striking: 7 On this word (< English “tea”, spelt “tay” in the 18th century) cf. WAD 2:289 (= Map 259). Cf. Marçais 1911:13 and 33. 9 Cf. Marçais 1911:303. DAF 4:386 explains this word as metathesis of gūd. 10 If such alleged koiné really exits, is a question I can’t deal with in this paper. 11 As we have seen Tangier realizes /q/ where Casablanca has /g/ and has preserved the old diphthongs /aw/ and /ay/. 8 26 JORDI AGUADÉ Tangier ṛḍūma “bottle” mǝftāḥ “key” ṭăyfūṛ ~ mīssa “table” 12 ṣăyfǝṭ ~ ṣăṛṛăd “to send” dqŭm “mouth” stītū “small” 13 mqābǝṛ “cemetery” grīfu “water tap” 14 nībīra “icebox” 15 bāb “door” is feminine: l-bāb mǝftūḥa fnīwǝn “pretty, beautiful” (woman’s speech) ṭrāmbĭyya “bus” 17 numātiko “tire” 19 bǝllǝž l-bāb! “close the door” 21 n- “to (direction) qǝṛʕa sārūt ṭābla ṣīfǝṭ Casablanca fŭmm ṣġīr ṛūḍa Bǝzbūz tǝllāža ~ frižidīr 16 bāb is masculine: l-bāb mǝḥlūl zwīn ṭobīs 18 bnu 20 sǝdd/šǝdd l-bāb l- Therefore, and as a means to summarize this paper, we pose the following question: what conclusions about the evolution of the dialect in the last hundred years can be drawn? The most striking feature is its stability. As we have seen, the dialect has undergone no changes in its phonology and only very limited changes in its morphology. In the domain of the lexicon, changes are equally minimal. Another important peculiarity is its capacity to resist the growing influence of the dialect spoken in Casablanca which has spread to the rest of Morocco. Given the rapid growth of Tangier in the last century –with a constant migratory flow dating back to several hundred years– the stability of its dialect is surprising. Two possible reasons may explain this phenomenon: firstly, the town of Tangier at the beginning of the 20th century had already a prestigious urban dialect which was quickly adopted by the newcomers; secondly, the overwhelming majority of these immigrants came from the surrounding areas and spoke thus pre-Hilalian dialects, with common features to that of Tangier. References Aguadé, Jordi. 2005. “El dialecto de Casablanca a comienzos del siglo XX”. Aguadé, Jordi & Vicente, Ángeles & AbuShams, Leila (eds.), Sacrum Arabo-Semiticum. Homenaje al profesor Federico Corriente en su 65 aniversario. Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. 55-69. Aguadé, Jordi. 2002. “Notes on the Arabic Dialect of Casablanca (Morocco)”. Ferrando, Ignacio & Sánchez Sandoval, Juan José (eds.), AIDA 5th Conference Proceedings. Cádiz: Servicio de Publicaciones Universidad de Cádiz. 301-308. Assad, Mohamed. 1978. Le parler arabe de Tanger. University of Göteborg: PhD Thesis. Colin 1930: cf. Iraqui-Sinaceur 1995. mīssa < Spanish “mesa”. On ṭăyfūṛ, mīssa and ṭābla cf. WAD 2:102-103 (= Map 208). On this word and its possible etymology cf. WAD 3:600 (= Map 405a). 14 Spanish “grifo”. 12 13 15 Spanish “nevera”. French “frigidaire”. 17 Spanish “tranvía” < English “tramway”. 18 Franch “autobus”. 19 Spanish “neumático”. 20 French “pneu”. 21 On bǝllǝž and its (Latin) etymology cf. WAD 3:294 (= Map 356b). 16 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TANGIER ACROSS A CENTURY 27 DAF = de Prémare, Alfred Louis. 1993-1999. Dictionnaire arabe-français. 12 vols. Paris: L’Harmattan. El Mansour, Mohamed. 2000. “Ṭandja”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 10, Leiden: Brill. 183-185. Iraqui-Sinaceur, Zakia. 1995. “Le dialecte de Tanger”, Aguadé, Jordi & Vicente, Ángeles (eds.), Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental. Dialectologie et histoire. Madrid, Zaragoza: Casa de Velázquez, Universidad de Zaragoza. 131-140. Iraqui-Sinaceur, Zakia.1993. Le dictionnaire Colin d’arabe dialectal marocain. Sous la direction de Zakia Iraqui Sinaceur. 8 vols. Rabat: Éditions Al Manahil / Ministère des Affaires Culturelles. Kampffmeyer, Georg, 1912 Marokkanisch-Arabische Gespräche im Dialekt von Casablanca. Berlin: Druck und Verlag von Georg Reimer. Marçais, William. 1913. “L’alternance vocalique a-u (a-i) au parfait du verbe régulier (Ière forme) dans le parler arabe de Tanger”. Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete 27. 22-27. Marçais, William. 1911. Textes arabes de Tanger. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. Meissner, Bruno. 1905. “Neuarabische Geschichten aus Tanger”. Mitteilungen des Seminars für orientalische Sprachen an der Königlichen Friedrich-Wilhems-Universität zu Berlin. Jahrgang 8, zweite Abteilung. Berlin. 39-97. Sánchez, Pablo. 2014. El árabe vernáculo de Marrakech. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Singer, Hans Rudolf. 1958a. “Neuarabische Texte im Dialekt der Stadt Tetuan”. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 108.106-125. Singer, Hans Rudolf. 1958b. “Grundzüge der Morphologie des arabischen Dialekts von Tetuan”. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft 108.229-265. WAD = Behnstedt Peter & Woidich, Manfred (eds.). 2011-2013.Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte.,. Vols. 1-3. Leiden: Brill. THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS FARUK AKKUŞ Yale University Abstract: This paper presents a range of linguistic data from an Anatolian Arabic dialect spoken in Mutki-Sason areas, and focuses particularly on the verbal morphology. The study shows that Sason Arabic displays various properties that are distinct from other varieties of Arabic and concludes that at least some of these properties, such as light verb construction or marking of definiteness, might be the result of contact with surrounding languages like Turkish and Kurdish. In this respect, it provides instances of syntactic change due to contact along with change in the phonological and morphological domains. The paper also discusses various phenomena in the dialect in comparison with other Anatolian dialects in order to show the commonalities among the dialects and the aspects they show variations. Keywords: Sason-Mutki Arabic, copula, past marker, language contact. Introduction Sason Arabic is one of the many Arabic varieties spoken in Anatolia. These dialects are part of the larger Mesopotamian dialect area, in other words they can be considered as a continuation of the Iraqi Arabic dialects. Jastrow (1978, 2006a, b) classifies the dialect in the Sason area as a member of Kozluk-Sason-Muş group. Based on Blanc’s (1964) seminal book Communal Dialects in Baghdad, Anatolian Arabic is categorized as qəltu-dialect. Starting with a geographical survey of Arabic dialects spoken in Turkey, Anatolian qəltu-dialects are conventionally divided into four major groups (Jastrow 2006): 1. i) Mardin group ii) Siirt group iii) Diyarbakır group iv) Kozluk-Sason-Muş group The linguistic data in this paper come from the village of Kuzzang in the province of Mutki, Bitlis and the village of Purşang, Batman. The absence of official literacy in Arabic, and hence the absence of diglossia, and the strong influence from the surrounding languages, such as Turkish (the official language of Turkey), Kurdish and Zazaki (Indo-Iranian) and Armenian (spoken by Sason speakers of Armenian origin) are the two primary factors that have shaped Sason Arabic linguistically and sociologically. It is significant to note that Sason speakers are usually multilingual, speaking some of the mentioned languages. Jastrow (2006a) notes that all the Arabic dialects spoken between Diyarbakir and Urfa are now history and the situation can be extended the Kozluk-Sason-Muş dialects as well, which are situated in a forbidding mountain range which extends from Siirt northwards to the plain of Muş. Furthermore, Jastrow says that “most of the dialects still existing are spoken by Muslim peasants in small villages and hamlets which, intriguingly, bear Armenian names, but no Armenians survive in the area”. This article clearly shows that there are still few Armenian families in the region, especially in Purşang, some of whom have migrated to Istanbul, mostly to the Samatya neighborhood. FARUK AKKUŞ 30 Phonology Sason Arabic has the inventory of consonant phonemes shown in Table 1. 1 Table 1 Consonant Inventory of Sason Arabic plosive (1) p b fricative (2) (3) f v d̠ (4) t d s z affricate nasal approximant liquid vibrant m w (5) (6) c š ž č ǰ (7) k ɡ x ġ (8) q (9) h n y l r ɫ (1) bilabial, (2) labiodental, (3) interdental, (4) alveolar, (5) post-alveolar, (6) palatal, (7) velar, (8) uvular, (9) glottal. A number of new phonemes have been introduced into Sason Arabic via loanwords from Kurdish, Zazaki, Turkish and Aramaic. It should be noted that identical or very similar phonemes are found in other Arabic qəltu-dialects (Jastrow 2006a, Talay 2001): i. The voiceless bilabial stop /p/ is a stable phoneme in the dialect. The other phonemes are the voiceless affricate /č/, the labiodentals fricative /v/, and the voiced velar stop /g/. 2. parda ‘curtain’ [ < Turkish perde] parča ‘piece’ [ < Turkish parča] čāx ‘time, moment’ [ < Kurdish čāx] vade ‘term to maturity’ [ < Turkish vade] mazgūn ‘sickle’ [ < Aramaic magzūnā, cf. Turoyo magzūno] Note that the word mazgūn ‘sickle’ has undergone metathesis in Sason Arabic, unlike its realization in Kinderib where it preserved the original order of word-medial consonants magzūn. ii. The interdental fricatives have been shifted to the sibilants, while they have been retained in some other Anatolian dialects, e.g. the Mardin group dialects (Jastrow 2006a). In Tillo and Siirt dialects, on the other hand, they have been shifted into labiodentals fricatives. This is one of the sound changes that illustrate the differences in the various subgroups of Anatolian qəltu-dialects. 3. Mardin dialect Sason Tillo/Siirt d̠ahab ‘gold’ zahab vahab bayd̠ ‘egg’ bēza bayṿ axad̠ ‘he took’ aġaz axav d̠əhr ‘afternoon’ zēr ṿəhor However, in the plural marker, the voiced the voiced fricative is preserved in the speech of some speakers; for instance, both potād and potād̠ ‘clothes’ are available in the language. In other qəltu-dialects, the voiceless stop /t/ is used, e.g. maqbaṛāt ‘cemeteries’ in Azəx (Wittrich 2001), karrāt ‘times’ in Tillo (Lahdo 2009). 1 The format of the tables draws from Jastrow 2006a, whose overall influence on the text will be clear to the reader. 31 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS iii. The glottal fricative /h/ has disappeared in words where it is followed by the vibrant /r/. This process is followed by the compensatory lengthening of the vowel. 4. zēr < d̠əhər ‘noon’ šār < šahər ‘month’ cf. šahr Old Arabic, šaʿr Hasköy Arabic In some other cases, the loss of /h/ or the Old Arabic /ḥ/ is not dependent on the presence of /r/. 5. nasáʿu ‘he forgot it’ in Hasköy > nasou naḥna ‘we’ > naʿna > nāna aġaznáḥu ‘we took it’ in Hasköy > aġaznou taḥt ‘under’ in Daragözü > tāt iv. The uvular stop /q/ has been preserved like most other dialects, but the emphatic consonants and the glottal stop are not encountered in Sason. 6. qāl ‘he said’ aqla ‘her mind’ madar < *maṭar ‘rain’ zarab < *ẓarab ‘he shot’ sāleb ‘fox’ cf. saʾləb (Talay 2001) However, similar to what is observed in Hasköy dialect (Talay 2001), in some contexts, the underlying /q/ shifts to x ~ ġ. Similarly, the underlying velar fricative /x/ is voiced and becomes ġ. Consider the following. 7. q > ġ: baġa ‘he stayed’ baġra ‘cow’ cf. baq̱ṛa in Daragözü q > x: ixtəla ‘he will kill her’ mōtix ‘I cannot’ cf. mōṭiq in Daragözü x > ġ: aġaz ‘he took’ v. The sequence of glide+consonant in word-medial position is disfavored in the dialect. This sequence is usually resolved through the deletion of the glide and lengthening of the preceding vowel (in some cases the quality of the vowel changes, as in the alternation between a ~ ī in the word ‘white’). 8. beyḍa > bēza ‘egg’ dawla > dōle ‘state’ bayza (f.sg. Talay 2001: 74) > bīz ‘white’ cf. ḅayṿa (f.sg., Tillo Arabic) laymūn (Tillo Arabic) > lāmūn ‘lemon, citrus fruit’ īdayni ‘my hands’ Daragözü (Jastrow 1973: 95) > idēni In the context of vowels, the mid-long vowels have been introduced into the inventory via loanwords from Turkish and Kurdish, e.g. xōrt ‘young man’ [< Kurdish] and tēl ‘wire’ [< Turkish]. Another way mid-long vowels entered the lexicon is through the process imāla. When the imāla has been triggered by a short [i], this vowel may have subsequently been lost, e.g. klēb ‘dogs’ which is derived from the Old Arabic plural kilāb. 9. Imāla (* ā > ē) in Sason Arabic Old Arabic dakakīn > kilāb > Sason dəkēkīn kəlēb ‘shops’ ‘dogs’ The Old Arabic diphthongs /ay/ and /aw/ have been preserved in word-final position in Sason Arabic, as in beyt ‘house’, dawz ‘walnut’. However, diphthongs have been monophthongized in some words, such as fōġ ‘above’ < fōq [in Mardin, Jastrow 2006a] < fowq. Note also the above discussed alternation between q ~ x. Other examples of monophthongization are ēn ‘eye’ < OA ʿayn, ōm ‘day’ < OA yawm. FARUK AKKUŞ 32 Sason Arabic has a larger inventory of short vowels compared to other Anatolian Arabic dialects, which have a system of two vowel system, [ə] and [a] (Jastrow 2006a). Table 2 illustrates the short vowels in Sason Arabic: Table 2 Short vowels in Sason i e ə u o a Unlike Anatolian Arabic, where the unconditioned of the Old Arabic short vowels /i/ and /u/ led to /ə/, Sason has preserved the short high front vowel, e.g. hēdi ‘slowly’, nihane ‘here’. The examples mādar ‘he didn’t call’ and madar ‘rain’ show a minimal pair based on the length of the [a] vowel. The other pair hāmar ‘red’ and hamār ‘donkey’ stresses the role of length in leading to meaning differences. The Old Arabic /i/ has shifted to /ə/ in the example bənt ‘girl’, similarly the [u] vowel of Old Arabic turned into [a] in the word axt ‘sister’ < Old Arabic bint, uxt. The examples wane ‘there’, nihane ‘here’, le ‘that’, sāre ‘she became’ show that the short vowel [e] is part of the inventory, and not an allophone of some sort. The short vowel [o] is found in words like boš ‘a lot’, xasalo ‘they washed’, ǰom ‘barn’, zoqamra ‘moon’. The Old Arabic [u] and [a] have been generally preserved, e.g. ǰum ‘star’, šušumār ‘centipede’, fade ‘she opened’. Morphology Regarding personal pronouns, the gender distinction between 2nd and 3rd person plural has been lost, as in other Anatolian Arabic. Table 3 shows the independent personal pronouns in Sason Arabic, along with Mardin (Jastrow 2006a) and Daragözü (a Kozluk group dialect, Jastrow 1973, 2006a) and the other dialect Bo Isaksson (2005) documented in a village northwest of Sason, Xalīle. Table 3 Independent Personal Pronouns 3rd sg. masc. 3rd sg. fem. 3rd pl. nd 2 sg. masc. 2nd sg. fem. 2nd pl. 1st sg. 1st pl. Sason iyu iya iyen, ənnen ənt ənte ənto ina, īna nāna Xalīle uww iyye ənn int, ənta inte əntu, əntən īna nəḥne Daragözü hīyu hīya hīyən ənt ənte ənto nā naḥne Mardin hūwe hīya hənne ənta ənti ənten ana nəḥne In Sason, the initial /h/ in 3rd person forms has disappeared, in this respect it patterns with Xalīle, however the difference between the two dialects is readily noticeable. Regarding the development of personal pronouns, I suggest that the expected form hīye has become hīya by analogy to the 3rd pers. sg. fem. -a, following Jastrow’s (2006a) account for Daragözü. Xalīle has preserved the vowel e, but has taken on the geminate form of the consonant. The forms iyu and iyen in turn are back formations from īya, by attaching to a basis īy- the respective pronominal suffixes -u and -en. The 2nd person forms ənte and ənto acquired their final vowel to the analogy with the inflected verb. 33 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS The following are the demonstrative pronouns in Sason Arabic. Note that unlike the Hasköy dialect (Talay 2001), the gender distinction has been lost in plural forms. 10. Near deixis sg. m. ala f. ali Remote deixis aya, ay ayi pl. m./f. alu ayu In Xalīle, in Hasköy and the Aġde dialects (Jastrow 1978), the consonant in the singular forms is z, e.g. āza (m), āzi (f) for near deixis, and āzu for common plural. In remote deixis, the masculine form is reported as ʾāk < āg (cf. Jastrow 1978:108). The shift from k/g > y reflects change in the form of the 2nd sg. masc. pronominal suffix. On the other hand, in Siirt dialects the consonant is v (Jastrow 1978, Lahdo 2009), e.g. äävi in Tillo. The following are some examples to illustrate the demonstrative pronouns in use. 11. ala sabi ali bənt ay kelp ayi māse alu zəġār ayu bənād ‘this boy’ ‘this girl’ ‘that dog’ ‘that table’ ‘these kids’ ‘those girls’ The pronominal suffixes are attached to nouns (to express possession), to verbs (to function as a direct object), and to prepositions. Tables 4, 5 and 6 show the pronominal suffixes after bases ending in a consonant (beyt ‘house’), in ā (faddā ‘he took away’), and -u (axu ‘brother’), respectively. Table 4 Pronominal suffix I – after C 3rd sg. m. Sason Hasköy Daragözü Xalīle beyt ‘house’ bēt ‘house’ bayt ‘house’ bēd-u bēt-u báyt-u -u 3rd sg. f. bēd-a bēt-a báyt-a -a 3 pl. 2nd sg. m. bēd-en bēd-ey bēt-en bēt-ək báyt-ən báyt-ək ən ək, āk 2nd sg. f. rd bek-ki bēt-ki bēt-ki -ki nd bek-ken bēk-ken bēt-kən -kən st bēd-i bēt-i báyt-i -i st ben-na bēn-na bēt-na -na, ənay 2 pl. 1 sg. 1 pl. Note that the diphthong in the word beyt ‘house’ is monophthongized when a suffix is attached. This process applies across the paradigm in Sason, that is, with both suffixes beginning with a vowel or a consonant. In Daragözü, on the other hand, monophthongization and compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (with a change in vowel quality, a > e) occurs only when a consonant initial suffix is attached. Moreover, the voiceless stop /t/ seems to undergo regressive assimilation in Sason and Mardin, e.g. yielding the output /beyt-ki/ > betki > bekki in Sason. This is not a productive rule since in a similar context, assimilation does not take place in the word mawt ‘death’, e.g. /mawt-ki/ > mōtki, not *mōkki. FARUK AKKUŞ 34 Pronominal suffix II – after ā fadda Sason ‘he took away’ Mardin waddā ‘he took away’ waddā-hu waddā-ha 3rd sg. m. 3rd sg. f. faddou faddā/faddaʿa 3rd pl. fadden 2nd sg. m. 2nd sg. f. faddey faddāki 2nd pl. faddāken 1st sg. faddāni waddākən waddā-ni faddanna waddā-na st 1 pl. waddāhən waddā-k waddā-ki Pronominal suffix III – after u/ū 3rd sg. m. 3rd sg. f. 3rd pl. 2nd sg. m. 2nd sg. f. 2nd pl. 1st sg. 1st pl. Sason axu ‘brother’ axū-n axū-a axū-en axū-y axū-ki axū-ken ax-i axū-na Table 5 Daragözü xū ‘brother’ xū xū-a xū-ən xū-k xū-ki xū-kən xū-i xū-na Hasköy abu ‘father’ abū-n abū-wa abū-wen abū-k abū-ki abū-ken abū-y abū-na Table 6 Mardin abū ‘father’ abū-hu abū-wa abū-wən abū-k abū-ki abū-kən abū-yi abū-na In Hasköy, Mardin and Daragözü dialects, as in other Anatolian Arabic dialects, the pronominal suffix for 2nd sg. masc. is -(ə)k, however in Sason it is -ey after a base ending in a consonant, and -y after a vowel. This is observed in the genitive form zəl- as well, e.g. zəlley ‘yours’. Furthermore, the dialects exhibit a variation with respect to the pronominal suffix realization after a base ending in long or short -u in 1st person sg. form. Sason and Daragözü have the suffix –i as in the word for ‘brother’, while Mardin -yi, and Hasköy -y. Another point worth mentioning is that unlike other qəltu-dialects, Sason and Daragözü dialects allow hiatus, e.g. axūa ‘her brother’, or xūi ‘my brother’, cf. Hasköy abūwa, where the glide breaks up the hiatus. In Xalīle, the quality of the preceding vowel determines the epenthesized glide. 3rd sg. fem. suffix is realized as -wa after -u, e.g. yğibu-wa, but nğib-a, similar to Hasköy and Mardin dialects, whereas the form of 3rd sg. masc. is -yu after -i. This shows that the choice of the glide corresponds with the vowel. Negation The form of the negative marker depends on the aspect of the verb: mā is used in perfective, e.g. mā-ǰa ‘he did not come’ and mō/mə/mi is used in the imperfective form of the verb. 1st person sg. marker ā- is elided before mō, e.g. mōčči ‘I will not come’. In Xalīle, mā is used before the perfect, and mō before THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS 35 the imperfect, accordingly with persons other than the 1st sg. as well mō is used, e.g. nəḥne gəze mō nuʾl ‘we do not say so’. In nominal sentences, negative marker for 3rd sg. masc. is mū/mow, for 3rd sg. fem. mī/mey, e.g. raxue mey ‘she is not sick’ and for 3rd pl. mennen. The form of the negation is mā in other persons. In optative and imperatives, the form lā is used, e.g. lā təči ‘don’t come’. Sason Arabic uses the existential particle ifī ‘there’ in both existential and possessive constructions, e.g. ifi kelpteyn qəddam bābe ‘there are two dogs in front of the door’, ifənna zəġārteyn ‘we have two children’. Note that in both existential and possessive constructions, the opposite pattern is observed regarding the form of the negative and the tense reference. Sason exhibits the following negative particles in present and past. In present tense, which is correlated with the imperfective, the form mā is used, while in past mə is preferred. 12. mā-fi ‘There is not’ mə-kī-fi ‘There was not’ or məkfi Another interesting property is that in possessives the form existential+dative clitic is observed. The paradigm is as follows: 13. ifə-nni kelpma ‘I have a dog’ 2 ifə-lley … ‘you (m.) have …’ ifə-kki ‘you (f.) have’ ifə-llu ‘he has’ ifə-lla ‘she has’ ifə-nna ‘we have’ ifə-kken ‘you (pl.) have’ ifə-llen ‘they have’ There are two genitive exponents in Sason: (i)zəl-, and lē. Only the former is used with the possessive suffixes. The genitive exponent ḏīl or dīl in other Anatolian dialects, partly due to the phonological rules of the dialect, ḏ has become z, e.g. axu zəkki ‘your brother, brother of yours’, kelp zənna ‘our dog, dog of ours’. 14. 3rd sg. m. zəllu 3rd sg. f. zəlla 3rd pl. zəllen 2nd sg. m. zəlley 2nd sg. f. zəkki 2nd pl. zəkken st 1 sg. zəlli 1st pl. zənna It is also possible to use the particle lē between the noun and the genitive exponent. 15. baxča lē zənna ‘our garden’ ēne lē zəġār ‘children’s room’ bənt le Kemal ‘Kemal’s daughter’ ši lē akəl ‘something to eat’ In the domain of demonstrative adverbs, for ‘thus’ the expression ša gəze is used. This form probably harks back to simple *kiḏā, found in other qəltu-dialects in various forms (kəḏe in Mardin, kəze ~ kəz in Daragözü). The particle ša, the shortened version of məša is the preposition ‘for’. The form used for ‘here’ is nihane, whose shortened version ni is usually used in quick speech. It also harks back to Old Arabic hunā. The form for ‘there’ is wane, which most likely harks back to common Anatolian *hawnak, cf. Siirt awnek. 2 Notice also the gemination of the initial consonant of the dative clitic when attached to the existential particle. FARUK AKKUŞ 36 With respect to interrogative adverbs, there are two words for ‘how’, əštaba, əštarz and šəme. The former is used in contexts where the manner is being questioned, e.g. əštaba məšit wane? ‘how did you go there?’ In this sentence, the means of transportation is being inquired. In other contexts, the word šəme is used, e.g. šəme kənt? ‘how are you?’ The question word for ‘where’ is amma, which can be traced back to the compound form *ayna mōḏa ‘which place’. The Old Arabic form matā is not used for the word ‘when’, instead the form əčax, the reflex of the compound ayš čāx ‘which time’ (< Kurdish čax ‘time’) is used. The following is a list of the commonly used wh-words. 16. ande ‘who, whom’ šəne, əšne ‘what’ atey, fo šəne (lit. ‘on what’) ‘why’ əš habbe ‘how many’ əšqadarī ‘how much’ əš NP ‘which NP’ e.g. əš sənnor adaštu? ‘which cat did you see?’ Copula As in other Anatolian Arabic dialects, in Sason Arabic nominal sentences, a copula is regularly used. Anatolian Arabic dialects vary in their realization of the ‘copula’, its agreement features and order with respect to the predicate. The form of the ‘copula’ in affirmative and negative sentences in Sason Arabic is illustrated in Table 7. Table 7 Copula in Sason Arabic Pronoun 3m.sg 3f.sg 3pl Positive ye ye nen Negative mū/mou/mow mī/mey mennen Gender agreement is not marked in positive constructions, but only in negatives. This is different from other qəltu-dialects, which show agreement in gender in affirmative sentences as well. Table 8 illustrates the use of copula across all persons, not just 3rd person forms. All four dialects use the shortened version of the independent pronoun in the 3rd singular and plural. The difference lies in the form of the ‘copula’ utilized in other persons. Mardin, Siirt and Daragözü use the predicative copula that is identical to the personal pronoun, whereas Sason uses the demonstrative copula with k- after Jastrow (1978: 139). Table 8 Copula Paradigm Sason 3rd sg. m. 3rd sg. f. 3rd pl. 2nd sg. m. 2nd sg. f. 2nd pl. 1st sg. 1st pl. iyu gəbir-ye iya gəbire-ye iyen gəbir-nen ənt gəbir kənt ənte gəbire kənte ənto gəbir kənto īna gəbir kəntu nāna gəbir kənna Mardin (Grigore 2007) hūwe gbīr we hīya gbīre ye hənne gbār ənne ənt gbīr ənt ənti gbīre ənti ənten gbār ənten ana gbīr ana nəḥne gbār nəḥne Siirt (Jastrow 2006a) ūwe ūwe awne … īye awne … ənne awne … ənt awne … ənti awne … ənten awne … anā awne … nəḥne awne Daragözü (Jastrow 1973) hīyu … -ū hīya lbayt-ī hīyən … -ən ənt məni ənt ənte … ənte ənto … ənte nā ḅāš nā naḥne … naḥne 37 THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS The paradigm with k- in Sason Arabic is as follows. Table 9 k- Paradigm in Sason 3rd sg. m. iyu kū raxu 3rd sg. f. iya kī raxue ‘he is sick’ ‘she is sick’ iyen kənno raxu 2nd sg. m. ənt raxu kənt ənte raxue 2nd sg. f. kənte ənto raxu 2nd pl. kənto īna raxu 1st sg. kəntu nāna raxu 1st pl. kənna 3rd pl. Jastrow (1978) suggests that kū and kī are abbreviated versions of kūwe and kīye, respectively. Interestingly, while the copula forms -ye and -nen must follow the predicate, the 3rd person singular and plural demonstrative pronouns kū, kī and kənno may only precede the predicate. Therefore, for instance iyu raxu kū is ungrammatical. This suggests that the demonstrative copula with k- came to acquire different distributional and syntactic properties, e.g. they may function as verbal auxiliaries, e.g. kū yamel ‘he is working’, whereas the pronominal copulas cannot. Moreover, the two types of copula differ in their morphophonological properties too. The pronominal copula does not carry (contrastive/exhaustive) stress (Jastrow 2006a, Talay 2001, Lahdo 2009), unlike KWN. Anatolian dialects differ in the order of the copula with respect to the negation and the predicate. In Sason the order is [predicate+negation+copula], e.g. nihane men-nen ‘they are not here’. In most Anatolian Arabic dialects, including Kinderib. negation and copula precede the predicate, hence [negation+copula+predicate], e.g. mawwe fə-lbayt ‘he is not at home’ (Jastrow 2006a: 91). In Mardin, on the other hand, negation may precede the predicate, while the copula follows it, e.g. mō fə-lbayt-we ‘he is not at home’ (Jastrow 2006a: 92). In the verbal domain, a distinction is made in the inflection of strong and weak verbs. Table 10 shows the inflection of Form I of the strong verb faqaz ‘to run’ in both perfect and imperfect. Table 10 Inflection of a strong verb rd 3 sg. m. 3rd sg. f. 3rd pl. nd 2 sg. m. 2nd sg. f. 2nd pl. 1st sg. 1st pl. perfect faqaz faqaze faqazo faqast faqaste faqasto faqastu faqazna imperfect ifqez təfqez ifqəzo təfqez təfqəze təfqəzo afqez nəfqez FARUK AKKUŞ 38 Table 11 illustrates the conjugation of the weak verb addel ‘to make’. Table 11 Inflection of a weak verb 3rd sg. m. 3rd sg. f. 3rd pl. 2nd sg. m. 2nd sg. f. 2nd pl. 1st sg. 1st pl. imperfect yaddel tadde`l yadlo taddel tadle tadlo addel naddel These forms call for several remarks: i. The inflectional morpheme -tu of the 1st pers. sg. perfect is an important hallmark of the qəltu-dialects, both Anatolian and Iraqi. ii. In Anatolian and Iraqi dialects, it is common to retain the final -n in 2nd pers. sg. fem., 2nd pers. pl. rd and 3 pers. pl., e.g. təktəbīn ‘you (f) write’, təktəbūn ‘you (pl) write’, yəktəbūn ‘they write’ from Mardin Arabic (Jastrow 2006a). In Sason -n has been dropped and the final [ū] of plural forms is shifted to [o]. The high vowel [ī] is lowered to [e] regularly. Verbal Modificator Sason Arabic has the particle kə-, k-, similar to k- in Hasköy dialect (Talay 2001:84) and the verbal modificator kəl- that Isaksson (2005:187) notes for the Sason area. Talay calls this prefix imperfektive Vergangenheit ‘imperfective past’. The example kə-yayel ‘he was eating/he would eat’ shows that the prefixal particle does really express imperfective past. In addition to the imperfective verb, in Sason kə- attaches to the perfective verb as well and expresses past perfect meaning as in kə-ayal ‘he had eaten’. This function shows that kə-is not just an imperfective past marker, at least in Sason Arabic (Akkuş, to appear). Isaksson defines the verbal modificator kəl- in the variety he documented in Xalīle as a particle that “before the perfect marks the perfect tense”, with the example bōwš kəl-štaġal ingilzġa ‘He has spoken much English’. In the example, the perfective form of the verb ‘speak’ is used, hence the expected reading is ‘he had spoken much English’, i.e. past perfect, not present perfect. The fact that it is compatible with the adverb ams ‘yesterday’, as in ams bōš kə-štaġal ingilzǰa ‘he had spoken much English yesterday’, but not with sa ‘now’, it is not possible to say sa bōš kə-štaġal ingilzǰa. This contrast shows that, at least in Mutki-Sason, the meaning is past perfect. Syntax One of most obvious syntactic changes due to contact relates to marking of indefiniteness in Sason Arabic. In Arabic dialects indefinite NP is unmarked, while the definite NP is marked by the article al-, əl-, il- e.g. ʔaSiide ‘a poem’, l-ʔaSiide ‘the poem’ from Lebanese Arabic. Sason Arabic exhibits the opposite pattern found in Iranian and Turkic languages, similar to the change Uzbekistan Arabic has undergone due to its contact with Uzbek and Tajik (Jastrow 2005). 17. a. baxle b. baxle-ma ‘mule’ mule-a ‘a mule’ THE ARABIC DIALECT OF MUTKI-SASON AREAS 39 Sason Arabic uses the enclitic -ma to mark the indefiniteness of an NP. This indefinite element is unique to Sason group and might hark back to the Old Arabic -maa ‘some’. The following are examples from Kurdish and Turkish that show the markedness of the indefinite NP. 18. mirov > miróvek (Kurdish) the man > a man 19. adam > bir adam the man > a man (Turkish) This change in the pattern is corroborated by the constructions which show the indefiniteness effect. For instance, existential constructions disallow definite NPs, thus in English one can say There is a bird on the roof, but not There is the bird on the roof. Likewise, in Sason in existential constructions only the form with the enclitic -ma is permitted, e.g. ifi atsūra-ma fo fəstox ‘There is a bird on the roof’. The absence of -ma renders the sentence ungrammatical. The following examples show the marking of referentiality in Sason. 20. a. naze masag-e atsūra ‘non-referential’ (SVO) ‘Naze caught a bird/birds’ or ‘Naze did bird-catching.’ b. naze atsūra masag-əd-a ‘definite, specific’ (SOV) ‘Naze caught the bird.’ c. naze masag-e atsūra-ma ‘non-specific/indefinite’ (SVO) ‘Naze caught a bird.’ d. naze atsūra-ma masag-əd-a ‘specific/indefinite’ (SOV) ‘Naze caught a certain bird’ or ‘A bird is such that Naze caught it.’ The data in (20) show that word order in Sason makes it obvious whether something has moved or not. The basic word order in transitive sentences is SVO in Sason, and the position of the object changes depending on its referential properties. In (20)a the bare noun atsūra expresses a reading that comes close to an incorporated reading in that it expresses an activity reading. The NP is non-referential and number-neutral as the distinction between the singular and plural is neutralized with the sentence having the unmarked SVO order. In (20)b, on the other hand, the same bare noun atsūra is interpreted as a definite NP since it occurs in preverbal position (forming the SOV order) and more importantly the predicate is inflected with the object pronoun -a to allow this reading. The form atsūrama in (20)c is translated as an indefinite/nonspecific NP with the indefinite element -ma. The example (20)d shows that what is being marked is not definiteness, but specificity. Light Verb Constructions Light verb constructions are another domain where the influence of contact is observed. In surrounding languages such as Kurdish and Turkish the form of light verbs is ‘nominal+light verb’, e.g. pacî kirin (kiss do) ‘to kiss’ Kurdish, rapor etmek (report do) ‘to report’ Turkish. Light verb constructions in Sason are also formed with a nominal and the light verb asi ‘to do’. The nominal part in Sason can be borrowed from Kurdish, e.g. ser asi ‘to watch’, or Turkish as in qazan asi ‘to win’ or might be Arabic, e.g. meraq asi ‘I wonder’. Versteegh (1997) argues that this is ‘a calque’ of Turkish etmek. The data provides support to this argument and also shows that Sason has adopted a head final property. Expression of Tense/Aspect Sason Arabic does not distinguish between general present, present continuous and future. Therefore, yamel is ambiguous between ‘He works’, ‘He is working’ and ‘He will work.’ The present continuous can also be marked via the verbal auxiliary, e.g. kū yamel ‘he is working’. The intent is expressed by te- prefixed to the imperfect verb, e.g. te-ičo ‘they shall come’. This prefix is realized as tə- in Mardin and as de- in Siirt dialect. 40 FARUK AKKUŞ References Akkuş, Faruk (to appear). “Sason Arabic”, Online EALL. Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal Dialects in Baghdad. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press (Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs X). Grigore, George. 2007. “L'énoncé non verbal dans l'arabe parlé à Mardin”, Romano-Arabica 6-7. 51-62. Isaksson, Bo. 2005. “New Linguistic Data from the Sason Area in Anatolia”, E. Csato, Bo Isaksson, C. Jahani (Eds.), Linguistic Convergence and Areal Divergence: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic. New York: Routledge. 181-190. Jastrow, Otto. 1973. Daragözü, eine arabische Mundart der Kozluk-Sason-Gruppe, Südostanatolien. Grammatik und Texte. Nürnberg: Hans Carl. Jastrow, Otto. 1978. Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qǝltu/Dialekte. Bd. I: Phonologie und Morphologie (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 43,4). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Jastrow, Otto. 2006a. “Anatolian Arabic”, EALL. 87-96. Jastrow, Otto. 2005. “Uzbekistan Arabic: A Language Created by Semitic-Iranian-Turkic Linguistic Convergence”, E. Csato, Bo Isaksson, C. Jahani (Eds.), Linguistic Convergence and Areal Divergence: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic and Turkic. New York: Routledge. 133-139. Jastrow, Otto. 2006b. “Arabic Dialects in Turkey – Towards a Comparative Typology”, Workshop on Turkish Dialects Orient Institute, 19-20 November 2004, İstanbul, Türk Dilleri Araştırmaları, 16. 153-164. Jastrow, Otto. 2007. “Iraqi Arabic”, EALL. 414-424. Lahdo, Ablahad. 2009. The Arabic Dialect of Tillo in the Region of Siirt (South-Eastern Turkey). Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 26. Uppsala. Prochazka, Stephan. 2002. Die Arabischen Dialekte der Çukurova (Südtürkei). Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. (Semitica Viva 27). Talay, Shabo. 2001. “Der Arabische Dialekt von Hasköy (Der Khas), Ostanatolien. I. Grammatische Skizze”, Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik 40.71-89. Versteegh, Kees. 1997. The Arabic Language. New York City: Columbia University Press. Wittrich, Michaela. 2001. Der arabische Dialekt von Azax. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI DLIFLC 1 Abstract: This paper reexamines the grammatical status of the Iraqi relative particle ʔilli ‘that/which/who/etc.’ suggested by Erwin (2004: 381). Our examination has led to the observation that ʔilli must be viewed as an aspect of agreement in definiteness. Therefore, the paper examined new linguistic data from Iraqi Arabic (IA) extensively in light of the theoretical premises and issues that emerged necessary to examine and discuss the topic in its larger frame, i.e., aspects of agreement in Iraqi relative clauses on the basis of such linguistic data. In doing so, the paper presented a detailed discussion at various issues concerning agreement in Iraqi relative clauses taking into account some combination of grammatical properties such as person, number, gender and definiteness that are usually apparent in phrasal constructions in IA. We have observed that there are three types of grammatical agreement in Iraqi relative clauses, i.e., (i) antecedent – clause agreement, (ii) antecedent – pronoun agreement and (iii) subject – verb agreement. Thus, the paper unfolds to support these observations with arguments which lead to conclude that ʔilli ‘that/which/who/etc.’ is nothing but an aspect of agreement in definiteness exhibited by the relative clause only when the associated antecedent is definite. This is an instance of (i). The paper goes on to conclude the status of resumptive pronouns in IA which is in essence an instance of (ii). Finally, the paper concluded that when the antecedent functions as both the syntactic and semantic subject of the relative clause, agreement on the verb, pronoun and/or other elements such as adjective(s) and noun(s) within the relative clause may be realized in accordance with that antecedent. While when the antecedent functions as only the logical (semantic) subject of the clause, grammatical agreement may not be marked on the verb in accordance with that particular antecedent. Instead, the verb strictly agrees with its syntactic subject, i.e., the subject of the relative clause (whether overt or covert). However, in such cases, pronoun(s) and adjective(s) within the relative clause still exhibit agreement in accordance with the antecedent of the clause and thus, satisfying the requirement of tying the clause grammatically to that particular antecedent. Keywords: Grammatical agreement, Iraqi relative clauses, Iraqi resumptive pronouns, agreement in definiteness. 1.0. Introduction In examining grammatical agreement in IA relative clauses we observe, for example, that when the antecedent nominal is definite, Iraqi relative clause is always introduced by a relative particle, (that may correspond in meaning to any of the English relative pronouns), this particle may be independent words such as ʔilli and lli as in il-walid ʔilli čān bi-l-bēt axūya ‘the boy-3MS who was-3MS at thehouse (is) my brother’ and minu l-mara lli ?ija-ti wīy-ak ‘who (is) the woman who came-3FS withyou’, or dependent prefixes identical to that of the definite article usually attached to the first element of the relative clause as in iš-šabāb il-da-yi-lʕab-ūnʔ hnāka ʔṣdiqāʔī ‘the boys who are-playing-3Mpl over there are my friends-Mpl’ and l-mara id-da-tibčī ḍayʕa ‘the woman who is crying-3FS is lost3FS’. As we can observe in these examples, when the antecedent is definite, the relative clause is introduced by a relative particle in any of the forms specified above, i.e., independent form or dependent form. However, when the antecedent is indefinite, the clause is not introduced by this particle as in makū fed amrīkī yaḥčī ʕirāqī zēn ‘there is not an American (who) speaks Iraqi well’. This example shows that the antecedent fed amrīkī ‘an american-3MS’ is indefinite and therefore does not induce the need to use the so called relative particle ʔilli or any of its variants to introduce the relative clause yaḥčī ʕirāqī zēn ‘speaks Iraqi well’. We take this to be a clear manifestation of agreement in 1 Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy of the defense language institute foreign language center, the Department of Army, the Department of Defense or US government. 42 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI definiteness. That is, relative clauses, in essence, function as modifiers of the antecedent and in IA they appear in the attributive position and thus also exhibit agreement in definiteness as the case with attributive adjectives in the language. This is one aspect of agreement that we will be looking at in examining agreement in relative clauses in IA. Further, in the above examples, we also observe that the relative clauses contain one or more verb(s), this verb or verbs may follow the antecedent in person, number and gender. This is yet another manifestation of grammatical agreement of the type subject – verb agreement. This is another aspect of agreement that we would be looking at while examining agreement in Iraqi relative clauses. Moreover, there are instances where the relative clause is an equational sentence as in is-sayyāra lli-warāna čibīra ‘the car-FS that (is) behind us (is) big-FS’. This example shows that adjectival predicate čibīra ‘big-FS’ agrees with the antecedent in number and gender. This agreement is similar in many respects to the agreement patterns seen in the equational sentences in IA. Furthermore, Iraqi relative clauses may also contain a pronoun which refers to, and agrees with, the antecedent as in mā-kū ʔhwāya riyājīl baʕad-hum yi-libsūn dišdāša bi-l-ʕirāq= ‘there are not many men who still wear dišdāša 2 in Iraq’. That is, in this example we observe there is a pronoun suffix hum that is attached to the particle baʕad ‘still’. This pronoun agrees in person, number and gender with the antecedent riyājīl ‘men-3Mpl’. Further, we also observe that the verb yi-libs-ūn ‘wear-3Mpl’ agrees in person, number and gender with the antecedent. Thus, this is another manifestation of agreement that we will be looking at in examining grammatical agreement in Iraqi relative clauses. Thus, there are at least three aspects of grammatical agreement exhibited by different elements in Iraqi relative clauses. These are (1) clausal agreement in definiteness, (2) antecedent – verb/predicate agreement and (3) antecedent – pronoun agreement. We shall investigate each type in the following sections. 1.1. What is a relative clause? Relative clauses can simply be defined as a grammatical category that consists of two parts, a noun usually the topic and a modifying clause. The noun here is called the antecedent and the clause here is referred to as ‘relative clause’. The modifying clause, sometimes, exists inside another clause. Therefore, linguists such as Eckersley, C.E. (1960), Leech, G et al (1982), Thomas, L. (1993) and Murphy, R. (1994) view relative clause as an instance of a subordinate (or dependent) clause. In IA these two parts are adjoined together with or without a connector (also referred to as “relative particle” by Erwin 2004). In English, however, a relative clause must be introduced by a relative pronoun as in ‘the man who is standing over there is my friend’. In this sentence we observe that the noun ‘the man’ is the antecedent of the sentence and it is modified by the relative clause who is standing over there which is introduced by the relative pronoun who which basically functions as the subject of the clause. This relative clause exists inside the main/matrix clause the man is my friend. Thus, the structure and the formation of the relative clauses differ from one language to another. As seen in the introduction part of this paper, we observe that there are three aspects of grammatical agreement in Iraqi relative clauses. These are (I) antecedent – clause agreement in definiteness, (II) antecedent – pronoun agreement and (III) antecedent – verb/predicate agreement. We shall examine each of these aspects in some more details below. 1.2. Antecedent – Clause agreement in definiteness Thus, in a language such as English, the relative clause is always introduced by a relative pronoun which participates in the grammatical structure of the clause, functioning for example as the subject of the clause, or the object of a verb or preposition. IA relative clauses, on the other hand, may or may not be introduced by a relative pronoun. This depends on the nature of the antecedent involved, i.e. 2 dišdāša is the traditional Iraqi customs. ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 43 whether definite or indefinite. However, the relative pronoun in IA, if ever considered so, functions completely different from those found in English. That is, Erwin (2004: 381) recognizes that the Iraqi relative pronoun (which he calls relative particle) ʔilli or any of its variants does not participate in the grammatical structure of the clause and that, according to him; it merely acts as a connector between the antecedent and the clause. In fact, we are going to demonstrate below that the so called Iraqi relative particle is nothing but an aspect of agreement in definiteness. This is seen so for at least four reasons outlined below: I. The IA relative clause is, in essence, an adjectival clause immediately follows the antecedent and occurs in what is known as the attributive position and thus grammatically functioning as an attributive adjective which in IA usually agrees with its head noun in gender, number and definiteness. II. The Iraqi relative particle has no function (semantic or syntactic) other than marking definiteness on the clause. III. Among the variant of the Iraqi relative particle ʔilli is a set of prefix forms that phonologically follow the same distributional rules, and are morphologically identical to, the Iraqi definite article ʔl-. IV. As opposite to Erwin’s observation that ʔilli is only used as a connector, we observe that the antecedent does not need a connector to be connected to the relativizing clause. As evidence in support of this point, when the antecedent is indefinite, then there is no justification of why the Iraqi relative particle is not used in such cases. For these reasons we see the Iraqi relative particle as an aspect of agreement in definiteness. In light of this conclusion, we shall present some examples of the agreement in definiteness found in Iraqi relative clauses. The examples shall be arranged in such a way that they first capture the agreement in definiteness and then their indefiniteness counterparts. 1. [minū [il-walid [ʔilli xābar-ak] RC ]] who def-boy-3MS DEF called-3MS-you ‘who (is) the boy who called you’ 2. [uxtī [ʔilli čān-at ti-dris qānūn] sister-my DEF was-3FS 3FS-studing law ‘my sister who was studying law got married’ 3. [baġdād [ʔilli čānat marra ʔāmna] RC Baghdad DEF was-3FS once safe-FS ‘Baghdad that once was safe became frightening’ 4. [bēt iṭ-ṭbīb [ʔilli da-yi-ʕālij ummī] RC house def-doctor DEF prog-3MS-treat mother-my ‘the house of the doctor who is treating my mother is this’ RC itzawj-at] married-3FS ṣarat muxīfa] became-3FS frightening hāḏa] this From the above examples 3 we demonstrate that when the antecedent is definite, the relative clause is also marked as definite by the overt realization of the clausal definitizing particle ʔilli. That is, in the example in (1) we observe that the antecedent il-walid‘def-boy-3MS’ carries the definite article ʔl- and therefore triggers ʔilli as a definite agreement marker before the modifying clause xābar-ak‘called-3MS-you’. In the example in (2) we observe that the antecedent carries a suffix -i indicating the possessive pronoun ‘my’ thus marked as definite and therefore, triggers ʔilli as agreement in definiteness on the associated relative clause čān-at ti-dris qānūn ‘was-3FS 3FS-studing law’. In the example (3) we observe that the antecedent baġdād ‘Baghdad’ is a proper name, and thus definite, therefore, triggers ʔilli as an agreement marker in definiteness on the modifying clause čānat marra ʔāmna ‘was-3FS once safe-FS’. Finally, in the example in (4) we observe that the antecedent bēt ‘house’ occurs in an annexation of which the last noun iṭ-ṭbīb ‘the-doctor’ is definite, thus the whole phrase is considered definite and, therefore, triggers ʔilli as an agreement marker in definiteness in the modifying clause da-yi-ʕālij ummī ‘prog-3MS-treat my-mother’. However, it is worth noting 3 Brackets here indicate clausal boundaries. However, we only labeled relative clauses as such. 44 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI here that in the example (4) the relative clause is clearly modifying the second noun iṭ-ṭbīb ‘thedoctor’, not the first noun bēt ‘house’. Now, consider the following examples in which the antecedent is indefinite and therefore the modifying relative clause also appears as indefinite. 5. ni-rīd fed mōwaḏḏaf [yi-štuġil ib-ʔxlāṣ] RC 1pl-want indef employee-3MS 3MS-work with-diligence ‘we want an employee who works with-diligence’ 6. ʔxūya raḥ-yi-tzawwaj ibnayya [id-daris nglīzī bi-l-mustanṣiriyah] RC my-brother will-3MS-marry indef-girl teach-3FS English in-def-Mustansiriyah ‘my brother will marry a girl who teaches English in the Mustansiriyah’ 7. Kull wāḥda [tiʕayyan-at ʔhnāk] RC ištar-at bēt everyone-FS designated-3FS there bought-3FS a house ‘everyone who designated there bought a house’ 8. ʔa-rīd fed wāḥid [yi-ḥčī englīzī zēn] RC 1S-want indef someone speak-3FS English good ‘I want someone who speaks well English’ In the above examples we observe that when the antecedent is indefinite, the relative clause also appears indefinite. That is, in the example in (5) we observe that the antecedent is mowaḏḏaf ‘employee-3MS’ is preceded by indefinite particle fed ‘a/an’ making it indefinite and therefore the associated relative clause yi-štuġil ib-ʔxlāṣ ‘3MS-work with-diligence’ is not introduced by the definite marker. In the example in (6) the antecedent ibnayya ‘girl’ is indefinite and therefore the associated relative clause ʔd-daris englīzī bi-l-mustansiriyah ‘teach-3FS English in-the-Mustansiriyah’ is also indefinite. In the example in (7) the antecedent waḥda ‘one-FS’ is preceded by the indefinite particle kull ‘every’ making it indefinite and therefore the associated relative clause it-ʕayyan-at ʔhnāk ‘designated-3FS there’ is also indefinite. The example in (8) is similar to that in (5), the antecedent wāḥid ‘one-MS’ is preceded by the indefinite particle fed ‘some’ making it indefinite and therefore the associated relative clause yi-ḥčī englīzī zēn ‘speaks English well’ is also indefinite. This fact leads to the conclusion that relative clauses in IA agree with their antecedent in (in)definiteness. That is, when the antecedent is definite, the relative clause is marked as definite by virtue of having ʔilli or any of its variant, and when the antecedent is indefinite the relative clause appears as indefinite. 1.3. Antecedent – Pronoun agreement Between the antecedent and the referring pronoun inside the relative clause, sharing of features such as person, number and gender is observed. That is, the pronoun within the relative clause may refer to and agree with the antecedent nominal in the three phi-features. However, we deem it necessary here to say some details on the status of this pronoun in IA before we can proceed to present data in support of our investigation of antecedent – pronoun agreement in IA relative clauses. The pronoun we are considering here appears inside the relative clause and repeats the same features of the antecedent. It is, therefore, described as ‘resumptive pronoun’. Crystal (2008: 415) defines the adjective ‘resumptive’ as “a term used in grammatical analysis to refer to an element or structure which repeats or in some way recapitulate the meaning of a prior element….” He, further, cited this as one of the salient features of this process which is the resumptive pronouns in relative clauses. Jassim (2011) identifies two types of resumptive pronouns in IA. These are (I) weak resumptive pronouns and (II) strong resumptive pronouns. While weak resumptive pronouns are those that are attached to the heads of phrases such as VPs, NPs and PPs (also referred to as dependent pronoun, ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 45 pronoun suffixes etc.), the strong resumptive pronouns are those which can stand alone (also referred to as independent pronouns). In such case, these pronouns refer to and agree with the antecedent of the relative clause. However, there is a third way by which reference to the antecedent of the relative clause can be expressed and that is by the agreement morpheme on the verb and / or the predicate. That is, Anoun, Benmamoun, Choueiri (2010: 165) also recognize that the agreement morpheme on the verb may be taken to identify the null pronominal element that serves as a resumptive pronoun in the cases of relativization primarily from subject position. The above fact confirms to the statement made by Erwin (2004: 383) in which he stated that an adjectival clause may contain a verb or pronoun form which refers to and agrees with the antecedent, and thus serves the function of tying the clause grammatically to that particular antecedent. This may be a verb form alone, an independent personal pronoun or a pronoun suffix, or a combination. While discussing the distribution of the presumptive pronouns in IA 4, Jassim (ibid) stressed that the weak resumptive pronouns generally occur in a non-subject position mostly in verbal clauses and that the strong resumptive pronoun obligatorily occurs in subject positions mostly in non-verbal clauses. That is, consider the following examples in which (9) represents an instance of weak resumptive pronoun and (10) represents an instance of strong resumptive pronouns. 9. minu [il-mara ʔilli šifit-ha : barra] RC who def-woman DEF saw-1S-her outside ‘who is this woman who is crying outside’ 10. hāy il-mara ʔilli hiyya this def-woman DEF she ‘this woman who hit you?’ ḍurb-at-ak hit-3SF-you (weak resumption) (strong resumption) In the above examples we observe that in (9) the verb šifit‘saw-1S’ supports the third person feminine singular pronoun suffix -hā which refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-mara ‘thewoman’ in grammatical features such as person, number and gender. In the example in (10) however, we observe that there is an independent third person feminine singular pronoun hiya ‘she’ which refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-mara ‘the-woman’ in person, number and gender. It is interesting to note here that although pronouns in the examples in (9) and (10) exhibit the same grammatical value, i.e., third person feminine singular, they function differently in accordance with the context they appear in and, therefore, they are not interchangeable. That is, it is not possible to have hiyya ‘she’ instead of -hā in (9) and similarly -hā instead of hiyya ‘she’ in (10). This is so because, in the example in (9) the pronoun suffix –ha appears in an object position and therefore bears accusative Case and thus glossed as ‘her’ and in the example in (10) the independent pronoun hiyya appears in subject position and therefore bears nominative Case and thus glossed as ‘she’. That is, Aoun, Benmamoun, Choueiri (2010: 18) stressed that in the modern Arabic dialects, where overt Case marking on lexical NPs has disappeared, the nominative Case on the subject of finite clauses is only seen when pronouns are used 5. For this purpose, they cited the following examples from Lebanese Arabic where independent form of the pronoun can only be used in subject position as in (11) below. Therefore, this independent pronoun cannot be used in non-subject positions as in (12) below. 11. huwwe b-l-beet (Lebanese Arabic) he in-the-house ‘he is in the house’ 4 5 MSA exhibits the same distributional pattern, Anoun, Benmamoun, Choueiri (2010: 172). Languages such as English exhibit a similar situation. 46 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI 12. *šifthuwwe (Lebanese Arabic) saw-1S he ‘I saw him’ (reference Aoun, Benmamoun, Choueirī ibid) Here, we utilize the same technique to confirm the distribution of the weak and strong resumptive pronouns in IA. Thus, we can conclude that the weak resumptive pronouns in IA can only appear in non-subject positions (e.g. may appear as object of a verb or preposition or inside an NP as a possessive pronoun) mostly in verbal sentences and that the strong resumptive pronouns can only appear in a subject position mostly in non-verbal sentences. Furthermore, both pronouns occupy the original position of the antecedent, that is, the position from which the antecedent was extracted, indicated by arrows in examples (9) and (10) above. Thus, and by extension, we can assume that personal pronouns in IA can be classified into two major categories depending on their forms. In fact, this confirms to the status of personal pronouns in IA, for example Erwin (2004: 271) highlighted that personal pronouns in IA occur in two forms; (i) independent and (ii) dependent. while on one hand the independent personal pronouns mainly occur as (a) the subject or the predicate of an equational sentence, (b) optionally as, the subject of a verbal sentence, and (c) as the topic of a topical sentence, thus all in nominative Case position, the pronouns suffix on the other hand may be cliticized to verbs, nouns and prepositions and some other element(s) and function and mean differently thereto. That is, Iraqi pronoun suffixes can have different meaning when attached to different elements. For example, when attached to nouns, they correspond in meaning to, and function like, possessives and when attached to verbs and prepositions, they correspond in meaning to, and function like, object pronouns. We believe that it is necessary to present the Iraqi dependent and independent pronouns here for clarity on resumption strategy in IA. Thus, weak and strong resumptive pronouns in IA vary according to the following paradigm taken from Erwin (2004: 271) with some adaptation. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 1st person 2nd person 1. 2. INDEPENDENT AND SUFFIXED PERSONAL PRONOUNS IN IA FEATURES INDEPENDENT SUFFIXED PRONOUNS PRONOUNS S ʔani -i/ya/nī (with verbs only) Pl ʔiḥna -nā 3rd person Sr. MS FS Mpl Fpl MS FS Mpl Fpl ʔinta ʔinti ʔintu ʔintan huwwa hiyya huma hina -ak/k ič/č -kum čan -a/-Ø (with verbs only) -hā -hum -hin In the above table we observe that there are two sets of personal pronouns in IA. The independent form and the suffix form. Each of these sets is reserved to serve a particular syntactic and semantic function for which the other form cannot. For example, the independent form can only occur in nominative Case position, i.e., subject position, while the dependent can either occur in accusative Case position or in genitive Case position, but never in subject position. We also observe that there are forms that may specifically be attached to verbs as in (1) and (7) in the above table. However, except these, other pronoun suffixes may all be used with nouns and prepositions. ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 47 We now return to present some more examples that demonstrate the existence of grammatical agreement between the antecedent and the referring pronoun which appears inside the relative clause. By doing so we aim at (i) examining the validity of the above mentioned table and (ii) present more examples to substantiate our claim that grammatical agreement is one way of tying grammatically the clause to its antecedent nominal in IA. 13. il-walid ʔilli muškilt-a ṣaʕba def-boy DEF problem-his difficult-FS ‘the boy whose problem (is) difficult’ 14. il-ibnayya ʔilli sayyārat-hā qadīma def-boy DEF car-her old-FS ‘the girl whose car (is) old’ 15. il-niswān ʔilli ma-ʔa-rīd ʔa-šūf-hin def-women DEF not-1S-want 1S-see-them ‘the women whom I don’t want to see them’ 16. il-ʕummāl ʔilli šuġul-hum def-worker REL work-their ‘the workers whose work is good’ zēn good The above examples demonstrate that the embedded pronoun refers to and agrees with its antecedent in the three Ø-features. That is, in the example in (13) the pronoun suffix -a is attached to the noun muškilt ‘problem’ and hence glossed as possessive pronoun ‘his’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-walid ‘the boy’ in person, number and gender. In the example in (14) the pronoun suffix -hā is also attached to the noun sayyārat ‘car’ and hence glossed as ‘her’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-ibnayya ‘the-girl’ in the three phi-features. In the example in (15) the pronoun suffix is attached to a verb and hence glossed as the object pronoun ‘them’, which refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-niswān ‘the women’ in person, number and gender. Finally, in example (16) we observe that the pronoun suffix -hum is attached to the noun šuġul ‘work’ and thus glossed as the possessive pronoun ‘their’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-ʕummāl ‘the-workers’ in person, number and gender. The examples in (13), (14) and (16) also demonstrate that when the pronoun suffix is attached to a noun, it usually corresponds to a possessive pronoun in English. The example in (15), on the other hand, demonstrates that when the pronoun suffix is attached to a verb, it usually corresponds to an object pronoun in English. Thus, in the above examples we have seen that Iraqi pronoun suffixes agree with their third person antecedent nominal in the three Ø-features. So far, the patterns of agreement in the above confirms to that seen in the previous table. In the following, we shall see how agreement of the embedded pronoun is realized when the antecedent is in the second person. 17. ʔinta ʔilli xābrat-ak iš-šurṭa you-MS DEF called-3FS-you def-police ‘you (are the one) whom the police phoned’ 18. ʔinti ʔilli tirīd-ič il-muʕallima mū ʔani you-FS DEF 3FS-want-you def-teacher-FS not I-1S ‘you (are the one) whom the teacher want not I’ 19. ʔintu ʔilli gālat-l-kum il-muʕallima ši-ti-rīd you-Mpl DEF told-3FS-to-you def-teacher-FS what-3FS-want ‘you are the one whom the teacher told what she wants’ 20. ʔintan ʔilli ṭabux-čan ʕirāqī ʔaṣīl mū hinna you-Fpl DEF cooking-your Iraqi authentic not they-Fpl ‘you (are the ones) whose cooking (is) authentic Iraqi, not they’ 48 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI The richness of the Iraqi morphological system makes an apparent distinction on the embedded pronoun when the antecedent is in the second person. That is, in the example in (17) we observe that the pronoun suffix –ak is attached to the verb xābrat ‘called/phoned’ and hence glossed as the object ‘you’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔinta ‘you-MS’ in person, number and gender. In the example in (18) the pronoun suffix -ič is attached to the verb ti-rīd ‘3FS-want’ and hence glossed as the object ‘you’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔinti ‘you-FS’ in person, number and gender. In the example in (19) the pronoun suffix -kum is attached to the preposition gālat-l ‘told-to’ and hence glossed as the object of proposition ‘you’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔintū ‘youMpl’ in the three phi-features. Finally, in the example in (20) we observe that the pronoun suffix -čan is attached to the noun ṭabux ‘cooking’ and hence is glossed as the possessive pronoun ‘your’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔintan ‘you-Fpl’ in person, number and gender. Thus, examples in (17) to (20) above demonstrate that when Iraqi relative clauses contain a pronoun, it usually refers to and agrees with the antecedent nominal. In the following, we shall see how agreement of the embedded pronoun is realized when the antecedent is in the first person form. 21. wallāh ʔanī ʔilli yiʕalam-ni ḥaruf yimluk-nī dahar and-God I-1S DEF 3MS-teach-me letter-S 3MS-owns-me forever ‘I promise by God that who teaches me a letter owns me forever’ 22. mū ʔaḥnaʔ illi ʔa-xaḏ-nā not we-1pl DEF 1S-took-us ‘not we who were taken with him’ wīya with-him The above examples demonstrate that the pronoun suffix refers to and agrees with its antecedent in the three phi-features. That is, in the example in (21) the pronoun suffix -nī is attached to the verbs yiʕalam ‘3MS-teach’ and yimluk ‘3MS-own’ and hence glossed as the object ‘me’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔani in person, number and gender. In the example in (22) the pronoun suffix -na is attached to the verb ʔa-xaḏ‘1S-took’ and hence glossed as the object ‘us’, refers to and agrees with the antecedent ʔaḥna ‘we’ in person, number and gender. It is interesting to note here that the form of the pronouns in IA, generally, does not by itself distinguish Case feature like what we see in, let’s say, English. However, as we have previously observed that independent pronouns always appear in the subject position, that is, a nominative Case position, while dependent pronouns always appear either in an accusative Case position or genitive Case position. This state of affairs maybe used to identify the structural properties of pronouns in IA. Thus, we have so far demonstrated that the pronoun suffix that appears within the relative clause refers to and agrees with its antecedent in the three phi-features. However, reference and agreement may also be expressed by one or more of the following forms; (i) verbal inflectional markers, (ii) a pronoun suffix attached to an element which maybe a noun, a verb or a preposition or any other appropriate class of words, and/orto a lesser extend (iii) an independent pronoun. Nevertheless, pronouns within the relative clause may not necessarily be resumptive in nature. That is, there are situations where there is a pronoun within the relative clause which do not refer to, nor it agrees with, the antecedent. Consider the following for example. 23. ʔl-ibinaya ʔilli jāb-at-l-ak ʔl-ġadā marīḏ=a def-girl-3FS DEF brought-3FS-to-you-MS def-lunch sick-FS ‘the girl who brought to you the lunch (is) sick’ 24. ʔl-walid ʔilli jāb-l-kum hadāyā def-boy-3MS DEF broght-3MS-to-you-pl gifts ‘the boy (who) brought to you gifts (has) died’ māt died-MS In the above examples, we demonstrate that there might be some cases where the embedded pronoun does not refer to nor agrees with the antecedent nominal. It, instead, refers to and agrees with an unexpressed subject of the relative clause. That is, in the example in (23) the pronoun suffix -ak is attached to the verb jābat ‘brought-3FS’ and hence glossed as the object ‘you-MS’. This pronoun ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 49 suffix refers to and agrees with an unexpressed subject of the relative clause which is estimated as the second person masculine singular pronoun ‘you’ in person, number and gender. That is, in (23) the agreement features on the verb serves the function of tying the relative clause grammatically to the antecedent ʔl-binaya ‘the-girl’. We also note here that the adjective marīḏ=a ‘sick-FS’ agrees with the antecedent in number and gender, a point to which we shall return in the next section. In the example in (24) the same thing is observed. That is, the pronoun suffix -kum ‘them’ is attached to the verb + preposition combination jāb-l ‘brought-to’ and therefore glossed as the object ‘them-Mpl’. This pronoun suffix refers to and agrees with an unexpressed subject of the relative clause, which is estimated as the third person masculine plural pronoun ‘they’, in the three phi-features. We also observe here that the participle adjective māt ‘died-MS’ agrees with the antecedent ʔl-walid ‘the-boy’ in number and gender only. Therefore, we can add to our conclusion that when a pronoun appears inside the relative clause, it may either be referential to the antecedent or to the subject of the relative clause. This is highly determined by the syntactic function of the antecedent itself, i.e., whether it acts simultaneously as the syntactic and semantic subject of the clause or not). We now turn to discuss (i) which is in essence an instance of subject – verb agreement. Therefore, in the following we shall present examples that clearly show antecedent – verb agreement in relative clause constructions in IA. 1.4. Antecedent – Verb agreement in IA In considering antecedent – verb agreement in relative clauses in IA, we observe that verbs which lie within the relative clause may, or may, not agree with the antecedent. That is, in some situations, the verb agrees with the antecedent of the clause, and in others the verb does not. It instead agrees with an unexpressed subject of the relative clause, however, in such cases where there is no verbal agreement, the clause must contain at least a weak resumptive pronoun through which reference to the antecedent can be expressed. This is illustrated by the following examples. 25. ʔl-ibnayya ʔilli rāḥ-at ʔhnāk aʔtwans-at Def-girl-3FS DEF went-3FS there enjoyed-3FS ‘The girl (who) went there has enjoyed’ 26. ʔl-ibnayya ʔilli daʕam-hā bi-l-mustašfā Def-girl-3FS DEF went-3MS-her in-def-hospital ‘The girl (whom) he smashed (is) in the hospital’ We observe that in (25) the verbs rāḥ-at ‘went-3FS’ and ʔtwans-at ‘enjoyed-3FS’ agree with the antecedent ʔl-ibnayya ‘the-girl’ in person, number and gender. That is, the grammatical relationship that must hold between the antecedent and the relative clause is established here via the agreement patterns on the verbs. Further, we observe that the antecedent here functions grammatically as the subject of the relative clause, and hence triggers verbal agreement. This point can solve the clue in the example in (26). That is, in (26) the antecedent does not function as the subject of the relative clause and therefore does not trigger agreement on the verb. However, in such situations the grammatical relationship that must hold between the antecedent and the relative clause is expressed via the agreement and reference of the pronoun suffix -hā with the antecedent ʔl-ibnayya ‘the-girl’. The verb in (26) on the other hand agrees with an unexpressed subject estimated as the third person masculine singular pronoun that is equivalent to English ‘he’. Thus, we can postulate that there must be an element(s) inside the relative clause that acts asa connector between the antecedent and the associated clause. However, and by whatever means, this relationship is realized through the binding reference and agreement of that element. Let’s put it more precisely, the grammatical relationship that holds between the antecedent and the relative clause in IA must be realized either by (i) agreement and reference of the verb alone, (ii) agreement and reference 50 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI of a pronoun suffix, (iii) agreement and reference of an independent pronoun or (iv) a combination of any of the above three points. In the previous sub-section, we have demonstrated (ii) and (iii) above. In what follows we present some more examples that show antecedent – verb agreement in Iraqi relative clauses. 27. wēn il-mudīra ʔilli ṣadir-at hal-ʔamir where def-manager-3FS DEF issued-3FS this-order ‘where (is) the manager who issued this order’ 28. minū il-ibnayya ʔilli baʔd-hā whodef-girl DEF still-her who (is) the girl who (is) still crying’ da-ti-bčī prog-3FS-cry 29. la ti-sʔal-nī lēš, il-mudīra ʔilli hiyya sadir-at hal-ʔamir not 2MS-ask-me why, def-manager-3FS DEF she issued-3FS this-order ‘don’t ask why, the manager who (she) has issued this order ’ 30. ummī ʔilli ṭūbx-at-l-a ʔakil mother-my DEF cooked-3FS-to-him food ‘it is my mother who cooked food for him’ In the above examples, we demonstrate that the verb in the relative clause agrees with the antecedent in person, number and gender. This agreement in realized regardless of whether there is a resumptive pronoun or not in the relative clause. That is, in the example in (27) the verb in the relative clause ṣadir-at ‘issued-3FS’ agrees with the antecedent il-mudīra ‘the-manager-3FS’ in person, number and gender. And that there is not exist any resumptivepronoun. Meaning, reference to the antecedent is solely expressed by the morphology of the verb. In the example in (28), we observe that the verb in the relative clause da-ti-bči ‘crying-3FS’ agrees with the antecedent il-binayya ‘the-girl’ in person, number and gender. Nevertheless, the example in (28) also contains the pronoun suffix –ha that is attached to the particle baʔd ‘still’. We know that this is an instance of weak resumptive pronoun in IA and therefore, the pronoun also refers to and agrees with the antecedent in the three phifeatures. Thus, in the example in (28) reference to the antecedent in the relative clause in expressed twicē (a) by the morphology of the verb and (b) by the form of the pronoun suffix. In the example in (29) we observe that the verb in the relative clause sadir-at ‘issued-3FS’ agrees with the antecedent ilmudīra ‘the-manager’ in person, number and gender. Further, there is the independent pronoun hiya ‘she’ which is a clear instance of strong resumptive pronouns in IA and therefore also refers to and agrees with the antecedent in the three phi-features. Thus, the example in (29) is similar to that in (28) in that reference to the antecedent is expressed twice in the relative clause (a) by the morphology of the verb and (b) by the independent pronoun. However, and unlike the example in (28), the independent pronoun in the example (29) which is usually produced with some amount of stress is absolutely optional. That is, we observe that this pronoun might be dropped without changing the syntactic or semantic structure of the utterance under consideration. Thus, the example in (29) is reproduced as (31) below without the strong resumptive pronoun for more clarity. 31. la ti-sʔal-ni šinu, il-mudīra ʔilli sadar-at hal-taʕlīmat not 2MS-ask-me what, def-manager-3FS DEF issued-3FS these-regulations ‘don’t ask what, the manager who has issued these regulations’ In the example in (31) we observe that the absence of the independent pronoun from the structure does not syntactically and/or semantically change the essential characteristics of the clause. This is so because the relative clause is already grammatically tied to the antecedent by the morphology of the verb. The example in (30) is very interesting because the verb ṭūbx-at ‘cooked-3FS’ agrees with the antecedent ūmi ‘my-mother’ in person, number and gender. However, the pronoun suffix within the relative clause which functions as the object of the verb, does not agree with the antecedent of the ASPECTS OF GRAMMATICAL AGREEMENT IN IRAQI ARABIC RELATIVE CLAUSES: A DESCRIPTIVE APPROACH 51 clause. It, instead, refers to and agrees with an unexpressed third person masculine singular subject estimated as third person masculine singular. To sum up, it seems to us that the antecedent in the above examples functions as the subject of the relative clause (except in the example in (30)) and therefore triggers agreement on the verb and/or on the pronoun that may appear in. Now, let’s us consider the following examples in which the verb in the relative clause does not agree with the antecedent of the clause. It instead agrees with the subject of the relative clause. 32. il-mara ʔilli itzawaj-Ø-ha hindiya def-woman DEF married-3MS-her Indian-FS ‘the women whom he married is an Indian’ 33. il-sayyara ʔilli ištra-Ø-ha def-car DEF bought-3MS-her ‘the car which he bought is old’ qadīma old-FS We observe that in (32) the verb itzawaj-Ø ‘married-3MS’ does not agree with the antecedent ilmara ‘the-woman’. It instead agrees with an unexpressed third person masculine singular subject estimated as ‘he’. However, we also observe here that reference to the antecedent is expressed by the pronoun suffix –ha which not only refers to it but also agrees with it in person, number and gender. interestingly, the adjectival predicate hindiya ‘Indian-FS’ also shows agreement with the antecedent but, like other adjectives, only in number and gender. The example in (33) demonstrates the same thing. That is, the verb ištra-Ø ‘bought-3MS’ does not agree with the antecedent, it instead agrees with an unexpressed third person masculine singular estimated as ‘he’. However, reference to the antecedent is expressed by the pronoun suffix –ha which not only refers to, but also agrees with it in the three phi-features. We also observe that the adjective qadīma ‘old-FS’ agrees with the antecedent in number and gender. The above examples can lead us to assume that when the verb does not agree with the antecedent, the reference requirement is expressed by a pronoun suffix (resumptive pronoun) which is, in this case, obligatory. However, if there is an adjective, it also agrees with the antecedent but only in number and gender. This is by far the most common case in IA when the verb does not agree with the antecedent of the relative clause. Consider the following examples of the same sort. 34. il-mazraʕa ʔilli ištra-hā čibīr-a def-farm-FS DEF bought-3MS-her big-FS ‘the farm that he bought is big’ 35. il-mazraʕa ʔilli ištrat-ha ġālya def-farm-FS DEF bought-3FS-her expensive-FS ‘the farm that she bought is expensive’ In the above examples, we observe that in the relative clauses there are two elements which refer to and agree with the antecedent and that the verbs agree with an unexpressed subject. That is, in the example in (34) the pronoun suffix -hā refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-mazraʕa ‘the farm’ in person, number and gender and that the adjective čibīra ‘big-FS’ also refers to and agrees with the same antecedent, however, only in number and gender. The verb in (34) refers to and agrees with an unexpressed subject estimate as third person masculine singular. The same thing is observed in (35). That is, the pronoun suffix -hā refers to and agrees with the antecedent il-mazraʕa ‘the-farm’ in person, number and gender and that the adjective ġālya ‘expensive-FS’ also refers to and agrees with the antecedent, but only in number and gender. The verb in (35) agrees with an unexpressed subject estimated as third person feminine singular. These relationships have been indicated by arrows in (34) 52 SAIF ABDULWAHED JEWAD ALABAEEJI and (35) above. It should be noted here that in the above examples we have used different subjects of the relative clauses, i.e., masculine in (34) and feminine in (35) to show contrast. The examples presented so far lead us to refine our previous conclusion in favor of the following: In some situations, the antecedent of the Iraqi relative clauses functions as both the logical and syntactical subject of the clause and therefore triggers agreement on the elements in the clause (e.g. verbs, pronouns and adjectives etc.). However, in some other situations, the antecedent functions only as the logical subject of the relative clause and thus triggers agreement only on associated pronouns and/or adjectives. The above examples validate this assumption. That is, verbs are usually bound to their syntactical subjects while pronouns and adjectives to their logical antecedents. That is, it seems to us that the antecedent in the above does not syntactically function as the subject of the relative clause therefore, it does not trigger agreement on the verbs above. However, it still functions as the logical antecedent of the pronoun and the adjective therefore triggers agreement on them. If we work along this line or reasoning, we could justify (1) the resumptive strategy in IA and (2) agreement on the adjectival predicate, but not on verbs, in such situations. In the above examples, we have seen instances of weak resumptive pronouns (a pronoun suffix that refers to and agrees with the antecedent) in relative clause that do not show verbal agreement. This is obligatory in cases where the verb does not agree with the antecedent. However, and as mentioned above, there might be certain situations where we can come across an independent pronoun in addition to the pronoun suffix. But again, this is by far the least common and that in such situations the independent pronoun can be omitted mostly without observing any change in meaning except that of focus. Thus, this suggests that, in such situations, the independent pronoun is only used for focus marking. This is illustrated by the following example. 36. hāy il-binayya ʔilli hiyya abū-hā ma-yirīd-hā bi-l-bēt this-FS def-girl-3FS DEF she father-3FS not-3MS-want-her in-def-house ‘this girl whom her father does not want in the house’ In the above example we observe that the verb ma-yirīd ‘not-3MS-want’ agrees with the subject of the relative clause abū-hā ‘her father’ and that all the three pronouns agree with the antecedent of the relative clause il-ibnayya ‘the-girl’. That is, the independent pronoun hiyya ‘she’ which is an instance of strong resumptive pronoun refers to and agrees with the antecedent in person, number and gender. There are two pronoun suffixes -hā that appear up in here, the first one is attached to the noun abū ‘father’ and therefore functions as a possessive and thus appears in the genitive Case and the second one is attached to the verb and therefore yi-rīd ‘want’ and therefore functions as the object of the verb and thus appears in the accusative Case. Both pronouns refer to and agree with the antecedent il-binayya ‘the-girl’ in the three phifeatures. As stated above the independent pronoun here is optional in that it can always be omitted. Thus, we conclude that when the antecedent functions as both the syntactic and semantic subject of the relative clause, agreement of the verb, pronoun and/or other elements such as adjective in accordance with that antecedent is realized. While when the antecedent functions as the logical (semantic) subject only of the relative clause, there is no agreement marked on the verb in accordance with the antecedent. Instead, the verb agrees with its syntactic subject, i.e., the subject of the relative clause (whether overt or covert) however, pronoun(s) and adjective(s) inside the relative clause still show agreement with that antecedent. This agreement pattern functions as a tying tool that connects the antecedent with its modifying clause. References Alabaeeji, S. 2015. Aspects of agreement in Iraqi Arabic. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Delhi, Delhi, India. Aoun, J. Benmamoun, E. &Choueiri, L. 2010. The syntax of Arabic. Cambridge mass: Cambridg`e University Press. Crystal, D. 2008. A dictionary of linguistics and Phonetics. Oxford: Blackwell. Erwin, W. 2004. A short reference grammar of Iraqi Arabic. Georgetown University Press, USA. Eckersley, C.E. & Eckersley, J.M. 1960. A comprehensive English Grammar: For foreign students. London: Longman Leech G., Deucher M. &Hoogenraad, R. 1982. English Grammar for today. Macmillan Press. Jassim, Q. H. 2011. Relative clauses in Iraqi Arabic and the status of the resumptive pronouns. MA thesis, Universitat Auto∋noma de Barcelona. Murphy, R. 1994. English Grammar in use. Cambridge University Press Thomas, L. 1993. Beginning syntax. Basil Blackwell ING., Cambridge, UK. QUADRILITERAL VERBS IN KUWAITI ARABIC YOUSUF B. ALBADER The Public Authority for Applied Education and Training, Kuwait. Abstract: Quadriliteral verbs in Kuwaiti Arabic represent one of the most unexplored phenomena in Gulf Arabic dialectology. So far only a few observations on their morphology and classification have appeared in print; no comprehensive presentation of them has yet been published, even though quadriliteral verbs occur quite frequently in the dialect. This study presents for the first time an alphabetical glossary of quadriliteral verbs in the Kuwaiti dialect. The data were mostly gathered in Kuwait City in 2012-15, but there is also some local published material on the dialects of Kuwait from which the quadriliteral verbs have been gleaned. In his description of the Gulf littoral dialects, Johnstone (1967: 75) noted eleven Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs. Maṭar (1970: 136-139) reported some ten Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs of the tCēCaC pattern. Holes (2007b: 619-620) recorded seventeen verbs for Kuwait. Apart from these studies, there are no other lexical descriptions of these verbs. Therefore, this study is designed to produce an inventory of more than 200 Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs 1 on various templates and of Classical Arabic, as well as of Persian, Turkish, French, and English origins. It attempts (i) to indicate how common quadriliteral verbs are in Kuwaiti, and (ii) to explore their lexico-semantic features. Keywords: Kuwaiti Arabic, quadriliteral verbs, reduplicative verbs, onomatopoeia, lexical borrowing. 1. Introduction The majority of the verbs are based on triliteral roots in classical Semitic languages, while quadriliteral and biliteral roots are much less common (Sabar 1982). Nonetheless, in post-classical and modern Semitic dialects, quadriliteral verbs are numerous and constantly increasing. 2 In Kuwaiti Arabic (KA), quadriliteral verbs can be simple (strong, weak, hollow, or reduplicated from Class I doubled verbs) or derived. As for their origin, it was found that the quadriliteral verbs in Kuwaiti fall into three categories: i. Indigenous roots which may be traced to triliteral or quadriliteral verbs (of nouns and verbs) in Classical Arabic (CLA); ii. Borrowed roots, mainly denominative, from contact non-Semitic languages, such as Turkish, Persian, French, and English; iii. Native creations, chiefly onomatopoetic/mimetic, with no or only an obscure connection to (i) and (ii). A seminal study in this area is the work of Holes (2004). He investigated the morphology and semantics of quadriliteral verbs in the eastern Arabian dialects and argued that a “major strand of the meaning in many types of dialectal quadriliteral verbs is increased intensity, extensiveness of scope, or multiple agency compared with the simple triliteral verbs from which many of them are derived” (Holes 2004: 99). In common with several other Arabic dialects, Kuwaiti has a rich inventory of quadriliteral verbs on various templates. Along with the structurally similar Class II of the triliteral verb, the quadriliteral template CaCCaC is the most productive verb type in the Kuwaiti dialect, e.g. ʿarbak ‘to entangle’. Quadriliterals of the CaCCaC type may be passivised or reflexivised by the prefixing of tior ta-, e.g. taʿarbak ‘to become, get entangled’. Imperatives and participles are also formed, e.g. ʿarbik! ‘entangle (m.s.)!’, mʿarbak ‘entangled’. Other attested patterns in the dialect include: 1 Some 141 different quadriliteral verbs occurred in Holes’ (2004: 98) data from Bahrain. In Modern Hebrew, for instance, “between one third and one half of the entire stock of Hebrew verbs is quadriliteral” (Sabar 1982: 149). See Heidel (1940) for Akkadian, Sabar (1982) for Eastern neo-Aramaic, Gensler (1997) for Ethiopic, Akkadian, and proto-Semitic, and Atallah (2005) for Arabic. 2 54 1. 2. 3. YOUSUF B. ALBADER (t)CāCaC tsāsar ‘to whisper to one another’; 3 (t)CōCaC bōbaz ‘to squat, hunker down’, tʿōmas ‘to become complicated’; (t)CēCaC tfēḫar ‘to show off’. Furthermore, a number of denominative examples have been assimilated into the phonology and morphology of the Kuwaiti dialect which are derived from foreign borrowings. For instance: 1. sansan ‘to blow one’s nose’ (< English ‘sneeze/sinus’) 2. tmakyağ ‘to put on make-up’ (< French maquillage ‘make up’) 3. kalbač ‘to handcuff’ (< Turkish kelepçe ‘handcuffs’) 4 4. nēšan ‘to hit a target’ (< Persian nišān ‘mark’) 5 In addition, there are a few quadriliteral verbs which are characteristic to female speakers that describe traditional outer garments, e.g. tbargaʿ ‘to wear a burka’ (< Arabic barqaʿa ‘to veil’), tčamčam ‘to put a woman’s sleeves over her head’ (< Arabic kumm ‘sleeve’), tkaṃkaṃ ‘to envelope oneself with the ʿabāya’ (< Arabic kamma ‘to cover with a cloak’), tmalfaʿ ‘to wear a black filigree headscarf’ (< milfaʿ ‘headscarf’ < Arabic talaffaʿa ‘to cover oneself’). Some innovative quadriliteral verbs also exist which have been created with the advent of social networking websites and are mostly used by literate, Internet-savvy speakers. 6 For example, manšan ‘to make mention of an Internet user on the social networking service’ (< English ‘mention’), ratwat ‘to forward a message on Twitter’ (< English ‘retweet’). 7 2. Classification of quadriliteral verbs in Kuwaiti Arabic The quadriliteral roots in KA may be classified according to the principles by which they have developed into quadriliterals. Some of these were already well established in CLA whereas others are unique or more common in KA. The quadriliteral templates noted are: C 1 C 2 C 3 C 4  Each radical is different from one another; e.g. mškl ‘to get someone in trouble’; C 1 C 2 C 1 C 2  the 1st radical is identical with the 3rd, and the 2nd radical is identical with the 4th; e.g. dndn ‘to hum softly, croon (a song)’; C 1 C 2 C 1 C 3  the 1st radical is identical with the 3rd; dldġ ‘to tickle’; C 1 C 2 C 3 C 1  the 1st radical is identical with the 4th; t-flsf ‘to speak learnedly or pompously without real knowledge’ (< English ‘philosophy’); C 1 C 2 C 3 C 2  the 2nd radical is identical with the 4th; rtwt ‘to retweet’; C 1 C 2 C 3 C 3  the 3rd radical is identical with the 4th; zḫnn ‘to speak with a nasal voice’. Moreover, Holes (2007b: 619-620) classifies quadriliteral verbs in KA into the following types: i. Reduplicatives: 8 ġarġar ‘to gargle’. 9 ii. Echoic, mimetic: bambaʿ ‘to bleat’. 10 iii. C 2 = /w/: colour verbs and bodily states: bōyaḍ ‘to be whitish, go white’. 11 iv. Denominatives: sōlaf ‘to chat’ < sālfa ‘matter, affair’. Some are formed from foreign borrowings, e.g. kansal ‘to cancel’, tbančar ‘to get a puncture’, both the latter are from English (cancel, puncture). 3 This is the only verb of this pattern I have come across. Sabar (1982: 151) gives the meaning of kalmač as ‘to handcuff’ for the eastern neo-Aramaic dialect. 5 Blanc (1964: 110) records this verb as ‘to betroth’ for Baghdadi Arabic. 6 Atallah (2012: 112) records the borrowing gōgal ‘to google’ in Galilee. 7 There was an advertisement featuring Kentucky Fried Chicken on Kuwait television with the Arabic slogan: hal turīdu ʾan tukantik? ‘Would you like to be Kentuckified?’ (< kantak ‘to order food from KFC’). 8 Key (1965) presented a very detailed study of reduplicatives in various languages. He assigned the various functions of reduplication to different categories. Procházka (1993) also assigned CLA reduplicatives to six different categories. 9 Verbal nouns conform to the patterns already described, e.g. ġarġara ‘gargling’. 10 Holes (2004: 105) lists bambaʿ ‘to stammer [with fright, of people]’ in the Bahraini dialect. Procházka (1993: 100) lists the CLA maʿmaʿa ‘bleat (sheep)’. 11 However, in the Kuwait City dialect, bōyaḏ ̣ with (ḏ)̣ is the (uneducated) common form. 4 QUADRILITERAL VERBS IN KUWAITI ARABIC 55 v. C 2 = /y/: with a t- prefix, denoting affectations of one kind or another, e.g. tlēġab ‘to butt in on a conversation and ruin it’. vi. C 2 = /r, n/ inserted into a triliteral root, e.g. šarbak ‘to ensnare’ < šabak ‘net’, 12 fangaš ‘to kick the bucket’ < faqaša ‘to break into pieces’. vii. Others fall into no particular pattern: tgašmar ‘to joke, play tricks’. 13 3. Glossary of the Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs We shall now turn to our modest glossary of Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs which are extracted from two major sources: my field notes and al-Ayyoub (1982). Al-Ayyoub collected more than 100 Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs, which makes his vocabulary book especially valuable. 14 Sources from the neighbouring Gulf dialects have also been used profitably. For the sake of brevity, the quadriliteral verbs presented thus far will not be repeated here. The verbs are arranged alphabetically, according to the following letters and symbols: ʾ, ʿ, b, ḅ, č, d, ḏ, ḏ,̣ f, g, ġ, ğ, h, ḥ, ḫ, k, l, ḷ, m, ṃ, n, q, r, s, š, ṣ, t, ṭ, ṯ, w, y, z. 3.1 Pattern: CaCCaC Reduplicative verbs comprise most of the CaCCaC verb pattern in my data. 15 They have been derived from doubled verbs which have the same root consonants, and represent “extensive, intensive or repetitive extensions of the meanings of the corresponding doubled verbs” (Holes 2004: 100). Another major sub-category of reduplicatives are onomatopoeic verbs. It is interesting to note that some of the meaning extension implied cannot be predicted. (ʿ) 1. ʿčʿč ‘to clutch, grasp’ 2. ʿḏʿ̣ ḏ ̣ ‘to chew, gnaw, grind (with the teeth)’ 3. ʿšʿš ‘to become nestled’ 4. ʿṣḷg ‘to be recalcitrant; to complicate’ 5. ʿnfṣ ‘to get angry; to be agitated and unbalanced’ 6. ʿntr ‘to have an erection (of the penis)’ 7. ʿrčb ‘to make someone stumble’ (B) 8. bʿbṣ ‘to make a lewd gesture with the middle finger’ 9. bḏbḏ ‘to squander, fritter away (of money)’ 10. bhḏl ‘to make someone get into a mess’ 16 11. bḥlg ‘to stare with eyes wide open’ 17 12. bḥws ‘to look into, search’ 18 13. bqbq ‘to make a gargling sound, make bubbles in water’ 14. brbs ‘to make a mess (of food)’ 15. bršm ‘to cheat (in exams)’ 19 16. brṭm ‘to pout, make a wry face, frown’ 12 Another very common meaning of šarbak is ‘to clap repeatedly’ < šarbuka “fast interlocking clapping as heard in Kuwaiti sea songs” (Urkevich 2015: 4, 342). šarbak is attested in Syrian Arabic as ‘to complicate’ (Cowell 1964: 114). 13 In modern Kuwaiti, this is pronounced qašmar or ġašmar. In the neo-Aramaic dialect of Barwar, Khan (2008: 279) notes mqašmore ‘to make fun of’ to be derived from the Kurdish qešmer ‘clown’. 14 Al-Ayyoub produced what is considered to be the first Kuwaiti muʿğam mubawwab ‘onomasiological dictionary’ (1982). 15 The same thing is also true of Bahrain, as reported in Holes (2004: 100). Procházka (1993: 100) lists 655 reduplicative verbs in Arabic. Atallah (2012: xviii) collected 248 reduplicatives from Galilee. 16 Abu-Haidar (1991: 53) lists bhdl ‘to rebuke’ in the Christian Arabic of Baghdad. 17 Sabar (1982: 158) notes that bḥlg derives from the Iraqi blq. 18 Atallah (2012: 28) records bḥwš in Galilee with the same meaning. 19 In Egyptian Arabic, bršm means “vernieten, festnageln; Hufeisen anlagen; satt warden, sich den Bauch vollschlagen” (Behnstedt and Woidich 1994: 19). 56 17. (Č) 18. 19. 20. (D) 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. (Ḏ) 32. (F) 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. (G) 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 20 YOUSUF B. ALBADER bzbz ‘to start growing (of hair)’ 20 čkčk člčḥ čnds ‘to tick, click, take photographs continuously’ 21 ‘to defeat everyone else by being the best in a game’ ‘to bow the head, lean over’ dʿbl dgdg dlgm dnḅk dndl drʿm drdʿ drdm drfʿ drks dšdš ‘to tell lies’ 22 ‘to knock repeatedly, rap, bang’ ‘to bend the truth’ ‘to play on a drum’ ‘to dangle’ ‘to barge in, push through’ ‘to drink up, guzzle’ ‘to fall (in a hole)’ ‘to push someone hard’ ‘to roll an object in a game while standing’ ‘to wear a dišdāša’ 23 ḏrbn ‘to walk aimlessly’ fḏf̣ ḏ ̣ fntg frfr frft frṣd frzn fsfs ftft ‘to speak from the heart’ ‘to show creativity’ ‘to cry one’s heart out’ ‘to break (rusk, bread) into very small pieces, crumble’ ‘to mash (of dates)’ ‘to distinguish; to store/sort food in the freezer’ 24 = bḏbḏ = frft glgs gḷgḷ grgʿ gnbr grbʿ ‘to ingratiate oneself with superiors’ ‘to wiggle, tilt (of teeth)’ ‘to clatter, bang; to trick-or-treat’ 25 ‘to spear crabs with a long three-pronged spear’ ‘to make a noise by knocking into something accidentally; to rattle someone, make someone uneasy’ ‘to shiver, shudder (from cold)’ ‘to rattle (of coins)’ 26 ‘to pluck a bird’s feather’ ‘to crunch nuts’ ‘to crunch (food, etc.), make a cracking, crunching noise’ ‘to chop something up into small pieces; to pluck feathers’ 27 grgf grgš grṭf grwḏ ̣ grwš gṣgṣ bzbz is glossed as ‘to squirt (milk)’ in the eastern neo-Aramaic dialect (Sabar 1982: 152). čkčk is ‘to grumble, complain, chunter’ in Bahraini (Holes 2004: 103). Khan (2008: 271) gives the meaning of mčakčoke as ‘to chatter together; to clatter; to prick’ for the neo-Aramaic dialect of Barwar. 22 In Christian Baghdadi, Abu-Haidar (1991: 53) records this verb with the meaning ‘to topple, roll’. 23 Sabar (1982: 162) glosses the homonym dšdš in neo-Aramaic as ‘to tread on, destroy (purposely)’. 24 The former sense < CLA faraza ‘to separate’, the latter sense possibly < English ‘frozen’. 25 Maamouri (2013: 471) glosses grgʿ as ‘to thunder’; ‘to frighten, scare, terrify’ for the educated Baghdadi dialect, while Qafisheh (2000: 490) lists grgʿ ‘to carry someone or something on one’s back’ in Yemeni Arabic. Cf. the KA idiom: aku suʾāl yigargiʿ b-gaḷbi ‘There’s a question I should get it off my chest’. 26 Sabar (1982: 153) lists this verb with the meaning ‘to pull, drag’ in eastern neo-Aramaic. 27 Khan (2008: 272) records mpačpoče ‘to chop into pieces; mince (meat)’ in Barwar. 21 QUADRILITERAL VERBS IN KUWAITI ARABIC (Ġ) 52. 53. 54. (H) 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. (Ḥ) 60. 61. (Ḫ) 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. (K) 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. (L) 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. ġldm ġrbḷ ġšml ‘to frown, look worried’ ‘to confuse, bother, put to trouble’ 28 ‘to nod off, fall asleep’ hdrg hfhf hrdg hrhr hzhz ‘to fall, collapse (of walls)’ ‘to fan, waft’ ‘to tell lies; to make something fall’ 29 ‘to defecate (of animals)’ 30 ‘to shake, vibrate, wobble s.th.’ ḥkḥk ḥrḥr ‘to scratch repeatedly’ ‘to break a bird’s neck using a blunt knife’ ḫḅḫḅ ḫḏḫ̣ ḏ ̣ ḫṃḫṃ ḫnfr ḫrbg ḫrfn ḫrḫš ḫsḅg ḫšḫš ḫzḫz ‘to trim floor-length robes’ ‘to shake, rock’ ‘to do a lot of sweeping; to completely consume (food)’ 31 ‘to breathe with nose wide open’ ‘to cut one’s dress’ 32 ‘to make sheep’s eyes at somebody’ ‘to jingle, rustle’ ‘to confuse, mix up’ ‘to rattle (of sheet of paper or of new garment)’ ‘to cast sly, stealthy glances; to ogle’ kbkb khrb kḥkḥ krfs krkr ktkt ‘to splash, slop’ ‘to shock, electrocute’ 33 ‘to keep coughing’ ‘to make someone tip over, knock to the ground’ 34 ‘to howl, roar, laugh’ ‘to flow, pour, gush forth; to ruffle, rustle (of breeze)’ lʿlʿ lʿwz lblb lflf lmlm ḷṭḷṭ lḫbṭ 37 lḫlḫ ‘to make an irritatingly loud noise’ ‘to bother’ ‘to thrash (using a ḫēzarāna ‘bamboo cane’)’ ‘to wrap up, bundle up’ 35 ‘to collect together; to put an end to an issue’ 36 ‘to speak loudly and quickly’ = ḫsḅg ‘to beat someone up, bludgeon, knock around’ 57 Johnstone (1967: 75) lists ġrbl ‘to sieve’ in KA. hrdq is ‘to joke, flirt’ in eastern neo-Aramaic (Sabar 1982: 152). 30 hrhr means ‘to cackle, laugh noisily’ in eastern neo-Aramaic (Sabar 1982: 152). 31 Abu-Haidar (1991: 53) glosses this verb as ‘to develop a musty smell’ in Christian Baghdadi. In neo-Aramaic, it means ‘to heat; to keep warm (by hugging)’, which is of Syriac origin (Sabar 1982: 151, 156). 32 ḫrbq means ‘to entangle’ in eastern neo-Aramaic (Sabar 1982: 152). 33 Other colloquial terms for ‘electrocute’ include: fattar and nifaḏ.̣ 34 See Holes (2004: 112) for its plausible etymology. 35 Noted in Ṣanʿānī Arabic as ‘to go around in small circles’ (Watson 2006: 191). 36 lmlm means ‘to mumble, murmur’ in eastern neo-Aramaic (Sabar 1982: 152) and ‘to be fresh’ in Ge'ez (Gensler 1997: 235). 37 According to Holes (2004: 110), lḫbṭ and t-lḫbṭ have similar meanings in the Gulf dialects (and in Yemen), and appear to have arisen from the same sources, in this case via l insertion and metathesis, viz. ḫabaṭ > ḫalbaṭ > laḫbaṭ. 28 29 58 (M) 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. (N) 94. 95. 96. (R) 97. 98. 99. (S) 100. 101. 102. 103. (Š) 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. (Ṣ) 110. (T) 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. (Ṭ) 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 38 YOUSUF B. ALBADER mġmġ mḫmḫ mlṭš mrmr mṣmṣ mṣḫr mṭmṭ mzmz ‘to stammer’ ‘to think out, keep thinking’ 38 ‘to humiliate; to lower or depress the dignity or self-respect of s.o.’ = dʿbl ‘to suck on (of fish bones); (humorously) to kiss, .smooch’ ‘to humiliate, degrade, make someone’s toes curl’ ‘to stretch one’s speech’ ‘to nibble on, snack; to take a drag on cigarette’ ngng nġbğ nsns ‘to nibble on’ ‘to dig, search, paw around’ ‘to blow, drift (of breeze, moist wind)’ 39 rḅrḅ rḏrḏ ršrš ‘to jabber, prattle, chatter; to joke with’ ‘to drizzle, shower (of rain)’ ‘to sprinkle, spray, drizzle’ sʿbl sfsf slhm srsḥ ‘to drool’ ‘to blow (of breeze towards the sea)’ ‘to lower one’s eyes’ ‘to throw away; to enjoy a refreshing drink’ 40 šbhr šḫbṭ šlwḥ šngḷ šntr šršḥ = bḥlg ‘to scribble, scrawl’ 41 ‘to throw away’ ‘to do a headstand’ ‘to squirt (of blood)’ ‘to scream at someone for discipline’ ṣḥṣḥ ‘to be wide awake’ tʾtʾ tltl tmtm tnḥr tryʿ ‘to stutter’ ‘to pull along’ 42 = tʾtʾ ‘to stand up; to be standing still stubbornly or bashfully’ ‘to belch, burp’ ṭbṭb ṭḥšl ṭgṭg ṭḷṭḷ ṭmbz ṭmṭm ‘to pat, tap lightly’ ‘to feel full (of food); to be stuffed to the gills’ ‘to beat, knock; to do bits and pieces of work’ 43 ‘to look around repeatedly’ ‘to bend over’ ‘to keep quiet, say nothing’ 44 Sabar (1982: 152) glosses mḫmḫ as ‘to sniff about’ in eastern neo-Aramaic. Procházka (1993: 100) notes the CLA nasnasa ‘to be weak’. 40 Holes (2004: 105) records the verb tsansaḥ ‘to slither, slide down’ in Oman which seems to be related to CLA saḥḥa, tasaḥḥa, and tasaḥsaḥa, all of which are used to describe ‘water pouring or flowing down’. Therefore, the r in the Kuwaiti sarsaḥ may be an insertion to the CLA tasaḥsaḥa. 41 Cowell (1964: 113) gives the form šḫwṭ for Damascus. 42 Holes (2004: 101) gives the form tltn in Bahraini. 43 Al-Ayyoub (1982: 303) lists the onomatopoeic ṭigṭāgi, an obsolete Kuwaiti term for ‘motorbike’. 44 Holes (2004: 101) glosses ṭmṭm as ‘to completely submerge, fill to the brim’ and ‘to fill [the seed-bed] right up [with 39 QUADRILITERAL VERBS IN KUWAITI ARABIC 122. 123. (W) 124. 125. 126. (Y) 127. (Z) 128. 129. 130. ṭngr ṭrgʿ ‘to sulk; to get an erection (of penis)’ ‘to crack, pop (of knuckles)’ wsws wṣwṣ wṭwṭ ‘to worry, fret, feel uneasy’ ‘to squeak; to chirp, peep (of baby chicks)’ ‘(negative connotation) to set foot in somewhere’ yryr ‘to drag by force’ zġll zḥlg zngḥ ‘to dazzle’ ‘to cause to slide, slip’ ‘to stride’ 59 3.1.1 Pattern: tCaCCaC Derived quadriliterals are characterised by a prefixed ti- or ta-. Although most of them are derived from simple quadriliteral verbs such as those in section 3.1, we find examples like t-šabšab ‘to feign youth’ 45 where its simple form šabšab was not recorded in the dialect. Other quadriliterals are derived directly from nouns, e.g. t-gahwa ‘to take coffee’ < gahwa ‘coffee’. 46 1. t-ʾfʾf ‘to grumble, mutter’ 2. t-ʿlbč ‘to hold tight, clutch’ 3. t-ʿnfg ‘to complain, nag’ 4. t-ʿrčb ‘to stumble’ 5. t-bčbč ‘to snivel, whinge, whine constantly; to fake a cry’47 6. t-bhḏl ‘to be ridiculed, embarrassed; to be or become mixed up’ 7. t-bhll ‘to behave as a buffoon, clown; to make others laugh’ 8. t-blʿm ‘to be unable to talk, stammer, hum and haw’ 9. t-člft ‘to enter a place without trouble’ 10. t-čnbḥ ‘to bend down’ 11. t-drbḥ ‘to roll over’ 12. t-drdm ‘to fall oneself in a hole, plunge, plummet’ 13. t-ftft ‘to chuckle’ 14. t-grfḏ ̣ ‘to huddle oneself, get huddled’ 15. t-grṭm ‘to grumble, bellyache’ 16. t-gṣmḷ ‘to become shorter (of clothes)’ 17. t-ġḷfṭ ‘to become, be tongue-tied’ 18. t-ḥgrṣ ‘to become strained, tense’ 19. t-ḥḷṭm = t-grṭm 20. t-ḫḷbṣ ‘to be frightened, petrified’ 21. t-ḫḷḫḷ ‘a reply used at the mention of ḫāḷi ‘my uncle’ or ḫāḷti ‘my aunt’, e.g. t-ḫaḷḫiḷat ḏḷ ūʿik ‘may your ribs get broken! (mild oath) 22. t-ḫrbṭ ‘to get confused’ 48 23. t-kʿkʿ ‘to laugh boisterously, chortle, howl’ 24. t-krfs ‘to tip over’ 25. t-krkr ‘to snigger’ water]’ in Bahraini. 45 Holes (2004: 102) notes the reduplicative šbšb ‘to work hard, run hither and thither’ in Bahraini. 46 De Jong (2011: 101) glosses tagahwa as ‘to drink coffee or tea’ for the Bedouin dialects of Sinai. 47 Erwin (2004: 117) records the meaning ‘to put on a piteous act’ in Iraqi. It is one of the few reduplicatives that derives from the weak, triliteral verb biča. 48 < ḫabaṭ ‘to beat’ (Atallah 2012: 144-5). 60 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. YOUSUF B. ALBADER t-ktkt t-lhmd t-lḫbṭ t-mḏḥ̣ k t-mḏm ̣ ḏ̣ t-mlḥs t-mṣḫr t-mṣḷḥ t-mškl t-mḫṭr t-nhwṣ t-nḥnḥ t-qḷqṣ t-rṭrṭ t-srsḥ t-šrqd t-ṣrwʿ t-yġmm t-zḥlg = t-krkr ‘to drift into a deep sleep’ = t-ḫrbṭ ‘to hoot, scoff, snigger’ ‘to rinse out the mouth’ ‘to lick one’s lips; to humiliate oneself for the benefits of others’ ‘to humiliate oneself, show up’ ‘to fawn over s.o.; to flatter and curry favour with s.o.’ ‘to have trouble, get in trouble’ ‘to wiggle, swagger’ 49 ‘to cry, sob’ ‘to clear one’s throat, say ahem, harrumph’ ‘to be trapped, trap oneself’ ‘to have a flabby flesh, become flaccid’ ‘to slip slowly’ ‘to stretch oneself out’ ‘to be thunderstruck, have the jitters’ 50 ‘to sip continuously’ ‘to glide, slide, slip, skid, ski’ 3.2 Pattern: tCēCaC These verbs mostly describe physical and mental states, “often with pejorative overtones of pretence” (Holes 2004: 109), i.e. ‘to pretend to be X/act as if’ (Maṭar 1970: 136-139). In Ṣanʿānī Arabic, Watson (2006: 192) observes that tCayCaC verbs (i.e. tCēCaC) “are used considerably more by women than by men–both in addressing and referring to children, and in addressing women”. However, in KA, this verb pattern remains common to both genders. 1. t-ʿēyz ‘to pretend to be lazy, indolent’ 2. t-dērf ‘to play on the swings’ 3. t-ġēšm ‘to act like a naïve person, an inexperienced person’ 4. t-ḥēlg ‘to praise someone in order to gain their trust’ 5. t-ḥēwn ‘to act foolishly; to blunder’ 6. t-ḫēbḷ ‘to act as if stupid’ 7. t-kēsl ‘to laze about’ 8. t-lēʿn ‘to be sharp in a devilish way; to be cunning’ 9. t-lēgf = t-lēġb 10. t-mēlḥ ‘to make oneself appear beautiful’ 11. t-mēṣḫ ‘to become dull’ 12. t-mēyʿ ‘to act girlish’ 13. t-nēḥs ‘to become perverse, obstinate, ill-intentioned’ 14. t-šēḥṭ ‘to claim superiority, put on airs’ 15. t-šēṭn ‘to be naughty; to behave like a little rascal’ 16. t-šēṭr ‘to pretend to be smart, wise’ 17. t-ṣēmḫ ‘to feign deafness, pretend not to hear’ 49 50 An Egyptian borrowing. A metaphorical denominative from ṣarʿ ‘epileptic fit’. QUADRILITERAL VERBS IN KUWAITI ARABIC 61 3.3 Pattern: CōCaC CōCaC verbs are “treated as quadriliterals based on a triliteral element in which a semi-vowel has been introduced to modify its meaning” (Holes 2004: 107). The CōCaC forms are associated with particular types of meaning – physical characteristics and colours – which have no connection with CLA Class III, yet they often replace CLA Class IX. In a few cases, we find ṣōfar and the Class II ṣaffar, both meaning ‘to whistle’, but ṣōfar has another meaning: ‘to become yellow’. Thus, the former ṣōfar derives from the CLA ṣafara ‘to whistle, hiss’, while the latter derives from aṣfar ‘yellow’. 1. ʿōḷṣ ‘to walk randomly’ 2. dōdh ‘to baffle’ 3. fōkr ‘to keep thinking, ponder’ 4. fōšḥ ‘to be, become bow-legged’ 5. gōṭr ‘to drip steadily (of cooking oil)’ 6. kōfn ‘to beat up’ 7. nōgḷ ‘to keep moving houses’ 8. šōḫr ‘to snore frequently’ 51 9. ṣōbn ‘to wash clothes with soap’ 10. ṣōṭr ‘to slap’ 11. ṭōṭḥ ‘to stagger, totter’ 12. ṭōrg ‘to smack, slap’ 13. zōġl ‘to cheat (in games)’ 52 3.3.1 Pattern: tCōCaC/tCōCiC 1. 2. 3. 4. t-bōsm (t-)ddōdah t-kōks t-lōfḥ ‘to smile’ ‘to be confused’ ‘to tumble’ ‘to whip one’s hair around in a baddāwi dance’ 53 3.4 English borrowings English is the major language of wider communication in the area. According to Holes (2007a: 216), “[t]he English language first arrived in the area in the 19th century as the language of the British imperial authorities”. Additionally, the English language involved is of three varieties: British, American, and Indian (Smart 1986: 202). The following English borrowings that form the Kuwaiti quadriliteral verbs comprise verbs, nouns, adjectives, and prepositions. 1. blyn ‘to become a billionaire’ (< (via Fr.) ‘billion’) 2. btwn ‘to split traffic (i.e. lane splitting)’ (< ‘between’) 3. dōbl ‘to become twice as much/many’ (< ‘double’) 54 4. fbrk ‘to invent false information to trick people’ (< ‘fabricate’) 5. fltr ‘to clean up water’ (< ‘filter’) 6. fngr ‘to kick someone or something’ (< ‘finger’) 7. frmt ‘to prepare a computer disk so that data can be recorded on it’ (< ‘format’) 8. hstr ‘to become hysterical’ (< ‘hysteria’) Class III šāḫar is also common in Kuwaiti. Also attested in Syrian Arabic (Cowell 1964: 113). 53 < lafḥa “hair toss dance move of Bedouin women in the Najd and Upper Gulf” (Urkevich 2015: 39). 54 Class I dibal is also recorded for Kuwait. Heath (1989: 234) records the quadriliteral ḍawbal (< French double) in northern Morocco. 51 52 62 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. YOUSUF B. ALBADER mlyn nrfz tktk t-akšn t-klwn ‘to become a millionaire’ (<‘million’) ‘to irritate, annoy somebody’(< ‘nervous’) ‘to plan, arrange something’ (< ‘tactic’) 55 ‘to action’ (< ‘action’) ‘to wear a cologne’ (< (via Fr.) ‘cologne’) 3.5 French borrowings There is no contact between French and KA to speak of. However, it is possible that the following French borrowings, which are mainly related to fashion and broadcast media, were being exported to Kuwait in the form of television shows or via Arab foreign workers from Egypt and the Levant. 1. dblğ ‘to dub’ (< doublage) 2. dkwr ‘to decorate; (idiomatically) to show off, flaunt’ (< décor) 3. mntğ ‘to give a montage’ (< montage) 4. sšwr ‘to blow-dry hair’ (< séchoir ‘dryer’) 3.6 Turco-Persian borrowings The main languages of the Gulf are Arabic and Persian; these terms include both the standard languages and the colloquial dialects. Officially, until the end of World War I, Kuwait was in fact part of the Ottoman Empire but became a fully-fledged independent sovereign Emirate on 19 June 1961, which abrogated the 1899 Treaty. According to Procházka (2005: 191), the penetration of Turkish words into both written and colloquial Arabic is “the result of the rule of the Ottoman Empire over all regions of the Arabic speaking world except Morocco for half a millennium or more”. Since a large number of words occur in both Persian and in Turkish, it is difficult to tell from which language they were borrowed. 1. bḫšš ‘to tip, bribe’ (< Turk. bahşiş/Pers. baḫšaš ‘tip, gift’) 2. brwz ‘to put or make a frame’ (< Turk. pervaz ‘border’) 3. čēwr ‘to go in reverse, turn round a vehicle’ (< Turk. çevirmek ‘turn round’) 56 4. srsr ‘to pimp’ (< Turk. serseri ‘vagabond, tramp’; prob. < Pers. serseri ‘inattention to, remissness in necessary duties; vain words spoken without reflection; fool’) (Holes 2001: 236) 5. t-zgrt ‘to doll oneself up’ (< Turk. züğürt ‘destitute’) References Abu-Haidar, Farida. 1991. Christian Arabic of Baghdad. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Al-Ayyoub, Ayyoub Ḥ. 1982. 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Procházka, Stephan. 1993. “Some remarks on the semantic function of the reduplicated quadriliteral verb (structure faʿfaʿa)”, Dévényi, Kinga, Iványi, Tamás, & Shivtiel, Avihai (eds.), Proceedings of the Colloquium on Arabic Lexicology and Lexicography. Budapest: Eötvös Loránd University Chair for Arabic Studies & Csoma de Kőrös Society Section of Islamic Studies. 97–103. Procházka, Stephan. 2005. “The Turkish contribution to the Arabic lexicon”, Ágnes Csató, Éva, Isaksson, Bo, & Jahani, Carina (eds.), Linguistic Convergence and Areal Diffusion: Case Studies from Iranian, Semitic, and Turkic. London; New York: Routledge. 191–202. Qafisheh, Hamdi. 1977. A Short Reference Grammar of Gulf Arabic. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press. Qafisheh, Hamdi. 2000. NTC’s Yemeni Arabic-English Dictionary. Chicago: McGraw-Hill Contemporary. Sabar, Yona. 1982. “The Quadriradical Verb in Eastern Neo-Aramaic Dialects”, Journal of Semitic Studies 27. 149–176. Smart, Jack. 1986. “Language development in the Gulf: Lexical interference of English in the Gulf dialects”, Netton, Ian R. (ed.), Arabia and the Gulf: From Traditional Society to Modern States. London; Sydney: Croom Helm. 202–212. Urkevich, Lisa. 2015. Music and Traditions of the Arabian Peninsula: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar. New York; London: Routledge. Watson, Janet. 2006. “Arabic Morphology: Diminutive Verbs and Diminutive Nouns in San’ani Arabic”, Morphology 16. 189–204. ‫ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔً أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﯾﺰ اﻟﺤﻤﺪ ‪MUNTASIR FAYEZ AL-HAMAD‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‪ :‬ﺗﮭﺪف ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻞ اﻷﺛﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ وارﺛﯿﮭﺎ اﻟﻨﺎطﻘﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﻛﻠﻐﺔ أم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ‪ .1‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻐﯿّﺎ ﺗﺤﺪﯾﺪ اﻟﻈﻮاھﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ‪ -‬اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ واﻟﺴﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ ‪ -‬اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ وﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ذﻟﻚ ﻛﻠﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺪاوﻟﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ أھﻠﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ أﺧﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﺮوﻗﺎت اﻟﻠﮭﺠﯿﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﺸﺎﺑﻚ ﻟﮭﺠﯿًﺎ اﻋﺘﻤﺎدا ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼوة ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪم اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻧﻤﻮذﺟًﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﯾﺮﯾًﺎ ﺟﺪﯾﺪًا ﯾﻔﺴﺮ اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻼت واﻟﺘﺠﺎذﺑﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﺮض وارﺛﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺔ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ .‬وأﺧﯿﺮا‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺎول اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ اﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻮاﺋﻖ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ وﺗﻘﺘﺮح ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺨﯿﺎرات اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮاھﺎ ﻣﮭﻤﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺠﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺣﯿﺔ ‪ :‬وارث اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن‪ ،‬اﻻﻛﺘﺴﺎب‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪراس ﺗﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺬي ﻧﻘﺪﻣﮫ ھﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ھﻮ ﻧﻤﻮذج ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﺎذج اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﮭﻮﻟﻨﺪﯾﺔ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎث ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮات أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻏﯿﺮھﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺎت اﻷوروﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺧﺮى ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرات ﺳﯿﺎﺳﯿﺔ واﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯿﺔ وﺗﺎرﯾﺨﯿﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻠﺒﺲ ﻟﺒﻮﺳًﺎ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﯾًﺎ أو أﻣﻨﯿًﺎ أﺣﯿﺎﻧًﺎ أﺧﺮى )‪.(de Ruiter; Saidi & Spotti 2009: 6-7‬‬ ‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷھﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﻲ‪ ،‬وﻟﻐﯿﺮه ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻠﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺗﻄﻮﯾﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ھﺬا اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺤﻆ ﺑﺎﻻھﺘﻤﺎم اﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮب ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ واﺳﺘﺮاﺗﯿﺠﯿﺎت ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ؛ إذ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ اﻟﺘﻮﺟﮭﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺘﻤﺪة ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪس أو ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﯿﻦ أو اﻟﺠﮭﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺆوﻟﺔ‪ ،‬وھﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮن ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺔ وﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺠﯿﺐ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﯾﯿﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﻄﻠﻖ ھﺬه اﻟﺘﻮﺟﯿﮭﺎت ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﻘﻠﯿﺪ اﻟﻤﺘّﺒﻊ واﻟﻤﺘﺪاول واﻟﻤﻌﺮوف ﻏﯿﺮ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻠﻘﺎت ﺟﻤﯿﻌﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أھﻤﯿﺘﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻘﻮد إﻟﻰ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻠﻤﯿﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﺎت ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﯿﺎس‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻼﻋﺘﺒﺎرات اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻓﺈن ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﻨﺎ اﻷﺳﺎس ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﺳﯿﺘﺄﺳﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺑﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺼﺺ أوﻟﮭﻤﺎ‪ :‬ﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﻦ أﻧﻔﺴﮭﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻼل ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ دﻗﯿﻘﺔ وﺗﺸﺨﯿﺺ واﺿﺢ ﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﮭﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‪ ،‬وﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﮫ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻣﻨﻄﻠﻘﺎت ﻟﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎزدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﻦ ﻟﮫ أﺳﺒﺎب ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯿﺔ ﯾﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﯾﺪھﺎ واﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﻠﯿﮭﺎ وﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﮭﺎ؛ ﻷن ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄن ذﻟﻚ أن ﯾﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﯿﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﺣﺴﺐ أھﺪاف اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﻜﻠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎن ذﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻔﺎظ اﻟﻤﻤﻨﮭﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﮭﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻋﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ أﺣﺪ أھﻢ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮھﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫أو إﯾﺠﺎد ﺣﻠﻮل إﺟﺮاﺋﯿﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﺎوزھﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﮭﻮ ﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻀﻤﺎر‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻤﻤﻠﻜﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة ﺑﯿﺌﺔ ﺛﺮﯾّﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ؛ إذ ﺗﺤﻮي ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻦ ‪ 200‬و‪ 300‬ﻟﻐﺔ أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‪ ،‬زﯾﺎدة ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻐﺎﺗﮭﺎ اﻷﺻﻠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ أظﮭﺮت‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ أﺟﺮﺗﮭﺎ وزارة اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ وﻣﺜﯿﻼﺗﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ھﻲ إﺣﺪى أﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻟﻐﺎت ﺗﺪاوﻻ ﺑﯿﻦ طﻠﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺪارس‬ ‫)‪ .(Tinsley & Board 2014: 6‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻛﺪت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ذاﺗﮭﺎ أن أھﻢ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺆﺷﺮات اﻗﺘﺼﺎدﯾﺔ وﻣﺎﻟﯿﺔ أﺷﺎرت إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺼﯿﻨﯿﺔ ﺗﺄﺗﯿﺎن ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ واﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﯿﺔ واﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷھﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻮق اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬وھﻮ اﻟﺸﻲء ذاﺗﮫ اﻟﺬي اﻧﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد اﻟﻤﻠﺘﺤﻘﯿﻦ ﺑﺸﮭﺎدة ‪ A-Level‬ﻓﺤﻘﻘﺖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﺴﺎر ًﻋﺎ ﻛﺒﯿ ًﺮا )اﻟﻤﺼﺪر اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .(14 :‬وﻗﺪ اﺗﻔﻘﺖ دراﺳﺎت إﺣﺼﺎﺋﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪة ﻣﺪن أوروﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ أھﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﺪى طﻠﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯿﺔ )‪.(de Ruiter; Saidi & Spotti 2009: 16‬‬ ‫وﯾﻤﺜﻞ اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﻮن اﻟﻌﺮب – اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻋﺒّﺮوا ﻋﻦ ﻋﺮﻗﮭﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻹﺣﺼﺎء اﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم ‪ -‬أرﺑﻌﻤﺌﺔ أﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﯾﺘﺤﺪث ‪%3‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻜﺎن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ )‪ .(Census 2011‬وﻧﻈﺮًا إﻟﻰ ﺻﯿﻐﺔ اﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎج اﻟﺬي ﺗﺘّﺒﻌﮫ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ 1966‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﯾﺪ وزﯾﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺪاﺧﻠﯿﺔ آﻧﺬاك روي ﺟﯿﻨﻜﯿﻨﺰ )‪.(Saggar et al 2012: 16‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬا ﻓﺈن اﻷﺟﻮاء ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ أﻣﺎم اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺎطﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ ‪-‬أﯾًّﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﮭﺎ وﺗﺒﻠﻮر ھﻮﯾﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪة‪-‬‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻓﻲ إﻧﺸﺎء اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﻐﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﮭﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﯿﺔ واﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ واﻟﺪﯾﻨﯿﺔ ) & ‪Creese; Bhatt; Bhojani‬‬ ‫‪ (Martin 2006: 15‬ﻟﻔﺌﺔ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌ ّﺪ ﻣﻦ أھﻢ اﻟﻔﺌﺎت اﻟﺪارﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ )‪(Dickens and Watson 2006: 108‬؛ إذ‬ ‫‪ 1‬ﯾﺴﺠﻞ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺷﻜﺮه ﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﮭﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ھﯿّﺄت ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺣﺚ وﻓﺮﯾﻘﮫ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺎدة اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻟﻐﺎﯾﺎت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﻠﻰ إذن ﻣﻦ أوﻟﯿﺎء‬ ‫أﻣﻮرھﻢ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ أﻋﻤﺎﻟﮭﻢ وﺗﻮظﯿﻔﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺎﯾﺎت ﻋﻠﻤﯿﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺼﻮص اﻵﻧﺴﺔ ﺳﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﺤﺎج ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﻮﻧﺒﯿﻠﯿﯿﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻮّﺑﺖ اﻟﻤﺎدة‪ ،‬واﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮر ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬ ‫إﺳﻤﺎﻋﯿﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻮي ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻣﺎزال ﯾﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﺮﯾﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ إﻧﺘﺎج أﺑﺤﺎث أﺧﺮى ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺎدة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﯾﺰ اﻟﺤﻤﺪ ‪MUNTASIR FAYEZ AL-HAMAD‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﯾﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪدھﺎ اﻵن ‪ 65‬ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ إﺣﺼﺎﺋﯿﺎت ﻣﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﻮطﻨﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﻲ ) ‪National Resource Centre for‬‬ ‫‪ ،(Supplementary Education‬وھﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺆ ّﻛﺪ ﺗﯿﻨﺴﻠﻲ زﯾﺎدﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺜﻼث اﻷﺧﯿﺮة ﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎرات ﻋﺪﯾﺪة )‪.(Tinsley 2015: 14, 16‬‬ ‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻓﯿﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل إن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻜﺘﻔﻲ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺑﻌﯿﺪ ﺑﺪور اﻟﻤﺮاﻗﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟﮭﺬه اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﻨﺤﺪر اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﻮن اﻟﻌﺮب ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ اﻟﺪول واﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻼف ﻟﮭﺠﺎﺗﮭﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﺎداﻣﺖ أﻏﻠﺒﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﺈن أﺑﻨﺎءھﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺪرﺳﻮن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺎطﻖ ﺟﯿﺪة اﻟﺘﺼﻨﯿﻒ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﯾﻜﺘﺴﺒﻮن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻻﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﻛﻠﻐﺔ أم ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﯾﺎت ﺗﻌﻠ ّﻤﮭﻢ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﻲ ﻟﺘﺤ ّﻞ ﺳﺮﯾﻌًﺎ ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻷﻏﺮاض ﻣﻨﺰﻟﯿﺔ ﺑﺤﺘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرھﺎ ھﺪﻓًﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿًﺎ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻤﺪراس اﻟﻤﻨﺎھﺞ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﮭﺪﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ اﻻﺣﺘﯿﺎﺟﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ واﻟﺘﺪاوﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻤﻨﺎھﺞ ﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﻏﺔ ﺑﻨﺎ ًء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺮﯾﺔ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺮﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺤﻮﯾﺔ‪ .‬وﺳﯿﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﺗﻄﺒﯿﻖ ﻓﺮﺿﯿﺔ ﻛﺮاﺷﯿﻦ اﻷوﻟﻰ "اﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻢ واﻻﻛﺘﺴﺎب" ﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻮذج "اﻟﻤﺮاﻗﺒﺔ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﯿﻨﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻮﻗّﻊ أﻧﮭﻢ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ وﻻ ﯾﻜﺘﺴﺒﻮﻧﮭﺎ‪ ،‬رﻏﻢ أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻤﺜّﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻟﻐﻮﯾّﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻨﺴﻖ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﻮروﺛﺔ )أي اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ(‪.(Krashen 1977) ،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫وﯾﺘﻀﺎءل اﺗﺠﺎه أو داﻓﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻷطﻔﺎل أﻣﺎم طﻤﻮﺣﺎت اﻷھﻞ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﯾﺤﺎوﻟﻮن اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻔﺎھﯿﻢ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﻮﻋﺒﮭﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ وﺗﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﺑﻘﻠّﺔ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺗﮭﺎ ﻧﻤﻮذﺟًﺎ ﻣﻨﻔّﺮًا ﻟﻠﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ ﺑﺮ ّﻣﺘﮭﺎ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺘﮭﺎ ﺑﻤﺜﯿﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺘﻮﻓّﺮ ﻟﮫ اﻟﻤﻮارد واﻟﺨﺒﺮات وﺗﺘّﺒﻊ ﻓﯿﮫ اﻟﻤﻨﺎھﺞ واﻟﺒﯿﺪاﻏﻮﺟﯿﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ اﺧﺘﯿﺮت ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﮭﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ؛ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ أﻗﺪم ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﻛﮭﯿﺌﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ‪ ،1988‬وﺗﺒﻌًﺎ‬ ‫ﻹﺣﺼﺎءات اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺪراﺳﻲ ‪ 2014-2013‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺿﻤﺖ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻘﺎرب ‪ 450‬طﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮوﺿﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺴﺎدس اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻲ )‪ 12-3.5‬ﺳﻨﺔ(‪ ،‬وﯾﺘﻮزع‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﺜﯿﻞ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺳﻮى ﻟﺒﻨﺎن وﻣﻮرﯾﺘﺎﻧﯿﺎ واﻹﻣﺎرات‪ .‬ﯾﻀﺎف إﻟﻰ ھﺬا اﻟﺘﻤﺜﯿﻞ ‪ 15‬دوﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎﺗﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ )ﻣﺪﯾﺮة اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ(؛ ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﺠﻌﻠﮭﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺪرس اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ وﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮاد أﺧﺮى )‪.(Maylor et al 2011: 225‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﻌﻠّﻤﺎت اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪدھﻦ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻌﻠّﻤﺔ ﻓﯿﺘﻮزﻋﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 11‬ﺑﻠﺪًا ﻋﺮﺑﯿًﺎ )ﻣﺪﯾﺮة اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ(‪ .‬وﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎﯾﻠﻮر وآﺧﺮون‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎﺋﻲ أن اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﯾﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﺑﺘﻔﺎن واﻟﺘﺰام واﺿﺤﯿﻦ )‪.(Maylor et al 2011: 12‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ ‪ 40‬ﻧﻤﻮذﺟﺎ ﺻﻮﺗﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ وزﻋﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ اﺧﺘﺒﺎرات ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻷطﻔﺎل ﺗﺘﺮاوح أﻋﻤﺎرھﻢ ﺑﯿﻦ ‪14-12‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﮭﺠﺮة اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﯿﺎ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺎم اﻷﻛﺎدﯾﻤﻲ ‪ ،2013-2012‬وﻗﺪ وﻗﻊ اﻟﺨﯿﺎر ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺼﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎدس اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ‪ ،‬وھﻮ اﻟﺼﻒ اﻟﻨﮭﺎﺋﻲ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ ﺑﺤﯿﺚ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﺞ اﻟﻨﮭﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ اﺟﺘﯿﺎز ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪد اﻟﻄﻼب ‪ 16‬طﺎﻟﺒﺎ وطﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺷﺎرﻛﻮا ﻓﻲ اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات اﻟﺜﻼث‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻘﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﺒﻊ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ اﻋﺘﺒﺎرات ﻋ ّﺪة ﻟﺘﻮزﯾﻊ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي واﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮاد اﻷﺧﺮى واﻟﺴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻦ ﻷﺳﺒﺎب ﻓﻨﯿﺔ؛ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻋﺪم ﺗﺴﺠﯿﻞ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات أو ﻏﯿﺮه ﻧﺠﺢ اﻟﻔﺮﯾﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات ﻟﻠﻄﻠﺒﺔ وﻟﯿﺲ ﺟﻤﯿﻌﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﺆﻧﺲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﺪ اﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺎت ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﯾﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ اﻷﻏﻼط اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ )اﻟﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬م‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻮي‪ ،‬ح‪ (2016 .‬ﻣﻦ أرﺑﻊ ﻧﻤﺎذج ﻛﺘﺎﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ طﻠﺒﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺗﺘﺮاوح أﻋﻤﺎرھﻢ ﺑﯿﻦ ‪ 21-17‬ﺳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﻨﺤﺪر طﻼب ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﮭﺠﺮة ﻣﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺟﻨﺴﯿﺎت وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺣﯿﺎن ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﻓﺮزھﺎ إﻟﻰ ‪ 11‬ﻟﮭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠّﺔ )ﻣﺜﻼ‪ :‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺤﺠﺎزﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺮب اﻟﺴﻌﻮدﯾﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ وﺳﻄﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺷﻤﺎل ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻦ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻐ ّﺰﯾﺔ(‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺗﺰاوج أھﻠﯿﮭﻢ أﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﯿﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻨﺰل ﻟﻠﮭﺠﺘﯿﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺘﯿﻦ )ﯾﻤﺜﻠﮭﻢ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ طﻼب اﻧﺤﺪروا ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻄﺔ( أو‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺘﯿﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺘﯿﻦ )ﯾﻤﺜﻠﮭﻢ طﺎﻟﺐ واﺣﺪ اﻧﺤﺪر ﻣﻦ أﺻﻮل ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ أوروﺑﯿﺔ(‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺼﻞ طﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﯿﺔ أو ﻟﻐﺔ ﻗﺮآﻧﯿﺔ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻻ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﯾﺸﻤﻠﻮا ﻓﻲ ﻓﺌﺔ‬ ‫وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ؛ إذ ﺗﻔﺮد ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺪارس اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ اﻟﮭﺠﺮة ﻟﻜﻞ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻣﺪرﺳﺔ ﺗﻜﻤﯿﻠﯿﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ اﺣﺘﯿﺎﺟﺎﺗﮭﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﻓﯿﻤﻜﻦ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺤ ّﺪﯾﺎت ﺑﯿﺪاﻏﻮﺟﯿﺔ ﻛﺒﯿﺮة ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺘّﺖ اﻟﻤﻌﻠّﻢ ﻣﻌﮭﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺮﺟﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻮ ّﺧﺎة‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺘﻌﺮض اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ أﺳﺒﻮﻋﯿًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪﯾﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﻤﻨﮭﺎج اﻷردﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﻒ اﻟﺴﺎدس اﻻﺑﺘﺪاﺋﻲ "ﻟﻐﺘﻨﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ" ﻛﺘﺎﺑًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﮭﺠﯿًﺎ‪ ،‬وﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﺨﺮﺟﺎﺗﮫ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﻔﺘﺮض أن ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﯿﻦ ‪ B1-B2‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﯾﯿﺮ اﻟﻜﻔﺎءة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻷوروﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫)‪ ،(CEFR 2011‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺎة دون ھﺬا اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى‪ ،‬وھﻲ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺔ ﺷﺒﯿﮭﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ اﻧﺘﮭﻰ إﻟﯿﮫ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺣﻮل وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻮرﯾﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ھﺎواي ﻣﻦ أن وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﯾﺘﺄﺧﺮون ﻋﻦ أﻗﺮاﻧﮭﻢ )‪.(O’Grady; Lee & Lee 2011: 27‬‬ ‫وھﻨﺎك ﺟﺎﻧﺐ آﺧﺮ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻹﺷﺎرة إﻟﯿﮫ ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﯿﺮات اﻟﻠﮭﺠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﺧﺎﺻﺔ اﻟﺼﻮﺗﯿﺔ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وھﻮ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ أﺻﻮات ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺄداء اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﯿﻦ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻻ ﯾﻘﻮون ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﯾﻢ أﻟﺴﻨﺘﮭﻢ وﺗﻄﻮﯾﻌﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ إﻧﺘﺎج ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺤﺮوف وﺿﺒﻂ ﻣﺨﺎرﺟﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔً أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪ .3‬اﻟﺘﺄﺛﯿﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫رﻏﻢ أن ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ "ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن" ﯾﻨﺴﺐ إﻟﻰ ﻓﯿﺮﺟﯿﺴﻮن اﻟﺬي ﺣﺎول ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ ھﺬه اﻟﻈﺎھﺮة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ) ‪(Fergeson‬‬ ‫‪ 1959‬إﻻ أن ﻣﻔﮭﻮم "اﻻزدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ" ﻛﺎن ﻣﺜﺎر ﺑﺤﺚ وﻧﻘﺎش ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼد اﻟﺸﺎم ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ ﻋﺸﺮ ) ‪Suleiman 2013:‬‬ ‫‪ .(264‬وﺑﻄﺒﯿﻌﺔ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﺈن دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ودﺧﻮﻟﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺼﯿﺢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮان "اﻟﻠﺤﻦ" ﻗﺪﯾﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ واﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻌﺮب إﻻ أن‬ ‫ﻣﻨﮭﺠﯿﺘﮭﻢ ﻟﻢ ﺗُﻌﻦ ﺑﺪراﺳﺔ ھﺬه اﻟﻈﺎھﺮة ووﺻﻔﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ اﻟﺘﺸﻨﯿﻊ ﺑﮭﺎ واﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﺣﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﯾﻘﻮل ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺘﻮاب‪" :‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻏﻤﻮض اﻟﻤﻨﮭﺞ ﻣﺆدﯾًﺎ إﻟﻰ إﻏﻔﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺠﯿﻞ اﻟﺘﻄﻮّر ﺗﺴﺠﯿﻼ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ‪ ،(38 :1999) "...‬وأﺿﺤﻰ "اﺳﺘﺨﺪام "اﻟﻠﺤﻦ" ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺨﻄﺄ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ" )ﻣﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ع‪.(33 :1981 .‬‬ ‫وﻣﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﻓﯿﮫ‪ ،‬أن ﻓﯿﺮﺟﯿﺴﻮن ﻓﺘﺢ اﻟﺒﺎب واﺳﻌًﺎ أﻣﺎم اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﺠﺎد ﻟﻠﺘﺒ ّ‬ ‫ﺼﺮ ﻓﻲ ظﺎھﺮة "ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن" اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺴّﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺳﻠﯿﻤﺎن ‪ -‬اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت ﺗﻘﺴﯿ ًﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﺪًا ﻋﻨﺪ اﺛﻨﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﯾﻔﮭﻤﮭﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أﻧﮭﻤﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﺘﺎن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﻮر اﻟﺪاﺋﻢ )‪(Language Continuum‬‬‫)‪ ،(Suleiman 2013: 265‬وﻗﺪ اﺗﺒﻊ ﻧﻤﺎذج اﻟﺘﻘﺴﯿﻢ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﯿﻦ؛ ﻓﻘﺪ وﺳّﻌﮭﺎ ﺟﻮﺳﺘﺎف ﻣﺎﯾﺴﻠﺰ )اﻟﻤﺼﺪر اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،(265 :‬ورﯾﺎض‬ ‫ﺣﺴﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ أطﺮوﺣﺘﮫ ﻟﻨﯿﻞ اﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮراه )‪ (Hussain 1980‬إﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت‪ ،‬وﺟﻌﻠﮭﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﻛﺮي أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت ) ‪Kanakri 1988:‬‬ ‫‪ ،(vi‬ﺑﯿﻨﻤﺎ ﻗﺴّﻤﮭﺎ ﻧﻤﻮذج اﻟﺴﻌﯿﺪ ﺑﺪوي إﻟﻰ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت )‪ .(89 :1973‬وﻗﺪ ﺣﺎول ﻓﺮﯾﻤﺎن ﻋﻼج ﻣﺎ رآه ﻗﺼﻮرًا ﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻮذج ﺑﺪوي‬ ‫وﻛﯿﺚ واﻟﺘﺮز اﻟﻠﺬﯾﻦ اﻧﺤﺼﺮا ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺌﺔ ﺟﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ وﻗﺴّﻤﺎ اﻟﺘﺒﺎﯾﻨﺎت ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرھﺎ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻋﻠﯿﺎ وﻟﻐﺔ دﻧﯿﺎ )‪ (High/Low Variety‬ﻓﺎﻗﺘﺮح ﻧﻤﻮذ ًﺟﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﯿﻄﯿًﺎ ﯾﻔﺴّﺮ اﻟﻈﺎھﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻮم اﻟﻮطﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ )‪ ،(Freeman 1996‬وھﻮ ﻓﻲ ّ‬ ‫ظﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺗﺄوّل ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﯾﺤﺘﺎج إﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻧﻠﺤﻆ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ أن اﻷﺑﺤﺎث اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ظﺎھﺮة "ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن" ﻓﻲ إطﺎر ﺗﺴﻮد ﻓﯿﮫ "ﺛﻨﺎﺋﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ"‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ھﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮة )‪ (Borrowing Language‬واﻻﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺪر )‪(Source Language‬؛ وھﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻄﻦ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﻓﺮﯾﻤﺎن‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﮫ ﻟﻢ ﯾﻌ ّﻤﻖ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ )اﻟﻤﺼﺪر اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ(‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﺳﯿﺤﺎول ھﺬا اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ إﻣﻜﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﻗﺘﺮاح ﻧﻤﻮذج ﯾﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻌﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺘﺠﺎذﺑﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻌﺮض ﻟﮭﺎ وارﺛﻮ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﺗﺪاﺧﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎﻟﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ :‬اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺼﺮﻓﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺪﻻﻟﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺪاوﻟﻲ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﯾﺮﺑﻚ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ارﺗﻘﺎﺋﮫ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠّﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت أﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬أو أن ﯾﺪﻓﻊ ﻟﺘﺠﻨﺐ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮات اﻟﺼﺤﯿﺤﺔ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺔ ﻟﻼﺿﻄﺮاﺑﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻼت‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎطﺌﺔ أو "اﻟﺘﺠﻨﺐ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻄﺮف اﻵﺧﺮ اﻟﺬي ﯾﻘﯿﻤﮫ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺣﯿﺎن‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻟﺠﺄ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ أو ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﻌﻨﻲ‬ ‫إﻣﻜﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎرھﺎ إﯾﺠﺎﺑﯿًﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻤﯿﺔ )‪ .(Kleinmann 1977‬وﻗﺪ ﻋ ّﻤﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﻮن اﻟﻌﺮب ﻗﺪﯾ ًﻤﺎ وﺻﻒ اﻟﻈﻮاھﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺴﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﺄطﻠﻘﻮا ﻋﻠﯿﮭﺎ "اﻟﺘﻮھّﻢ" أو اﻟﻘﯿﺎس اﻟﺨﺎطﺊ )ﻣﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ع‪(355-335 .‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﻗﺴّﻢ ھﺬا اﻟﺨﻠﻂ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ واﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﻦ إﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 3.1‬اﻟﻤﺠﺎل اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﯾﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ وارﺛﻮ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺘﺮاﻛﯿﺐ اﻟﺘﻲ ارﺗﺒﻄﺖ ﻓﻲ أذھﺎﻧﮭﻢ ﺑﻤﻮاﻗﻒ ﻣﻌﯿﻨﺔ ﯾﺼﻌﺐ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺐ اﻟﺒﺴﯿﻂ اﻟﺬي ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮﻧﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻧﯿﺎ اﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﮫ ﺑﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮات أﻓﺼﺢ‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﺗﺠﺪ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ اﻟﺘﺮاﻛﯿﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ أو ﺑﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ وردت‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H7:B‬ﻷﻧﮫ ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿِﺤ ِﺴﻦ )ﺷﺎﻣﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻷﻧﮫ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ‬ ‫وﯾﻀﯿﻒ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺐ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺷﻔﻮﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ وھﻲ ﺑﺎء ﻣﻜﺴﻮرة ﺗﺸﯿﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﺔ واﻟﺤﻮراﻧﯿﺔ )وھﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﺷﻤﺎل اﻷردن وﺟﻨﻮب ﺳﻮرﯾﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺣﻮران اﻟﺘﺎرﯾﺨﯿﺔ( ﻛﺄن ﯾﻘﻮل أﺣﺪھﻢ "ﺑﻜﺘﺐ"‪ ،‬أو ﻗﺪ ﺗﻨﻄﻖ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺔ ﯾﻠﺤﻘﮭﺎ ﯾﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺴﻮرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﺴﻮرﯾﺔ واﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ "ﺑﯿﺤﺴﻦ" أو ﻓﻲ ﺳﯿﺎق اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﻟﻼﺣﻖ ‪" G17.3.T32‬ﺑﻲ ﻛﻠﻒ"‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﺘﺒﺪل ﻣﯿ ًﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠﻤﯿﻦ )‪.(Mc Loughlin 1983: 33-37‬‬ ‫ﱢ‬ ‫‪ *- G17.3.T32‬ﺑﻲ ﻛﻠﯿﻒ ﻋﺪﯾﻊ‪...‬؟ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺑِ َﻜﻠﻒ أ ّدﯾﮫ‪...‬؟؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﺑﻜﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪...‬؟‬ ‫وﺗﻌ ّﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼت ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺐ " ﻗ ّﺪ أي ﺷﻲء؟" اﻟﻠﮭﺠﯿﺔ ﺗﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﯾﺸﯿﻊ اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮫ ﻟﻠﺴﺆال ﻋﻦ اﻟﻘﯿﺎس ﻛ ّﻤًﺎ وﺣﺠ ًﻤﺎ وﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ ووﻗﺘًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﺳﺒﻖ‬ ‫ھﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﺣﺮف اﻟﺠﺮ "ﺑـــــ" ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻠﺴﺆال ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻌﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫وأراد اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ھﻨﺎ اﻟﺴﺆال ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﻌﺮ ﻟﺬا اﺳﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﺑﻜﻠّﻒ" ﻟﺘﺤﺪﯾﺪ آﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﯿﺎس‪ ،‬واﺧﺘﻠﻄﺖ ﻣﺨﺎرج اﻟﺤﺮوف اﻟﺼﻮﺗﯿﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﮭﻤﺰة واﻟﻌﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ "ﻋﺪﯾﻊ" ﺛﻢ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﮭﺎء واﻟﻌﯿﻦ ﻣﺮة أﺧﺮى ﻓﻲ ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺘﮭﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺒﺪل اﻟﮭﻤﺰة واﻟﮭﺎء ﺑﻌﯿﻦ وھﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب "إﻣﻌﺎن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺼﺤﯿﺢ" )‪ (hypercorrection‬اﻟﺬي ﯾﺼﺎب ﺑﮫ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﯿﻘﻊ أﺣﺪھﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻷرﻗﺎم اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺒﺔ ﻓﺘﻜﺮر ﻓﯿﮭﺎ أﺛﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ واﺿﺢ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ اﺳﺘﻌﺎرة "ﻓﻲ" أو "ﻋﻠﻰ" ﺑﺪﯾﻼ ﻋﻦ )‪ ،(at‬وﺗﺘﻨﻮع اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H3:A‬اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ واﻟﺨﻤﺴﻄﺎش دﻗﯿﻘﺔ )ﺳﻌﻮدي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ وﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﺸﺮة دﻗﯿﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H5:A‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ إﺛﻨﺎش )ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫‪ * H10:A‬ﻓﻲ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺗﻤﻨﯿﺔ وﺧﻤﺴﻄﺎﺷﺮ دﻗﯿﻘﺔ )ﺳﻮداﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻟﯿﺒﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ وﺧﻤﺲ ﻋﺸﺮة دﻗﯿﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.22 and 24.T48‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﺎى ‪ /‬ﻋﺴﻌﺎى )ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﻮري(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ع اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪:‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔَ‬ ‫وﻧﻠﺤﻆ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل أﻋﻼه أﺧﻄﺎء ﻛﺘﺎﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﺗﺎء اﻟﺘﺄﻧﯿﺚ اﻟﻤﺮﺑﻮطﺔ‪ ،‬ورﺑﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺮ ّد ذﻟﻚ إﻟﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺻﻮﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎء ﻟﺘﻨﻄﻖ ھﺎ ًء‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻂ اﻟﮭﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻣ ًّﺪا وﻗﺼﺮا‪ .‬وﺷﺒﯿﮫ ذﻟﻚ اﺳﻘﺎط "ال" اﻟﺘﻌﺮﯾﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺤﺮف اﻟﺸﻤﺴﻲ اﻟﺴﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ "ﻋﺴﻌﺎى"‪ .‬وھﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﺮر ﻟﺪى اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺺ ‪.T48‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺎت ﺣﺮوف ﺟﺮ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﯿﺎﻗﺎت ذاﺗﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﯾﺰ اﻟﺤﻤﺪ ‪MUNTASIR FAYEZ AL-HAMAD‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.23.T48‬ادم ﯾﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﯿﺖ )ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﻮري(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬آدم ﯾﺮﺟﻊ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﯿﺖ‬ ‫وﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ أﺣﺪ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻗﻠﺒًﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﯿﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﻔﺔ واﻟﻤﻮﺻﻮف ارﺗﻜﺒﮫ وارث ﻟﻐﺔ ﺳﻌﻮدي‪ ،‬وآﺧﺮ ﻟﯿﺒﻲ‪ ،‬واﻟﻤﺜﺎﻻن ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H4:B‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎن ﯾﻄﻠّﻊ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ ﻓﻠﻮس )ﺳﻌﻮدي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻛﻲ ﯾﺨﺮج ﻣﺎﻻ ﻛﺜﯿﺮًا‪.‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.33.T56‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ھﺬا ھﻼب ا ﺑﻨﯿﺖ وراﺟﻞ )ﻟﯿﺒﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻲ ھﻠﺒﺎ ﺑْﻨﯿّﺎت‬ ‫ورﺟﺎل‪.‬؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ھﻨﺎك ﺑﻨﺎت‪/‬ﺑُﻨﯿّﺎت ورﺟﺎل ﻛﺜﯿﺮون‪.‬‬ ‫واﻷﻏﻼط اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﺠﻤﻠﺘﯿﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻘﺪرة؛ إذ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺴﺒﻖ اﻟﺼﻔﺔ اﻟﻤﻮﺻﻮف‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﻠﺤﻘﮫ أﯾﻀﺎ‪ .‬وﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﻷول ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎرات اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻤﯿﺔ "ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎن" و"ﯾﻄﻠّﻊ"؛ ﺑﺤﯿﺚ ﻏﺪا اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺐ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫"ﺑﻨﺖ" ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺑﻨﯿّﺎت" وھﻮ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ﻟﮭﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ ﻟﻔﻆ "راﺟﻞ" اﻟﺬي ﻟﻢ ﯾﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﮫ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H4:C‬ﻟﻮ إﻧﺖَ درﺳﺖ ﻛﻮﯾّﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺧﺬ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﻛﻮﯾّﺴﺔ )ﺳﻌﻮدي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬إن درﺳﺖ ﺟﯿﺪا ﻓﺴﺘﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﺟﯿﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ھﻨﺎ ﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﺸﺮط اﻟﻤﺠﺎزي ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺷﺮط ﺣﻘﯿﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺿﻤﯿﺮ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "درﺳﺖ" ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﯿﺮ رﻓﻊ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫"إﻧﺖ"‪ .‬وواﻓﻖ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﺑﯿﻮﺧﺬ" اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻗﺸﻨﺎھﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻨﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺐ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﻟﺸﻔﻮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺳﺒﻖ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫وﻟﻢ ﻧﺠﺪ أﯾﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻓﺮاد اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ ﯾﺜﺒﺖ اﻟﻔﺎء اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻮاب اﻟﺸﺮط إطﻼﻗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ اﺳﺘﺒﺪﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﻢ ﺑـ "ﺳﻮف" أو "ﺳـ" ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل أو‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪" :‬ﺣـ" أو "راح"‪ ،‬ﺑﯿﻨﻤﺎ أھﻤﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ اﻵﺧﺮ دون إﺛﺒﺎت ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ اﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫وأﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎل اﺳﺘﻌﺎرة اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺧﻠﻂ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺴﻤﻌﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺌﺘﮫ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻓﯿﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ "إﻧﺖَ "‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺘﮫ "ﻛﻮﯾّﺲ"‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل إن ھﻨﺎك اﺳﺘﻌﺎرﺗﺎن دﻻﻟﯿﺘﺎن ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺒﺪال "إن" ﺑـ "ﻟﻮ" و"ﯾﺤﺼﻞ" ﺑـ "ﯾﻮﺧﺬ"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3.2‬ﻣﺠﺎل اﺳﺘﻌﺎرة ﻣﻔﺮدات ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﯾﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮون اﻟﻤﻔﺮدات ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ أو ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺎﺗﮭﻢ اﻷم ﻟﺘﺠﺴﯿﺮ اﻟﻔﺠﻮات اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺼﻮﺻﮭﻢ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺴﻮﻗﮫ ھﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ أﻣﺜﻠﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ *-G17.24.T48‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻌﺎى ﺳﺘﻊ وﻧﺲ )ﺷﺎﻣﻲ‪ /‬ﺳﻮري(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺳﺘﮫ وﻧﺺ؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎدﺳﺔ وﻧﺼﻒ‬ ‫وﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ أﻋﻼه اﺳﺘﻌﺎرة ﻟﻤﻔﺮدة ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ "ﻧﺺ" وﻗﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﺧﻄﺄ "ﻧﺲ" ﻟﺘﻘﺎرب اﻟﻤﺨﺎرج‪ ،‬وﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻘﺪرة اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ ﻟﺪى اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ وﻗﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺨﻄﺄ اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﻲ ذاﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﮫ اﻟﮭﺎء اﻟﻤﻨﻘﻠﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺎء اﻟﻤﺮﺑﻮطﺔ ﻓﻲ "ﺳﺘﻊ" ﺑﻌﯿﻦ؛ إﻣﻌﺎﻧًﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺼﺤﯿﺢ ﻛﻤﺎ ورد ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻔﺴﯿﺮ‬ ‫أﻋﻼه ﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ "ﻋﺪﯾﻊ"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H1:B‬وﻓﺘﺢ اﻟﺒﺎب ﺣﻖ اﻟﻤﻨﺴﺎﻧﺔ )ﯾﻤﻨﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬وﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟﺨﺰﻧﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﻌﺎر "ﺣﻖ" ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﯾﻜﻮن ھﺬا ﻷﺛﺮ ﻟﮭﺠﯿﺎ ﺑﺤﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ورﺑﻤﺎ ﯾﻜﻮن ﻧﺎﺗﺠﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻷم ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم )أي‪ (of :‬ﻓﻲ إﯾﺠﺎد ﻟﻔﻆ ﺧﺎص ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬وھﻲ ظﺎھﺮة ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ اﻟﺠﻨﺴﯿﺎت‪ .‬وﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﮫ ﺗﺮاﻛﯿﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﯿﺮ ﻗﻮﯾﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺠﺪه ﻓﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H6:B‬راح ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻤﺎﺷﯿﻦ ﺗﺒﺎﻋﺖ اﻟﺤﻠﻮﯾﺎت )ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﻲ ﻏﺰاوي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬وذھﺐ إﻟﻰ آﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﻠﻮﯾﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H10:B‬ﺻﻨﺪوق ﺑِﺘﺎع ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎل )ﺳﻮداﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻟﯿﺒﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺨﺰﻧﺔ )ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻟﻤﺎل(‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H4:B‬ﺑﻌﺪﯾﻦ ﺣﻄّﮭﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻤﺎﺷﯿﻦ ﺑْﺘﺎع أﻟّﻲ ﯾﻌﻄﯿﻚ ﻋﺼﯿﺮ وﺷﻮﻛﻼﺗﮫ )ﺳﻌﻮدي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﺛﻢ وﺿﻌﮭﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻵﻟﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﯿﻚ ﻋﺼﯿﺮًا وﺷﻮﻛﻼﺗﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وھﻜﺬا ﻧﺠﺪ "ﺣﻖ" و"ﺑِﺘﺎع" و"ﺑْﺘﺎع" و"ﺗﺒﺎع" ﻣﻦ ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﺳﺘﻌﺎرات ﻣﻌﺠﻤﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ اﺳﺘﺒﺪل‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ‪" H6:B‬إﻟﻰ" اﻟﻤﻜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﺑـ "ﻋﻨﺪ" وﻓﯿﮭﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ﻟﮭﺠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺴﺘﺨﺪم طﺎﻟﺐ آﺧﺮ "ﺟﻮز‪ :‬زوج" ﺑﻘﻠﺐ طﺮﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺻﻮﺗﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ واﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺴﺘﺒﺪل ﻟﮭﺠﺎت ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫أﺧﺮى طﺮﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﺐ اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﻤﺎ ﻟﯿﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬وﻏﯿﺮ ذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ إﻣﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﻮاو وﺳﻮاه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.5.T32‬ﺟﻮز وﻓﺎء )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬زوج وﻓﺎء‬ ‫‪ 3.3‬اﻟﻤﺠﺎل اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫رﻏﻢ أن اﻟﻌﯿﻨﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺄﺧﻮذة ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻮص ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﯿﺮ أن ﻣﺎ ﯾﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺼﻮر اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷداء اﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﻲ ھﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺜﺒﺘﮫ ھﻨﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎرﻧﮫ ﺑﻨﺺ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬وﯾﻤﺜﻞ ذﻟﻚ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H7: B‬ﻓﺄﺧﺬ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾِﺤ ِﺴﻦ )ﺷﺎﻣﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻓﺄﺧﺬ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ‬ ‫وھﻨﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ اﻟﺘﺄﺛﯿﺮ اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ واﻟﻤﻌﺠﻤﻲ؛ إذ أﺑﺪل اﻟﻔﺘﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﯿﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﻜﺴﺮة‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ اﺳﺘﺨﺪم "ﯾﺤﺴﻦ" وھﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺮد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﮭﺬا اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ إﺑﺪال اﻟﻤﺪن اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ واﻟﻤﺼﺮﯾﺔ واﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺎف ھﻤﺰة‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺘﻲ "ﻓﺮﯾﻖ" و"ﯾﻔﯿﻖ"‪ :‬وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ أن طﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺳﻌﻮدﯾًﺎ ظﮭﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﮭﺠﺘﮫ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻲ واﺿﺢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﻠﮫ ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﻤﺪرﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎل ھﻨﺎ "اﻟﺘﺄت"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H6: C‬ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﯿﺘﻲ ھﻲ اﻟﻔﺮﯾﻲء اﻟﻔﺎزوا اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻤﯿﺮﻟﯿﺞ )ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﻲ ﻏﺰاوي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻣﺎﻧﺸﺴﺘﺮ ﺳﯿﺘﻲ ھﻮ اﻟﻔﺮﯾﻖ اﻟﺬي ﻓﺎز‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻄﻮﻟﺔ "اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻤﯿﺮﻟﯿﺞ"‪.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔً أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪ * H7:A‬ﯾﻔﻲء ﻣﺎرك ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺳﺎدﺳﺔ‪) .‬ﺷﺎﻣﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﯾﻔﯿﻖ )ﯾﺴﺘﯿﻘﻆ( ﻣﺎرك ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻣﮫ اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﺴﺎدﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H4:C‬اﻟﺒﻨﺖ اﻟﺘﺄت ﻓﻲ أﺣﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬آﻣﻨﺔ وﺳﻤﯿﺔ )ﺳﻌﻮدي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﺘﻘﺖ اﻟﺒﻨﺖ ﺑﺄﺣﻤﺪ وﻣﺤﻤﺪ وآﻣﻨﺔ وﺳﻤﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻧﺠﺪ أن اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ أﻋﻼه ﻻ ﺗﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ إﺑﺪال اﻟﻘﺎف ھﻤﺰة‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﻷول اﺳﺘﺒﺪل اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ "اﻟﺬي" ﺑـ "اﻟـ"‪ ،‬وھﻮ أﻣﺮ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﻤﺎء اﻟﻤﻮﺻﻮﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ‪ .H4:B‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ‪ H4:C‬ﻓﻘﺪ أظﮭﺮ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮًا ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺒﯿﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ؛ إذ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺜﺒﺖ ﺣﺮف‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺮ اﻟﻼزم ﻟﻠﻔﻌﻞ "اﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺑـ" ﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﺳﮫ ﻗﯿﺎﺳﺎ ﺧﺎطﺌﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ ،(met‬ﺛﻢ وﺿﻊ واو اﻟﻌﻄﻒ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻻﺳﻢ اﻷﺧﯿﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺮﯾًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﮫ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * -G17.34.T56‬وﻟﺪ ن د ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﺠـــ )ﻟﯿﺒﻲ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬اﻟﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺎظ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺒﺢ؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﻟﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﮭﺾ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺒﺎح‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة أﻋﻼه أن اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ اﺳﺘﺨﺪم اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ن د‪ :‬ﻧﺎظ" ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﻌﻜﺲ ﺗﻘﺼﯿﺮ اﻟﻤﺪود‪ ،‬واﻟﺨﻠﻂ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﺪال واﻟﻈﺎء‪ .‬وﻗﺪ أﺳﻘﻄﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﺑﺘﺪاء اﻟﮭﺎء اﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﻟﻀﻌﻔﮭﺎ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﺒﺪﻟﺖ ﺑﻤ ّﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﯾﺒﺪل اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺣﺮف اﻟﺬال ﺑﺤﺮف اﻟﺰاي أو اﻟﺪال‪ ،‬ﻛﺄھﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ واﻟﺸﺎم وﻏﺰة‪ ،‬وﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ اﻵﺗﯿﺔ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺆﻛﺪ ذﻟﻚ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H6:C‬إزا زاﻛﺮت ﺟﯿﺪ ﺳﺘﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ درﺟﺎت أﺣﺴﻦ )ﻓﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﻲ ﻏﺰاوي(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬إذا )ذاﻛﺮت( درﺳﺖ ﺟﯿﺪا ﻓﺴﺘﺤﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ درﺟﺎت أﺣﺴﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ * H7:A‬ﯾﺪھﺐ ﻣﺎرك إﻟﻰ اﻟﺤﻤﺎم‪) .‬ﺷﺎﻣﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﯾﺬھﺐ ﻣﺎرك إﻟﻰ اﻟﺤﻤﺎم‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت ﻣﺎ ﯾﻄﻮل ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ "ﻛﯿﻞ‪ :‬ﻛ ّﻞ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.7.T32‬وﻛﯿﻞ أﯾﻢ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬و ِﻛﻞ ﯾﻮم؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬وﻛﻞ ﯾﻮم‬ ‫وﯾﺴﺘﻌﺎض ﺑﻤ ّﺪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﮭﺎء ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ أﺻﯿﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻀﻤﺎﺋﺮ أو ﻣﻨﻘﻠﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺎء اﻟﺘﺄﻧﯿﺚ اﻟﻤﺮﺑﻮطﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻻﺷﺘﺮاﻛﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺨﺮج‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻮﺗﻲ‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﻣ ّﺪ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎن اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻌﻮﯾﻀًﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﯿﺎ أو اﻧﻌﻜﺎﺳﺎ ﻹطﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺤﺮف اﻟﻤﻨﻘﻠﺐ ﻋﻦ اﻟﮭﺎء ﻟﻔﻈًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎﻟﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﯿﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ *-G17.35.T56‬ﻛﻮرا )ﻟﯿﺒﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﻛﺮة‬ ‫وﻷن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ اﻻﺑﺘﺪاء ﺑﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﻘﺪ اﺑﺘﺪأت ﺑﮭﻤﺰة وﺻﻞ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺎت ﻓﺘﻮﻏﻞ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ إﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺼﺤﯿﺢ‬ ‫وإظﮭﺎرا ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ * H1:A‬اﺗﻔﺮج ﻣﺎرك ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﯾﻮن )ﯾﻤﻨﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬ﺷﺎھﺪ ﻣﺎرك اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﯾﻮن‪.‬‬ ‫‪ *- G17.6.T32‬أﺳﻤﻮ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ(؛ اﻟﻤﻘﺼﻮد‪ :‬اﺳﻤﮫ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﯿﺎت‬ ‫ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻣﻦ إﻟﻘﺎء اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘ ّﺪم ﻋﺮﺿﮫ وﻣﺤﺎوﻟﺔ اﺳﺘﺨﻼص ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ واﻟﺘﻮﺻﯿﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﯿﺪ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﯿﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻠﺴﺎﻧﻲ واﻟﺘﺮﺑﻮﯾﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﻨﺨﺮطﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻮارﺛﯿﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وأﺧﯿﺮا ﻟﺪارﺳﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت اﻷﻗﻠﯿﺎت واﻟﻤﺴﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﮭﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻻ ﯾﺠﺐ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﺘﺎج اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﻟﺪى اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺑﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻨﻘﺺ اﻟﻮاﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻌﻠّﻤﯿﻦ ذوي اﻟﺨﺒﺮة‬ ‫واﻟﻤﮭﺎرة ھﻮ ظﺎھﺮة واﺿﺤﺔ )‪(Scott-Baumann & Contractor, S. 2012: 19‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﯿﯿﺰ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺪاوﻟﮭﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ "وارث اﻟﻠﻐﺔ" ﺑﯿﻦ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب وﻏﯿﺮھﻢ؛ إذ ﺗﻌ ّﺪ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ أو‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﮭﺪف وھﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻤﺎﺗﮭﺎ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﻲ اﻟﻤﺤﺪود اﻟﺬي ﺗﻨﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ اﻟﺘﺼ ّﻮرات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪ ،‬أو ﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ ﻟﻐﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪر‪ .‬واﻟﺘﺒﺎﯾﻦ ﻻ ﯾﻘﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣ ّﺪ اﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ھﻲ اﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻲ اﺳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻨﺎھﺎ آﻧﻔًﺎ ﺑﻞ ﯾﺘﻌ ّﺪى ذﻟﻚ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺘﺒﺎﯾﻨﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﯿﺔ واﻟﺼﻮﺗﯿﺔ واﻟﻤﻌﺠﻤﯿﺔ واﻟﺪﻻﻟﯿﺔ واﻟﺘﺪاوﻟﯿﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﯿﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﻈﮭﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎرات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﺣًﺎ واﺿﺤًﺎ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﯾﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺰﯾﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ اﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﮭﺎدف ﻟﻺﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺴﺆال اﻟﺬي ﯾﻄﺮح ﻧﻔﺴﮫ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﻐﻮي اﻟﺬي ﯾﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن‬ ‫ﯾﻄﺮح ﻟﻮارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ؟ )‪ .(de Ruiter; Saidi & Spotti 2009: 5‬ﺛﻢ ﻟﻤﺎذا ﺗﻐﻠﺒﺖ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ھﺬا اﻟﺴﯿﺎق؟‬ ‫‪ .4‬ﺗﺘﻌﺪد أﺳﺒﺎب ﺗﺨﻠّﻒ اﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺤﻠﻮل اﻟﺘﻲ اﻧﺘﮭﻰ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺮ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻟﺒﺮﯾﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺮه "اﻟﻠﻐﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ" )‪ (Languages for the Future‬ﺗﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺣﻮل زﯾﺎدة اﻟﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ اﻟﻠﻮﺟﯿﺴﺘﻲ واﻟﻤﺎدي‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎر رؤوس‬ ‫أﻣﻮال رﺟﺎل اﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﻟﻠﻨﮭﻮض ﺑﺘﺪرﯾﺲ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﻐﺎت وﺑﺎﻷﺧﺺ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ واﻟﺼﯿﻨﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺘﯿﻦ أﻋﺎرھﻤﺎ اﻟﺘﻘﺮﯾﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﯾﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ) & ‪Tinsley‬‬ ‫‪ .(Board 2014: 19‬وھﻲ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻔﻖ ﻣﻌﮭﺎ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ وﺗﻔﺼﯿﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .5‬ﻧﻤﻮذج ﻣﻘﺘﺮح ﻟﺘﻌﻠّﻢ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ إطﺎر ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ :‬ﻧﻈﺮًا إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ أﺳﻠﻔﻨﺎه ﻓﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ ظﺎھﺮة ازدواﺟﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﯿّﻦ أن وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺆﺧﺬوا ﺑﻌﯿﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬا ﻛﺎن ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﯿﺎﻏﺔ ﺗﺼﻮّر ﻋﻦ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﺬي ﯾﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻋﻠﯿﮫ ﺣﺎل ھﺆﻻء ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﺎذﺑﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ واﻟﻠﮭﺠﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﯿﻄﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ اﺳﺘﻘﺮ رأي اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﻢ ﻧﻤﻮذج ﻣﻘﺘﺮح ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﮫ أن ﯾﻔﺴﺮ اﻟﺘﺠﺎذﺑﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺼﻞ ﻟﺪى ﻣﺘﻌﻠّﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫وارﺛﻲ أﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺌﺔ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﻈﮭﺮ اﻟﻨﻤﻮذج اﻟﻤﻘﺘﺮح ﻧﻈﺎ ًﻣﺎ ﺣﯿﻮﯾًﺎ ﻣﺮﻧًﺎ وﻣﺘﺤﺮ ًﻛﺎ ﯾﻤﺜﻞ "اﻟﺘﻄﻮّر اﻟﻠﻐﻮي اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮ" ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﺘﺪاﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ إطﺎرﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﻮﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﻔﺼﻠﮭﻤﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻣﺘﻘﻄﻊ ﯾﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻤﺮور اﻟﻮﺣﺪات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺼﺪر إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺼﻐﯿﺮة ﻓﺘﻤﺜﻞ اﻟﻮﺣﺪات اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت واﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺠﺎذﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻘﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻢ )داﺧﻞ اﻹطﺎرﯾﻦ( أو ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﯿﻄﺔ )ﺧﺎرﺟﮭﻤﺎ(‪ ،‬وﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻷﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺼﻔﺎت اﻟﻮراﺛﯿﺔ أو اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺴﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺜﻠﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ورﻏﻢ أن وﻋﻲ وارث اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﯾﺤﻔﻆ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠّﻤﺔ )ﺗﻤﺜﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ ھﻨﺎ( ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ وﺣﺪاﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ إﻻ أن ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺰاوج واﻟﺘﺪاﺧﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﻮي ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺐ واﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠّﻢ ﺗﻨﻀﺞ وﺣﺪات ھﺠﯿﻨﺔ ذات ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ )وھﻮ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮه ﻟﻐﻮﯾًﺎ ﺑﻨﺘﺎج "ﺧﻠﯿﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻮﻋﯿﺎت" )‪ (Mixture of Varieties‬ﻛﺘﺤﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﺸﯿﻔﺮة )‪ (Code-switching‬واﻻﺳﺘﻌﺎرة )‪ (Borrowing‬وﻏﯿﺮھﺎ(‪.‬‬ 70 MUNTASIR FAYEZ AL-HAMAD ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻓﺎﯾﺰ اﻟﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر واﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ‬ de Ruiter, Jan Jaap; Saidi, Redouan and Spotti, Massimiliano. 2009. 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Creese, Angela; Bhatt, Arvind; Bhojani, Nirmala & Martin, Peter. 2006. “Multicultural, Heritage and Learner Identities in Complementary Schools”, Language and Education, 20: 1, 23-43. ‫ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ازدواﺟﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺴﺎن ﻋﻠﻰ وارﺛﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻐﺔً أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ‬ 71 Kanakri, Mahmoud.1988. “Style and Style Shifting in Educated Spoken Arabic of Jordan”. Unpublished PhD diss., University of Wisconsin. Kleinmann, Howard. 1977. “Avoidance behavior in Adult Second Language Acquisition”. Language Learning, 27: 93-107. Maylor, Uvanney; Glass, Katie; Issa, Tozun; Abol Kuyok, Kuyok; Minty, Sarah; Rose, Anthea; Ross, Alistair; Tanner, Emily; Finch, Steven; Low, Natalie; Taylor, Eleanor; Tipping, Sarah and Purdon, Susan. 2011. Impact Of Supplementary Schools On Pupils’ Attainment : An Investigation Into What Factors Contribute To Educational Improvements. London: London Metropolitan University. Mc Loughlin, Leslie. 1983. Colloquial Arabic (Levantine), London: Routledge. O’Grady, William; Lee, On-Soon & Lee, Jin-Hwa. 2011. “Practical and Theoretical Issues in the Study of Heritage Language Acquisition”, Heritage Language Journal, Fall 8/3: 23-40. Saggar, Shamit; Somerville, Will; Ford, Rob and Sobolewska, Maria. 2012. The Impacts of Migration on Social Cohesion and Integration. Report to the Migration Advisory Committee. Scott-Baumann, Alison. & Contractor, Sariya. 2012 Arabic Language and the Study of Islam: Who Studies Arabic and Why and How can these Skills be Used at University and Beyond. University of Southampton: LLAS. Suleiman, Yasir. 2013. “Arabic Folk Linguistics: Between Mother Tongue and Native Language”, Owens, Jonathan (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Arabic Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 264-280. Tinsley, Teresa. 2015. The teaching of Arabic and culture in UK schools. No publisher. Tinsley, Teresa & Board, Kathryn. 2014. Languages for the Future: Which languages the UK needs and why. British Council. .‫ دار اﻟﻤﻌﺎرف‬:‫ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬.‫ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺮ‬.1973 .‫ اﻟﺴﻌﯿﺪ‬،‫ﺑﺪوي‬ .‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ اﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬:‫ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬.‫ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬،‫ اﻟﺸﺮﻗﺎوي‬:‫ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬،‫ ﺗﻌﻠّﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬.2003 ‫ ﻻري‬،‫ ﺳﻮزان وﺳﻠﯿﻨﻜﺮ‬،‫ﺟﺎس‬ .‫ اﻟﻤﺠﻠﺪ اﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ‬:‫ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﻠﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬."‫ اﻟﻨﺎطﻘﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﻣﺜﺎﻻ‬:‫ "أﻏﻼط ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻘﺪرة ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬.2016 .‫ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ‬،‫ وﻋﻠﻮي‬.‫ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺮ‬،‫اﻟﺤﻤﺪ‬ .‫ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ زھﺮاء اﻟﺸﺮق‬:‫ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬.‫ ﻟﺤﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﺘﻄﻮّر اﻟﻠﻐﻮي‬.1999 .‫ رﻣﻀﺎن‬،‫ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺘﻮاب‬ .‫ دار اﻟﻤﻌﺎرف‬:‫ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬.‫ ﻟﺤﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء اﻟﺪراﺳﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺜﺔ‬.1981 .‫ ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ‬،‫ﻣﻄﺮ‬ PRELIMINARY RESULTS ON THE ARABIC SPOKEN IN JNANATE, NORTHERN MOROCCO JULES ARSENNE INALCO-LaCNAD, Paris Abstract: Jnanate is an isolated Arabic-speaking area in a region where Berber is the language spoken by the majority of its inhabitants. Moreover, the region of Beni Bou Frah, located in the mountain range of the Rif, in the county of AlHoceima, in northern Morocco, uses Berber as the language of daily life. The Arabic spoken in Jnanate shares some linguistic characteristics with other pre-hilalie dialects of the Jbala region of Morocco, Vicente (2000), Moscoso (2003); but it also distinguished from it by possessing specific features. Its geographic location in the vicinity of Berber-speaking lands and its history of French and Spanish colonialism, are some of the elements which go to explain its hybrid and atypical nature. Northern Morocco, is today populated by Jbala and Berbers, has been throughout his history a place where people have been constantly coming and going. Indeed, in addition to the geographical isolation of some of its villages, this area has been a region of cohabitation and intermingling between different peoples and different languages. In this article, I will attend to bring out the main features of the Arabic variant spoken in Jnanate, focusing on the features due to Berber influence. Keywords: language contact, code-switching, Moroccan Arabic, pre-hilali Arabic, Berber, Rif. 1. Introduction Located in the Rif, mountain range of northern Morocco, Jnanate is a village looking out towards the Mediterranean, where agriculture is the main activity. As far as the origins of the foundation of Jnanate, is concerned, the historical documentation is very scarce, however we have more information about its inhabitants. First, Northern Morocco has ever been for Muslims and Jews coming from Andalusia, a region in which have settled. They were established in Beni Bou Frah from 1492 (fall of the Nasrid Kingdom in Granada) until 1600. Since 1800, Beni Bou Frah has been faced with the arrival of Berbers coming from the villages of Beni Itteft, Beqqoya and Gzenaya. We also know that part of the Jewish community of this region have been moving into it at the time when the resistance against Spanish occupation emerged in the Rif around 1920. These waves of immigration have brought with it a reservoir from which the Arabic spoken in Jnanate has absorbed some of its main particularities. Nowadays, the urban/rural dichotomy is strongly visible in Morocco as in other countries of the Arab world. In the north, large cities like Tangier, Tetuan or Al- Hoceima, are very attractive places for a lot of young immigrants coming from rural areas. Thus, agglomerations such as Fez or Tangier are examples of places where people and languages are mixing together. As a consequence, the “Jbala dialects” spoken in the north, are mixing with “dialects of the old cities”. Regarding the region of Beni Bou Frah, Berber is used in everyday life, but in the village of Jnanate this is not the case, here, people speak Arabic. Therefore, there is a dual influence exerted on the Arabic spoken in Jnanate. The first and the oldest one, is the substratum, seeing as Tarifit was spoken in Morocco and in the Rif before the first Muslim conquerors arrived; Arabic became the imposed language in Morocco. Concerning the second influence, it makes reference to the actual division of the everyday life between Arabic and Berber. The data on which this article is based come from a corpus of about 8 hours of recorded conversations 1 collected in 2014 during a research undertaken in Jnanate. Almost all speakers come 1 I have worked in collaboration with Younes Hmimsa, University of Larache, and Malou Delplancke, University of Montpellier. 74 JULES ARSENNE from Jnanate, only one from a Berber-speaking village close to Jnanate 2. This work is a collaboration program between European and Moroccan universities and falls within an interdisciplinary approach which regroups together researchers in botanics and linguistics. This article tackles three parts relevant to the main features of phonology, verbs and substantives morphology and lexicon of the Arabic spoken in Jnanate. I will only give priority in this article to specific phenomena we can attribute to the influence of Berber. 2. Substratal influence in the phonology Arabic variety spoken in Jnanate, as other “Jbala vernaculars”, presents phonetic modifications such as affrication or lenition also known in Berber varieties Lafkioui (2007). Phonemes such as *b, *t, *k and *d present a plosive pronunciation, but they are also affected by a phonetic change called lenition and are pronounced [ḇ], [ḵ], [ṯ], [ḏ]. Some examples: (1) baba > [ḇāḇa] ‘dad’ (2) kā-yžību-h > [kā-yžīḇu-h] preverbal marker-1p-bring-3s:M ‘they bring it’ (3) kāyәn > [ḵāyәn] ‘there is’ (4) y-kbәr > [y-ḵbәr] 3p:M-grow ‘it grows’ (5) mšāt > mšāṯ 3P:F-went ‘she went’ (6) әl-ḥānūt > әl-ḥānūṯ on-shop ‘the grocer’ (7) әl-mīkēt > әl-mīkēṯ the-plastic bags ‘plastic bags’ Examples 1 to 9 demonstrate that vowels play an important role in the lenition of some phonemes and it is unusual to note it in the vicinity of consonants (in the whole corpus I have only observed it once in the verb bġīti > [ḇġīti] ‘you want’). We also note the role played by vowels in the affrication3 of consonantal phonemes. Some examples in which *t, *š, *ž and *k use plosive and fricative phonemes: (8) tbәn > [tṯbәn] ‘hay’ 2 I warmly thank the people I have interviewed during my framework in Jnanate. Affrication is the phonological change through which a sound is produced using a combination of plosive and fricative phonemes. 3 PRELIMINARY RESULTS ON THE ARABIC SPOKEN IN JNANATE, NORTHERN MOROCCO 75 Such a realization has been highlighted by Colin in 1921 in the Arabic variety spoken in the city of Taza in Morocco 4. (9) čabula ‘small tent used during summer to sell vegetables on the road’ This word was borrowed from Spanish 'chabola'. (10) žilbān > [ğilbān] ‘peas’ (11) žiha > [ğiha] ‘direction’ (12) kḥēl > [kšḥēl] ‘black’ (13) hāḏēkš > [hāḏēkš] ‘this one’ Arabic spoken in Jnanate also reports vocalization of the *r due to the Berber substratum. More precisely, when a word has as final syllable successive /i/ and /r/, the consonant /r/ disappears and the vowel lengthens. This phenomenon is also a characteristic of Berber varieties spoken in the Rif; NaïtZerrad (2011) and Lafkioui (2007), e.g.: (14) ġēr d-qmәḥ u d-šʕīr u ṣāfi > [ġē* d-qmәḥ u d-šʕīr u ṣāfi] only-possession particle-wheat-and-possession particle-barley-and-that's it ‘only with wheat and barley and that’s all’ The reflex of *q is predominantly made as an unvoiced plosive [q]. Nevertheless, Jnanate is an exception in this, regard as most of “Jbala varieties” of Morocco realize it with the glottal stop [Ɂ], e.g.: (15) kā-ydәqqu-ha (Jnanate) > kā-ydәɁu-ha (Imtiwa) preverbal marker-1P-grind-3S:F ‘they grind it’ (16) b-l-ḥaq (Jnanate) > b-l-ḥaɁ (Imtiwa) with-the-truth ‘to tell the truth’ Due to its proximity with Berber-speaking lands like Beni Itteft, Arabic of Jnanate shows up the nasalization of its vowels. I would like to clarify that it is a characteristic clearly perceptible in the varieties spoken by peoples whose contact with Berber is significant. In point of fact, it is a constant feature of speakers who have grown up in bilingual Arabic/Berber families, e.g.: (17) u l-wālīdīn dyāl-i mātōw and-the-parents-possession particle-1S-die-3P ‘and my parents died’ 3. Substratal influence in the morphology Most of the speakers we interviewed make it clear that the flexional ending i is not reserved for the feminine, and it is used for both genders. We notice that the confusion of genders in the second person singular in that both prefix and suffix conjugation is a characteristic of both feminine and masculine speakers, e.g.: 4 Colin noted it in this way: [tṯ] (Colin 1921). 76 JULES ARSENNE (18) xīma ṣġīra fhәmti, kā-ybīʕ fī-ha fhәmt? Tent-small-understand-1S-preverbal marker-3S:M-sell-in-3P:F-understand-2S ‘the little tent… he sells in it you know?’ (19) ġīr taʕalәmna u ṣāfi kīma qult just-learn-1P-and-that's it-say-2S ‘we've just learn and that's all, as you said’ (20) wa, kā-tšūfi kā-nḥǝmmīw ġi* kā-nḥǝmmīw yes-preverbal marker-2S-see-preverbal marker-1P-heat up-1P-just-preverbal marker-1P-heat up ‘yes, you see we heat it up, we just heat it up’ The speaker of these examples was speaking to a man and it shows that in a same sentence, we can use or not the flexional ending i. Generally, short vowels do not exist in open syllables in the varieties spoken in the North African region5. However, I noted in the corpus I have used for this article three appearances of C1C2әC3 regular verbs in which the short vowel ә appears in open syllable, e.g.: (21) hna kā-nṛžәʕu lubya xәḍṛa u ṣāfi us-preverbal marker-1P-grow-1P-runner bean-and-that's it ‘we grow runner bean and that's all’ The following table shows the most common forms of the independent personal pronouns in the Arabic spoken in Jnanate. Number Person/Gender Form Sg Pl 1 āna 2M әnta 2F әnti 3M hūwa 3F hīya 1M ḥna, ḥnāya 2 әntūma 3 hūma Berber influence is also visible in the use of some adverbs and particularly in the use of the adverb 'a very few'. I notice the recurring use of the suffix form šwīyyәš of which the suffix is borrowed from Berber 6, e.g.: (22) kā-yʕәmlu ši šwīš әt-tbәn wāqīla preverbal marker-3P:M-use-3P:M-some-few-of-hay-perhaps ‘they use a very few of hay’ 5 6 Cf. Pereira (2011: 958). Uš is used in Berber as a suffix to design the diminutive, cf. Chaker (EB XVIII: 2712). PRELIMINARY RESULTS ON THE ARABIC SPOKEN IN JNANATE, NORTHERN MOROCCO 77 4. Lexicon and borrowing from Berber and other languages Arabic spoken in Jnanate English translation čaḇula (Berber borrowing) little tent used to sell vegetables on the road in summer ḏaḏqa (Berber borrowing) mud used to build bread oven fārīna (French/Spanish borrowing) flour gāyza (Borrowing from a standard Arabic verbal form) cattle iḇāwen (Berber borrowing) broad bean kәrsәnna (Hassaniya Arabic) grain used to feed the cattle leġṛus (Berber borrowing) fig ṃāṭēša (Spanish borrowing) tomatoes nabut variety of fig šīfrōn (French borrowing) cauliflower šәrweṭa (Hassaniya Arabic) piece of cloth ṯāynūr; āyǝnnūr (Berber borrowing) bread oven yaqqәbūz; borrowing) saqqәbūz (Berber container used to hoard grains like wheat or barley This short lexicon belongs to the lexical field of agriculture. We could say that this part of the Arabic variety spoken in Jnanate separates it from other “Jbala dialects” because of the strong influence and the large numbers of borrowings from Berber. Actually, in lot of cases, only the Berber word is used when the Arabic equivalent has another meaning (this is not the case in other region of the Jbala region where we can use both terms). On the other hand, French and Spanish act in Jnanate like “lending languages” referring to colonialism periods. With regard to standard Arabic, borrowings from this language are not so important in Jnanate. 5. Conclusion Far from claiming to give an exhaustive description of the Arabic variety spoken in Jnanate, I have, nevertheless, tried to bring out its main features. Some of its characteristics tempt us to include it both in the group of pre-Hilali dialects and also into the “Jbala dialects” of Morocco. Indeed, phonologically speaking, there is no occurrences of the reflex *g pronounced as a [g], a feature which is a characteristic a Bedouin dialects. Furthermore, the Arabic of Jnanate shows a vocalic lengthening in defective verbs such as nšrīw ‘we buy’, ybnīw ‘they build’. As shown in the beginning of this article, Berber influence is important both in phonology and lexicon. As already said, it is responsible for phenomenon like lenition or affrication and its presence is important in the lexical field of agriculture. In conclusion, we might wonder about the evolution of the “Jbala vernaculars” considering the permanent progression of urban centers which Morocco is currently going through. This urban change leads linguistically speaking to the leveling of the varieties spoken in the north when their speakers leave their regions in order to find jobs in large cities like Fez. 78 JULES ARSENNE References Aguadé, Jordí. Cressier, Patrice. Vicente, Ángeles (eds). 1998. Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental. Dialectologie et histoire. Madrid-Zaragoza: Casa de Velázquez-Universidad de Zaragoza. Aguadé, Jordí. Vicente, Ángeles. 1997. “Un calco semántico del bereber en árabe dialectal magrebí: el uso de la preposición ʕala en el comparativo”, EDNA, Estudios de dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí, vol 2. 225-240. Cantineau, Jean. 1954. À propos d’un prétendu emprunt de l’arabe dialectal au berbère. Louvain: Centre International de Dialectologie Générale, vol 3. 524-525. Caubet, Dominique. 2001. “Questionnaire de dialectologie du Maghreb (d’après les travaux de W. Marçais, M. Cohen, G. S. Colin, J. Cantineau, D. Cohen, Ph. Marçais, S. Levy etc)”, EDNA, Estudios de dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí, vol 5. 73-92. Chaker, Salem. Caubet, Dominique (eds). 1996. La négation en berbère et en arabe maghrébin. Paris: L’Harmattan. Lafkioui, Mena (ed). 2013. Approaches to dialectology. Berlin-New-York: Mouton de Gruyter. Messaoudi, Leila. 1996. “Note sur l’affriquée /ğ/ dans le parler jbala (Nord du Maroc)”, EDNA, Estudios de dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí, vol 1. 167-175. Milroy, Lesley. 2002. “Introduction: mobility, contact and language change-working with contemporary speech communities”, Journal of sociolinguistics. 3-15. Mushira, Eid et al. (eds). 2007. Encyclopedia of Arabic Languages and Linguistics, vol 3. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Taine-Cheikh, Catherine. 2008. Berber in contact: linguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives. Köln: R. Köppe Verlag. Tilmatine, Mohand. 1999. “Substrat et convergences: le berbère et l’arabe nord-africain”, EDNA, Estudios de dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí, vol 4. 99-119. Trudgill, Peter. 2000. Sociolinguistics an introduction to language and society. London: Penguin Books. Vicente, Ángeles. 2000. El dialecto árabe de Anjra (norte de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y textos. Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. SPELLING VARIANTS IN WRITTEN EGYPTIAN ARABIC, A STUDY ON LITERARY TEXTS LUCIA AVALLONE The University of Bergamo Foreign Languages, Literatures and Communication Studies Abstract: Egyptian Arabic is the spoken vernacular for the most populated Arab country. It is also a form of written communication in informal genres, for instance chats, blogs, emails etc., and in more traditional genres such as novels, short stories, poetry, and theatre. Although the current systems of online communication have seen it emerge as a relevant phenomenon in recent years, vernacular writing is not a novelty in the modern age. From the last decades of the nineteenth century onwards, Egyptian literature has offered several cases of works written in vernacular. This paper presents some results of a study carried out, in a diachronic perspective, on literary texts belonging to different genres and discourse modes, in search of words written according to different spellings to identify variants, to compare them, and to evaluate their common and diverse elements. Indeed, by comparing the practice of writing Egyptian Arabic which has not been codified as a literary means, some noteworthy features emerge not only from the lexical and morphological choices of authors but also from the graphic representation of this language variety, allowing the description of a framework of variants which could be considered as a basic corpus in a possible operation of normalizing the vernacular orthography. Keywords: Vernacular, diachronic perspective, variants, graphic representation, normalization. Introduction A sharp distinction between the two main varieties of Arabic made on the basis of the communication channel used has been a landmark in the linguistic norm transmission and an essential postulate for the main authorities of the Arabic language, such as academies and much of the Arab intellectual milieu1. However it does not represent the real language use, which is far more complex. In fact, such a strict division of roles, which provides for the adoption of the Arabic fuṣḥā exclusively in writing, by limiting the use of the ‘āmmiyya (or dāriǧa) to the spoken, is not in force now and it has not been in the past. Studying the effects generated in writing the vernacular can make a contribution to describe the composite framework of linguistic uses in the Arabic-speaking community. Among the results of writing the vernacular, there is a not uniform process of adapting an oral variety to the Arabic script. The paper here presented aims to introduce some outcomes of a research in the field of the Egyptian vernacular graphic representation, with a particular interest for the adaptation phenomena 2. Šawqī Ḍayf, elected president of the Academy of the Arabic Language in Cairo in 1996, in his paper entitled al-‘Āmmiyya fuṣḥā muḥarrafa explains the factors which make the fuṣḥā a proper means for the Arab civilization and the ‘āmmiyya a subproduct merely apt to the ordinary oral communication (Ḍayf 2000: 34). Among the intellectuals who give a strong support for fuṣḥā there are Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ and Ṭāhā Ḥusayn. They consider it the language of writing and fulfilling the Arab society speculative purposes: “I adopted fusha [when I started writing] because it was the [accepted] language of writing. The question [of fusha and ‘ammiyya] has become problematic only in relatively recent times. Many people consider it a serious problem, and it may well be so in the theatre or cinema. But in the novel and short story, it is much less serious and time alone will settle the question” (Maḥfūẓ 1977: 61, in El-Enany 1993: 193); “I am, and shall remain, unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suitable instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goal of our intellectual life because I simply cannot tolerate any squandering of the heritage, however slight, that classical Arabic has preserved for us. The colloquial lacks the qualities to make it worthy of the name of a language. I look upon it as a dialect that has become corrupted in many respects” (Hussein 1998: 89). 2 As Egyptian vernacular, like other Arabic language varieties, lacks a standard orthography, the transition from the oral realization to the written one implies a spontaneous spelling which could be transformed into a conventionalized orthography 1 80 LUCIA AVALLONE The written texts selected for this study belong to modern Egyptian literature and cover a period of time ranging from the late nineteenth to the twenty-first century. The diachronic perspective answers to the purpose of detecting if there have been specific trends in the practice of transliterating the oral variety into the written one, through a spelling adjustment based on norms established by custom, if some uses have been typical of some periods, and if a codification of the vernacular writing is now conceivable. In the past writing dialect caused debates (Daniëls 2004) among linguists, writers and, more broadly, intellectuals 3, but they did not change the basic distinction between a high literary production and a “popular literature” 4 or, at most, a literary production placed in an undefined area. Actually, texts completely written in Egyptian Arabic, which have had a significant impact in Arabic literature, have been treated as products outside the norm which have not paved a way nor changed the tendency of the majority of authors, from the late nineteenth century throughout the twentieth century, to write in standard Arabic. But the 2000s do show a stronger presence of Egyptian literary works in the vernacular (Rosenbaum 2010, Avallone 2011), which implies the scholars of literature need a greater understanding of these trends, while for linguists it has become more and more interesting to observe the graphic representation modes, an operation that cannot be done without querying the genesis and development of this aspect. 1. Methodology The research intends to examine texts chosen to cover most of the period and taken from what we might call the “canon” of the Egyptian vernacular literature, that means works entirely written in the vernacular that have had success in the literary environment, and texts which, though belonging to the official literary canon, present dialogues in the vernacular. As here only the results pertinent to the first stage of the study are presented, the corpus taken into consideration in this paper is formed by works completely or mostly written in Egyptian vernacular. I have assumed that the vernacular has been gradually defined also as a written and a literary language, and that the variety of Cairo, already prestigious as a spoken language, has established itself as a written model (Rosenbaum 2004: 283). Although the need has not so far been felt to set norms of the vernacular writing or, at least, it has not been translated into reality, who writes in ‘āmmiyya refers to a number of conventions related to phonological, morphological, and lexical aspects, developed over time and accepted by authors and readers. The hypothesis is that the various graphic transcription features could be leaning towards uniformity. The work has been structured in six phases apt to focus on some aspects –quantifiable and comparable linguistic elements– in order to understand the trend of the single texts, and to compare between the different authors: 1. choosing texts belonging to the “canon” of the Egyptian vernacular literature; 2. choosing a priori a sample for each text; 3. reading the samples and identifying high frequency grammatical items which have variants; 4. recording the identified elements to quantify their occurrence within the single samples; 5. analysing uniformity or variation in the elements spelling within the single samples; 6. comparing the results arising from the different samples. (Eskander et al. 2013) and which involves a series of adaptation phenomena at lexical, phonological and morphological levels. 3 In the context of the language choice between standard and vernacular Arabic, perceived as linked to the modern literary genres development, the debates which take place on the pages of periodicals al-Muqtaṭaf in the years 1881 and 1882, and alHilāl in 1949 are significant. In the first case the voices debating the subject identify in the standard the variety most accredited to represent modernity in writing. In the second one, which involves leading writers, the role of the vernacular is emphasized as a means of renewal of literature and as a variety more suited to the dramaturgical representation. 4 The terms ‘popular’ and ‘folk’ are broad and inclusive of texts belonging to different genres which share the feature of being addressed to a wide audience that recognize and adopt them in their own identity and heritage. I mention here an excerpt from the Encyclopædia Britannica definition of “popular literature”: “Popular literature includes those writings intended for the masses and those that find favour with large audiences. It can be distinguished from artistic literature in that it is designed primarily to entertain. Popular literature, unlike high literature, generally does not seek a high degree of formal beauty or subtlety and is not intended to endure”. 81 SPELLING VARIANTS IN WRITTEN EGYPTIAN ARABIC, A STUDY ON LITERARY TEXTS 2. Corpus Sample 1 [S1] Ṣuḥuf Abū Naḍḍāra by Ya‘qūb Ṣannū‘. Five articles (sketches), twenty-two pages (pp. 1-12; 26-27; 30-32; 34-35; 38-40). Satirical journal, 1878. Sample 2 [S2] al-Ustāḏ by ‘Abd Allāh an-Nadīm. Four articles (sketches), twenty-one pages (pp. 4648; 65-70; 132-140; 147-149). Satirical journal, 1892. Sample 3 [S3] es-Sayyid we-mrāto fi Maṣr by Bayram at-Tūnisī. Eight chapters, thirty-four pages (pp. 7-40). Satirical dialogue, 1925. Sample 4 [S4] Muḏakkirāt ṭālib bi‘ṯa by Luwīs ‘Awaḍ. One chapter, twenty pages (pp. 33-52). Autobiography, 1942, pub. 1965. Sample 5 [S5] Qanṭara allāḏī kafara by Muṣṭafā Mušarrafa. One chapter, thirty-two pages (pp. 5-36). Novel, 40s, pub. 1966. Sample 6 [S6] Riḥla fī n-Nīl by Ṣabrī ‘Uṯmān. Two chapters, twenty-eight pages (pp. 88-115). Humorous long tale, 1965. Sample 7 [S7] Laban al-‘uṣfūr by Yūsuf al-Qa‘īd. Three chapters, thirty-five pages (pp. 8-42). Novel, 1994. Sample 8 [S8] Marā‘ī l-qatl by Fatḥī Imbābī. Four chapters, twenty-six pages (pp. 7-32). Novel, 1994. Sample 9 [S9] Tāksī by Ḫālid al-Ḫamīsī. Nine chapters, thirty-eight pages (pp. 13-50). Fictional dialogues, 2006. Sample 10 [S10] ‘Ayza atgawwez by Ġāda ‘Abd al-‘Āl. Eight chapters, thirty-eight pages (pp. 5-42). Long tale based on a blog, 2008. 3. Results The items identified to carry out an analysis of the single texts and a comparison among them are morphological (prepositions, demonstratives, future tense markers, preverbal particle bi-, personal pronouns, constructions consisting of verb followed by li-+pronominal suffix) and lexical (active participle of the verb meaning ‘to want’, adverb of time meaning ‘now’, conjunction meaning ‘also’, negation particle meaning ‘not’). In addition, other elements have emerged as worth noting, but only pertaining to some texts, for instance lexical items containing glottal stops derived from the phoneme /q/ and words ending with alif maqṣūra or their variants with a final alif. The data collected point out that, generally speaking, authors’ attitudes in respect to either the adoption of vernacular spelling norms previously elaborated by other writers or the coining of new modalities to be coherently applied in their texts are very changeable. Some samples display a trend towards unambiguous choices and others a plurality of forms for the same word. 3.1. [S1] and [S2] The oldest texts analysed, [S1] and [S2], date back to the late nineteenth century. They show a different practice of rendering Egyptian vernacular in Arabic script. Ṣannū‘ seems to follow norms quite near to the standard script, in most cases but not always, without deviating from them, while anNadīm’s sketches are characterized by a plurality of forms for some words. On the whole, in [S1] and [S2] we note that the prepositions fi, min, ‘ala, and bi- (this latest also preverbal particle) occur in their canonical standard forms with only some exceptions for ‘ala: [S1] <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬185 5, <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬173 , <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬120 vs. <‫ >ﻋـ‬1 , and <‫ >ﺑـ‬126 ; [S2 ] <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬74 , <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬68 , <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬72 6 vs. <‫ >ﻋﻠـ‬5 vs. <‫ >ع‬1 , and <‫ >ﺑـ‬80 . There are several examples of words occurring with final long vowel /ā/ or desinence /ah/: demonstratives da and keda occur in both their widespread forms in [S2], <‫ >دا‬22 and <‫ >ده‬11 , <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬5 and <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬2 , while in [S1] <‫ >ده‬75 is prevalent on <‫ >دا‬3 , and <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬23 effectively prevailing on <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬1 , a R 5 6 The subscript indicates the occurrence of each item in the sample. The preposition ‫ ﻋﻠﻰ‬also occurs in the adverbial expression <‫>ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎن‬1, usually written as a compound (<‫)>ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬. R 82 LUCIA AVALLONE rarer form <‫ >ﻛﯿﺪه‬1 occurring as well. As to [S2], <‫ >ﺑﺮا‬2 and <‫ >ﺑﺮه‬3 are both registered. In [S1] ḥatta always occurs with alif maqṣūra <‫ >ﺣﺘﻰ‬13 ; the verb baqa 7 is realized as <‫ >ﺑﻘﻲ‬17 and <‫ >ﺑﻘﺎ‬5 ; third person masculine pronouns have the forms <‫ >ھﻮ‬9 and <‫ >ھﻢ‬2 , but also the plural variant <‫ >ھﻤﺎ‬4 . Further to the spelling duplicity of final phonemes, examples in [S2] are: <‫ >ﻋﻨﺪه‬2 vs. <‫ >ﻋﻨﺪو‬1 and <‫ >ھﻮ‬8 vs. <‫ >ھﻮه‬8 . [S2] attests the adverb meaning ‘also’ in two spellings: <‫ >ﺑﺮده‬4 , including an example with suffix – hum, and <‫ >ﺑﺮﺿﮫ‬1 . In Ṣannū‘’s texts only <‫ >ﺑﺮﺿﮫ‬1 occurs. Besides, the two samples show some demonstrative compounds: [S1] <‫ >دا أﻧﺎ‬3 , <‫ >داﻧﺘﻢ‬1 ; [S2] <‫ >دﻧﺎ‬1 , <‫ >داﻧﺎ‬1 , and <‫ >دﻧﺘﻲ‬1 . In [S1] the negative particle occurs with the spelling <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬7 , while in [S2] the long form <‫ >ﻣﻮش‬14 is registered. What typifies an-Nadīm’s third sketch is the large amount of words containing a glottal stop which in standard Arabic writing corresponds to the grapheme <‫ >ق‬and which is mostly written here using the hamza. So we find many verb ‘to say’ items represented through the hamza with the three kinds of support or without any, instead of the letter qāf which occurs only in <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮل‬4 and <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ‬1 , and, as to the verb ‘to be/to become’, in <‫ >ﯾﺒﻘﻰ‬3 . With the exception of the word maqlūba 1 , there are several nouns written with the hamza, such as <‫ >ارش‬1 , <‫ >ﻋﺄﻟﮫ‬1 , <‫ >ﻟﺆﻣﮫ‬4 , <‫ >ﻣﺌﺺ‬1 , <‫ >واﺋﻒ‬1 or verbs such as <‫ >ﻟﺌﯿﻨﺎ‬1 , <‫ >ﺗﺌﺮا‬1 , and <‫ >ﺗﺌﻌﺪ‬2 , all this in contrast to the other two sketches of [S2] which show a more usual spelling through the grapheme <‫>ق‬. This feature is completely absent in the Ṣannū‘’s texts I have analysed. A final remark is to be made about verbs followed by preposition li-+pronominal suffix which can be written as separated elements or as compounds. [S1] shows one case of such compounds, <‫ >اﺣﻜﯿﻠـﻚ‬1 , and some examples of the disjointed construction: <‫ﻟﻨﺎ‬/‫ >اﺣﻜﻲ ﻟـﻲ‬2 , <‫ >اﺣﻜﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻜﻢ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ‬6 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻮا ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﻞ ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﻘﻮل ﻟﮫ‬1 . In [S2] both the possibilities are applied more extensively, in fact we find the verb ‘to say’ forms <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮل ﻟـﻲ‬4 and <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﻲ‬1 , as well as <‫ >ﺑﺂﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >آﻟﺘﻠﻮ‬1 , <‫ >أأﻟﻜﻢ‬1 , <‫ >أأﻟﻚ‬1 , and other verb items such as <‫ >ﯾﺠﻮﻟﻮ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﻠﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﻠﮭﻢ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺨﻠﯿﮭﺎﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺨﻠﯿﻠﻚ‬1 , and <‫ >ﺧﻠﯿﻨﺎﻟﻚ‬1 , but also <‫ >اﺟﯿﺐ ﻟﻚ‬1 and <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﺒﻮ ﻟﻨﺎ‬1 . R R R R 3.2. [S3] The dialogue published in the 20s by Bayram at-Tūnisī, es-Sayyid we-mrāto [S3], displays a sharp prevalence of some forms in respect to others, testifying a tendency towards definite author choices. Though some items are registered in two forms, for instance <‫ >ھﻮ‬14 vs. <‫ >ھﻮه‬7 , <‫ >اﻧﺖ‬5 vs. <‫ >اﻧﺘﮫ‬3 and <‫ >ھﻢ‬4 vs. <‫ >ھﻤﮫ‬1 , other are mostly found in their canonical form: prepositions <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬40 vs. <‫ >ﻋـ‬11 , <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬49 vs. <‫ >م‬1 ; only one spelling is attested for <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬85 and <‫ >ﺑـ‬116 ; demonstrative <‫ >ده‬20 is favoured in respect to <‫ >دا‬8 and only <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬35 occurs, not <‫>ﻛﺪا‬. The future tense particle is found as <‫ >ﺣﺎ‬13 and <‫ >ﺣـ‬10 , but not as <‫ ;>ھـ‬the negative particle occurs as <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬35 , the adverb dilwaqt(i) as <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬19 and the active participle <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬11 is prevalent on <‫ >ﻋﺎوز‬1 . The tendency towards uniformity is clear also in the representation of verbs followed by preposition li- and pronominal suffixes: 21 disjointed constructions vs. 6 compound constructions (<‫ >ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻚ‬3 , <‫ >ﻣﺎﻗﻮﻟﻜﯿﺶ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﯾﻠﻠﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻓﻜﺮوﻟﻜﻢ‬1 ). R R 3.3. [S4] and [S5] As to the 40s, the two texts analysed, [S4] by ‘Awaḍ and [S5] by Mušarrafa, show some common features in morphological items. The prepositions min, fi, and ‘ala occur in both canonical and short forms: [S4] <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬37 vs. <‫ >م‬1 , <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬68 vs. <‫ >ف‬24 , <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬19 vs.<‫ >ع‬15 ; [S5] <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬74 vs. <‫ >م‬33 , <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬108 vs. <‫ >ف‬73 , <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬101 vs. <‫ >ع‬45 . The demonstrative masculine pronoun/adjective da occurs in two different spellings: [S4] <‫ >دا‬16 vs. <‫ >ده‬3 ; [S5] <‫ >ده‬18 vs. <‫ >دا‬6 . With respect to differences, in [S4] the preposition and preverbal particle bi-/b- 8 occurs either as a prefix or as an isolated form, <‫ >ﺑـ‬35 vs. <‫ >ب‬13 and in [S5] only the spelling <‫ >ﺑـ‬194 is attested. Besides, in [S5] the demonstrative item, in short R 7 R The grapheme <‫>ق‬, realized according to the Cairene pronunciation as [’], is here indicated as q to recall the correspondent standard letter. 8 [b-] before 1st person singular. SPELLING VARIANTS IN WRITTEN EGYPTIAN ARABIC, A STUDY ON LITERARY TEXTS 83 or long form (<‫ >د‬and <‫)>دا‬, occurs also with personal suffixes: <‫ >دﻧﺎ‬7 , <‫ >داﻧﺘﻲ‬1 , <‫ >داﻧﮭﺎ‬1 , and <‫ >داﻧﮫ‬1 ; the demonstrative keda in [S5] is registered exclusively in the variant <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬23 , while in [S4] it is documented in both variants <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬4 and <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬2 ; the future tense particle occurs either as a prefix or an isolated form, with two possible phonological realizations, /ḥa/ and /ha/, and different spellings: [S4] <‫ >ح‬3 , <‫ >ﺣـ‬1, <‫ >ﺣﺎ‬1 , <‫ >ھـ‬3 , and <‫ >ھﺎ‬2 , [S5] <‫ >ﺣـ‬12 , and <‫ >ﺣﺎ‬1 ; the negative particle miš/muš occurs in one form in [S4], as <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬32 , but in [S5] it is recorded as <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬19 and also as <‫ >ﻣﻮش‬6 and <‫ >ﻣﻮوش‬2 ; the active participle of the verb meaning ‘to want’ is documented as spelled in two forms in [S4], <‫ >ﻋﺎوز‬7 , <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬2 (feminine <‫ >ﻋﺎوزه‬1 and <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰاﻧﻲ‬1 , plural <‫ >ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ‬3 ), and in one form in [S5] <‫ >ﻋﺎوز‬9 (feminine <‫ >ﻋﺎوزه‬2 and plural <‫ >ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ‬1 ); the lexical item dilwaqt(i) occurs as <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬8 and <‫ >دوﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬1 in [S4] and <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬3 and <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬2 in [S5]. R R 3.4 [S6] The sample attests the author’s leanings towards a certain uniformity, although not fully reached. This text is particularly interesting for its long introduction written in Egyptian vernacular concerning Ṣabrī’s theory of the new Arabic language, that is ‘āmmiyya, adoption. It is worthy of note that this introduction regards both the link between language choice and ideology, and the reformist thought. No shortened forms of prepositions ‘ala, fi and min occur and not even isolated forms of preposition and preverbal particle bi- or future tense particle ḥa-. Demonstratives are registered only as <‫ >ده‬36 and <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬18 , the first occurring also as <‫ >داﻧﺖ‬2 and <‫ >داﻧﮫ‬1 in compound forms. One occurrence of pronoun <‫ >ذﻟﻚ‬1 is registered. As to choices related to lexical items, some significant features are found: the negative particle is only <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬21 ; the active particle of the verb meaning ‘to want’ occurs twice as <‫ >ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ‬2 ; the adverb meaning ‘now’ is mostly spelled as <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬13 with one exception <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻰ‬1 ; the preposition meaning ‘for’, ‘for the sake of’ occurs in one form, <‫ >ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬13 ; some words such as emta, ḥatta, and baqa are written with a final alif not maqṣūra as happens in other texts. The preposition ‘ala occurs in both variants <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬9 and <‫ >ﻋﻼ‬83 . The adverb meaning ‘inside’ is spelled as <‫ >ﺟﻮه‬1 and <‫ >ﺟﻮا‬1 . Finally it is interesting to note that the verb qāl never forms a compound with a following preposition li+pronominal suffix. Two occurrences of a comparable compound are registered, <‫ >اﺷﺘﺮوﻟﻲ‬1 and < ‫ﯾﺠﯿﺒﻮ‬ ‫ >ﻟﻲ‬1 , though the second item cannot be considered sure due to lack of uniform typographical features: <yigībūlī> or <yigībū lī>? R R R R 3.5. [S7] The data collected from Laban al-‘uṣfūr point out as a significant feature the coexistence of prepositions with their short homologous (<‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬40 and <‫ >ع‬19 , <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬80 and <‫ >ف‬28 , <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬69 and <‫ >م‬11 ), and the occurrence of the future tense particle as <‫ >ﺣﺎ‬26 and <‫ >ﺣـ‬4 , in addition to a major occurrence of <‫ >دا‬25 vs. <‫ >ده‬10 . The active participle meaning ‘wanting’ occurs as <‫ >ﻋﺎوز‬8 , <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬4 , <‫ >ﻋﺎوزﯾﻦ‬2 , <‫ >ﻋﺎوزة‬5 , <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰة‬5 and <‫ھﺎ‬/‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰاھﻢ‬3 (feminine participle+pronominal suffix). Other items occur in two variants: <‫ >ﻋﺸﺎن‬24 vs. <‫ >ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬2 ; <‫ >ھﻮه‬27 vs. <‫ >ھﻮ‬13 , <‫ >ھﯿﮫ‬8 vs. <‫ >ھﻲ‬5 , and <‫ >ھﻤﮫ‬8 vs. <‫ >ھﻢ‬1 . A univocal representation of bi- (<‫ >ﺑـ‬132 ), keda (<‫ >ﻛﺪه‬20 ), and muš/miš (<‫ >ﻣﺶ‬20 ) is relevant. As to the verb ‘to say’ followed by preposition li-+personal suffixes, it occurs in both constructions, separated or linked: <‫ﻟﮭﻢ أﻗﻮل‬/‫ﻟﮭﺎ‬/‫ﻟﮫ‬/‫ >ﻟﻚ‬8 , <‫ﻟﯿﮭﺎ‬/‫ﻟﻲ‬/‫ >ﯾﻘﻮل ﻟﮫ‬6 , <‫ﻟﮭﻢ‬/‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﮫ‬5 , <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﻠﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎل ﻟﻰ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻟﮭﻢ ﻗﺎل‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻮ ﻟﮫ‬1 ; <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻠﻲ‬6 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﯾﻠﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﻘﻮﻟﻠﻲ‬2 . R R 3.6. [S8] Marā‘ī l-qatl is characterized by the occurrence of few preposition and particle variants: <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬131 vs. <‫ >ع‬11 ; <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬192 vs. <‫ >م‬5 . The preposition bi- is represented only as <‫ >ﺑـ‬152 and the future tense particle as <‫ >ح‬42 . Some vernacular items are spelled according to the official language writing practice, for R R 84 LUCIA AVALLONE instance personal pronouns and words ending with alif maqṣūra such as ḥatta <‫ >ﺣﺘﻰ‬18 and emta <‫ >اﻣﺘﻰ‬2 (≡standard <‫)>ﻣﺘﻰ‬. The negative particle occurs only as <‫ >ﻣﺶ‬9 . It is worth noting that the sample also contains grammatical items typical of standard Arabic, for instance demonstratives as hāḏā and ḏālika vs. the vernacular <‫ >ده‬7 , <‫ >دا‬6 and <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬2 , and relatives as allātī and allāḏī (instead of the vernacular <‫)>اﻟﻠﻲ‬. The active participle meaning ‘wanting’ occurs as <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬8 , <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰة‬3 , and <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬1 . The occurrence of verbs followed by li- and personal suffixes is not substantial but testifies the adoption of a disjointed construction. R R 3.7. [S9] and [10] The two texts written in the 2000s, [S9] by al-Ḫamīsī and [S10] by ‘Abd al-‘Āl, display shared modalities of spelling: the preposition and preverbal particle bi- occurs only in prefix form, with cases of vowel lengthening in combination with pronominal suffixes ([S9] <‫ >ﺑﯿﮭﻢ‬2 and <‫ >ﺑﯿﮫ‬1 ; [S10] <‫ >ﺑﯿﮭﺎ‬3 and <‫ >ﺑﯿﮫ‬6 ). The prepositions ‘ala, fi and min occur in long form in both texts ([S9] <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬55 , <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬93 , <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬47 ; [S10] <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬64 , <‫ >ﻋﻼ‬2 , <‫ >ﻓﻲ‬134 , <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬71 ), likewise in [S10] the occurrence of short forms <‫ >ع‬25 and <‫ >م‬9 is significant (<‫ >ف‬1 is also attested); in [S10] the lengthening of vowel /i/ is attested with preposition li-+pronominal suffix, for instance <‫ >ﻟﯿﮭﻢ‬2 . The demonstrative pronoun/adjective da is registered in both [S9] and [S10] in only one form ([S9] <‫ >ده‬25 ; [S10] <‫ >ده‬61 ); in [S10] two compound forms of <‫ >دا‬occur, <‫ >داﻧﺎ‬2 and <‫ >داﻧﮫ‬2 . The demonstrative keda occurs in the form <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬in both texts ([S9] <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬9 , [S10] <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬61 ) and <‫ >ﻛﺪة‬2 in [S9]; no occurrences of <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬are documented. In [S9] the personal pronoun variants <‫ >ھﻤﮫ‬1 and <‫ >ھﻤﺎ‬2 occur. A compound form of emphatic particle ma- joined to the personal pronoun ana occurs in [S10] <‫ >ﻣﺎﻧﺎ‬1 . The spellings of the future tense particle show different choices on the part of the authors, as al-Ḫamīsī uses two forms, the isolated one <‫ >ح‬9 and the prefixed one <‫ >ﺣـ‬20 , while in ‘Abd al-‘Āl’s sample we find all the future verbs prefixed with the particle <‫ >ھﺎ‬40 or <‫ >ھـ‬6 . The active participle meaning ‘wanting’ is documented as <‫ >ﻋﺎوز‬1 and <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬2 (also plural <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬2 and feminine <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰة‬1 ) in [S9], while in [S10] the only form registered, though with genre and number variants, is <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰ‬8 (plural <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰﯾﻦ‬1 and feminine <‫ >ﻋﺎﯾﺰة‬15 ). The lexical item dilwaqt(i) occurs as <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬and <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬in both samples with a prevalence of the second form ([S9] <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬4 vs. <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬1 ; [S10] <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺘﻲ‬9 vs. <‫ >دﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬1 ); the adverb meaning ‘also’, ‘too’, occurs with the spelling <‫ >ﺑﺮﺿﮫ‬2 in [S9] and as <‫ >ﺑﺮﺿﮫ‬12 and <‫ >ﺑﺮده‬1 in [S10]; the preposition meaning ‘for’, ‘for the sake of’ occurs in two forms, ‘ašān and ‘alašān, in both texts, but with different prevalence ([S9] <‫ >ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬9 vs. <‫ >ﻋﺸﺎن‬5 ; [S10] <‫ >ﻋﺸﺎن‬25 vs. <‫ >ﻋﻠﺸﺎن‬1 ). Two diverse ways of writing the verb ‘to say’ followed by the preposition li- introducing a pronominal indirect object are showed: the verb can be written separated from the indirect object, for instance <‫>ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ‬, like in standard Arabic, or in a compound form, <‫>ﻗﺎﻟﻠﻲ‬. Examples are: [S9] <‫ >ﻗﺎل ﻟﻰ‬6 , <‫ >ﻗﺎل ﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻮا ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﮫ‬4 , <‫ >ﻟﻨﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﻮ‬2 , and <‫ >أﻗﻮﻟﻚ‬2 , <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻠﻲ‬2 , <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮﻟﮫ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﻘﻮﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻠﻲ‬3 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﮫ‬1 ; [S10] <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﮫ‬3 , <‫ﻗﺎل‬ ‫ >ﻟﻲ‬6 , and <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮﻟﯿﻠﮫ‬1 , <‫ >ھﺎﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮﻟﻲ‬1 etc. An analogous treatment is found with the verb ‘to tell’ linked to a following pronominal indirect object introduced by the preposition li-, <‫ >اﺣﻜﯿﻠﻚ‬1 , in [S9]. R R 4. Discussion The data collected make a major aspect emerge: the variety of choices between a canonical (≡standard) graphic representation and a freer (≈vernacular) one, either for prepositions, or demonstratives, or verbs followed by preposition li-+pronominal suffix. As to prepositions, in [S1] and [S2] we note canonical standard forms, with only some exceptions for ‘ala which occurs also as a prefix <‫ >ﻋـ‬1 in [S1] and <‫ >ﻋﻠـ‬5 in [S2]. In [S3] prepositions are mostly found in their canonical form, with the variants <‫ >ﻋـ‬11 (vs. <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬40 ) and <‫ >م‬1 (vs. <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬49 ). In [S4] the preposition and preverbal particle bi-/b- occurs either as a prefix <‫ >ﺑـ‬35 or in isolated form <‫ >ب‬13 ; the prepositions fi, ‘ala, and min are documented in both long and short forms (<‫ >ﻓﻲ‬68 vs. <‫ >ف‬24 ; <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬19 vs. <‫ >ع‬15 ; <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬37 vs. <‫ >م‬1 ). Also in [S5] both long and short forms of prepositions fi, ‘ala, and min are registered, with a sharp prevalence of the long one (<‫ >ﻓﻲ‬108 vs. <‫ >ف‬73 ; <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬101 R R SPELLING VARIANTS IN WRITTEN EGYPTIAN ARABIC, A STUDY ON LITERARY TEXTS 85 vs.<‫ >ع‬45 ; <‫ >ﻣﻦ‬74 vs. <‫ >م‬33 ). As said previously, analogous instances are found also in [S7] and [S8], while in [S9] only the long forms are attested. It is worth mentioning that in [S10] some short forms of prepositions occur but only for ‘ala we notice a relevant occurrence, though not a prevalence, <‫ >ﻋﻠﻰ‬64 vs. <‫ >ع‬25 . As to demonstratives, in [S1] da with final hā’ <‫ >ده‬75 is effectively prevalent on <‫ >دا‬3 with final alif. On the contrary, the final alif <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬23 prevails on the final hā’ <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬1 . In [S2] the distribution comparison is not so dramatic, maybe because the relevant items registered are fewer; at any rate it points out the two different practices: <‫ >دا‬22 vs. <‫ >ده‬11 and <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬5 vs. <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬2 . Demonstrative compounds are found in both samples but transliterated according to different modalities: <‫ >دا أﻧﺎ‬3 and <‫ >داﻧﺘﻢ‬1 in [S1] and <‫ >دﻧﺎ‬1 , <‫ >داﻧﺎ‬1 , and <‫ >دﻧﺘﻲ‬1 in [S2]. In [S3] both forms for da are attested, with a prevalence of <‫ >ده‬20 vs. <‫ >دا‬8 , while keda occurs only in one form, with final hā’ <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬35 . Also [S4] and [S5] testify the occurrence of the two different spellings for da: <‫ >دا‬16 vs. <‫ >ده‬3 in [S4] and <‫ >ده‬18 vs. <‫ >دا‬6 in [S5]. Keda is spelled only as <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬23 in [S5], while it occurs in both variants <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬4 and <‫ >ﻛﺪا‬2 in [S4]. [S6] shows a univocal representation of both demonstratives <‫ >ده‬36 and <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬18 , a usage found also in [S9] and [S10], and partially in [S7] and [S8] where only one spelling of <‫ >ﻛﺪه‬occurs but da is registered in both forms: <‫ >دا‬vs. <‫>ده‬. As regards verbs followed by preposition li-+pronominal suffix, the items found in the samples point out the fact that their graphic representation is rather free. Verbs such as ‘to say’, ‘to tell’, and ‘to give’ can be written as compounds with preposition li- followed by pronominal suffix, a choice pertaining to an-Nadim whose texts show disjointed forms <‫ >ﺗﻘﻮل ﻟـﻲ‬4 , <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >اﺟﯿﺐ ﻟﻚ‬1 , and <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﺒﻮ ﻟﻨﺎ‬1 , but also <‫ >ﺑﺂﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >آﻟﺘﻠﻮ‬1 , <‫ >أأﻟﻜﻢ‬1 , <‫ >أأﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺠﻮﻟﻮ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﻠﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﻠﮭﻢ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺨﻠﯿﮭﺎﻟﻚ‬1 , <‫ >ﯾﺨﻠﯿﻠﻚ‬1 , and <‫ >ﺧﻠﯿﻨﺎﻟﻚ‬1 . In Ṣannū‘’s texts instead only one case of such compounds occurs, <‫ >اﺣﻜﯿﻠـﻚ‬1 , and in Ṣabrī’s sample two occurrences have been registered, <‫ >اﺷﺘﺮوﻟﻲ‬1 and <‫ >ﯾﺠﯿﺒﻮ ﻟﻲ‬1 . In al-Qa‘īd’s sample, as to the verb qāl, there are some instances: the construction qalli is written as <‫ >ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ‬1 , <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻲ‬1 , and <‫ >ﻗﺎﻟﻠﻲ‬6 ; instead, the constructions qulte-l-u/-hum and qulte-l-i are represented as < ‫ﻗﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﮭﻢ‬/‫ >ﻟﮫ‬5 and <‫ >ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﻠﻲ‬1 . The texts showing a major frequency of compound constructions are the more recent; in [S10] they are 32 vs. 10 and in [S9] 11 vs. 23. R R R R 5. Conclusion From the results of this first phase of my research I have formed the opinion that the two contemporary authors, al-Ḫamīsī and ‘Abd al-‘Āl, have followed a more restricted set of norms in respect to the past writers, as emerges from a narrower number of variations for each item considered, but at the same time their samples present a higher number of items which, though they could be represented through the standard spelling, are instead written in undoubtedly vernacular forms. Among the texts considered, Ṣabrī’s sample is the one displaying a more coherent and consistent set of choices and that is probably linked to his commitment to a language reform thought. A special remark is to be devoted to an-Nadīm with his original solutions, at least in the range of my study. He established norms fit for representing the vernacular pronunciation of words containing a glottal stop, corresponding to the standard Arabic phoneme /q/, using the grapheme hamza. In fact we find many verbs ‘to say’ and ‘to be’ items represented by hamza with the three kinds of support or without any, instead of the letter qāf which occurs only in a few instances. Considering all the texts analyzed, other interesting solutions to the literary vernacular writing challenges are found. They could be selected and arranged in a set of norms of how words ought to be written, through a work of planning a writing system, which could help the codification of the Egyptian vernacular as a literary language. 86 LUCIA AVALLONE References AA.VV. 2015. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. “Popular art”, <http://www.britannica.com/ art/popular-art>. ‘Abd al-‘Āl, Ġāda. 2008. ‘Ayza atgawwez. Cairo: Dār aš-Šurūq. Al-Ḫamīsī, Ḫālid. 2006. Tāksī. Cairo: Dār aš-Šurūq. Al-Qa‘īd, Yūsuf. 1994. Laban al-‘uṣfūr. Kotobarabia.com, <www.kotobarabia.com>. An-Nadīm, ‘Abd Allāh. 1985. Al-Ustāḏ. Cairo: Dār kutubḫāna li-n-našr wa-t-tawzī‘. At-Tūnisī, Bayram. 1925. Es-Sayyid we-mrāto fi Maṣr. Beirut: al-Maktaba al-‘aṣriyya. Avallone, Lucia. 2011. “Autori egiziani degli anni Duemila. Blogosfera, graphic e postmoderno: nuovi linguaggi nel panorama letterario arabo”, Kervan 13/14, 25-46. ‘Awaḍ, Luwīs. 2001. Muḏakkirāt ṭālib bi‘ṯa. Cairo: Dār al Hilāl. Ḍayf, Šawqī. 2000. “al-‘Āmmiyya fuṣḥā muḥarrafa”, Maǧallat Maǧma‘ al-Luġa al-‘Arabiyya bi-l-Qāhira 91, 31-46. Daniëls, Helge. 2004. “Linguistic conservatism as the basis for political revolution? The fusha-‘ammiya debate in nineteenthcentury Ottoman-Aran Middle Eastern society”, Antwerp Papers in Linguistics 106, 79-92. El-Enany, Rasheed. 1993. Naguib Mahfouz: the pursuit of meaning. London; New York: Routledge. Eskander, Ramy, & Habash, Nizar, & Rambow, Owen, & Tomeh, Nadi. 2013. “Processing Spontaneous Orthography”, Proceedings of NAACL-HLT 2013, 585-595. Hussein, Taha. 1998. The future of culture in Egypt. Cairo: The Palm Press. Imbābī, Fatḥī. 1994. Marā‘ī l-qatl. Giza: an-Nahr li-n-našr wa-t-tawzī‘. Maḥfūẓ, Naǧīb. 1977. Ataḥaddaṯ ilaykum. Beirut: Dār al-‘Awda. Mušarrafa, Muṣṭafā. 1966. Qanṭara allāḏī kafara. Cairo: Markaz kutub aš-Šarq al-Awsaṭ. Rosenbaum, Gabriel. 2004. “Egyptian Arabic as a written language”, Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 29, 281-340. Rosenbaum, Gabriel. 2010. “'I want to write in the colloquial': an example of the language of contemporary Egyptian prose”, Folia Orientalia 47, 71-97. Ṣannū‘, Ya‘qūb. 1974. Ṣuḥuf Abū Naḍḍāra. Beirut: Dar Sader. ‘Uṯmān, Ṣabrī. 1965. Riḥla fī n-Nīl. Cairo: Maktabat al-Anglū al-Miṣriyya. ON THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE OF GULF PIDGIN ARABIC ANDREI A. AVRAM University of Bucharest Abstract: Gulf Pidgin Arabic is still relatively poorly documented (for general descriptions see Smart 1990; Wiswall 2002; Avram 2014a, forthcoming), in spite of an upsurge of recent publications on varieties spoken in specific territories (Almoaily 2008; Al-Azraqi 2010; Albakrawi 2012; Almoaily 2013; Alghamdi 2014; Almoaily 2014; Al-Zubeiry – on Saudi Arabia; Salem 2013 – on Kuwait; Yammahi 2008 – on the United Arab Emirates; Næss 2008 – on Oman; Bakir 2010 – on Qatar). The developmental stage of Gulf Pidgin Arabic is controversial. Gulf Pidgin Arabic has been said to exhibit some features typical of creoles (Almoaily 2013), while others (Næss 2008; Alghamdi 2014; Almoaily 2014; Bizri 2014; Versteegh 2014b) regard it as a pidgin, but fail to agree on whether it is still a jargon or rather an already stable pidgin (in accordance with the developmental stages posited by Mühlhäusler 1997). While previous work has mostly focused on the morpho-syntactic features of Gulf Pidgin Arabic to determine its current developmental stage, the present paper also examines evidence from its phonology and vocabulary. The findings are assessed on the basis of a set of diagnostic features (mostly from Mühlhäusler 1997) proposed for establishing the developmental stage of pidgin and creole languages. Keywords: Gulf Pidgin Arabic, phonology, morphology, syntax, vocabulary, developmental stage. 1. Introduction The current developmental stage of GPA is a matter of some debate in the literature. The controversies focus on issues such as the existence of creole features in GPA and on whether GPA is a jargon or a stable pidgin (in accordance with the developmental stages posited by Mühlhäusler 1997: 5-6). While previous work has almost exclusively (with the notable exception of Bizri 2014) centred on the morpho-syntactic features of GPA to determine its developmental stage, the issues covered in the present paper include: (i) phonology – the reduction of the inventory of vocalic and consonantal phonemes and of phonological contrasts; (ii) morphology – reduplication and compounding; (iii) syntax – categorial multifunctionality, tense and aspect marking, negation, word order, coordination and subordination; (iv) vocabulary: polysemy, synonymy, circumlocutions, reanalysis of morphemic boundaries. The corpus of GPA consists of: general descriptions of GPA (Smart 1990; Wiswall 2002; Avram 2014a, forthcoming); a number of publications on GPA as used in specific territories: Almoaily (2008), Al-Azraqi (2010), Albakrawi (2012), Almoaily (2013), Alghamdi 2014, Almoaily (2014), Al-Zubeiry (2015) – on Saudi Arabia (henceforth SA); Salem (2013) – on Kuwait (henceforth K); Yammahi (2008) – on the United Arab Emirates; Næss (2008) – on Oman (henceforth O); Bakir (2010) – on Qatar (henceforth Q); 25 websites. 2. Overview of GPA 2.1. Phonology Vowel length is not distinctive in GPA, even though phonetically short and long vowels do occasionally occur (Avram 2014a: 15). The marked phonemes of Arabic are either replaced or lost (Almoaily 2008: 36-37; Næss 2008: 30-43; Salem 2013: 106-107; Avram 2014a: 15). Consider the examples below: (1) a. /ḥ/ → [h]: hut ‘to put’ K (Avram 2014a: 15) b. /ḥ/ → Ø: yerua ‘to go’ K (Avram 2014a: 15) c. /‘/ → Ø: araf ‘to know’ K (Avram 2014a: 15) 88 ANDREI A. AVRAM d. /ḫ/ → [h]: halas ‘finished’ K (Avram 2014a: 15) e. /ṣ/ → [s]: halas ‘finished’ K (Avam 2014a: 15) Consonant gemination is not phonemic, and consonants frequently undergo degemination (Næss 2008: 36, Avram 2014a: 15): (2) sita ‘six’ K (Salem 2013: 107) This reduction of the inventory of vocalic and consonantal phonemes also leads to a significant decrease in the number of phonological contrasts. There is considerable inter-speaker variation, which affects both vowels and consonants, as illustrated in (3) and (4) respectively: (3) baden ~ badin ‘then’ SA (Avram 2014a: 16) (4) jēn ~ sēn ~ zēn ‘good’ O (Næss 2008: 34) The phonetic realization of both vowels and consonants is also subject to intra-speaker variation: (5) a. fi ~ fii ‘FI’ SA (Avram 2014a: 16) b. gul ~ gūl ‘to say’ O (Næss 2008: 42) (6) a. nafar ~ napar ‘person’ SA (Avram 2014a: 17) b. sēn ~ jēn ‘good’ O (Næss 2008: 32 and 34) 2.2 Morphology GPA has no inflectional morphology (Smart 1990; Næss 2008; Almoaily 2013, Avram 2014a). The absence of inflectional morphology accounts for a number of the characteristics not only of GPA word classes, but also of its syntax and vocabulary. The dual forms of nouns are replaced by structures with the cardinal numeral ‘two’ followed by the etymologically singular form of the noun: (7) a. tanēn marah SA (Alghamdi 2014: 120) two time ‘twice’ b. isnēn sana O (Avram 2014a: 17) two year ‘two years’ GPA has an extremely reduced paradigm of personal pronouns. There are basically, three singular personal pronouns (Næss 2008: 52; Alghamdi 2014: 121): (8) a. ana ‘1SG’ b. inta/anta ‘2SG’ c. hu/huwa ‘3SG’ Plural forms of personal pronouns do occur, but are very rare (Næss 2008: 52). These include: (9) a. ana huwa ‘we’ O (Næss 2008: 52) b. hu/huwa ‘3PL’ SA (Almoaily 2013: 90) / kol nafer ‘3PL’ SA (Alghamdi 2014: 122) / nafarāt “non-specific “they”” O (Næss 2008: 52) Pronominal suffixes are replaced by full pronouns (Næss 2008: 52; Al-Azraqi 2010: 171; Alghamdi 2014: 121; Avram 2014a: 17): (10) a. inta māfī šūf ana SA (Al-Azraqi 2010: 167) 2SG NEG FI see 1SG ‘You did not see me.’ ON THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE OF GULF PIDGIN ARABIC 89 b. ana fe gul inta taal bet SA (Online 2011) 1SG FI say 2SG come house ‘I told you to come [to my] place.’ Both demonstratives and adjectives have invariant forms, etymologically derived from the masculine singular, as seen in (11) and (12) respectively: (11) Haza nafarat zen K (Salem 2013: 108) DEM men good ‘These men are good.’ (12) mumkin hiya tābān O (Næss 2008: 41) maybe 3SG.F tired ‘Maybe she’s tired.’ Verbs are also invariant in form, regardless of the person, gender and number. Etymologically, they are derived from the 3rd person singular masculine imperfect form or from the imperative 1. As for derivational morphology, two word-formation means are worth mentioning. One is total reduplication. As shown in Avram (2011: 14-16, 2014a: 18), several bases may undergo reduplication: nouns (13), quantifiers (14), verbs (15), and adverbs (16): (13) Alatul hara hara SA (Avram 2014a: 18) always heat heat ‘It is always very hot’ fi malūm miyya miyya SA (Almoaily 2013: 199) know hundred hundred ‘[I] don’t understand [it] perfectly’ (14) ma NEG FI (15) Huwa amsi-amsi O (Avram 2014a: 18) 3SG go go ‘She walks and walks.’ (16) eš fi kalam hada sura sura SA (Avram 2014a: 18) what FI speak DEM quickly quickly ‘Why do you speak so quickly?’ However, total reduplication is not a productive means of word-formation. Clear instances of reduplicated forms rarely occur in the corpus. Moreover, there is occasionally no demonstrable difference in meaning between the simplex and the reduplicated forms: (17) a. Ana bādēn fakkar šwey- šwey. O (Avram 2014a: 19) 1SG then think a little a little ‘So then I [had to] think a little.’ b. Bas arap swey. O (Avram 2014a: 19) only know a little ‘I just know a little’ Also, some cases, such as the widely used sem-sem / sēm-sēm / seym-seym ‘same, identical’ (Avram 2011, 2014a: 2014a: 19), should be analyzed as pseudo-reduplicated forms, i.e. for which no corresponding simplex form is attested. 1 According to Bakir (2010: 206-211) the 3rd person singular masculine imperfect form is the most common source, whereas Versteegh (1014a: 152-153) argues that most GPA verbs are derived from the imperative form. 90 ANDREI A. AVRAM The only really productive word-formation means is compounding. A rather large number of verbs are derived by combining the verb sawwi ‘to make’ with a noun (18a) or an adjective (18b), and, far less frequently, with another verb (18c): (18) a. huwa sawwi taleem SA (Avram 2014: 19) he make learning ‘he learns’ b. hurma ysawi za’laan O (Online 2012) woman make angry ‘[my] wife gets angry’ c. ana sawe tasel anta SA (Online 2006) 1SG make contact 2SG ‘I contacted you’ 2.3. Syntax A direct consequence of the lack of inflection as well as of the small size of the vocabulary is lexical underspecification. Words may belong to more than one lexical category and exhibit categorial multifunctionality. Consider, for instance, the various functions of fi 2. As shown below, it is used as a predicative copula: (19) a. Lazem fi souraa SA (Avram 2012: 45) Necessary FI quick ‘It must be quick.’ b. ?inta fii majnuun Q (Bakir 2010: 216) 2SG.M FI crazy ‘Are you crazy? Fi also serves as an equative copula: (20) a. ana fi doktor. K (Salem 2013: 109) 1SG FI doctor ‘I am a doctor.’ b. Insān ana ma fi hayawan O (Online 2011) human being 1SG NEG FI animal ‘I’m a human being, not an animal.’ The most widely attested function of fi is that of existential copula: (21) a. fi šuwaya bas ma fi katīr SA (Avram 2012: 21) FI a little but NEG FI much ‘there are a few, but not many’ b. dākel fi šay O (Næss 2008: 35) inside FI thing ‘Inside there were some things.’ The use of fi as a locative copula is also recorded: (22) a. awwal fi hināk SA (Avram 2014a: 22) first FI there ‘he was there before’ b. ?anaa fii hnii Q (Avram 2014a: 22) 1SG FI here ‘I am here.’ 2 Based on Avram (2012, 2013). For alternative analyses, see Al-Azraqi (2010: 167-171), Bakir (2010: 215-219, 2014), and Potsdam & Alanazi (2014). ON THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE OF GULF PIDGIN ARABIC 91 Predicative possession is also expressed by means of fi. The possessee is the subject, the possessor is a locative complement, and the predicate is a locative copula: (23) a. Ana fi sadiki shogul Bahrain SA (Avram 2014a: 22) 1SG FI friend work Bahrain ‘I have a friend who works in Bahrain.’ b. fi riyāl bas ma fi arūs? O (Avram 2014a: 22) FI man but NEG FI marriage ‘you have someone, but you’re not married?’ In addition to these functions, fi is used as a verbal predicate marker, following the subject and immediately preceding the verbal predicate of the sentence: (24) a. ana fi ma’loum K (Salem 2013: 109) 1SG FI know ‘I know.’ b. ana fi sugul hamstašar sana O (Avram 2014b) 1SG FI work fifteen year ‘I’ve been working for fifteen years.’ Another consequence of the lack of inflections is the fact that the temporal and aspectual interpretation of sentences depends exclusively on contextual clues or on the use of time adverbials, such as alhiin ‘now’, ?amis ‘yesterday’, awwal ‘before’, bādēn ‘later’, bukra ‘tomorrow’, kul yoom ‘everyday’ (Almoaily 2008: 40; Næss 2008: 85; Bakir 2010: 211-213). Versteegh 2014b: 219). For negation GPA essentially uses the invariant negator ma 3: (25) ma yebi K (Avram 2014a: 28) NEG want ‘[I] don’t want’ There is variation in word order. (S)VO is predominantly attested, with similar percentages reported in two recent studies 4: 68.1% (old speakers, i.e. length of stay exceeding 10 years) vs. 71% (new speakers) in Almoaily (2013: 154), and 69% in Alghamdi (2014: 122). For (S)OV the percentages reported in the same studies are 12.3% (old speakers) vs. 8.7% (new speakers), (Almoaily 2013: 154) and respectively 18% (Alghamdi 2014: 122). The (S)OV type is illustrated below: (26) a. waraga waahid yabi Q (Avram 2014a: 24) sheet one want ‘Do you want one sheet?’ b. ana čiko sūp O (Avram 2014a: 24) 1SG child see ‘I [will] see [my] children’ The (S)OV type is also reflected in parameters correlated with this word order, such as the pronominal placement of the adjective (27a), the position of the modal verb (27b), the preverbal placement of the adverb (27c), the occasional occurrence of postpositions (27d) and of prenominal relative clauses (27e): (27) a. fi sahīr dukān O (Næss 2008: 76) FI small shop ‘There was a small shop.’ b. inte šāra šūf yigdar O (Avram 2014a: 25) 2SG street see can ‘you can see [them] on the street’ Smart (1990: 108-109) reports the use of mū/mub to negate nouns or adjectives, but these forms do not occur in other sources. Note also that Næss (2008: 71) and Bakir (2010: 219-220) add mafi/maafii, which they treat as a single morpheme. 4 Based on data collected from 16 subjects, all speakers of SOV languages (Almoaily 2013: 154), and respectively 10 subjects, 8 speakers of SOV languages and 2 speakers of SVO languages (Alghamdi (2014: 122). 3 92 ANDREI A. AVRAM c. sem sem kalām SA (Avram 2014a: 25) same speak ‘they speak [in the] same [way] d. itnēn sana badēn SA (Almoaily 2008: 105) two year after ‘after two years’ e. ta’šira māl umān nafarāt O (Avram 2015a: 25) visa POSS Oman persons ‘People who have Omani visas’ Word order is the locus of both inter- and intra-speaker variation. In the examples below, illustrative of inter-speaker variation (28) and of intra-speaker variation (29), two patterns of juxtaposition occur, either possessor–possessee or possessee–possessor: (28) a. Ana esmu Taha. SA (Al-Zubeiry 2015: 52) 1SG name Taha ‘My name is Taha.’ b. Ma fi šuf ahli ana O (Avram 2014a: 26) NEG FI see family 1SG ‘I haven’t seen my family’ (29) a. ana mama w aku SA (Alghamdi 2014: 121) 1SG mother and brother ‘my mother and brother’ b. siyāra ana mafi ǧadīd SA (Alghamdi 2014: 122) car 1SG NEG FI new ‘My car is not new.’ Intra-speaker variation is occasionally attested even within the same sentence: (30) hatteeti maay […], badeen saabuun hatteeti Q (Avram 2014a: 24) put water then soap put ‘put water […] then soap’ Sentence coordination is achieved by means of parataxis or, less frequently, with badeen (Avram 2014a: 28): (31) a. ati pulūs Ø sīr dikān O (Avram 2014a: 28) give money go shop ‘[you] give her money and she walks to the shop’ b. bukra hatteeti maay gassaala, badeen saabuun hatteeti, badeen hatteeti tomorrow put water washing machine then soap put then put tiyaab, badeen šilli tiyaab, badeen sawwi ?uuti clothes then lift clothes then make iron (Avram 2014a: 28) ‘Tomorrow, I’ll put water in the washing machine, then soap, then clothes, then [I’ll] take out the clothes and iron [them]’ Since GPA has no overt complementizers and conjunctions are infrequently used, subordination also relies mainly on parataxis. The types of subordinate clause attested in the corpus include complement clauses (32a), adverbial clauses of time (32b), adverbial clauses of condition (32c), and adverbial clauses of reason (32d): (32) a. Kafiil guul Ø maafii alhiin iji Q (Avram 2014a: 29) sponsor say NEG FI now come ‘The sponsor says he will not come now.’ b. Ø baaba yiji ?ana gum Q (Avram 2014a: 29) master come 1SG stand ‘When Master comes, I stand’ ON THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE OF GULF PIDGIN ARABIC 93 c. Ø ana roh polīs catch O (Avram 2014a: 29) 1SG go police catch ‘if I had gone, the police would have caught [me]’ d. fii nafar muut ?ašaan maafii šuuf filim Q (Avram 2014a: 30) there person die because NEG FI see film ‘Is there a person who dies because he doesn’t watch a movie?’ 2.4. Vocabulary The already mentioned small size of the vocabulary of GPA also accounts for the fact that its speakers are compelled to resort to several compensatory strategies. Lexical items etymologically derived from Arabic may undergo semantic extension (Avram 2014a: 30-33) and thereby become polysemous, as in the case of the multi-purpose preposition māl: (33) a. sawwi maal ?aana muškil Q (Avram 2014a: 30) make of 1SG problem ‘[she] makes a problem for me’ b. bint araf ziyāda māl bilād O (Næss 2008: 66) daughter know much PREP country ‘[my] daughter knows a lot about [her] country] c. ana fi zeyn māl hindi O (Næss 2008: 66) 1SG FI good PREP India ‘I’m well [when I’m] in India’ d. binti fi āti māl walad O (Næss 2008: 66) daughter FI give PREP son ‘[My] daughter gives [it] to my son’ e. māl malābis ana fi šugl O (Næss 2008: 67) PREP clothes 1SG FI work ‘I work with clothes’ Arabic-derived and, most often, English-derived lexical items may function as synonyms (37a, b), and may even co-occur in the same sentence (37c): (37) a. inti ahyanan mafi sabar SA (Avram 2014a: 31) you sometimes NEG FI patient ‘sometimes your aren’t patient’ b. fi patient SA (Avram 2014a: 31) FI patient ‘be patient’ c. tanēn second čiko O (Avram 2014a: 32) two second child ‘[my] second child’ Finally, circumlocutions compensate for the non-availability of the lexical item needed: (39) omur kabiir SA (Almoaily 2013: 174) age big ‘elderly’ The GPA vocabulary also includes a number of forms attesting to reanalysis of morphemic boundaries, in which two or more morphemes are reinterpreted as a single one (Avram 2014a: 32-33): (40) a. es ismak hada napar SA (Avram 2014a: 32) what name DEM person ‘what is the name of that person’ 94 ANDREI A. AVRAM b. andel sandūg māl cash O (Avram 2014a: 33) PREP box POSS cash ‘at the cash register’ 3. Discussion 3.1. Creole-like features in GPA? Almoaily (2013: 45) claims that GPA “carries some typical creole features such as the use of adverbs to mark for TMA […] and the use of reduplication as a word formation process”. This statement is reiterated in his conclusions (Almoaily 2013: 176): “GPA exhibits some features claimed to be typical of creoles only such as serial verbs […], TMA adverbials, and reduplication”. In what follows I briefly evaluate each of these claims. According to Almoaily (2013: 170), fi + verb, sawwi ‘to make’ + verb, and ruuh ‘to go’ + verb are serial verb constructions. However, Almoaily (2013) himself is inconsistent in his analysis. For instance, fi is glossed as COP in his two examples ma fi yi-shtgil ‘do not work’ and fi shuf ‘watch’ (Almoaily 2013: 170); “fi plus verb serialization” is also said to be “often used as a habitual marker” (Almoaily 2013: 171); finally, mention is made of the fact that “aspect can also be expressed via the existential marker fi” (Almoaily 2013: 175). Consider next sawwi ‘to make’ + verb’. Firstly, in Almoaily’s (2013: 170) only examples, sawwi zawaj ‘get married’ and sawwi taleem ‘teach’, sawwi ‘to make’ combines with a noun 5. Secondly, as shown in section 2.2, sawwi ‘to make’ + verb constructions are instances of compounding 6. Consider finally the ruuh ‘to go’ + verb construction, mentioned by Almoaily (2013: 170), but without any indication of its meaning and/or function 7. According to Bakir (2010: 213), “futurity is indicated by the use of the independent lexical form ruuh”, which “is followed by a verb of action”. The verb ruuh “occurs as an element in a compound [in] what appears like a serial verb construction”, and it “signifies intention and […] is used in future reference contexts” (Bakir 2010: 221). To sum up: copulas and aspect markers are not part of serial verb constructions, which therefore excludes fi + verb; sawwi ‘to make’ + verb structures are compound verbs; the definition of serial verbs (see e.g. Jansen & al. 1978) explicitly excludes verb combinations with an auxiliary, modal or infinitive, i.e. this excludes ruuh ‘to go’ + verb. It follows, then, that GPA does not have any serial verbs, i.e. it does not exhibit this creole feature. GPA uses indeed adverbs of time as TMA markers. However, this is typical of pidgins. As noted by Bakker (1995: 39), “TMA is expressed by adverbs, if at all, in pidgins but mostly by preverbal elements in creoles”. Consequently, the use of adverbs of time as TMA markers is not a creole feature of GPA. Consider next reduplication. It has been shown that the occurrence of reduplication correlates with the developmental stage of pidgin and creole languages. Bakker (1995: 39), for instance, states that reduplication “is rare in pidgins, though common in extended pidgins”. Bakker & Parkvall (2005: 519) also write that “reduplication as a grammatical process is virtually absent from pidgins”. More specifically, reduplication is unproductive in jargons and in stable pidgins (Bakker 1995: 33; Bakker 2003: 44; Bakker & Parkvall 2005: 514). As seen in section 2.2, contrary to Almoaily’s (2013: 176) claim that “there are plenty of examples”, reduplication in GPA is neither frequent nor productive, and cannot therefore be considered a creole feature. 5 Cf. Almoaily (2013: 170, f.n. 11) on zawaj: “Wedding is a noun which is used here for a verbal function”. See also Smart (1990) and Bakir (2010: 220-221). 7 The verb ruuh is not translated in ruuh sajjal maktub ‘(Employees) register at the office’; it is translated as ‘want’ in Ana ruuh safar ‘I (want to) travel back home’ (Almoaily 2013: 170). The construction is very rare anyway in Almoaily’s (2013: 171, table 7) data. 6 95 ON THE DEVELOPMENTAL STAGE OF GULF PIDGIN ARABIC 3.2. Conventionalization, consistency and stability of GPA Several researchers have used terms such as “conventionalization”, “consistency”, and “stability” with reference to the developmental stage of GPA. Næss (2008: 94), for instance, concludes that GPA is “a variety on the way to becoming conventionalized and unified as a first-generation contact language”. According to Næss (2008: 96), “in comparison to other Arabic-based pidgins and creoles, such as Juba, Nubi and Turku” GPA “is much less standardised”. This fact is attributed by Næss (2008: 96) to “the longer time span” and “the relative stability of the speaker communities in the case of the African contact languages”. According to Bakir (2010: 223), GPA seems “to have acquired a clear, though impoverished grammar, which contains simple rules of predication”, and shows “some degree of consistency across […] speakers”. Note, however, that Bakir (2010) is an analysis of the verbal system of GPA exclusively and that these conclusions are extrapolated to GPA as a whole More recently, Bizri (2014: 403) writes with respect to what she calls Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgins, which include GPA, that “in spite of the variation manifest in these unstable varieties of pidgin Arabic, a certain degree of conventionalization or homogenization is observable”. Although “the mobility of the labour migrants and the constantly changing force of temporary workers in each host country” are considered to be some of the factors “behind the conventionalization”, Bizri (2014: 407) concludes that Asian Migrant Arabic Pidgins “have not yet achieved stability”. In spite of the terminological differences, the above analyses converge on the conclusion that GPA has yet to be a stable pidgin (in the sense of Mühlhäusler 1997: 138). 3.3. GPA as a jargon On the basis of the diagnostic features identified by Mühlhäusler (1997: 128-138), supplemented with the criterion of unproductive reduplication (Bakker 1995, 2003, Bakker & Parkvall 2005), GPA appears to be best characterized as being a jargon: Feature inter-speaker variation in phonology minimal personal pronoun system unproductive reduplication categorial multifunctionality minimal personal pronoun system absence of copula absence of tense and aspect markers absence of prepositions coordination with paratactic structures or with adverbs absence of complementizers, conjunctions iconic paratactic structures small size of vocabulary semantic extensions lexical hybrids 8 circumlocutions reanalysis of morphemic boundaries 8 Lexical items identified across languages (Mühlhäusler 1997: 135). GPA + + + + + − + (+) + + + + + − + + 96 ANDREI A. AVRAM As can be seen, GPA exhibits most of the features typical of jargons, with the exception of the presence of the copula fi, of the occasional occurrence of prepositions, and of the absence of lexical hybrids. The fact that GPA is still in the jargon stage can be accounted for in terms of a conjunction of several factors which have, so far, hindered stabilization. Consider first the effect of the languages natively spoken by the users of GPA. The constant influx of immigrant workers (Avram 2014a) triggers constant pidginization of Gulf Arabic. The diversification of the countries of origin and, consequently, of the linguistic backgrounds of immigrant workers (Bakir 2010; Avram 2014a) further widens the pool of features on which GPA draws. The influence of the typologically diverse substrate/adstrate languages contributes to inter-speaker variation in GPA (Avram 2014a, forthcoming) and is conducive to typological inconsistency, e.g. the co-existence of different word order patterns: VO vs. OV (Avram 2014a, forthcoming; Bizri 2014). A second factor is the nature of the Arabic input. There is considerable variation in the extent of exposure to Gulf Arabic (Bakir 2010), e.g. between domestic workers – working individually or as members of smaller groups and oil or construction workers – working as members of large groups, frequently of the same linguistic background. There is also variation in the specific forms of Gulf Arabic to which immigrant workers are exposed. These may correlate with a.o. gender and thus account for the prevalence of invariant feminine vs. masculine forms of the verb (see also Bakir 2010). In addition, the input includes the Foreigner Talk register of Arabic (Holes 2011), whose inconsistency further reinforces variation in GPA (Avram 2014a, 2014b; Bizri 2014). Finally, the stabilization of GPA is also hindered by the specific ways in which it is learned and used. GPA is not a “target language”, hence it is not transmitted as such from speaker to speaker, but it is rather individually created. “Fossilization” of features sets in with different “fossilized” features employed by different speakers of GPA (Bakir 2010). Generally, GPA is extremely restricted in its domains of use. Variation in the extent to which it is used potentially yields different outcomes. While its use with other speaker of GPA may lead to the emergence of more stable features negotiated on the “linguistic market”, its use with native speakers of Gulf Arabic favours the emergence of idiosyncratic features, Also, knowledge of (some) English may decrease the need to resort to GPA (Holes 2011) and hence does not contribute to its eventual stabilization. 4. Conclusions GPA does not exhibit creole features, contra Almoaily (2013). GPA is still in the jargon stage, as also maintained by Tosco & Manfredi (2013), Avram (2014a), Versteegh (2014b), and Avram (forthcoming). It remains to be seen whether further developments confirm that GPA features said to be undergoing stabilization (see e.g. Næss 2008; Bakir 2010; Alghamdi 2014; Almoaily 2014) will provide the “critical mass” necessary for the emergence of norms in the GPA speech community. 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Versteegh, Kees. 2014b. “Speaking of the Past: The Development of Past Time Reference in Arabic Pidgins”, Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29 (2). 211-231. Wiswall, Abdul-Qadir. 2002. Gulf Pidgin: An Expanded Analysis. http://oak.cats.ohiou.edu/~aw 321500. Yammahi, Ghaneimah Salem Ahmed. 2008. Al-‘arabiyyatu al-’urdiyyatu al-haǧīn fī al-’imārāti al-‘arabiyyati al-muttaḥidati. Maṯalun min madīnati Dubayy. Amman: University of Jordan. NOTES SUR LE SOCIOLECTE DES JEUNES D’OUEZZANE (NORD DU MAROC) 1 MONTSERRAT BENITEZ FERNANDEZ Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Universidad de Granada Résumé : Cet article explore le changement linguistique qui se produit dans une variété vernaculaire d’arabe marocain, celle de la ville d’Ouezzane. La variable retenue, afin d’analyser les données, est celle de l’âge. L’analyse a été menée sur un corpus enregistré auprès de cinq informateurs, qui ont été divisés en deux catégories d’âge : celle des jeunes (âgés d’environ vingt ans) et celle des mûrs (âgés d’entre 30 et 45 ans). Les résultats révèlent une certaine évolution des traits de la génération jeune due à des causes diverses telles que le contact avec d’autres variétés d’arabe ou à l’évolution propre de la langue. Mots-clés: Maroc, arabe d’Ouezzane, changement linguistique, sociolinguistique. 1. Introduction. Le dialecte de la ville d’Ouezzane est un des dialectes les moins connus parmi ceux du nord du Maroc. Ne comptant pas de compilations de textes de la période coloniale ou précoloniale, comme dans le cas d’autres villes du Maroc 2, les références bibliographiques spécifiques à la variété arabe d’Ouezzane précédant cette étude se résument, à ma connaissance, à quelques mémoires de Licence3; la thèse inédite de 3ème cycle de M. Jaouhari (Jaouhari, 1983), concentrée sur le système verbal de l’arabe marocain et employant un corpus récolté parmi des Ouezzanis et les références aux dialectes Juif et Musulman de la ville d’Ouezzane que l’on trouve dans Jewish and Muslim Dialects (Heath, 2002). Donc, un des buts de cette publication est de contribuer à une meilleure connaissance de ce parler. L’autre objectif consiste à explorer le changement linguistique qui se produit dans les parlers du nord du Maroc, en prenant l’exemple de celui d’Ouezzane. Ce parler a été enregistré lors d'une mission de travail de terrain en février 2014. À cet effet, les traits linguistiques de la génération la plus jeune (âgée d'environ 20 ans) et ceux du registre linguistique d’une génération plus mûre (âgée d’environ 40 ans) seront décrits. On établira une comparaison de ces traits en tenant compte de la variable de l’âge 4 afin de montrer le changement linguistique qui est en train de se produire 5. 1 L’auteur tient à remercier le soutien financier du projet de recherche « Fronteras lingüísticas y factores sociales: perspectivas sincrónicas y diacrónicas de la región del Magreb » (FFI2011-26782-C02-01), sous la direction de Ángeles Vicente, qui a permis d’accomplir la recherche de terrain. 2 Parmi tant d’autres, le lecteur intéressé pourrait consulter dans le cas de Tanger : Marçais : 1911 ; pour le parler de Larache : Alarcón : 1913 ; à propos du parler des Zaer : Loubignac, 1952 ; sur le parler d’Essaouira : Socin 1893; et dans le cas du parler du Sous : Destaing : 1937. 3 Il s’agit du mémoire de Licence réalisé par A. Khoukh (1993), sous la direction de S. Lévy. Ce mémoire "n'est pas uniforme et comprend des textes récoltés dans la ville, mais aussi des textes du Douar Guerzrouf, situé à 5 kms. à l'ouest de la ville" (Caubet, 2016). À ce travail il faut ajouter le mémoire de Licence de R. El Khomssi, sous la direction de F. Brigui, qui sera publié (2016) sous le titre « Étude des particularités linguistiques dans le parler jebli d’Ouezzane » ; et ce de M. Malki, concernant le parler de Mokrisset (à environ 60 kms. au nord-est de la ville d’Ouezzane), village dans lequel ont leurs origines certains informateurs. Ce travail a été réalisé sous la direction de M. Benabbou et sera publié (2016) sous le titre « Les traits linguistiques du parler de Mokrisset ». Malheureusement, les travaux d’El Khomsi et Melki, n’ont pas pu être consultés, car, au moment de la rédaction de ce travail, ils étaient toujours sous presse. 4 Dans mon travail je me suis inspirée de l'analyse sociolinguistique de la tribu des Masmouda publiée par Vicente (2002). 5 Un travail descriptif approfondi reste à faire, on n’exclut pas de s’y consacrer dans de futures publications. 100 MONTSERRAT BENITEZ FERNANDEZ 1.1. La ville d’Ouezzane. Avant de plonger dans l’analyse des données, on voudrait fournir quelques pistes à propos de cette ville qui ont paru importantes à l’heure de comprendre une certaine hétérogénéité dans le parler. La situation géographique de la ville est particulièrement intéressante car elle se trouve aux contreforts occidentaux des montagnes du Rif Occidental et juste avant la plaine atlantique. Elle se trouve donc au carrefour des axes de communication reliant le nord et le sud (Tétouan-Fez) le monde rural et le monde urban (Chef Chaouen-Casa/Rabat). Administrativement, la ville dépendait, jusqu’à très récemment, de la région de KenitraChrarda-Sidi Hmad et plus précisément de la province de Sidi Kacem. C'est-à-dire que les habitants d’Ouezzane devaient se rendre à Sidi Kacem lors de certains rapports avec l’administration ou même à Kenitra afin, par exemple, de vouloir entamer des études universitaires. On suppose donc un contact, au moins sporadique, avec la plaine et avec ses variétés linguistiques. Depuis 2009 cette ville est le chef-lieu de la province du même nom qui a été intégrée à la région Tanger-Tétouan 6. De ce fait, on peut imaginer moins de mobilité et d’échange avec la plaine, car dans le cas des études universitaires, les étudiants devront maintenant se rendre à l’Université Abd el Malik Essaadi. De plus, la ville d’Ouezzane est très liée aux communes environnantes de Jbala. Pendant le séjour de recherche on n’a pas réussi à trouver d’Ouezzanis de, ce qu’on pourrait dire, souche. Toutes les personnes interrogées, en plus des informateurs participant à l’enquête, avait un passé Jbala : ou bien il/elle était lui-même arrivé dans la ville dans sa jeunesse, en cherchant du travail ou pour des raisons familiales (tels que le mariage) ; ou bien un de ses parents (voire les deux) étaient originaire d’une des communes proches, notamment de Mokrisset, mais aussi de Brikcha ou Zoumi. En conséquence, de la même façon que les Ouezzanis étaient obligés à aller vers la plaine pour des raisons administratives, des liens familiaux ont favorisé des séjours vers la montagne afin, par example, de rendre visite aux parents âgés. Donc, dû la localisation ville d’Ouezzane, on a présupposé un contact linguistique ample avec des variétés vernaculaires bédouines propres de la plaine, mais aussi avec des variétés des zones rurales de Jbala. 1.2. Informateurs Lors du séjour à Ouezzane 7 on a pu enregistrer un total de 7 informateurs soit plus de 4 heures d’enregistrement. Les données analysées afin d’élaborer ce travail correspondent à 5 informateurs. Il s’agit de deux dames et trois informateurs de sexe masculin. La première informatrice Ġ est née à Qalâa Harrakim, dans la commune de Mokrisset (à environ 60 kms au nord-est d’Ouezzane), où elle a vécu jusqu’à 18 ans, moment auquel elle s’est mariée et est partie avec son mari à Ouezzane. Elle a environ 40 ans et ne parait pas être alphabétisée. La deuxième informatrice est R. Elle habite à Ouezzane où elle travaille comme femme de ménage dans un hôtel. Elle a environ 45 ans et partage avec Ġ le niveau d'alphabétisation. M. est né à Ouezzane mais sa famille est originaire de Zoumi, à 37 kms à l'est de la ville. Il est le plus âgé des garçons, ayant environ 30 ans. Il est hautement alphabétisé, car il dit avoir suivi des études universitaires. Il parait qu’il aurait fait un séjour en Espagne. Je l’avais d'abord inclus dans la génération jeune car il est toujours célibataire et les deux autres informateurs le considèrent comme appartenant au groupe de pairs, mais les traits linguistiques de son parler se montrent plus conservateurs que ceux des autres informateurs jeunes. 6 La province d’Ouezzane est formée par six communes appartenant anciennement à la province de Chef Chaouen (Ain Beida, Asjen, Brikcha, Kalaat Bouqorra, Mokrisset et Zoumi) et par onze communes dépendant autrefois de la province de Sidi Kacem (Bni Quolla, Imzoufren, Lamjaara, Masmouda, Ounnana, Sidi Ahmed Cherif, Sibi Bousber, Sidi Redouane, Teroual, Zghira et la ville d’Ouezzane). 7 On tient à remercier la Dr. Araceli González Vázquez qui a effectué le travail de terrain avec l’auteur. NOTES SUR LE SOCIOLECTE DES JEUNES D’OUEZZANE (NORD DU MAROC) 101 Les informateurs jeunes sont Y. et A. Le premier (Y.) est âgé de 20 ans. Il est né dans la ville mais est issu d’une famille jebli dont la mère est originaire de Mokrisset. Il est scolarisé et hautement alphabétisé, car il poursuit ses études à l’Université de Kenitra depuis un an. Comme on le verra plus tard cet événement a marqué aussi son parler. Finalement, A. est âgé de 19 ans et partage avec Y. la naissance et l’origine jebli de sa famille, car sa mère est originaire de Brikcha, qui se trouve à 20 kms au nord d’Ouezzane. N’ayant pas encore entamé ses études universitaires il est scolarisé jusqu’au niveau baccalauréat. C’est lui qui a eu, au moment de l'enregistrement, un moindre contact avec l’extérieur. Passons donc á la description des traits linguistiques de ce groupe d’informateurs en commençant par la phonétique. 2. Description des traits linguistiques en fonction de la variable de l’âge. 2.1. Phonétique. En parlant de la phonétique, le premier trait qui a attiré mon attention est la fluctuation de la réalisation du phonème occlusif dental sourd /t/, car les données analysées montrent plusieurs allophones. Ce phonème est réalisé autant comme occlusif dental sourd [t] que comme affriqué [ț], mais certaines occurrences montrent une plus grande variation telles que des réalisations comme spirentisée [t], occlusive dentale sonore[d] ou même sibilante [s]. Il n’est pas surprenant de trouver l’affrication du phénomène dental dans un parler Jbala, car, comme d’autres auteurs 8 l’ont déjà montré, il s’agirait de la réalisation habituelle dans cette région, en revanche, il est intéressant de noter sa variabilité. D’une façon très générale, on pourrait avancer que l’allophone occlusif dental sourd et le dental sourd affriqué alternent d'une façon, qu'on pourrait dire, aléatoire, car le même mot peut apparaître dans le corpus aussi bien dans une réalisation affriquée ou occlusive et le même locuteur inclura les deux allophones lors de son discours. Au moins c’est ce qu’il parait lorsque l’on regarde le corpus pour la première fois. Ex.: mātālan vs. māțālan « par exemple » ; ntūma vs. nțūma « vous » ; ida bġīți tanžaḥ « si tu veux réussir » ; nta žāy țākul, țbāt « tu viens manger, passer la nuit » ; ka-tḥass « tu sens » ; tta dīk əssāʽa « jusqu’á cette heure-là » ; taḥarras « il est rompu » ; ġnāt-ək « elle t’enrichit » ; tkūn tqīla « elle est lourde » ; ḫūț-a « sa sœur » ; ța-ybīʽ « il vend » ; mțāl « dictons » ; En revanche, une analyse approfondie des données montre certaines cohérences chez les locuteurs. Par exemple, la réalisation plus fréquente dans la génération mûre est la réalisation affriquée. Ex.: ma ţa-yḥəss « ne sent pas » ; māţālan « par exemple » ; ța-yqūlu « ils disent » ; ța-ybāț « il passe la nuit » ; țuʽbān « serpent ». Tandis que le parler des locuteurs jeunes est marqué par la fluctuation dont je faisais référence tout à l’heure. Par exemple A., l’informateur le plus jeune (19 ans) et aussi celui qui, au moment de l’enregistrement, avait eu le moindre contact avec l’extérieur, alterne les deux réalisations du /t/. Ex.: bāš țəmši ntūma l-ʼūṭīl « pour que vous alliez à l’hôtel » ; bəllāti vs. bəllāți « attends » ; fhamti vs. fhamți « tu comprends ». Alors que Y., l’autre informateur jeune, celui qui poursuit ses études à l’extérieur, emploie d'une façon généralisée la réalisation occlusive dentale [t], adoptant, par conséquence, l'allophone affriqué très rarement. Ex.: ta-yži tākul fi-h « il vient manger chez lui » ; dāba ʽrəft ḫbār-u « maintenant j’ai su à propos de lui » ; hīya ʽārfa ktār mən wuld-a « elle sait plus que son fils » ; ka-tuwrri « tu montres » ; wāḫḫa tkūn ḫāyba « même qu’elle soit moche » ; Quant aux allophones, que l’on considère comme étant un peu plus exotiques, à savoir le spirentisé [t] et l’allophone sibilante [s], ils se retrouvent dans des interventions d’A., dans différentes occurrences du mot mātālan « par exemple ». On a été confronté aussi bien à mātālan qu’à māsālan – en passant, bien entendu, par māțālan et mātālan-. On pourrait affirmer, sans risque d’erreur, que la 8 Moscoso, 2003; Vicente, 2000. 102 MONTSERRAT BENITEZ FERNANDEZ réalisation spirentisée [t] est due au niveau élevé d’alphabétisation, et donc pourrait être considérée comme une influence de l’arabe classique. Mais, on ne pourrait pas faire retomber l’explication de l’alphabétisation aussi à la réalisation sibilante. Dans ce cas, il pourrait être un effet de l’ultra correction, mais il semble plus plausible qu’il s’agisse d’une réalisation influencée par les médias où l'on trouve d'autres accents venants d’autres parlers du reste du monde arabophone. Finalement, l’allophone dental sonore [d], quant à lui, apparait dans le morphème de la deuxième personne singulier de l’inaccompli, dans le mot dgūl « tu diras » et n’apparait que dans les propos de Y., étudiant à Kenitra. Cet exemple m’amène à introduire le trait suivant: le phonème qaf /q/. La plupart des fois, il apparait dans le corpus réalisé comme uvulaire sourd [q], cette réalisation étant le trait exclusif dans la génération mûre. Ex.: qaddu « il a pu » ; qbīḥ « laid » ; wqa‘ « il est arrivé » ; mənṭāqa « zone » ; tḥarraq-ni « il me brûle » ; waqț « temps » ; fōq « sur » ; Mais cela n’empêche pas de rencontrer d’autres allophones. Comme vous avez déjà observé dans le mot dgūl, la réalisation du vélaire sourd [g] est aussi présente dans ce corpus. Bien évidemment, il ne s’agit pas d’une prononciation généralisée, plutôt le contraire. Le trait apparait pour la première fois lors d’une intervention de l’étudiant de Kenitra, puis il va l’utiliser à plusieurs reprises dans le verbe gāl - ygūl « il a dit – il dira » et puis, le trait sera repris par l’autre jeune A. Ex.: kīma dgūl māma « Comme elle dit ma mère » ; ka-ngūl l-a « Je lui dis » ; k-ygūl l-um « il leur dit ». Comme on peut le voir dans ces exemples, la réalisation de cet allophone par les jeunes est restreinte au verbe gāl « dire », mais le reste des items sont prononcés avec l’allophone uvulaire sourd. L’allophone de qaf laryngale sourde [ʼ] a été constaté à Ouezzane chez les femmes et les hommes âgés de plus de 50 ans, bien qu’ils n’ont pas fait partie des enregistrements. Khoukh 9, en 1993, l’a noté comme étant un trait féminin, mais Heath (2002: 141-149) ne le mentionne pas comme un trait propre du dialecte musulman de la ville. D’ailleurs, la réalisation [g] n’est pas non plus mentionnée par Heath (2002: 139/140). Ceci nous signale deux faits, d’abord, une possible perte de l’allophone laryngale sourd, puis, l’introduction de l’allophone vélaire. Quant à la régression de [ʼ], en ce qui concerne le corpus enregistré en 2014, on pourrait avancer que ce trait serait en train de devenir une relique du passé, car il n’est plus présent ni chez les informateurs jeunes ni dans la génération mûre. À propos de l'apparition de [g] on constate, donc, qu’il s’agit d’un trait nouveau, sûrement introduit par les jeunes et dû au contact avec d’autres variétés. Toujours en parlant du verbe qāl yqūl, je voudrais aussi attirer l'attention sur la fluctuation dans la conjugaison de l’accompli. J’ai observé une conjugaison du type qutt l-әk, qui montre une assimilation de la dernière radicale avec le morphème de la 1ère personne, qui serait propre aux dialectes du nord ; et un autre modèle de conjugaison de ce verbe sans assimilation, sous la forma qult l-ek, qui serait plus habituelle dans la plaine vers le sud. Ex. : qutt l-әk « je t'ai dit », qātt l-u « il lui a dit », qātt l-a « il lui (à elle) a dit » Ex.: qult « j’ai dit », qulna « nous avons dit », qult-u « je lui ai dit », Cette variation ne dépend pas de la variable de l’âge, mais de la variable du genre, les exemples avec assimilation étant exclusifs au parler des femmes. 2.2. Morphologie. Du côté de la morphologie, le premier aspect sur lequel je vais m’attarder est l’opposition du genre, aussi bien dans les pronoms sujets que dans la conjugaison verbale. En ce qui concerne les pronoms, l’analyse des données a montré que les informateurs interrogés, toute générations confondues, distinguent le genre dans le pronom sujet de la deuxième personne du singulier. Ex. : nti - nta. 9 Apud. Caubet, 2015. NOTES SUR LE SOCIOLECTE DES JEUNES D’OUEZZANE (NORD DU MAROC) 103 L’opposition du genre dans la conjugaison verbale est mentionnée dans la thèse de Jaouhari (1986: 160/161). Selon ses données elle n’existe pas dans l’accompli, mais réapparait dans la conjugaison préfixale. J’ai observé que les jeunes et l’homme mûr, distinguent le genre dans la 2ème p. sing. aussi bien à l’inaccompli qu’à l’impératif, tandis que les femmes ne font pas de distinction de genre. Alors, la variation produite dans ce trait est plutôt spécifique du genre que de l’âge. Ex. (hommes) : nta žāy țākul, țbāț w-țākul « tu viens manger (masc.), tu passes (masc.) la nuit et tu manges (masc.) » ; nti lli ka-tḥəssi « tu es celle qui sens (fem.) [la douleur] »; nūdi « lèves-toi (fem.) »; dīri « fait (fem.) » ; Ex. (femmes) : ‘a ddbǝḥ-ni? « tu vas m’égorger ? » (question posé à une femme); tdīr-u « tu le fait (fem.) » ; tžīb « amène (masc.) » ; sīr w-ḥfər « va et creuse (masc.) » ; ḍīṛ l-ġda « fait (fem.) à manger » ; ġlǝs « assied-toi (fem) » ; ržə’ « reviens (fem.) ». Par rapport à la formation de la négation, Heath 10 démontre que dans les dialectes du nord du Maroc et de Jbala la deuxième partie de la négation la plus commune est ši, tandis qu’un deuxième terme š est dominant dans le reste du Maroc. Ce dernier serait, suivant ses données, en train d’augmenter au nord. Dans le corpus récolté à Ouezzane, en 2014, on trouve une certaine alternance des deux formes, comme on peut observer dans les exemples : Ex. : ma ka-tḥăss-u ši « tu ne le sens pas » ; ma mmši ši « je n’y vais pas » ; ma ykūn ‘and-i ši « je ne l’avais pas », ma ‘ārfa ši « elle ne sait pas ». Ex.2: ma ʽand-um š « ils n’ont pas » ; ma ka-tbərd š « elle ne se refroidi pas » ; ma ta-təḫraž š « elle ne sort pas ». Analysant les données de manière générale, la forme apocopée est légèrement plus utilisée, car elle (ma…š) représente 54% des occurrences, tandis que la forme non apocopée (ma…ši) atteint 46% 11 des occurrences. En revanche, si on analyse les données employant la variable d’âge, les jeunes utilisent plus fréquemment la forme habituelle au nord, c’est à dire avec le deuxième terme ši. Jeunes : ma...ši : 57%; ma...š : 43% Mûrs : ma...ši : 30%; ma...š : 70% D’après ces résultats, on pourrait avancer que l’augmentation de la forme apocopée š, à laquelle faisait référence Heath serait en train de se freiner, car les jeunes l’utilisent légèrement moins. En tout cas, il faudrait pousser plus l’analyse dans ce sens, ainsi que multiplier les informateurs afin d’avoir un plus large éventail. Quant à l’usage du préverbe utilisé pour la formation du présent de l’indicatif, les informateurs jeunes utilisent souvent le préverbe ka- tandis que la génération plus âgée emploi le préverbe ța-. Les rares fois que l’on a trouvé l’emploi du ta- (ou bien sa variante ța-) chez les informateurs jeunes c’était lors qu’ils reprenaient des propos énoncés par l’informateur M, lequel, il faut le rappeler, appartient à la génération mûre. Ex. (jeunes) : ka-nʽāṭu « nous donnons » ; ka-nšūfu « nous voyons » ; ka-ngūl « je dis » ; katuwrri « tu montres » ; Ex. (mûres): ța-yži « il vient » ; ța-yḥəss « il sent » ; ța-ybīʽ « il vend » ; ța-yəḍḥak « il rit » ; țataʽṭi-k « tu te donnes ». Un préverbe la- aurait été relevé dans l’étude réalisée en 1993 par Khoukh 12 où il serait employé par les femmes âgées, en alternance avec le préverbe ka-. Ce trait serait en « perte de vitesse dans la région » 13 d’après les enquêtes réalisées en 2012 14. En ce qui concerne les données récoltées en 2014, ce préverbe est complètement absent. S’agit-il d’un trait exclusif des personnes âgées et, pourtant en régression, comme dans le cas avant mentionné de [ʼ] ? La distribution du genre de l’emploi du préverbe pourrait faire penser à un trait exclusivement féminin, mais le fait de ne pas le trouver dans les données récoltées en 2014 indique une perte. Le préverbe la- a été décrit dans d’autres parlers 10 « Ma…ši. M.: common in northern and Jebli dialects (50%- 80% for Tg, Tn, Ch, Wz […]) » . Heath (2002 : 212). On a décidé d’inclure ici les pourcentages afin de mieux comparer les données récoltées en 2014 à celles fournies par Heath en 2002 concernant le nord du Maroc d’une façon générale. Dans le reste des items analysés Heath n’apporte pas les taux. 12 Apud. Caubet, 2015. 13 Caubet 2015. 14 El Khomsi 2015; Melki, 2015. 11 104 MONTSERRAT BENITEZ FERNANDEZ Jbala 15, raison pour laquelle on opte pour lui donner une origine Jeblie, mais pas spécifique à la ville d’Ouezzane. Les particules du futur utilisées par les informateurs sont ġādi- ġa- ʽa- et a-. L’évolution de ġādi à ʽa- 16 ou, simplement a-, avait déjà été expliquée par Caubet 17 lors du « Colloque de AIDA 2013 », donc je ne reviendrai pas là-dessus. Cette construction du futur avec ‘a- n’est pas exclusive à Ouezzane, elle est aussi assez fréquente dans le parler de la ville de Larache 18 et dans d’autres parlers du nord du Maroc. D’après mes données, l’emploi de ‘a- est majoritaire, dans les deux générations, mais dans la génération mûre, l’alternance de ‘a- se fait avec ġādi, tandis que les jeunes alternent ‘aavec a- et l’emploi de ġādi est vraiment minoritaire. Ex. jeunes: ‘a-nḍarbu-h « nous lui frapperons », ‘a nmšīw « nous irons », ‘a nqūl-ha « je lui dirais », ‘a-nqqīw « Je ferais », a-nšərḥ-u « je l’expliquerais ». Ex. mûres: ‘a nḫurž « je sortirais », ‘a yžuwwǝž « il se mariera », ‘a yžīb « il amènera » ; ġādi ddǝbħ-ǝk « elle t’égorgera » ; ma-ġādi-š tddi « elle ne portera ». 3. Conclusions Faisons une petite synthèse. Le but de cette communication était de montrer les changements linguistiques qui apparaissent entre deux générations habitant la ville d’Ouezzane, en établissant une comparaison entre les deux. Les traits que l’on peut considérer comme appartenant à la génération jeune sont, du coté de la phonétique: les différentes réalisations du /t/ et la vélarisation du /q/ qui devient [g]. Du coté de la morphologie, il serait propre aux jeunes la formation de la négation verbale avec les termes ma ... ši, l’emploi du préverbe ka- pour la formation du présent habituel, et l’alternance des préverbes ʽa- et apour la formation du futur. De son côté, la génération mûre a aussi ses particularités sociolinguistiques. Dans le domaine de la phonétique, est caractéristique la réalisation du phonème occlusif dental sourd affriqué [ț] et le phonème uvulaire sourd [q]. L’analyse de données a montré que la négation est formée avec les marques ma ... š, le préverbe employé pour la formation du présent habituel est ța- et le préverbe du futur ʽa- alterne avec ġādi, qui est pratiquement inexistant chez les jeunes. On a pu aussi observer certaines différences qui n’ont aucun rapport avec l’âge, mais avec la variable du genre. La confusion des genres à l’inaccompli et à l’impératif et de la conjugaison du verbe qāl par assimilation sont des traits plutôt féminins. D’après les résultats de l’analyse des données de ce corpus, il parait qu’un certain changement linguistique est en train de se produire dans le parler de la ville d’Ouezzane. Ce changement serait favorisé, en quelque sorte, par le contact avec d’autres variétés d’arabe marocain, plus concrètement les variétés linguistiques de la plaine, mais aussi le contact avec l’extérieur qui se produit à travers les médias. Vu les particularités de la variété diastratique du genre, il s’avère nécessaire de continuer à analyser les données à partir de cette perspective. Références Alarcón y Santón, M. 1913. Textos árabes en dialecto vulgar de Larache. Madrid: Junta para Ampliación de Estudios e Investigaciones Científicas, Centro de Estudios Históricos. Caubet, D. 2016. « L’importance des parlers du nord-ouest marocain dans l’histoire de l’arabisation du Nord de l’Afrique : Revisiter des corpus recueillis dans la région en 1992-1995 sous la direction de Simon Lévy », Á. Vicente, D. Caubet & A. Naciri (eds.), La région du Nord-Ouest marocain : Parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. 15 Aussi bien dans le parler d’Anžra (Vicente, 1998, 2000) que dans celui de Chaouen (Natividad, 1998 et Moscoso, 2003). L’emploi de préverbe avait déjà été évoqué par Prémare (1986: 26) chez les Masmouda. 17 Caubet, 2013. 18 Guerrero, 2014. 16 NOTES SUR LE SOCIOLECTE DES JEUNES D’OUEZZANE (NORD DU MAROC) 105 Caubet, D. 2013. « Towards a new step in the grammaticalisation process in darija: the future in a- », X Colloque de l’Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe, Doha : Qatar University. Destaing, E. 1937. Textes arabes en parler des Chleuhs du Sous (Maroc). Paris : Imprimerie nationale. El Khomsi, F. 2016. « Étude des particularités linguistiques dans le parler jebli d’Ouezzane », Á. Vicente, D. Caubet & A. Naciri (eds.), La région du Nord-Ouest marocain: Parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Guerrero Parrado, J. 2014. El dialecto árabe hablado en la ciudad marroquí de Larache. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Jaouhari, M. 1986. Étude du système verbal de l’arabe marocain ; expressions du mode et du temps. Parler de base : l’arabe de Ouezzane. Thèse de 3ème cycle sous la dir. De F. Bentolila. Paris : Université Renée Decartes Paris V. Loubignac, V. 1952. Textes arabes des Zaër : transcription, traduction, notes et lexique. Paris : Librairie orientale et américaine, M. Besson. Malki, M. 2016. « Les traits linguistiques du parler de Mokrisset », Á. Vicente, D. Caubet & A. Naciri (eds.), La région du Nord-Ouest marocain: Parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Marçais, Ph. 1911. Textes arabes de Tanger : transcription, traduction annotée, glossaire. Paris: Maisonneuve. Moscoso García, F. 2003. El dialecto árabe de Chaouen (norte de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y textos. Cádiz: Universidad de Cádiz Natividad, E. 1998. « Le dialecte de Chefchaouen », Aguadé, Crésier y Vicente (eds.), Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental: dialectologie et histoire. Madrid/Zaragoza: Casa de Velázquez/Área de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos. 109-120. Prémare, A.-L. 1986. La tradition orale du Mejdūb: récits et quatrains inédits. Aix-en-Provence: Édisud. Socin, A. 1893. Zum arabischen Dialekt von Marokko. Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Classe der Königlichen Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, vol. 14. nº 3. 151-203. Vicente, Á. 2002. « El dialecto árabe de los Masmûda (norte de Marruecos) », Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 6. Zaragoza: IEIOP-Institución « Fernando el Católico ». 221-231. Vicente, Á. 2000. El dialecto árabe de Anjra (norte de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y textos. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Vicente, Á. 1998. « Un dialecte de type montagnard au Maroc: le parler d’Anjra », J. Aguadé, P. Crésier & Á, Vicente (eds.), Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental: dialectologie et histoire. Madrid/Zaragoza: Casa de Velázquez/Área de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos. 121-130. DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) NAJAH BENMOFTAH CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA LACNAD – INALCO (Paris) Résumé : Cet article se propose d’examiner les propriétés syntaxiques de connecteurs de cause employés en arabe de Tripoli (Libye). Il s’agit des locutions li’anna et māhu ; de la préposition ‘le, ainsi que différentes locutions que cette préposition introduit : ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ, ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt, ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ, ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt ; de locutions introduites par la préposition b : bḥukm et b-sabab. Ces différentes locutions peuvent appartenir à des classes grammaticales différentes (locution conjonctionnelle et/ou locution prépositionnelle). Leur classe grammaticale et leur degré de grammaticalisation ont des répercussions sur le type de causale qu’elles introduisent : la préposition ‘le et les locutions prépositionnelles qu’elle introduit, ainsi que b-sabab n’étant pas grammaticalisées, elles s’emploient avec une valeur lexicale comme premier terme d’une annexion et peuvent être suivies d’un pronom suffixe, d’un nom ou d’une relative substantive dans des compléments circonstanciels de cause ; les locutions prépositionnelles grammaticalisées (li’anna et māhu) introduisent des propositions subordonnées de cause organisées autour d’un prédicat verbal ou non-verbal ; certains connecteurs (‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ et b-ḥukm) peuvent s’employer comme locutions prépositionnelles avec une valeur lexicale et introduire un complément circonstanciel, ou grammaticalisés comme locutions conjonctionnelles et introduire une proposition subordonnée. Enfin, les connecteurs de cause peuvent occuper différentes positions dans la causale qui peut occuper différentes positions dans l’énoncé : on distingue la position canonique, lorsque le connecteur suit une proposition principale et introduit une causale, et la position non-canonique, pour laquelle il existe deux cas de figure : soit l’énoncé commence par la causale introduite par un connecteur de cause et la causale est suivie par la proposition principale, soit l’énoncé commence par la proposition principale qui est suivie par la causale qui n’est pas introduite par un connecteur de cause ; ce dernier se trouve en fin de causale et clôture ainsi l’énoncé. D’un point de vue pragmatique, la modification de l’ordre des constituants, lorsque les connecteurs et les causales ne sont pas en position canonique, permet de focaliser la causale. Mots-clés : Arabe libyen, arabe de Tripoli, cause, causalité, connecteurs de cause, grammaticalisation, focalisation. Introduction La cause est à la fois ce par quoi un événement, une action humaine arrive, se fait. C’est également le principe d’où une chose tire son être. C’est aussi ce pourquoi on fait quelque chose. Ainsi, la définition de cause inclut à la fois l’idée d’origine et celle de but (Rey-Debove 2004: 246). En effet, le terme cause désigne aussi bien l’antécédent décrit dans le processus, que le processus même de cause, c’està-dire la relation qui se crée entre les deux événements, désignée aussi par le terme causalité. La cause entre les deux événements est posée linguistiquement par les connecteurs de cause, qui ont pour rôle linguistique de réunir l’expression de ces deux événements afin de conférer à l’énoncé une interprétation causale (Hamon 2006: 49-52). L’arabe de Tripoli est la variété d’arabe libyen la plus documentée, mais les travaux descriptifs précédents (principalement Stumme 1898, Trombetti 1912, Griffini 1913, Cesàro 1939) insistent beaucoup plus sur la phonétique, la morphologie et le lexique. Bien que les travaux plus récents aient considéré des éléments de syntaxe (notamment Pereira 2010a, Pereira 2010b ainsi que les travaux d'Algryani entre autres), cette dernière reste le parent pauvre de la linguistique arabe et les connecteurs de cause n’y sont abordés que sommairement. Afin de combler un temps soit peu cette lacune, cette étude se propose d’examiner les propriétés syntaxiques de connecteurs de cause employés en arabe de Tripoli. Il s’agit des locutions li’anna et māhu ; de la préposition ‘le, ainsi que des différentes locutions que cette préposition introduit comme ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ, ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt, ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ, ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt ; et des locutions introduites par la préposition b telles que b-ḥukm ainsi que b-sabab. Il s’agit de préciser leur classe grammaticale pour déterminer quel type de complément ces connecteurs peuvent introduire. Il s'agit également de vérifier quelle 108 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA position ces connecteurs peuvent occuper dans la causale et quelles positions la causale peut occuper dans l’énoncé afin d’en préciser les fonctions discursives et pragmatiques. D’un point de vue méthodologique, les analyses se basent sur des énoncés extraits de corpus oraux spontanés recueillis auprès de personnes originaires de Tripoli (Pereira 2008 ; Pereira 2010 ; Benmoftah 2016). De plus, afin de tester l’acception de certaines constructions, des énoncés ont été fabriqués, inspirés des énoncés spontanés ; ces derniers ont été vérifiés auprès de locuteurs natifs. 1. li’anna li’anna est le connecteur causal le plus employé en arabe de Tripoli contemporain. D’un point de vue morphologique, ce connecteur se compose de la préposition li suivie de la conjonction ’anna. On le trouve également sous la forme lyanna. Il s’agit d’une locution conjonctionnelle, qui introduit une proposition subordonnée. Selon les cas, li’anna peut s’employer seul ou avec un pronom suffixe. 1.1. li’anna employé seul Il faut réunir deux conditions pour qu’on ne puisse pas suffixer de pronom à li’anna : lorsque le sujet de la proposition causale est énoncé sous la forme d’un groupe nominal et lorsque le sujet de la proposition principale est différent de celui de la causale (1) : (1) mā-gdart-š nži li’anna ḫū-y ‘aṭṭǝl. NEG-j’ai pu-NEG je viens CAUS frère-mon il a pris du retard « Je n’ai pas pu venir parce que mon frère a pris du retard. » De plus, on ne suffixe pas de pronom à li’anna lorsque le sujet de la causale est à la troisième personne du singulier ou du pluriel (2 et 3) : (2) mšǝt l-tūnǝs li’anna tǝbbi tsāyǝr bū-ha l-ǝl-klīnika. elle est allée à-Tunis CAUS elle veut elle accompagne père-son à-la-clinique « Elle est allé à Tunis parce qu’elle voulait accompagner son père à la clinique. » (3) šru šǝgga kbīra li’anna yǝbbu ils ont acheté appartement grande CAUS ils veulent « Ils ont acheté un grand appartement hālba beaucoup ṣġāṛ. petits Lorsque le sujet de la causale fait référence au sujet (2, 3 et 4) ou au complément d’objet (5) de la principale, il n’est pas nécessaire de topicaliser le sujet de la causale : (4) ṭla‘ m‘a bǝnt-a li’anna ḥāss ṛūḥ-a mǝš kwayyǝs. il est sorti avec fille-sa CAUS sentant.M âme-son NEG bon « Il est sorti avec sa fille parce qu’il ne se sentait pas bien. » (5) ṭla‘ m‘a bǝnt-a li’anna ḥāssa ṛūḥ-ha il est sorti avec fille-sa CAUS sentant.F âme-son « Il est sorti avec sa fille parce qu’elle ne se sentait pas bien. » mǝš NEG kwayysa. bonne En revanche, lorsque le sujet de la causale n’a pas été exprimé dans la principale (comme sujet ou comme objet), il faut obligatoirement l’évoquer dans la causale au moyen d’un groupe nominal (1) ou d’un pronom personnel indépendant (6) : (6) šre šǝgga kbīra li’anna hīya tǝbbi hālba ṣġāṛ. ils ont acheté appartement grande CAUS elle elle veut beaucoup petits « Ils ont acheté un grand appartement parce qu'elle, elle veut beaucoup d'enfants. » Enfin, si le sujet de la causale est à la même personne que le sujet et l’objet de la principale, on a deux cas de figure, afin d’éviter toute ambigüité : si le sujet de la causale est celui de la principale, on 109 DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) n’est pas obligé de le rappeler sous la forme d’un groupe nominal ou d’un pronom personnel indépendant (7). (7) ṭul‘ǝt m‘a bǝnt-a li’anna ḥāssa ṛūḥ-ha mǝš kwayysa. elle est sortie avec fille-sa CAUS sentant.F âme-son NEG bonne « Il est sorti avec sa fille parce qu’elle ne se sentait pas bien. » Par contre, si le sujet de la causale est le complément d’objet de la principale, on est alors obligé de le rappeler sous la forme d’un groupe nominal dans la causale pour qu’on comprenne bien que c’est le complément d’objet de la principale qui est le sujet de la causale (8) : (8) ṭul‘ǝt m‘a bǝnt-a li’anna bǝnt-ha ḥāssa ṛūḥ-ha mǝš kwayysa. elle est sortie avec fille-sa CAUS fille-sa sentant.F âme-son NEG bonne « Il est sorti avec sa fille parce qu’elle ne se sentait pas bien. » 1.1.1. li’anna en position canonique li’anna peut occuper différentes positions dans les énoncés : une position canonique et des positions noncanoniques, où l’ordre des mots est inversé. On parle de position canonique, lorsque la causale suit la proposition principale. C’est le cas dans tous les énoncés précédents, ainsi que dans l’exemple (9) : (9) mā-ya‘žǝb-nī-š ’awwǝl sǝbtǝmbǝṛ li’anna ’awwǝl sǝbtǝmbǝṛ zaḥma hālba. NEG-il plaît-me-NEG premier septembre CAUS premier septembre foule beaucoup « Je n’aime pas la Rue du Premier Septembre parce que la Rue du Premier Septembre est trop fréquentée. » Contrairement aux énoncés précédents (1-8) où les propositions sont des phrases verbales, c’està-dire où les propositions s’organisent autour d’un prédicat verbal, la causale de l’énoncé (9) est une phrase non-verbale qui s’organise autour d’un prédicat nominal. On note ainsi que li’anna peut introduire des causales sans verbe et s’organiser également autour d’un prédicat prépositionnel (10 et 11) et d’un prédicat adverbial (12) : (10) twajjaht l-ǝl-handasa li’anna fī-ha kalkolēšǝn. je me suis dirigé à-la-ingénierie CAUS dans-elle calcul « Je me suis orientée vers l’ingénierie parce qu’elle comprend du calcul. » (11) bāt fi ḥōš-na li’anna ‘ǝnd-na dāṛ fāḍya. il a passé la nuit dans maison-notre CAUS chez-nous pièce vide « Il a passé la nuit chez nous parce que nous avons une chambre disponible. » (12) mā-wattā-š ṛūḥ-a li’anna māzāl NEG-il s’est préparé-NEG âme-son CAUS encore « Il ne s'est pas préparé parce qu'il est encore tôt. » bakri. tôt 1.1.2. li’anna en position non-canonique Par ailleurs, on parle de position non-canonique lorsque l’ordre des propositions est inversé, lorsque la causale précède la principale ; l’énoncé commence alors par li’anna (13) : (13) li’anna nǝtṛazzǝn, ‘ṛǝfti, ānē mā-nḥǝbb-ǝš nākǝl f-ǝl-lēl ǝṃṃāḫǝṛ. CAUS je deviens lourde tu sais moi NEG-j’aime-NEG je mange dans-la-nuit tard « C’est parce que je me sens lourde, tu sais, que moi je n’aime pas manger tard le soir. » Enfin, on parle également de position non-canonique lorsque la causale n’est pas introduite par li’anna ; ce dernier apparaît en fin de causale et clôture l’énoncé (14-15) : 110 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA (14) - mǝt’akkda l-ōfīs ǝlli ‘ǝnd-ǝk ālfēn w ḥḍāš ? sûre l’Office REL chez-toi deux mille et onze - mtā‘-i ālfēn w ḥḍāš ; šuft ǝl-bāku li’anna ! de-moi deux mille et onze j’ai vu le-paquet CAUS « - Tu es sûre que l’Office que tu as c’est (la version) 2011 ? » « - Le mien, c’est 2011 ; c'est (parce) que j’ai regardé (j’ai vérifié sur) le paquet ! » (15) - na‘ṭī-k klinǝks ? je donne-te kleenex - īda mumkǝn ; nsēt nžīb li’anna ! si possible j’ai oublié j’apporte CAUS « - Je te donne un kleenex ? » « - Si c’est possible ; c'est (parce) que j’ai oublié d’en apporter ! » 1.2. li’anna et pronom suffixe On suffixe un pronom à li’anna lorsque le sujet de la causale n’est pas à la troisième personne comme cela a été indiqué précédemment et lorsque le sujet de la causale n’est pas mentionné sous la forme d’un syntagme nominal. Dans l’exemple (16), le pronom suffixé à li’anna est cataphorique et annonce le sujet de la causale qui le suit. (16) ǝl-maṣrīya ‘ǝnd-i tǝlqā’īya li’ann-ni tṛabbēt fi ḥōš maṣri. le-égyptien chez-moi automatique CAUS-moi j’ai été élevé dans maison égyptie « L’égyptien, chez moi est spontané parce que j’ai été élevé dans une maison (famille) égyptienne. » De plus, le pronom suffixé à li’anna peut être suivi d’un pronom personnel indépendant qui permet de focaliser le sujet de la causale (17) : (17) ǝt-tīlīfɔ̄n ygǝṣṣ mǝn mbakri li’ann-ǝk ǝnti tǝstǝnni fi l-qiṭāṛ ! le-téléphone il coupe depuis récemment CAUS-toi toi tu attends dans le train « Le téléphone n’arrête pas de couper parce que, toi, tu attends le train ! (ce n’est pas de ma faute ; c’est parce que tu es sur le quai de la gare et qu’il y a des interférence) » Lorsque le sujet de la proposition principale est le même que celui de la causale, le pronom suffixé à li’anna est à la fois anaphorique et cataphorique. Il rappelle en effet le sujet de la proposition principale et annonce celui de la causale (18) : (18) āne mā-nḥǝbb-š ḥadd yaṭla‘ m‘ā-y li’ann-ni nta‘‘ǝb f-ǝn-nās. moi NEG-j’aime-NEG quelqu’un il sort avec-moi CAUS-moi je fatigue dans-les-gens « Moi, je n’aime pas que quelqu’un sorte avec moi, parce que je fatigue les gens. » 2. māhu māhu n’a été mentionné, pour l’arabe libyen, que par Hans Stumme, mais en tant que forme interronégative avec un sens se rapprochant de « n’est-ce pas ? » (Stumme 1898: 27, 56, 283, 314). Il s’agit ici d’un emploi de ma en tant que particule de corroboration à laquelle on suffixe le pronom de la troisième personne du masculin singulier hu ; māhu a donc un premier emploi de type interrogatif corroboratif. On le retrouve dans l’arabe de Tripoli contemporain, comme dans l’exemple (19) : (19) klē žīlāṭi māhu ? il a mangé glaces n’est-ce pas ? « Il a mangé des glaces n’est-ce pas ? » 111 DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) Par ailleurs, en arabe de Tripoli contemporain, māhu possède un homonyme. Ce dernier y est employé comme connecteur de cause. Il peut occuper différentes positions dans la causale. Diachroniquement, māhu procèderait de la conjonction ma à laquelle on a suffixé le pronom hu. Dans l’arabe de Tripoli contemporain, il s’agit d’une forme grammaticalisée, donc figée et invariable – contrairement à ce qu’il se passe ailleurs, notamment en Tunisie, où le pronom suffixé à ma varie en genre et en nombre (Marçais & Guîga 1960: 3769 ; Ritt-Benmimoun 2014: 67-68). Comme li’anna, māhu est un mot grammatical, une locution conjonctionnelle, qui introduit des propositions subordonnées. 2.1. māhu en position canonique māhu peut introduire une causale organisée autour d’un prédicat verbal (20) ou non-verbal (21-22) : (20) mā-kallǝmt-ǝk-š māhu mā-lgēt-š wagǝt. NEG-j’ai appelé-toi-NEG CAUS NEG-j’ai trouvé-NEG temps. « Je ne t’ai pas appelé parce que je n’ai pas trouvé le temps. » (21) mā-nǝgdǝr-š nǝt‘ašša m‘ā-kum māhu ‘ǝnd-i NEG-je peux-NEG je dîne avec-vous CAUS chez-moi « Je ne pourrai pas dîner avec vous parce que j’ai à faire. » ma REL ndīr. je fais (22) ǝl-kwāšīk nḍǝṛbu māhu baḥda n-nāṛ. les-cuillères elles ont été frappées CAUS à côté de le-feu « Les cuillères sont abîmées (brûlées) parce qu’elles étaient à côté du feu. » Cependant, māhu ne peut pas introduire une causale constituée uniquement d’un syntagme nominal. Aussi, māhu n’accepte pas de suffixe. 2.2. māhu en position non-canonique māhu peut également occuper une position non-canonique. Comme li’anna, il peut apparaître en fin de causale et clôturer l’énoncé (23) : (23) mšēt l-ǝl-madṛsa ; ǝn-natīža ṭūl‘ǝt māhu ! je suis allée à-la-école le-résultat elle est sortie CAUS « Je suis allée à l’école ; c’est (parce) que le résultat a été affiché ! » Lorsque māhu se trouve en fin de causale, il est dans la même position que son homonyme interro-négatif (19). C’est l’intonation qui permet de les distinguer (Benmoftah 2016, énoncés 52 et 53). 3. ‘le Contrairement à li’anna et à māhu, ‘le n’introduit pas une proposition, mais un complément circonstanciel de cause. Cette préposition peut être utilisée seule, avec une valeur causale. Elle peut être suivie d’un nom (24) : (24) mǝš ḥā-nǝmši l-bārīs ‘le ḥagg-ǝt-tǝdkṛa. NEG FUT-je vais à-Paris CAUS prix-le-billet « Je n’irai pas à Paris à cause du prix du billet. » Elle peut aussi être suivie d’un pronom suffixe (25) : (25) yǝbki ‘lē-ha. il pleure CAUS-elle « Il pleure à cause d’elle. » 112 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA Devant l’article, on la trouve sous sa forme monoconsonantique (26) : (26) ǝš-šāṛǝ‘, sakkṛū-h ‘-az-zaḥma. la rue ils ont fermé-le CAUSE-la-foule « La rue, ils l’ont fermée à cause de la foule. » On la trouve également sous sa forme monoconsonantique devant le relatif ǝlli qui introduit une relative substantive (27) : (27) t‘aflgu ‘-ǝlli ṣāyǝṛ f-ǝl-blād. ils se sont mis en colère CAUS-REL arrivant dans-le-pays « Ils se sont mis en colère à cause de ce qui se passe dans le pays. » En effet, certains connecteurs introduisent des relatives substantives, qui ont la valeur d’un nom ou d’un groupe nominal. De plus, la préposition ‘le entre dans la construction de plusieurs connecteurs : ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ, ‘lēžuṛṛǝt, ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ, ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt 4. ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ Cette locution est un syntagme prépositionnel composé de la préposition ‘le et du nominal ḫāṭǝṛ « âme, esprit, for intérieur ». ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ s’emploie seul ou muni de pronoms suffixes et peut occuper différentes positions dans les énoncés. En outre, on distingue deux emplois de ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ : un emploi comme locution conjonctionnelle et un emploi comme locution prépositionnelle. 4.1. ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ comme locution conjonctionnelle ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ peut-être grammaticalisée et employée comme locution conjonctionnelle, introduisant ainsi des propositions subordonnées de cause, comme dans l’énoncé (28) où la proposition est organisée autour d’un prédicat verbal : (28) mā-žēt-š ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ ktǝṛ ‘lē-ya š-šuġǝl. NEG-je suis venu-NEG CAUS il a augmenté sur-moi le-travail « Je ne suis pas venu parce mon travail s’est accru. » Dans les énoncés (29) et (30), les propositions sont organisées autour d’un prédicat adjectival : (29) mā-žǝt-š ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ wuld-ha mrīḍ. NEG-elle est venue-NEG CAUS fils-son malade « Elle n’est pas venue parce que son fils est malade. » (30) mǝš lāzǝm nži ġudwa ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ hūwa mǝš gā‘ǝd. NEG nécessaire je viens demain CAUS lui NEG restant « Ce n’est pas nécessaire que je vienne demain parce qu’il ne sera pas là. » En outre, la proposition peut être organisée autour d’un prédicat prépositionnel (31) : (31) twajjaht l-ǝl-handasa ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ fī-ha kalkolēšǝn. je me suis dirigé à-la-ingénierie CAUS dans-elle calcul « Je me suis orientée vers l’ingénierie parce qu’elle comprend du calcul. » Enfin, la proposition peut être organisée autour d’un prédicat adverbial (32) : (32) mā-ḫašš-ǝš ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ māzāl bakri. NEG-il est entré-NEG CAUS encore tôt « Il n’est pas rentré parce qu’il est encore tôt. » DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 113 Dans les énoncés de (28) à (32), ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ est grammaticalisé ; d’un point de vue syntaxique, il fonctionne comme un subordonnant, comme une conjonction, qui introduit une causale et le deuxième élément de ce connecteur, ḫāṭǝṛ, ne se comporte pas comme un nom. De ce fait, on ne peut pas lui suffixer de pronom. 4.2. ‘lē-ḫāṭ(ǝ)ṛ comme locution prépositionnelle En revanche, lorsque ce connecteur n’introduit pas une proposition subordonnée, il a un fonctionnement syntaxique différent : ce qui suit ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ peut être un nom ou un suffixe dans une construction synthétique. Le deuxième élément de ce connecteur, ḫāṭǝṛ, se comporte donc comme un nom : il a une valeur lexicale (33) : (33) mā-yasma‘-š ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ ǝd-dawša. NEG-il éntend-NEG CAUS le-bruit « Il n’entend pas à cause du bruit. » ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ s’emploie aussi devant le relatif ǝlli qui introduit une relative substantive (34) : (34) staġṛbǝt ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ ǝlli šāfāt-a mǝnn-a mā-‘žǝb-hā-š. elle s’est étonnée CAUS REL elle a vu-le de-lui NEG-il a plu-à elle-NEG « Elle s’est étonnée à cause de ce qu’elle a vu (venant) de lui qui ne lui a pas plu. » Cela est également le cas lorsque ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ est suivi d’un pronom suffixe, qui remplace un syntagme nominal, dans une construction synthétique, comme dans les énoncés (35) et (36) : (35) ḫaššēt l-ǝs-skāyb ǝlla ‘lē-ḫāṭṛ-ǝk. je suis entré à-le-skype excepté CAUS-toi « Je ne me suis connectée à Skype que pour (à cause de) toi ». (36) ṭla‘t ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ-ha (ǝs-sīyāṛa). je suis sorti CAUS-elle (la-voiture) « Je suis sorti à cause d’elle (la voiture). » On note à travers les énoncés (33) et (36) que ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ ne s’emploie pas qu’avec des êtres animés en arabe de Tripoli, contrairement à ce qu’il se produit dans d’autres variétés d’arabe. Peut-être s’agit-il d’un premier stade de l’évolution de la forme lexicale vers la forme grammaticale ? 4.3. ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ en position non-canonique ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ peut occuper différentes positions dans les énoncés, dont des positions non-canoniques. Dans l’énoncé (37), la causale introduite par ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ précède la principale. (37) ‘lē-ḫāṭṛ-ǝk ya Fāṭma sǝyyǝbt ḫū-y yūsǝf. CAUS-toi oh Fatma j’ai négligé frère-mon Youcef « C’est à cause de toi Fatma que j’ai négligé mon frère Youcef. » Dans l’énoncé (38), la causale n’est pas introduite par ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ qui apparaît en fin de proposition et clôture l’énoncé. (38) sǝžžǝlt fi žāmī‘t zwāṛa ; mā-ḥaṣṣalt-š je me suis inscrit dans université Zouara NEG-j’ai obtenu-NEG ǝlla ġādi ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ. excepté là-bas CAUS « Je me suis inscrit à l’Université de Zouara ; c’est (parce) que je n’ai été accepté que là-bas ! » 114 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA Cela n’est possible que lorsque la causale est une proposition et impossible si ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ est suivi d’un nom ou d’un pronom suffixe. 5. ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ comme locutions prépositionnelles ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt alterne avec ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ. Ce dernier connecteur est également un syntagme prépositionnel. Il se compose de la préposition ‘le et du substantif žuṛṛa ou de son pluriel žṛāyǝṛ et introduit des circonstancielles de cause. Le deuxième terme de cette locution se comporte comme un nom et s’emploie toujours comme premier terme d’une annexion ; c’est pour cette raison que le terme žuṛṛa est toujours sous sa forme žuṛṛǝt. Ce connecteur ne peut donc être suivi que d’un nom ou d’un pronom suffixe ; il peut aussi être suivi d’une relative substantive. On le trouve en position canonique et en position non-canonique. 5.1. ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ en position canonique 5.1.1. ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ employées seules En position canonique, ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ suivent la proposition principale et peuvent être suivis d’un nom dans une construction synthétique (39-40) : (39) tūnǝs sakkṛǝt ṛās-ždēr ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt ǝl-hardamīsa lli fi lībya. Tunisie elle a fermé Ras-Jedir CAUS le-chaos REL dans Libye « La Tunisie a fermé (le poste frontalier de) Ras Jedir à cause du chaos qui règne en Libye. » (40) kaššḫǝt ‘lē-h ’umm-a ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ ḫū-h elle a hurlé sur-lui mère-sa CAUS frère-son « Sa mère lui a hurlé dessus à cause de son frère Hmeda. » ḥmēda. Hmeda ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ s’emploient aussi devant une relative substantive introduite par le relatif ǝlli (41 et 42) : (41) nžulṭǝt ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt ǝlli ‘ānāt-ah mǝn hǝmm. elle a fait un AVC CAUS REL elle a enduré-le de soucis « Elle a fait un arrêt vasculaire cérébral à cause des soucis qu’elle s’est faits. » (42) nžǝnnǝt ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ ǝlli ṣār elle est devenue folle CAUS REL il est arrivé « Elle est devenue folle à cause de ce qui est arrivé à son fils. » li à wuld-ha. fils-son 5.1.2. ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ et suffixes En position canonique, ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ peuvent aussi être suivis d’un pronom suffixe dans une construction synthétique (43-44) : (43) klē ṭṛanga ‘lē-žuṛṛt-i anē ! il a mangé engueulade CAUS-moi moi « Il s’est fait engueuler à cause de moi ! » (44) ǝḍ-ḍēy yuhṛub ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ-hum ǝž-žyǝf ! la-lumière il s’enfuit CAUS-eux les pourris « Il y a des coupures de courant à cause d'eux, les pourris ! » 115 DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 5.2. ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ en position non-canonique On trouve également ce connecteur en position non-canonique suivi d’un nom (45) ou d’un pronom suffixe (46) : (45) ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt ṣġāṛ-a yǝžri ṭūl ǝn-nhāṛ bāš CAUS petits-ses il court longueur la-journée pour que ylaggǝṭ gṛēšāt ‘lē ‘umṛ-ah. il ramasse petits sous sur vie-sa « C’est à cause de ses enfants qu’il court toute la journée pour ramasser des sous pour vivre. » (46) ‘lē-žrāyǝṛ-hum ǝl-maw‘ǝd fāt. CAUS-eux le-rendez-vous il est passé « C’est à cause d’eux qu’on a raté le rendez-vous. » 6. ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt comme locutions prépositionnelles Comme le connecteur précédent, ‘lē-‘yūn et sa variante ‘lē-‘wēnāt sont des syntagmes prépositionnels : ils se composent de la préposition ‘le et du substantif ‘yūn ou de son diminutif pluriel ‘wēnāt. Comme le connecteur précédent, ils introduisent des circonstancielles de cause. Le deuxième terme de ces locutions a une valeur lexicale et s’emploie toujours comme premier terme d’une annexion dont le deuxième terme fait toujours référence à un humain. On les trouve en position canonique et en position non-canonique. 6.1. ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt en position canonique En position canonique, ils peuvent être suivis d’un nom (47) ou d’un pronom suffixe (48) : (47) sāmaḥt-ǝk ‘lē-‘yūn l-ūlād. j’ai pardonné-te CAUS les-garçons « Je t’ai pardonné à cause des garçons. » (48) sāmḥāt-ǝk bǝss ‘lē-‘yūn-ah. elle a pardonné-te seulement CAUS-lui « Elle ne t’a pardonné qu'à cause de lui. » En revanche, ces connecteurs ne peuvent pas être suivis d’une relative substantive introduite par ǝlli. 6.2. ‘lē-‘yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt en position non-canonique On trouve également ‘lē-‘yūn et sa variante ‘lē-‘wēnāt en position non-canonique (49-50) : (49) ‘lē-‘yūn ǝž-žīṛān mā-bēt-š nṣayyaḥ ṛāhu. CAUS les-voisins NEG-j’ai voulu-NEG je crie FOC « C’est à cause des voisins que je n’ai pas voulu crier. » (50) ‘lē-‘wēnāt ḫūt-ha mā-ḥarrǝšt-š fī-ha CAUS frères-ses NEG-j’ai cafté-NEG dans-elle « A cause de ses frères, je ne l’ai pas caftée à sa mère. » ’umm-ha. mère-sa 116 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA 7. b-ḥukm b-ḥukm est un syntagme prépositionnel composé de la préposition b et du nominal ḥukm. On le trouve également en position canonique et en position non-canonique. Comme pour ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ, on distingue deux emplois de b-ḥukm : un emploi comme locution conjonctionnelle et un emploi comme locution prépositionnelle. De plus, b-ḥukm n’accepte jamais de suffixe. 7.1. b-ḥukm comme locution conjonctionnelle En tant que locution conjonctionnelle, b-ḥukm introduit des propositions organisées autour d’un prédicat non-verbal (51) : (51) ḫāl-i, dīma nǝmšū-l-ah b-ḥukm ḥnē ṣ-ṣġayyrīn. oncle-mon toujours nous allons-à-lui CAUS nous les-tous petits « Mon oncle (maternel), c’est toujours nous qui lui rendons visite, parce que nous sommes les plus jeunes. » Il introduit également des propositions organisées autour d’un prédicat verbal (52) : (52) msaḥt ǝt-ta‘līq b-ḥukm mā-‘žab-nī-š. j’ai effacé le-commentaire CAUS NEG-il a plus-me-NEG « J’ai effacé le commentaire parce qu’il ne m’a pas plu. » Ainsi, on note que b-ḥukm est grammaticalisé lorsqu’il introduit une proposition. 7.2. b-ḥukm comme locution prépositionnelle En revanche, lorsqu’il introduit une causale constituée uniquement d’un syntagme nominal, il est employé comme locution prépositionnelle, où le deuxième terme a une valeur lexicale ; ce dernier s’emploie en effet dans une construction synthétique, où il constitue le premier terme de l’annexion (53) : (53) ǝl- mōta kǝtṛǝt fi lībya b-ḥukm ǝs-slāḥ ǝl-mǝtšarta‘. la-mort elle a augmenté dans Libye CAUS les-armes le-dispersé « Le nombre de morts a augmenté en Libye à cause des armes (qui ont été) dispersées. » On trouve aussi b-ḥukm en position non-canonique (54). (54) b-ḥukm ǝl-’uḫuwwa ǝd-dǝmm mā-yṣīr-š ǝṃṃāya. CAUS la-fraternité le-sang NEG-il devient-NEG eau « C’est à cause de la fraternité que le sang ne deviendra pas de l’eau ». 8. b-sabab et b-sbǝb(b) Ce connecteur est également un syntagme prépositionnel composé de la préposition b et du nominal sabab. On le trouve également sous la forme sbǝb(b). Le deuxième terme de cette locution s’emploie toujours comme premier terme d’une annexion. Elle ne peut donc être suivie que d’un nom ou d’un pronom suffixe. DES CONNECTEURS DE CAUSE EN ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 117 8.1. b-sabab et b-sbǝb(b) en position canonique Dans les énoncés (55) et (56), le connecteur b-sabab suit la proposition principale et n’introduit que des causales organisées autour d’un prédicat nominal ou pronominal : (55) l-žoww sḫūn b-sabab ǝl-iḥtibās ǝl-ḥaṛāṛi. la-ambiance chaud CAUS le-enfermement le-thermique « Il fait chaud à cause de l’effet de serre. » (56) ḫaššēt l-ǝs-skāyb ǝlla b-sabab-ǝk ! je suis entré à-le-skype excepté CAUS-toi « Je ne me suis connectée à Skype à cause de toi ! » Aussi, b-sabab s’emploie devant une relative substantive introduite par le relatif ǝlli (57) : (57) tkǝnṭa b-sabab ǝlli sām‘-a ‘le l-fawḍa ǝlli fi lībya. il s’est énervé CAUS REL entendant-le sur le-désordre REL dans Libye « Il s’est énervé à cause de ce qu’il a entendu à propos du désordre qui (règne) en Libye. » 8.2. b-sabab et b-sbǝb(b) en position non-canonique On trouve également ce connecteur en position non-canonique (58) : (58) b-sbǝbb-i āne dār ḥādǝt. CAUS-moi moi il a fait accident « C’est à cause de moi qu’il a eu un accident. » Les connecteurs b-sabab et b-sbǝb(b) ne peuvent jamais introduire une causale qui s’organise autour d’un prédicat verbal ou prépositionnel. Conclusion Cette étude a permis de déterminer avec précision l'emploi de huit connecteurs de cause employés en arabe de Tripoli. D’un point de vue morpho-syntaxique, il est important de distinguer les locutions conjonctionnelles des locutions prépositionnelles. En effet, alors que les premières introduisent des propositions subordonnées, les secondes introduisent des compléments circonstanciels. Parmi les connecteurs introduisant un complément circonstanciel de cause, on trouve la préposition ‘le qui peut être suivie d’un nom, d’un pronom suffixe ou d’une relative substantive. On trouve également les locutions prépositionnelles suivantes : ‘lē-žuṛṛǝt et ‘lē-žṛāyǝṛ qui sont employées comme premier élément d’une construction synthétique, suivies d’un nom, d’un suffixe ou d’une relative substantive ; on relève en outre ‘lē-’yūn et ‘lē-‘wēnāt qui sont employés comme premier élément d’une construction synthétique, qui ne peuvent être suivies que d’un nom ou d’un pronom suffixe faisant référence à des animés, mais jamais d’une relative substantive. De même, b-sabab s’emploie comme premier élément d’une construction synthétique et peut être suivi d’un nom ou d’un suffixe, mais jamais d’une relative substantive. Toutes ces locutions prépositionnelles ne sont pas grammaticalisées et leur deuxième terme s’emploie avec une valeur lexicale comme premier terme d’une annexion. Parmi les connecteurs introduisant une proposition subordonnée de cause, on trouve la conjonction li’anna et la conjonction māhu. Il s’agit de connecteurs grammaticalisés : māhu est en effet une forme figée et invariable à laquelle il n’est pas possible de suffixer les pronoms aux autres personnes, comme on le trouve dans des parlers arabes de Tunisie. Puis, on trouve les syntagmes prépositionnels ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ et b-ḥukm pour lesquels il faut distinguer les emplois où ils ont une valeur lexicale des emplois où ils ont une valeur grammaticale : ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ 118 NAJAH BENMOFTAH; CHRISTOPHE PEREIRA peut d’une part être utilisée comme locution prépositionnelle et introduire un complément circonstanciel, et il peut être suivi d’un nom, d’un suffixe ou d’une relative substantive ; ‘lē-ḫāṭǝṛ peut d’autre part être grammaticalisé et usité comme locution conjonctionnelle et introduire une proposition subordonnée. De même, b-ḥukm peut d’une part être utilisé comme locution prépositionnelle et introduire un complément circonstanciel, mais il ne peut être suivi que d’un nom et jamais d’un suffixe ou d’une relative substantive ; b-ḥukm peut d’autre part être grammaticalisé et être utilisé comme locution conjonctionnelle et introduire une proposition subordonnée. Enfin, on trouve les connecteurs de cause et les causales en position non canonique. Il existe deux cas de figure. Soit l’énoncé commence par la causale qui est introduite par un connecteur de cause et la causale est suivie par la proposition principale (46, 49 et 58). Soit l’énoncé commence par la proposition principale, qui est suivie par la causale, mais la causale n’est pas introduite par un connecteur de cause ; ce dernier se trouve en fin de causale et clôture ainsi l’énoncé (14, 23 et 38). D’un point de vue pragmatique, la modification de l’ordre des constituants, lorsque les connecteurs et les causales ne sont pas en position canonique, permet de focaliser la causale. Références Algryani, Ali. 2012. The syntax of ellipsis in Libyan Arabic : a generative analysis of sluicing, VP ellipsis, stripping and negative contrast. Thèse de doctorat. Newcastle: Newcastle University. Benmoftah, Najah. 2016. Des ligateurs de cause : étude contrastive entre le français parlé parisien et l'arabe parlé à Tripoli (Libye). Propriétés syntaxiques et fonctionnement pragmatico-discursif. Thèse de doctorat. Paris: Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3. Cesàro, Antonio. 1939. L’arabo parlato a Tripoli. Milan: Mondadori. Griffini, Eugenio. 1913. L’arabo parlato della Libia. Milan: Ulrico Hoepli. Hamon, Sophie. 2006. « La cause linguistique », Linx. Revue des linguistes de l’Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense 54. Nanterre: Département de Sciences du langage, Université Paris Ouest. Marçais, William & Guîga, Abderrahmân. 1960. Textes arabes de Takroûna, II. Glossaire. 7. Paris: Geuthner. Pereira, Christophe. 2008. Le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye) : phonologie, morphosyntaxe et catégories grammaticales. Thèse de doctorat. Paris: INALCO. Pereira, Christophe. 2010a. Le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye). Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. Pereira, Christophe. 2010b. « Les mots de la sexualité dans l’arabe de Tripoli (Libye) : désémantisation, grammaticalisation et innovations linguistiques », Beaumont, Valérie, Cauvin Verner, Corinne & Pouillon, François (eds.), L’Année du Maghreb VI. Dossier : Sexualités au Maghreb : Essais d’ethnographie contemporaines. Paris: CNRS Editions. 117140. Rey-Debove, Josette. 2004. Le Robert Brio. Analyse des mots et régularités du lexique. Paris: Dictionnaires Le Robert. Ritt-Benmimoun, Veronika. 2014. Grammatik des arabischen Beduinendialekts der Region Douz (Sudtunesien). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Stumme, Hans. 1898. Märchen und Gedichte aus der Stadt Tripolis in Nordafrika. Leipzig: Heinrich'sche Buchhandlung. Taine-Cheikh, Catherine. 2008. « De l'expression de la cause et de la causalité dans l’arabe de Mauritanie », Procházka, Stephan & Ritt-Benmimoun, Veronika (eds.), Between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Studies on Contemporary Arabic Dialects. Proceedings of the 7th AIDA Conference, held in Vienna from 5-9 September 2006. Wien: Institut für Orientalistik der Universität Wien. 423-436. Trombetti A. 1912. Manuale dell’arabo parlato a Tripoli. Bologna: L. Beltrami. OPERATIONNALISATION DU PARADIGME DE LA DIVERSITE AU MAROC : VERS UNE TERRITORIALISATION LINGUISTIQUE ET CULTURELLE SAID BENNIS Université Mohammed V – Rabat Résumé: Le principe général de l’approche adoptée dans ce papier pour envisager l’articulation entre diversité et régionalisation avancée au Maroc stipule que le spécifique, le local et le régional n’éludent pas le caractère national. Il s’agit d’une diversité à substrat de métissage. Au Maroc, l’articulation de la régionalisation avancée au paradigme de la diversité semble absente et laisse prévoir une relégation des spécificités humaines, culturelles et linguistiques à un rang inférieur car la régionalisation avancée a été conçue dans une perspective fonctionnelle, administrative et économique instituant 12 régions sans prendre en considération les identités linguistiques et culturelles des territoires marocains. C’est pourquoi, la gestion de la diversité culturelle et de la pluralité linguistique au Maroc peut être opérée à partir d’une conception duelle de la régionalisation avancée reconnaissant une dimension linguistique et culturelle et une autre administrative et économique. Cet aménagement peut être opérationnalisé à partir du principe de territorialisation linguistique, lequel principe a pour avantage de circonscrire les contours et les limites des régions à partir des caractéristiques linguistiques et culturelles du territoire. Les éléments essentiels du découpage régional étant la langue et la culture. De ce point de vue, le principe de territorialisation linguistique apparaît le plus à même de répondre aux fins posées par la constitution de 2011. Mots-clés : Territorialisation culturelle, régionalisation avancée, constitution marocaine de 2011, diversité culturelle, pluralité linguistique, aménagement linguistique, division régionale, découpage territoriale. Introduction Le concept de diversité proposé vise à appréhender les spécificités culturelles et la variation linguistique dans leur rapport à la politique de gestion et d’aménagement de la pluralité et de la diversité au Maroc. L’acception d’un tel concept diffère dans son essence de celui adopté pour d’autres pays de la région et qui renvoie à deux composantes essentielles que sont la langue et la religion (Haydar, 2012 : 9 et Hassan, 2012 : 4, entre autres). Dans cette perspective, la pluralité linguistique et la diversité culturelle sont considérées comme les marques saillantes de l’identité culturelle et sociale et partant représentent ce qu’on nomme communément « soft power » (Morcos et Fawzi, 2012 :1), pouvoirs fondés sur un capital social partagé récusant toute forme d’exclusion et de marginalisation. Il faut signaler que la nature de la diversité au Maroc est sous-tendue par une dialectique axée sur les spécificités linguistiques même si certains aspects de la diversité ethnique peuvent transparaître en surface. Toutefois, dans la majorité des cas, la diversité culturelle et la pluralité linguistique constituent les fondements de la diversité ethnique d’autant plus que l’identité ethnique se compose de l’ensemble des caractéristiques communes (Vovou et Koukoutsaki-Monnier, 2007 : 4) au même groupement humain et qui le distinguent des autres groupements et qui lui confèrent son unicité et son identification. La question de l’opérationnalisation du paradigme de la diversité au Maroc sera abordée à partir de sa mise en relation avec la régionalisation avancée en élaborant une transition vers une territorialisation linguistique et culturelle. Cette transition s’appuie sur une division régionale et un découpage territorial basés sur les spécificités culturelles et les variétés linguistiques amazighes et arabes régionales. Les motivations directes d’une telle proposition étant (i) les nouvelles prédispositions en matière de langue et de culture contenues dans la constitution de 2011, (ii) la reconnaissance de la constitution de 2011 du sous-composant culturel et linguistique régional Hassane, 120 SAID BENNIS (iii) les initiatives de l’institution royale et (iv) la compétitivité des spécificités culturelles et linguistiques relativement au marché linguistique et culturel marocain. Suivant ces dernières donnes, les différentes expressions linguistiques et culturelles locales et régionales peuvent être inscrites dans un découpage préconisant des frontières spatiales et territoriales conçues conformément aux spécificités culturelles et aux variétés linguistiques dominantes. Dans cette perspective, il semble pertinent de se poser les questions suivantes pour répondre aux enjeux de la politique de gestion et de gouvernance linguistique dans le cadre du nouvel environnement institué pour le paradigme de la diversité et de la pluralité : - Quelle est la place du composant culturel et linguistique dans le cadre de la régionalisation avancée ? - Dans quelles mesures la régionalisation avancée aura-t-elle un impact sur l’espace culturel et linguistique marocain ? - Quel serait le devenir des contenus culturels et linguistiques locaux (enseignement, médias, …) après l’avènement de la régionalisation avancée ? - A quels égards le découpage régional attendu pourra –t-il satisfaire les besoins linguistiques et culturelles des individus et des groupes ? - Est-ce que la régionalisation avancée constituera –t-elle un tournant dans la transition du modèle de l’Etat centralisateur vers celui de l’Etat partageant les biens symboliques et matériels avec les régions ? - Dans quelles mesures la régionalisation avancée portera –t- elle le Maroc de la logique de l’homogénéisation vers celle de l’hétérogénéisation linguistique et culturelle ? Pour répondre à ces questions, il sera procédé tout d’abord à une présentation du paradigme référentiel de la diversité pour ensuite débattre des prédispositions et du cadrage constitutionnels afférent à l’articulation entre diversité culturelle, pluralité linguistique et régionalisation avancée et enfin suggérer et exposer les scénarios relatifs à la conjoncture de la diversité culturelle et de la pluralité linguistique de l’après constitution 2011. Paradigme référentiel Le principe général sous-tendant l’approche adoptée pour envisager l’articulation entre diversité et régionalisation avancée stipule que le spécifique, le local, le régional n’éludent pas le caractère national. De ce fait, l’hypothèse du conflit ethnique ne s’applique pas au cas marocain comme pour les cas iranien, turque ou pakistanais (Dorronsoro et Grojean 2015 : 30) puisque au Maroc il s’agit de diversité à substrat de métissage. Il semble aussi judicieux de reconnaître que dans plusieurs cas ( espagnol « Basque », canadien « Québec », français « Bretagne », ou belge « Flandre »), la logique de la diversité a été promulguée pour contrecarrer les élans de « séparatisme » et de conflits identitaires. C’est pourquoi, il paraît primordial de redéfinir et de revisiter les acceptions des concepts de diversité et de pluralité relativement aux processus d’interaction humaine et sociale. La pluralité linguistique est un concept qui s’inscrit dans une approche quantitative déterminant le nombre des langues ou des variétés linguistiques pratiquées dans un territoire donné. A cet égard, la pluralité est décrite suivant deux dimensions différentes. La première opère au sein de la même langue et dénommée « pluralité parfaite » (Mutsaers et Swanenberg, 2012 : 46) ; l’arabe au Maroc reconnaît une pluralité interne composée de cinq variétés régionales: 3roubi, Jebli, Mdini, 3ribi et Hassane alors que l’amazigh s’appuie sur une pluralité à trois pôles régionaux : le tachelhite au sud, le tamazighte au centre et le tarifit au nord. La seconde dimension de la pluralité linguistique se rapporte aux différentes langues (locales et étrangères) qui interagissent et qui sont en contact sur le territoire marocain : l’amazigh, l’arabe, le français, l’espagnol, l’anglais ainsi que d’autres langues étrangères (Boukous, 2012 : 14-15). La diversité culturelle, quant à elle, se présente comme un concept dont la signification profonde est intimement liée au spectre qualitatif des phénomènes culturels en question. A cet égard, le même modèle ou canevas culturel est reproduit à travers diverses « réalisations » et « accommodations » OPERATIONNALISATION DU PARADIGME DE LA DIVERSITE AU MAROC : VERS UNE TERRITORIALISATION LINGUISTIQUE ET CULTURELLE 121 parsemant le territoire marocain. Ce qui peut être illustré par les différentes manières de préparer le couscous, ou la multiplicité de confections de la jellaba marocaine, la pléthore de manières de préparer le thé, le répertoire varié de ce qu’on désigne communément par chanson « chaabi » ou chanson populaire, … Partant, la diversité culturelle ne dépend pas du nombre de manifestations du modèle culturel en question mais elle est fonction de son essence et des modes de sa réalisation. Par ailleurs, au Maroc, l’articulation de la régionalisation avancée au paradigme de la diversité semble absente et laisse prévoir une relégation des spécificités humaines, culturelles et linguistiques à un rang inférieur car la régionalisation avancée a été conçue dans une perspective administrative et économique instituant 12 régions sans prendre en considération les identités linguistiques et culturelles des territoires marocains. En effet, dans les contextes du pluralisme linguistique et de la diversité culturelle, la promotion des droits linguistiques et culturels est intimement liée à deux dimensions: une dimension symbolique s’élaborant de facto, in vivo dans la pratique quotidienne des individus et une dimension identitaire s’opérant in vitro (Calvet 1997 : 179-180) de manière institutionnelle ou constitutionnelle à travers des politiques culturelles (Touzani 2003 : 55) et des aménagements linguistiques appropriés pour une revitalisation des langues en question (Boukous 2009 : 22-23) . Les enjeux symboliques sont portés par les individus et les acteurs de la société civile (Courbage et Todd 2007 et Bennis 2011a : 83) Associations de défense de droits humains, Association de défense des langues maternelles et nationales, Mouvement amazigh, Défenseurs des langues étrangères, défenseurs des langues officielles …). Les enjeux identitaires se rapportent aux acteurs institutionnels notamment le ministère de l’éducation, le ministère de la culture, les Académies de langues (l’Institut des Etudes et de Recherches sur l’Arabisation (IERA) et l’Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe (IRCAM)). Dans un domaine aussi important que le rapport entre territoire, langue, culture et vie sociale, l’Etat semble avoir le pouvoir et les moyens de passer au stade de la planification, de mettre en pratique ses choix politiques (instrumentalisation et statuts des langues). La tâche consiste à adopter des mesures pour aménager la diversité des langues et des cultures. La gestion se rapporte aussi à la diversité affectant la variation à l’intérieur de la même langue et la même culture. Il a aussi comme objectif premier d’opérer une action sur les langues (la réforme de l’écriture, l’intervention sur le lexique, la standardisation, la codification, la normalisation le choix d’une langue ou des langues nationales /officielles, la récupération et la préservation d’une langue, …). A cet effet, la gestion de la diversité culturelle et de la pluralité linguistique peut être opérée à partir d’une conception duelle de la régionalisation avancée reconnaissant une dimension linguistique et culturelle et une autre administrative et économique. Cet aménagement peut être opérationnalisé à partir du principe de territorialisation culturelle. Ce principe a pour avantage de circonscrire les contours et les limites des régions à partir des caractéristiques linguistiques et culturelles du territoire. L’élément essentiel du découpage régional étant la langue. Le sens du territoire est le produit de la confrontation entre les lieux, entre les discours tenus sur ces lieux et entre les pratiques langagières et linguistiques attribuées à ses lieux (Tsekos 1996 : 28, Bulot 2001 : 7). Dans cette confrontation, la langue du territoire à savoir le topolecte incarne l’image de la langue idéale permettant de nier toute forme d’insécurité linguistique. De ce point de vue, le principe de territorialisation linguistique apparaît le plus à même de répondre aux fins posées par la constitution de 2011. Il s’agit de débattre des hypothèses et des scénarios viables de la posture de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle telles qu’elles sont circonscrites dans la nouvelle constitution et notamment la configuration de la politique culturelle future et les stratégies d’aménagement du plurilinguisme dans le cadre de la régionalisation avancée. Selon les prédispositions de la nouvelle constitution (cf. Corpus de référence : Constitution 2011 « Préambule : Paragraphe 3 : Paragraphe 6, 8ème engagement. Titre I. Dispositions Générales. Article Premier. Paragraphe 2 et Article 5.), la pluralité linguistique et la diversité culturelle sont à envisager à trois niveaux différents :  Officiel (représentativité internationale : dualité arabe et amazigh),  National (territoire marocain : amazighe marocain et arabe marocain),  Régional (Territoire local : jebli, hassane, tarifit, 3roubi, tachelhite, tamazighte, mdini, 3ribi), et  Universel (langues étrangères : français, anglais, espagnol, italien, …). 122 SAID BENNIS Il en résulte un faisceau de types linguistiques comprenant : Langue officielle / Langue nationale / Langue régionale / Langue étrangère. Ces nouvelles dispositions portent le Maroc au rang de pays officiellement bilingues et constitutionnellement plurilingues. Il passe d’un pays monolingue à langue et identité arabe à un pays bilingue à identité métisse. La langue du pays ne dépendra plus, dorénavant, d’une langue ou d’un groupe spécifique mais plutôt de ceux qui vivent sur son territoire (Baggioni 1997 : 189, Bavoux 1997 : 137 et Dawn 2005 : 1499). A cet égard, un bon nombre de questionnements peuvent être évoqués : - Dans quelles mesures les dispositions constitutionnelles et institutionnelles actuelles permettent-elles de couvrir et de satisfaire les composantes du marché linguistique et culturel marocain et de faire prévaloir les orientations stratégiques du pays? - Comment les acteurs institutionnels et sociaux (pouvoirs publiques, société civile et acteurs politiques) conçoivent-ils la langue maternelle et la culture locale dépendamment des questions d’équité sociale et de démocratie politique? - Quelle (s) politique (s) publique (s) adopter en matière de services publiques (enseignement, médias, culture, encadrement administratifs…) pour l’aménagement de la relation entre les aires linguistiques et culturelles et les régions prévues dans le cadre de régionalisation avancée? - Quels sont les mécanismes à concevoir quant à la codification des variétés linguistiques et culturelles régionales et à la normalisation, standardisation de la langue et de la culture officielles amazighes reconnues par la constitution ? Il y a lieu de postuler qu’il y a complémentarité entre aménagement des langues et politique linguistique, autrement les aménagements linguistiques élaborés dans le futur seront l’expression sur terrain de la politique linguistique de l’Etat instituée dans la constitution de 2011 à travers la création du Conseil National des Langues et de la Culture Marocaine contenue dans l’Article 5 mentionné dans les Dispositions Générales de la constitution de 2011. S’agit-il d’asseoir les bases d’une politique de restructuration du paysage linguistique et culturel marocain ? ou d’entamer les aménagements linguistiques et culturels viables pour mettre en pratique les différentes orientations induises par la nouvelle constitution ? Il faut souligner que la stabilité du plurilinguisme et du multiculturalisme ne dépend pas seulement des langues et des cultures en présence mais aussi de facteurs non structuraux comme les moyens économiques et les ressources financières dont dispose l’Etat pour concrétiser la pluralité. Quand un Etat inscrit la pluralité et la diversité dans sa constitution, cela peut participer à la stabilité d’une telle situation, mais n’y contribuera pas obligatoirement (l’exemple de l’Inde). L’Etat reconnaît le plurilinguisme des régions mais ne peut supporter les dépenses nécessaires à la codification et à la normalisation des langues régionales. Il s’avère, alors, essentiel de proposer de nouvelles visions plus ouvertes et dynamiques pour dépasser la conception monolithique des langues et des cultures qui empêche le citoyen, les acteurs institutionnels, les différentes organisations de la société civile d’être traversés par d’autres cultures ou d’autres identités. Il s’agit aussi d’impliquer les régions et les collectivités locales à supporter le droit durable au développement de l’identité spécifique, des cultures et des langues du territoire, et d’enseigner dans les langues maternelles pour faciliter l’accès à la compréhension des concepts et à l’accomplissement affectif et intellectuel des futures générations. Cadrage constitutionnel Le corpus de référence (la Constitution de 2011) présente un bon nombre de tendances et de perspectives à la fois convergentes et divergentes. Dans le Préambule au niveau du Paragraphe 6, 8ème engagement, il est établi de bannir toute discrimination à l’encontre de la culture et de la langue, ce qui s’en suit une confirmation des droits culturels et linguistiques individuels, collectifs et régionaux (droit collectif mais aussi droit de collectif) : « Bannir et combattre toute discrimination à l'encontre de quiconque, en raison du sexe, de la couleur, des croyances, de la culture, de l'origine sociale ou régionale, de la langue, de l'handicap ou de quelque circonstance personnelle que ce soit. ». OPERATIONNALISATION DU PARADIGME DE LA DIVERSITE AU MAROC : VERS UNE TERRITORIALISATION LINGUISTIQUE ET CULTURELLE 123 Comment approfondir alors le débat et le dialogue sur la nouvelle génération des droits linguistiques et culturels, à la lumière des dispositions contenues dans la constitution de 2011, des référentiels nationaux et des conventions internationales ? Dans le paragraphe 2 de l’Article Premier des Dispositions générales du Titre 1, il est énoncé que « L'organisation territoriale du Royaume est décentralisée, fondée sur une régionalisation avancée ». On peut dorénavant postuler que le bilinguisme officiel (Mackey 1997 : 61- 64) sera corollaire d’une pluralité linguistique et d’une diversité régionale territorialement visible et que l’unicité de l’identité nationale sera corollaire d’une pluralité territorialement visible. Cette territorialisation fait référence à une approche écologique de la langue et de la culture. Partant, quelles sont les stratégies à aménager pour promouvoir la pluralité linguistique et la diversité culturelle, compte tenu que le pluralisme est une source de richesse culturelle et économique des territoires et une garantie de la paix sociale et du vivre ensemble ? La teneur de l’ARTICLE 5 est une attestation franche et claire de l’instauration d’un Bilinguisme officiel à travers la réduplication du syntagme « langue officielle de l’état ». Toutefois, cet article se distingue par une volonté de répertorier les termes de référence de la politique linguistique mais aussi de l’aménagement des rapports entre les langues reconnues par la constitution. Ces termes basculent entre « la mise en œuvre », « les modalités d’intégration […] dans la vie publique», « la préservation », « la protection », « la maîtrise des langues étrangères », « la protection et le développement des langues arabe et amazighe et des diverses expressions culturelles marocaines » Il apparaît clairement que l’aménagement linguistique induit un bon nombre d’actions et de mesures de facture écologique telles la codification, la normalisation, la standardisation, la récupération, la préservation, la régionalisation linguistique, la création d’instances et d’unités de gestion des ressources linguistiques chargée de l’application de la politique linguistique (Conseil national des langues et de la culture marocaine). La gestion des rapports entre les langues sera l’expression sur terrain de la politique linguistique de l’Etat instituée dans la constitution de 2011 à travers la création d’une institution de gestion de la pluralité (Conseil national des langues et de la culture marocaine) Toutefois, la gestion in vitro (Calvet, op.cit), l’approche de l’Etat, peut prendre le contre-pied des sentiments linguistiques et culturels des individus (cas de l’amazigh proposé par l’IRCAM ou la chaîne de télévision amazighe, la 8ème). En effet, les linguistes analysent les situations et les langues, les décrivent, font des hypothèses sur l’avenir des situations, des propositions pour régler les problèmes, puis les politiques étudient ces hypothèses et ces propositions, font des choix, les appliquent. La politique linguistique pose donc des problèmes de contrôle démocratique : elle génère un conflit entre l’analyse des situations que fait le pouvoir et celle souvent intuitive des groupements. Le bilinguisme institué par la constitution de 2011 a pour raison d’être la volonté et le désir de permettre à chacun de vivre dans sa langue. Il faut rappeler que la collectivité bilingue n’est pas un ensemble d’individus bilingues. Dans ce cas, on applique soit le principe de territorialité soit le principe de personnalité. Suivant le premier, l’individu se conforme à la langue de son territoire, de son état, de son canton, de sa province, etc. et dans le cadre du second principe, l’Etat se plie à la langue de l’individu, elle répond à ses besoins en identité linguistique. La fédération helvétique est régie par le principe de territorialité (cantons germanophones, francophones, italophones), tandis que la fédération canadienne pratique en servant ses citoyens dans l’une ou l’autre des deux langues officielles : le français ou l’anglais. Pour le cas marocain, l’adoption du principe de territorialisation culturelle et linguistique reposera sur le fait que la gestion du bilinguisme officiel présuppose une action affectant une expression culturelle et une variété linguistique locales à un territoire administratif et économique donné. La langue ou la variété linguistique reconnue pour le territoire constitue l’essence identitaire de la collectivité. Les contours et les limites du territoire sont tracés conformément à la diffusion de la langue ou de la variété de langue en usage. Partant, le principe de territorialisation linguistique fait passer d’un découpage administratif à un découpage linguistique et culturel : d’une région économique et fonctionnelle on se transpose vers une région dont les frontières coïncident et se confondent avec une aire linguistique (Bennis 2011b : 14). 124 SAID BENNIS Scénarios relatifs à la conjoncture linguistique de l’après constitution 2011 Quels sont les scénarios viables de la gestion de la pluralité linguistique du Maroc ? Les scénarios possibles peuvent être de deux natures, techniques et politiques. Les premiers se rapportent à la normalisation de la langue amazighe et la codification des variétés régionales aussi bien arabes qu’amazighes ; les seconds à l’opérationnalisation du paradigme de la diversité au Maroc. Se rapportant à la normalisation de la langue amazighe, le bilinguisme officiel ne concernera plus des formes linguistiques apparentées à des langues maternelles mais il s’applique à des formes linguistiques assumant le rôle de standard. Pour ceci, il s’agit d’accélérer le processus de standardisation et de normalisation de l’amazigh standard. La codification des variétés régionales, quant à elle, consistera en un aménagement dont l’essentiel se basera sur une régionalisation linguistique. Les variétés locales (le tarifit, le hassani, le 3roubi, le tachelhit, le jebli, le tamazight, le bédoui, le mdini ) seront consacrées comme moyen de communication et de travail au sein des institutions régionales. Les scénarios politiques viables conféreront à l’Etat la tâche de promouvoir les langues officielles (arabe standard et amazigh standard), les régions s’occuperont du développement (préservation, qualification et usage) des variétés régionales. L’identité de chacune des régions éventuelles sera déterminée à partir de frontières linguistiques permettant son éclosion et son interaction avec les langues officielles dans un état adoptant la neutralité linguistique. L’arabe standard et l’amazigh standard demeureront les langues officielles, les langues de l’Etat central et les langues de communication entre les différentes régions. Ainsi, dans le cadre de la régionalisation avancée, le territoire de la région administrative et économique au Maroc sera englobé par celui de l’aire d’usage d’une expression culturelle ou d’une variété linguistique donnée. Au lieu d’instituer un découpage en 12 régions, le découpage régional comptera uniquement 8 régions éventuelles (Bennis 2014 : 41) à savoir Région Rif (variété amazighe rifaine), Région Jbala (variété arabe jebli), Région 3roubi (variété arabe 3roubi), Région Bédoui, (variété arabe 3ribi), Région Andalou (variété arabe mdini), Région Tamazighte (variété amazighe tamazighte), Région Tachelhite (variété amazigh tachelhite) et Région Hassane (variété arabe hassania). Cette correspondance entre homogénéité territoriale et spécificités linguistiques et culturelles n’est pas toujours heureuse, le cas de la région andalou constitue un éparpillement territorial (Fès, Rabat, Meknès, Salé, Oujda). Ce type d’aménagement ne pourra aboutir qu’à travers la création d’académies locales, d’instances et d’unités de gestion des ressources linguistiques chargée de l’application de la politique linguistique à l’échelle régionale et la promotion et la qualification des variétés amazighes et arabes régionales. La stabilité du plurilinguisme requerra, par conséquent, des moyens financiers permettant à l’Etat d’opérationnaliser et de gérer l’option de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle. Suivant cette approche, la constitutionnalisation de l’amazigh s’inscrit dans une logique de reconnaissance de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle dans le cadre de l’unité identitaire et dans l’ancrage de l’appartenance à la nation. En conséquence, l’opérationnalisation de l’officialisation de l’amazigh serait une réponse à la revendication de la justice culturelle et d’équité linguistique. De ce point de vue, plusieurs questionnements demeurent en suspens : - Dans quelles mesures les prédispositions constitutionnelles et institutionnelles actuelles permettent-elles de répondre aux composantes de la diversité linguistique et de la pluralité linguistique au Maroc? - Comment les acteurs institutionnels et civils se représentent –ils les langues maternelles et les cultures locales comme des éléments du découpage et de la division territoriaux ? - Comment concevoir des politiques appropriées des services publiques (enseignement, médias, culture, encadrement administratif, …) conduisant à mieux gérer la relation entre les régions linguistiques et culturelles et les régions proposées dans le cadre de la régionalisation avancée ? - Quelles sont les perspectives et les orientations viables pour aménager la pluralité linguistique et la diversité culturelle en vue de garantir la transition démocratique et le respect des droits de l’homme ? OPERATIONNALISATION DU PARADIGME DE LA DIVERSITE AU MAROC : VERS UNE TERRITORIALISATION LINGUISTIQUE ET CULTURELLE 125 Conclusion En définitive, la reconnaissance de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle est fonction de la condition suivant laquelle le régional et le local constituent les fondements de la modernité, de la citoyenneté, de la démocratie et la transition d’une région économique vers une région culturelle fondée sur les spécificités linguistiques, symboliques et historiques. La conception de la langue comme unité de découpage territoriale opèrera à partir du principe d’adjonction de la variété régionale aux langues officielles. A cet effet, le cadre de la régionalisation avancée institué par la constitution de 2011 peut être articulé, dorénavant, sur deux entités parallèles : des entités économiques et administratives et des entités culturelles et linguistiques. Le rapport entre ces deux entités est un rapport d’inclusion. L’entité linguistique et culturelle englobe celle (s) administrative (s) et économique (s). En conséquence, la territorialisation linguistique peut représenter une approche qualitative dans la gestion de la dynamique de la diversité au Maroc: l’intégration locale est la base de l’intégration nationale. C’est pourquoi, l’opérationnalisation de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle dépendra de l’articulation entre institutionnalisation et constitutionnalisation. L’option d’une politique de territorialisation linguistique présente l’avantage de gérer le paradigme de la diversité, de reconnaître les spécificités linguistiques et les expressions culturelles locales et de désamorcer les tensions identitaires et d’intégrer de nouvelles perspectives éducatives : ainsi en plus des deux langues reconnues officiellement, chaque région peut choisir sa variété locale et une langue étrangère conformément à ses aspirations de développement économique et social (Rif : hollandais, Hassane : espagnol, …). Ce qui portera le projet identitaire futur du Maroc du constat de la différence ethnique à la dialectique de la pluralité linguistique et de la diversité culturelle. Cette dernière dialectique est circonscrite et délimitée par le nouvel environnement du paradigme de la diversité et de la pluralité contenu dans la constitution de 2011. Ce qui autorise à se pencher sur les articulations entre régionalisation avancée, dimension identitaire et droits linguistiques et culturels à partir d’un découpage territorial basé sur des indicateurs linguistiques et culturels permettant de gérer, de mieux aménager et de confirmer les différents affluents identitaires marocains dans leur rapport à la pluralité linguistique et à la diversité culturelle. Références Baggioni, D. 1997. « Langue nationale. Langue officielle », M-L Moreau (éd.) Sociolinguistique Concepts de base. Sprimont, Mardaga 218, 189-194. Bavoux, C. 1997. « Régiolecte », M-L Moreau (éd) Sociolinguistique Concepts de base. Sprimont, Mardaga 218, 236-238. Bennis, S. 2011a. « Langues maternelles au Maroc : trajectoires sociales et enjeux politiques », Globalisation and Mother Tongues in Africa, Univ. Mohammed V, Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines-Rabat, Série Colloques et Séminaires n° 66, 83-95. Bennis, S. 2011b. Territoire, région et langues au Maroc. Le cas de la région linguistique du Tadla. Rabat : Edition Lina. Bennis, S. 2014. « ’lwaḍ‘iya lluġawiya bilmaġrib : rihānāt ’idarat ’attanawu‘ », Littérature Maghrébine et Comparée, n° 9, Dossier Pluralité linguistique et culturelle au Maroc, 33-44. Boukous, A. 2009. « Aménagement de l’amazighe : pour une planification stratégique », Asinag 3, 13-40 Boukous, A. 2012. Revitalisation de la langue amazighe. Défis, enjeux et stratégies. Rabat, Publication de l’Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe. Série Etudes n° 22 Bulot, T. 2001. « L’essence sociolinguistique des territoires urbains: un aménagement linguistique de la ville ? », Sociolinguistique Urbaine. Variations linguistiques : images urbaines et sociales, Cahiers de sociolinguistiques n°6, Rennes, Presses universitaires, 5-11. Calvet, J-L. 1997. « in vivo in vitro » dans M-L Moreau (éd) Sociolinguistique Concepts de Base. Sprimont, Mardaga 218, 179-180. Courbage, Y. et Todd, E. 2007. « Révolution culturelle au Maroc : le sens d'une transition démographique » à consulter sur le site http://www.fondation-respublica. org / Revolution -culturelle-au-Maroc-le-sens- d-une-transition demographique_a210.html Dawn, M. 2005. « From Monolinguism to multilinguism Recent Changes in Moroccan Language Policy », ISB4: Proceedings of the 4th International Symposium on Bilingualism ed. James Cohen, Kara T. McAlister, Kellie Rolstad, and Jeff MacSwan. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press, 1487-1500. Dorronsoro, G. et Grojean, O. (dir.). 2015. Identités et politique. De la différenciation culturelle au conflit. Paris: SciencesPo. Les Presses. 126 SAID BENNIS Haydar, I. A, 2012. « Governance of Cultural Diversity in North Sudan : Religious and Ethnic Dimensions », à consulter sur le site de Arab Reform Initiative à partir du lien http://www.arab-reform.net/governance-cultural-diversity-northsudan-religious-and- ethnic-dimensions. Hassan, A. 2012. « Governance of Diversity in Syria » à consulter sur le site de Arab Reform Initiative (ARI) à partir du lien http://www.arab-reform.net/governance-diversity-syria. Mackey, W F. 1997. « Bilinguisme » dans M-L Moreau (éd) Sociolinguistique Concepts de base. Sprimont, Mardaga, 218, 61- 64. Morcos, S. et Fawzi, S. 2012. « Governance of Religious Diversity: The Copts of Egypt as Example », à consulter sur le site de Arab Reform Initiative (ARI) à partir du lien http://www.arab-reform.net/governance-religious-diversity-coptsegypt-example. Mutsaers, P. et Swanenberg, J. 2012. « Super-diversity at the margins? Youth language in North Brabant, The Netherlands », Sociolinguistic Studies, Vol 6, No 1, 45-65. Touzani A. 2003. La culture et la politique culturelle au Maroc, Casablanca, éd. La Croisée des Chemins. Tsekos, N. 1996. « Discours épilinguistiques et construction identitaire: l’imaginaire linguistique des locuteurs d’Athènes », Travaux de linguistique n° 7, Université d’Angers, 27-35. Vovou, I. et Koukoutsaki-Monnier, A. 2007. « La redécouverte de l’Autre par écrans interposés : fiction télévisuelle et redéfinition des relations gréco-turques », Communication [En ligne], Vol. 26/1 | 2007, mis en ligne le 24 septembre 2009, Consulté le 25 janvier 2013. URL : http://communication.revues.org/index760.html. LES INTERROGATIFS šən, šənu ET šəni DANS LE PARLER ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) MARWA BENSHENSHIN CLESTHIA – Université Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris 3) Résumé : Ce travail se propose d’étudier le fonctionnement des interrogatifs šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni, dans le parler arabe de Tripoli. Il s’agit de présenter les particularités de ces trois interrogatifs à partir d’un corpus composé de dialogues naturels et de conversations spontanées recueillis auprès de personnes originaires de Tripoli, mais également des énoncés présents dans l’ouvrage de Christophe Pereira (Pereira 2010). L’examen de ce corpus a permis de remarquer que ces trois interrogatifs, qui partagent le même sémantisme, ont des fonctionnements divers. Cela a notamment été mis en évidence dans les phrases verbales, où šǝn se comporte différemment de šǝnu et šǝni dans l’énoncé interrogatif. Ce comportement se traduit par la position qu’adoptent ces mots interrogatifs dans l’énoncé verbal par rapport au verbe. De même, dans l’énoncé averbal, šǝn adopte un comportement syntaxique différent par rapport au thème. En effet, šən prend toujours une position initiale dans l’énoncé qu’il soit verbal ou averbal. Par contre, šənu et šəni, peuvent être employés soit en position initiale soit en position finale, notamment dans les questions échos. Deux hypothèses se présentent pour expliquer ce phénomène : la première est que šən est un terme interrogatif non autonome dans le sens où il ne peut pas se déplacer dans l’énoncé interrogatif, alors que šəni et šənu disposent de plus d’autonomie syntaxique qui leur permet de se déplacer dans l’énoncé. La deuxième hypothèse est que les deux interrogatifs šəni et šənu, contiennent, dans leur composition morphologique, des éléments déictiques qui leur permettent d’être utilisés dans les deux positions. En effet, dans les questions de type ‘écho’, la position confirme, d’une part, l’hypothèse qui tient compte de l’élément déictique dans la composition de šəni et de šənu. Cependant, cette hypothèse semble moins solide lorsque šəni et šənu sont employés de manière isolée, ou lorsqu’ils sont employés en tant que marqueurs discursifs introduisant des phrases interrogatives totales. Mots-clés : Arabe libyen, arabe de Tripoli, interrogatifs, autonomie syntaxique, élément déictique, interrogation partielle ou totale, interrogation écho. Introduction En arabe libyen, les interrogatifs šən, šənu et šəni s’emploient dans les questions directes et indirectes. Ces trois interrogatifs partagent le même sémantisme. Cependant, ils ne partagent pas le même comportement syntaxique. Il s’agit dans cette étude de présenter leurs caractéristiques générales et leurs propriétés syntaxiques afin de comprendre le comportement qu’ils adoptent dans les deux types de structures verbales et averbales. C’est notamment leur étymologie qui permet d’expliquer leur autonomie syntaxique, c’est-à-dire le fait qu’ils puissent occuper n’importe quelle position dans l’énoncé (Aymard 1975). Dans un premier temps, je définirai ces trois interrogatifs, j’évoquerai leur étymologie et j’expliquerai leur sémantisme. Puis, j’examinerai leurs emplois afin d’identifier leurs propriétés syntaxiques. Enfin, j’exposerai les différentes fonctions qu’ils peuvent assurer dans l’arabe parlé à Tripoli 1. 1. Définition et nature de šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni L’interrogatif šǝn dérive de la forme ’ayyu šay’in « quelle chose » ; l’interrogatif šənu provient de la forme ’ayyu šay’in huwa « quelle chose lui » ; quant à šəni, il provient de la forme ’ayyu šay’in hiya « quelle chose elle », mais il importe de noter que šǝn, šǝni et šǝnu sont synonymes et grammaticalisés et invariables en arabe de Tripoli contemporain. En effet, bien qu’ils procèdent toujours de formes 1 Merci à Christophe Pereira pour la relecture de cet article. 128 MARWA BENSHENSHIN interrogatives distinctes, on ne fait plus la distinction de genre qui aurait existé où šənu renverrait au masculin et šəni renverrait au féminin, comme on peut l’observer dans les exemples suivants (1-3) 2 : (1) šən gāl-l-ək maḥammed āməs ? INTER il a dit-à-toi Mohammed hier « Que t’a dit Mohammed hier ? » (2) šənu təbbi fī-h yūsəf ? INTER tu veux GR.PREP-lui Youcef « Qu’est-ce que tu lui veux à Youcef ? » (Pereira 2010 : 273) (3) šəni yəbbi yākəl ? INTER il veut il mange « Qu’est-ce qu’il veut manger ? » (Pereira 2010 : 273) En arabe de Tripoli contemporain, sur le même paradigme, on peut comparer šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni avec mən, mənu et məni « qui » : mənu proviendrait de mən huwa « qui lui », məni de mən hiya « qui elle », et il s’agit également de formes grammaticalisées, invariables, sans distinction de genre en arabe de Tripoli contemporain (4-6) : (4) mən yebbi yākəl ? INTER il veut il mange « Qui veut manger ? » (5) mən m‘ā-k ? INTER GR.PREP-toi « Qui est avec toi ? » (6) məni INTER « Qui t’a dit ? » gāl-l-ək ? il a dit-à-toi En ce qui concerne le sémantisme de šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni, ces trois interrogatifs renvoient généralement au non-humain (7) : (7) – šənu žǝbt m‘ā-k ? INTER tu as apporté avec-toi – žǝbt šīštēn ‘aṣīr. j’ai apporté deux bouteilles jus « – Qu’est-ce que tu as apporté avec toi ? « – J’ai apporté deux bouteilles de jus. » Ils peuvent également renvoyer à un non-humain animé: (8) – šǝni ǝlli yǝtḥarrǝk ġādi ? INTER REL il bouge là-bas – hādi gaṭṭūsa. celle-ci un chat « – Qu’est-ce qui bouge là-bas ? » « – C’est un chat. » 2 DIM = diminutif ; F = féminin ; GR.PREP = groupe prépositionnel ; INTER = interrogatif ; NEG = négation ; PERC = percontatif ; PREP = préposition ; REL = relatif ; VOC= vocatif. LES INTERROGATIFS šən, šənu ET šəni DANS LE PARLER ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 129 Toutefois, dans certains contextes, šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni peuvent aussi renvoyer à l’humain (9) : (9) šən təbbi, ūlēd walla bnayya ? INTER tu veux garçon.DIM ou fille.DIM ? « Qu’est-ce que tu veux, un garçon ou une fille ? » Dans ce genre d’énoncé, l’interrogatif šən ne peut se substituer par mən, mənu ou məni (équivalents de l’interrogatif qui), qui s’emploient pour s’interroger sur l’identité de la personne (Lefeuvre 2006 : 40). 2. Emplois de šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni en tant qu’interrogatifs Ils s’emploient dans des interrogations directes et indirectes. 2.1. Dans l’interrogation directe šǝn, šǝnu et šǝni s’emploient dans l’interrogation directe. Généralement, ils permettent l’interrogation partielle. Selon Grevisse (1993 : 589), une interrogation partielle est « une interrogation qui ne peut s’accommoder d’une réponse par oui ou par non. Elle porte sur un élément que le locuteur ignore » (10) et (11) : (10) wēn mšētī ? INTER tu es allée « Où es-tu allée ? » (11) šən ṣar ? INTER il s’est passé « Que s’est-il passé ? » A travers cette interrogation, le locuteur cherche à stabiliser le pronom interrogatif sur une valeur précise chez son interlocuteur. La réponse de ce dernier sera donc une proposition assertée. De nombreux exemples tirés de notre corpus confirment ce phénomène (12-14) : (12) šən ṣāyəṛ fī madīnət-əš-šāṭi ? INTER se passant dans ville-Al-Chati « Que se passe-t-il dans la ville d’Al-chati ? » (13) w ənti, šən ḥāl gṛāyt-ək ? et toi.F INTER état étude-ton « Et toi, comment se passent tes études ? » (14) šənu fī ždīd ? INTER dans nouveau « Quoi de neuf ? » 130 MARWA BENSHENSHIN 2.2. Dans l’interrogation indirecte Ils s’emploient en tant que subordonnants ou en tant qu’introducteurs d’une interrogation totale. 2.2.1. En tant que subordonnants Ces interrogatifs se trouvent uniquement dans les propositions percontatives. En ce qui concerne le terme « percontatif », il s'agit d'une dénomination qui désigne une proposition subordonnée interrogative indirecte. Les phrases percontatives (interrogatives indirectes) comportent généralement une assertion contenant une prédication et aucun appel à autrui n’est effectué. Pour cet emploi les trois pronoms šən, šənu et šəni se comportent de la même façon. Ils introduisent tous la proposition subordonnée c’est-à-dire la proposition percontative et ne se placent jamais après le verbe de la subordonnée (15) : (15) mā-‘ṛaft-əš šən ndīr. NEG-j’ai su-NEG PERC je fais « Je n’ai pas su quoi faire. » 2.2.2. En tant qu’introducteurs d’une interrogation totale (marqueurs discursifs) En outre, šǝnu et šǝni peuvent introduire une interrogation totale, à laquelle on doit répondre par oui ou par non (16-17) : (16) šənu, mā-mšētī-š ? INTER NEG-tu es partie-NEG « Alors, tu n’es pas partie ? » (17) šəni, ‘əžb-ək əl-ḥayy əlli INTER il a plu-te le-quartier REL « Alors, il t’a plu le quartier où tu habites ? » sākna habitant.F fī-h ? dans-lui Dans ces exemples, l’emploi de šənu et de šəni est totalement différent de leur emploi précédent qui porte sur l’interrogation partielle. Ici, ils s’utilisent pour introduire l’interrogation totale et ils perdent leur statut de pronom interrogatif pour devenir des marqueurs discursifs ayant une valeur d’adverbe et comportant un effet de surprise ou d’étonnement. On pourrait supprimer šǝnu et šǝni sans modifier le sens de l’énoncé. 2.3. šən, šənu et šəni par rapport à āš En arabe de Tripoli, šən, šənu et šəni s’emploient de manière isolée ou en régime prépositionnel, contrairement à l’interrogatif āš qui se combine toujours avec des particules ou avec des prépositions, bien qu’il partage la même origine et le même sémantisme que l’interrogatif šǝn (18) : (18) – ḫēṛ-ək mā-mšēt-š l-āmṛīkya ? INTER-toi NEG-tu es allé-NEG à-Amérique – b-āš yā ṛāžəl ? PREP-INTER VOC homme « – Qu’est-ce que tu as, tu n’es pas allé en Amérique ? « – Avec quoi (avec quel argent) mec ? » (Pereira 2010 : 272) LES INTERROGATIFS šən, šənu ET šəni DANS LE PARLER ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 131 3. Les propriétés syntaxiques de šən, šənu et šəni S’il n’existe pas de différences de sémantisme entre šən, šənu et šəni, il n’en va pas de même pour leurs propriétés syntaxiques, notamment pour ce qui concerne leur position (initiale ou finale) dans la phrase. 3.1. En position initiale Ces trois interrogatifs s’emploient en position initiale dans les deux types de phrase : verbale et averbale (19-21) : (19) šən šrēti m-əd-dukkān ? INTER tu as acheté de-le-magasin « Qu’as-tu acheté au magasin ? » (20) šǝni klēt ? INTER tu as mangé « Qu’as-tu mangé ? » (21) šənu ḫallā-k tsayybi interr il a laissé-te tu abandonnes « Qu’est-ce qui t’a fait abandonner tes études ? » grāyt-ək ? étude-tes 3.2. En position finale De plus, dans des phrases verbales, šəni et šənu peuvent se trouver en position finale (22-24) : (22) – gāl-l-i walīd bə-tsāfru. il a dit-à-moi Walid FUT-vous voyagez – gāl-l-ək šənu ? il a dit-à-toi INTER « – Walid m’a dit que vous alliez voyage. » « – Il t’a dit quoi ? » (23) – rāžī-ni dgīga, b-nəšri ḥāžā m-əl-maḥall. Attends-moi une minute FUT-j’achète chose de-le-magasin – b-təšri šəni ? FUT-tu achètes INTER « – Attends-moi une minute, je vais acheter quelque chose au magasin. » « –Tu vas acheter quoi ? » (24) – āməs mšēt m‘a la-‘wēla li-maṭ‘am-el-ḥufra ; hier je suis allé avec la-famille à-restaurant-Al-Hofra klēna ḥūt məšwī ṭāza. nous avons mangé poissons grillé frais – klētu šəni ? vous avez mangé INTER « – Hier je suis allé avec la famille au restaurant Al-hofra ; nous avons mangé du poisson grillé frais. » « – Vous avez mangé quoi ? » 132 MARWA BENSHENSHIN De même, dans les phrases averbales, šənu et šəni peuvent se situer aussi bien en position initiale qu’en position finale (25) : (25) – šənu fī l-yōm ? INTER dans le-jour – fī ḥafla. dans fête – haflət-šənu ? fête-INTER – ‘īd-əl-mūsīqa. fête-la-musique « – Qu’est-ce qu’il y a aujourd’hui ? » « – Il y a une fête. » « – Quoi comme fête ? » « – La fête de la musique. » En revanche, šən ne peut se situer qu’en position initiale que ce soit dans les phrases verbale (26) ou averbales où il est obligatoirement situé en tête d’énoncé (27) : (26) šən šrēt ? INTER tu as acheté « Qu’as-tu acheté ? » (27) šən mwāṣafāt-əl-bēt əl-mitāli bə-nisba lī-k ? INTER caractéristiques-la-maison le-idéale par-conformité pour-toi « C’est quoi les caractéristiques de la maison idéale d’après toi ? » Ainsi, l’observation de tous ces exemples permet donc de constater que šenu et šəni peuvent être employés en position initiale ou en position finale, alors que šən ne peut s’employer qu’en position initiale. Cependant, la position de ces interrogatifs, initiale ou finale, dans l’énoncé n’apporte aucun changement au niveau de leur sémantisme et de leur fonction. Alors, quel type de question permet à šəni et à šənu d’apparaître en position finale ? Qu’est-ce qui rend possible leur déplacement en position initiale et finale dans l’énoncé interrogatif ? Pour répondre à la première question, il faut noter que l’emploi du pronom interrogatif en position finale se fait généralement dans les questions échos qui sont, grosso-modo « proches des demandes de précision […], qui demandent de répéter l’identification d’un constituant dans un contexte où cette identification a déjà été fournie » (Creissels 2006 : 170). Deux hypothèses sont possibles. Premièrement, la possibilité de se situer en positions initiale ainsi qu’en position finale vient du fait que ces deux interrogatifs, šənu et šəni, comportent des éléments déictiques : l’interrogatif šənu se compose en effet de ’ayyu šay’in huwa qui se traduisait littéralement par « quelle chose lui » et l’interrogatif šəni se compose de ’ayyu šay’in hiya « quelle chose elle » ; les deux éléments déictiques huwa et hiya ont une valeur anaphorique qui permet de renvoyer, dans les questions échos, à des éléments déjà mentionnés dans les énoncés assertifs précédents, ce qui correspond à la valeur discursive de la question écho, contrairement à l’interrogatif šən qui ne s’emploie pas en position finale car il ne peut pas anaphoriser un élément mentionné dans l’énoncé précédent. Puis, deuxièmement, la possibilité de se situer dans les deux positions vient du fait que les deux interrogatifs šənu et šəni soient purement autonomes, ce qui explique leur indépendance par rapport au verbe dans les énoncés verbaux et par rapport au thème dans les énoncés averbaux. 3.3. Emploi isolé Cet emploi est impossible pour šən. Il ne concerne que šənu et šəni, qui ont des emplois où ils sont indépendants, comme dans l’exemple (28), où il s’agit d’un énoncé de type existentiel qui peut être l’équivalent de šənu fih « qu’est-ce qu’il y a » (25) et qu’on peut traduire par « quoi, qu’est-ce qu’il y a, qu’est-ce que tu veux ? » : LES INTERROGATIFS šən, šənu ET šəni DANS LE PARLER ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 133 (28) – ya ḫadīža ! VOC Khadija – šənu ? INTER « – Khadija ! » « – Quoi ? » Les emplois isolés des deux interrogatifs šəni et šənu ont d’autres valeurs discursives (29) : (29) – ya maḥamməd ‘ṛaft ’ǝnna š-šēḫ ‘abd-əl-‘aḍīm wālī twaffa ? VOC Mohammed tu sais que le-Cheikh Abd-el-Adhim Wali il est décédé – šəni ? INTER « – Mohamed, tu savais que le Cheikh Abd-el-Adhim Wali est décédé ? » « – Quoi (ah bon) ? » Cet emploi isolé de šəni peut véhiculer deux valeurs : il peut marquer la surprise de l’interlocuteur, ou il peut s’agir d’une interrogation par incompréhension, une demande d’explication (Morel 1998 : 100). Toutefois, on peut se demander qu’est-ce qui permet à ces deux interrogatifs d’être employés de manière isolée et pourquoi šən ne s’emploie jamais seul. Dans les exemples 28 et 29, šənu et šəni véhiculent des valeurs discursives variées mais sans anaphoriser aucun élément comme c’est le cas dans les questions échos. Cela affaiblit, en quelque sorte, l’hypothèse de l’élément déictique pris en compte dans les questions écho, au moins pour cet emploi. Cela veut dire que l’indépendance de ces deux interrogatifs vient du fait qu’ils disposent d’une autonomie syntaxique qui leur permet de s’employer de manière isolée. 4. Fonctions grammaticales de šən, šənu et šəni Il s’agit des fonctions que peuvent assurer les trois interrogatifs šən, šənu et šəni d’abord dans les phrases verbales, puis dans les phrases averbales. 4.1. Dans les phrases verbales Dans les phrases verbales, šən, šənu et šəni employés en régime prépositionnel, peuvent assurer les fonctions de complément d’objet direct, de sujet, de complément d’objet indirect et de circonstant. 4.1.1. Complément d’objet direct Les trois interrogatifs šən, šəni et šənu peuvent assurer, dans une phrase verbale, la fonction de COD. Cette fonction est la plus fréquente dans notre corpus (30-32) : (30) šən tdīṛ ? INTER tu fais « Qu’est-ce que tu fais ? » (31) šənu təḥkī-l-i ? INTER tu racontes-à-moi « Qu’est-ce que tu me racontes ? » (32) šəni klētu āməs ? INTER vous avez mangé hier « Qu’est-ce que vous avez mangé hier ? » 134 MARWA BENSHENSHIN 4.1.2. Sujet Ils peuvent également fonctionner en tant que sujet (33-34) : (33) šən ṣāṛ-l-ək ? INTER il est arrivé-à-toi « Qu’est-ce qu’il t’est arrivé ? » (34) – šen ṛuf‘-ək ġādi ? INTER il a emmené-te là-bas ? – ndawwuṛ fi šārbāt. je cherche GR.PREP foulards « – Qu’est-ce qui t’a fait aller là-bas ? » « – Je cherche des foulards. » Dans ce genre de questions, il ne s’agit pas de s’interroger sur le moyen qui a conduit l’interlocuteur à tel endroit, l’interrogation porte plutôt sur la cause. On peut gloser cette question par « pourquoi es-tu allée là-bas ? ». Il importe de noter que la valeur de cause dans cet exemple est véhiculée par le verbe, à l’instar de ce qui se produit avec le verbe ḫalla (35-36) : (35) šənu ḫallā-k tuskni baṛṛa ṭrābləs ? INTER il a laissé-te tu habites dehors Tripoli « Qu’est-ce qui t’a fait habiter en dehors de Tripoli ? » (36) šəni lli ‘əžb-ək aktər, baris wāla ləndən ? INTER REL il a plu-te plus Paris ou Londres « Qu’est-ce qui t’a le plus plu, Paris ou Londres ? » 4.1.3. Complément indirect (emploi prépositionnel) C’est le type de verbe utilisé, transitif indirect, qui implique l’emploi prépositionnel de ces interrogatifs et qui leur permet d’assurer cette fonction (37-38) : (37) ‘le šənu təḥki ənti ? sur INTER tu racontes toi « De / sur quoi parles-tu ? » (38) fi šəni dans INTER « A quoi penses-tu ? » tfakkri ? tu penses 4.1.4. Circonstant Ils peuvent assurer également la fonction de complément circonstanciel avec différentes valeurs : locative (39), causale (40). (39) fī šənu bə-tḥuṭṭ lə-ktābāt ? dans INTER FUT-tu mets les-livres ? « Dans quoi mettras-tu les livres ? » (40) min šənu ražža‘ti ? de INTER tu as rendu « (A cause) de quoi as-tu vomi ? » LES INTERROGATIFS šən, šənu ET šəni DANS LE PARLER ARABE DE TRIPOLI (LIBYE) 135 4.2. Dans les phrases averbales Dans les phrases averbales, les interrogatifs šən, šəni et šənu peuvent assurer les fonctions de prédicat averbal, de thème et avoir des emplois isolés. 4.2.1. Prédicat averbal Dans les phrases averbales šən, šənu et šəni peuvent assurer la fonction de prédicat averbal, lorsque le sujet de la phrase est un nom défini (41) : (41) šen ṣaḥḥt-ək tawwa ? INTER santé-ta maintenant « Comment est ta santé maintenant ? » 4.2.2. Prédicat averbal (emploi prépositionnel) En outre, dans les phrases averbales, ces trois interrogatifs ont généralement la fonction de prédicat averbal de type prépositionnel – dans une phrase averbale le prédicat peut être prépositionnel (Lefeuvre 1999 : 429-438) : (42) – mən šənu ənta ḥassas ? de INTER toi allergique – mən əl-‘uṭūṛ b-šakəl ‘āmm aw ayy muzīl nḥuṭṭ-a ‘lē žəsm-i de les-parfums par-apparence général ou n’importe quel déodorant je mets-le sur corps-mon « – A quoi es-tu allergique ? » « Aux parfums, de manière générale, ou à n’importe quel déodorant que je mette sur ma peau. » 4.2.3. Noyau prédicatif Lorsque ces interrogatifs sont suivis d’un groupe prépositionnel, la structure devient une structure prédicative dont le mot interrogatif constitue le noyau. (43-44) : (43) šən fīh ? INTER dans-lui « Qu’est-ce qu’il y a ? » (44) šənu fī-h INTER dans-lui « Quoi de neuf ? » ždīd ? neuf Ces énoncés interrogatifs sont de type existentiel ; ils s’emploient dans deux contextes différents : šən fī-h est un interrogatif simple qui s’emploie plutôt dans un contexte général et sert à s’interroger sur l’existence de quelque chose ; par contre, l’énoncé šənu fī-h ždīd renvoie à une valeur plus précise : cet énoncé s’utilise pour s’interroger sur l’existence de quelque chose de nouveau. De même dans les exemples (45-46) : (45) šəni m‘ā-k ? INTER avec-toi « Qu’est-ce qui est avec toi ? » (46) šənu uṛā-k ? INTER derrière-toi « C’est quoi derrière toi ? » 136 MARWA BENSHENSHIN Cette question s’utilise quand le locuteur veut savoir si son interlocuteur est occupé. On peut la gloser par « qu’est-ce que tu as à faire ? ». 4.3. Emplois isolés de šənu et šəni Grâce à leur autonomie syntaxique, šǝnu et šǝni peuvent fonctionner de manière isolée, contrairement à šǝn qui n’est jamais employé seul. Ils s’emploient en tant qu’interjections. Ils perdent donc leur valeur prédicative pour désigner d’autres valeurs discursives et servent notamment à exprimer l’étonnement, la surprise (29) : (29) – ya maḥamməd ‘ṛaft ’ǝnna š-šēḫ ‘abd-əl-‘aḍīm wālī twaffa ? VOC Mohammed tu sais que le-Cheikh Abd-el-Adhim Wali il est décédé – šəni ? INTER « – Mohamed, tu savais que le Cheikh Abd-el-Adhim Wali est décédé ? » « – Quoi (ah bon) ? » Conclusion Ce travail a permis d’étudier les caractéristiques générales de šən, šənu ainsi que šəni : leur définition, leurs sémantismes, leurs propriétés syntaxiques, leurs emplois et enfin les fonctions qu’ils peuvent assurer dans le parler de Tripoli. Le sémantisme de ces trois interrogatifs porte en général sur le non-humain et, dans certains contextes, il peut porter sur l’humain, ce qui montre que ces trois interrogatifs ont un sémantisme plus général que mən, mənu et məni qui ne peuvent désigner que l’humain. Cependant, il existe une différence importante entre šən et šənu et šəni, quant à leurs propriétés syntaxiques : šən n’adopte pas le même comportement syntaxique que šənu et šəni ; šən ne peut se situer qu’en position initiale dans l’énoncé interrogatif, qu’il soit verbal ou averbal. Deux hypothèses sont prises en compte pour expliquer ce fait : la première part du fait que ces deux interrogatifs comportent dans leurs compositions, des éléments déictiques qui valident leur emploi dans les questions échos, alors que la deuxième hypothèse considère que šənu et šəni disposent d’une autonomie syntaxique pure qui les rend disponible pour être employés de manière isolée. D’ailleurs, ce phénomène existe également en arabe standard entre mā « quoi » et māḏā « qu’est-ce que », ainsi qu’en français entre que et quoi. Pour ce qui est de leurs emplois, ils sont utilisés aussi bien pour l’interrogation directe que pour la subordination en tant que percontatifs (interrogatifs indirects). L’emploi le plus fréquent est celui d’interrogatif direct en tant que complément d’objet direct. Ensuite, c’est son emploi comme marqueur discursif, suivi de l’emploi en tant que subordonnant (percontatif, ou en régime prépositionnel) et, enfin, en tant que sujet et en tant que noyau prédicatif. Références Aymard, Colette. 1975. « L’autonomie syntaxique en français », La Linguistique, II.2. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 61-80. Lefeuvre, Florence. 2006. Quoi de neuf sur quoi ? Étude morphosyntaxique du mot quoi. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes. Lefeuvre, Florence. 1999. « Les marqueurs de prédication dans la phrase averbale en français », Verbum, XXI.4. Nancy: Université Nancy II. 429-438. Pereira, Christophe. 2010. Le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye). Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. Grevisse, Maurice & Goose, André. 1993. Le Bon Usage. Paris: Duclot. Guérin, Françoise. 2009. « Les fonctions syntaxiques dans la théorie fonctionnaliste d’André Martinet », La linguistique 45. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. 81-86. Morel, Mary-Annick. 1998. Grammaire de l’intonation. Paris: Ophrys. LINGUISTIC SELF-REPRESENTATION IN A POPULAR OMANI CARTOON: TOWARDS THE RISE OF A NATIONAL STANDARD? SIMONE BETTEGA University of Torino Abstract: The aim of the present paper is to analyze certain phenomena of variation which occur in the language used by the characters of the popular Omani cartoon yōm u-yōm. This language is of particular interest since it represents one of the first attempts made by the official Omani media at linguistic self-representation. Until recently, the more prestigious variety commonly referred to as “Gulf Arabic” was often preferred to actual Omani Arabic in the context of the media. In order to assess the nature of this variation, the language of the main characters of the show has been analyzed: five different morphosyntactical features have been examined, namely: the third person masculine singular suffix pronoun, the relative pronoun, the interrogative pronoun, the characteristic endings of the second person feminine singular and of the second and third person masculine plural of the imperfect verb, and the negative particles. Our analysis shows that whenever variation occurs, it does so in the speech of the characters from the southern region of Dhofar or from the northern region of ad-Dakhiliya. The speech of the characters from the area of the Bāṭinah Coast appears more stable. Possible explanation for this phenomenon are discussed in the concluding paragraph. Keywords: Oman, Gulf Arabic, media, sociolinguistics, variation. 1. Introduction Toward the end of 2011, an Omani student at the University of Edinburgh submitted for her master degree a thesis entitled “Language and Identity in Oman through the Voice of Local Radio Broadcasters” (al-Nabhani 2011) 1. In her work she analyzed the speech of five Omani Radio Broadcasters, trying to show how they tended to switch from their own dialect to Gulf Arabic while hosting their shows. This attitude – she claimed – was the result of a feeling of linguistic insecurity, shared by all speakers of what she labelled “Omani Hadari Arabic”: in her view, since Gulf Arabic is now the socially and politically dominant dialect in the Gulf region, Omanis often feel not at ease when speaking their own (structurally quite different) dialect in public. According to al-Nabhani, the reasons for this insecurity are not merely linguistic. In her own words: Oman has always been the “odd one out” in the Gulf Cooperation Council. Omanis speak and dress differently and the socially dominant people and the ruling family are not Bedouin […]. Also, the majority in Oman are not Sunnis […]. By being part of the GCC, Omanis are constantly reminded that they are different […]. The people of the Gulf constantly repeat their slogan “Khaleejona wahid” or “Our Gulf is One”, and when the differences are too many it is difficult to ignore them and claim that indeed they are “one” (al-Nabhani 2011: 15) 2. Curiously enough, just a few months before al-Nabhani finished writing her thesis, the first season of the soon-to-become popular TV show ‫( ﯾﻮم وﯾﻮم‬yōm u-yōm) was aired by Oman TV, the national television channel in Oman. The show, advertised as “the first multi-dialectal Omani 3D 1 The work is unpublished, but can be freely downloaded from the Edinburgh Research Archive at the following url: https://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/handle/1842/6043 2 Although al-Nabhani’s views on the subject might sound somewhat polemical, it is undoubtedly true that “the aim of all Gulf governments in the years since independence has been to create a sense of national identity and shared history out of the mix of diverse elements in their population” (Holes 2005: 52). 138 SIMONE BETTEGA cartoon” 3, revolves around the daily lives of a number of characters, each originally from a different area of the country. In the concluding paragraphs of her work, al-Nabhani comments that the appearance of this cartoon “suggests that Oman is trying to eradicate the negative stereotypes about its dialects”, and that “unlike a few decades ago, Oman is now confident enough to show its linguistic reality in its media instead of being in denial and using Gulf Arabic and falsely claim that it is how Omanis speak” (al-Nabhani 2011: 62). This first attempt at linguistic self-representation is of course of the utmost interest to the dialectologist: questions arise concerning how the authors of the show managed to convey a sense of “Omani authenticity” through the use of language, what the characterizing features of this language are, and whether they faithfully represent the actual dialect(s) spoken in Oman or have been altered by the influence of standardization and interdialectal levelling (and, if so, to which extent). This paper intends to tackle some of these questions, by analyzing certain phenomena of variation that appear in the language used by the characters of yōm u-yōm, and trying to determine the reasons behind this variation. 2. Dialect Geography in Oman Our understanding of the linguistic reality of Oman is still relatively poor, especially if we compare it with that of other areas of the Arab World. Many of the dialects spoken in Oman still remain to be properly investigated, while the main descriptions we have of the northern sedentary varieties date back to the end of the 19th century 4. We owe to Clive Holes the only two existing studies which deal with the whole of Oman as a dialect area (Holes 1989 and Holes 2008) 5; in particular, Holes (1989) provides a survey of the geographical distribution of certain phonological and morphological variants in the northern part of the country. According to this study, the dialects of northern and central Oman can be divided into four main sub-groups, two of Bedouin origin, and two of sedentary descent. The Bedouin varieties have /g/ as a reflex of Old Arabic */q/, /k/ as a reflex of OA */k/, and /y/ as a reflex of OA*/ǧ/. Some of these dialects can occasionally show affrication of /g/ to [ǧ] and of /k/ to [č] in front vowel environments (type B1), while others show no such phenomenon (type B2). Sedentary dialects normally have /q/ as a reflex of OA */q/, /k/ as a reflex of OA */k/, and /g/ as a reflex of OA */ǧ/ (type H1), although some dialects from the Jabal Akhdar region have instead /k/ for OA */q/, /ǧ/ for OA */ǧ/, and unconditioned affrication of OA */k/ to /č/ in all vowel environments (type H2) 6. Dialects belonging to group B1 are mostly spoken in the coastal areas of Oman, north and south of Muscat, and near the border with the United Arab Emirates. B2-type dialects are spoken mostly in the central deserts of the Wahiba Sands and the Jiddat al-Harasis. H1-type dialects, finally, are typical of the northern massifs of the western Hajar Mountains and the immediately surrounding areas. As will be shown in the next paragraph, three out of four of these dialect groups are represented in yōm u-yōm, together with an important addition: Dhofari Arabic. 3 The show was first aired during Ramadan 2011. It is possible to find the commercial on You Tube at the following url: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t-uxqqkq9LM. 4 (Reinhardt 1894) and (Jayakar 1889). Rhodokanakis (1911) should be included in the list as well, though his data are problematic and not entirely reliable (for an analysis of Rhodokanakis’ work, see Davey 2013: 29-32). It has to be noted, however, that this state of affairs has recently started to change: new studies about Omani dialects have begun to appear, and – although many of them are limited in scope and extension – our knowledge is now slowly but steadily improving. See, among others, Brockett (1985), Webster (1991), Holes (2008), Eades (2009), Eades (2011), Davey (2013). 5 Though Holes’ works mainly focus on northern and central Oman, leaving the southern region of Dhofar aside. 6 Holes’ article is concerned with other distinctive morpho-phonological features as well: some of these will be referred to in the following paragraphs. LINGUISTIC SELF-REPRESENTATION IN A POPULAR OMANI CARTOON: TOWARDS THE RISE OF A NATIONAL STANDARD 139 3. Data for the present study This paper is concerned with the analysis of the patterns of variation of five different morphosyntactical features, which will be listed in detail in the following paragraph. This analysis has been carried out examining all the twenty-five episodes which constitute yōm u-yōm’s second season 7. While the number of characters regularly appearing in the show is higher, we decided to limit our analysis to the speech of the five main ones (because many secondary characters do not appear often enough for their speech to be statistically relevant, and also because many of them are not of Omani origins: along with the various local dialects, in fact, they speak a number of other varieties including Egyptian Arabic, Zanzibari Arabic, Gulf Pidgin Arabic, and so on). The five main characters in yōm uyōm are representative of three different dialect areas: two of them (a man and a woman) are originally from the Bāṭinah Coast, and speak a dialect belonging to Holes’ B2 group 8. One (a woman) is originally from the northern interior (presumably from the ad-Dakhiliyah region) and speaks a dialect from the H1 group. The last two characters (again a man and a woman) come from Dhofar: since they speak a sedentary variety, having /q/ as a reflex of OA /q/, we must presume – following Davey 2013 9 – that they are originally from the coastal plain of Salalah, if not from the city of Salalah itself. Finally, it has to be noted here that no character in the show – not even among the secondary ones – speaks a dialect from the H2 group: this fact is remarkable, especially when considering that other varieties, even non-autochthonous, socially-stigmatized ones, are represented in the cartoon (as is the case, for instance, with Gulf Pidgin Arabic, or the “broken” Arabic spoken by the Omanis of Zanzibari origin, both of which are used in various episodes for comic effect). The possible reasons for this lack of representation of the H2 dialects will be discussed in the concluding paragraph. For the sake of functionality, in the course of this paper each of the five characters will be referred to by an abbreviation, as shown in Table 1. Table 1 List of the characters Origin Batinah Coast Batinah Coast Ad-Dakhiliyah Dhofar Dhofar Dialectal Group B2 B2 H1 (sedentary Dhofari) (sedentary Dhofari) Gender F M F F M Abbreviation BTN1 BTN2 DAK DFR1 DFR2 4. The variables under examination The actors who lend their voices to the various characters in yōm u-yōm are not always consistent in their realization of certain morphological, syntactical and lexical features. Five of these features have been selected to be analyzed in this paper, in order to look for a possible motivation behind this variation; these five variables are: the third person masculine singular suffix pronoun, the relative pronoun, the interrogative pronoun, the characteristic endings of the second person feminine singular 7 Aired during Ramadan 2012. Each episode lasts between 10 and 15 minutes, for a total of about 5 hours of material. It may be argued that they should then speak a B1-type dialect: this, however, is not the case. My Omani informants recognize their speech as typical of the coastal region. One of the minor characters, who speaks a “pure” B1 dialect, is identified by the same informants as “a Bedouin from the Bāṭina” – apparently in opposition with the other speakers from the same region, who are instead perceived as sedentary in spite of their speech being (typologically) Bedouin. 9 Davey’s unpublished PhD thesis is at present the most reliable source of information we have about Dhofari Arabic (although more research is still needed in the area, his work being based almost entirely on elicited material). The thesis can be downloaded for free from the website of the University of Manchester Library, at the url: https://www.escholar.manchester.ac.uk/uk-ac-man-scw:199131. 8 140 SIMONE BETTEGA and of the second and third person masculine plural of the imperfect verb, and the negative particles. Each feature will receive separate treatment in the next five paragraphs. 4.1 The third person masculine singular suffix pronoun According to Jayakar (1889: 665) and (Reinhardt 1894: 22), in the sedentary dialects of Northern Oman the third person masculine singular suffix pronoun is systematically realized as -uh when preceded by a consonant 10. Holes (2008: 483) corroborates this view, also noting the form -ah for Bedouin varieties. Like its northern counterpart, sedentary Dhofari has -uh (or simply -u) as well (Davey 2013: 99). In our data, 63 total occurrences of third person masculine singular suffix pronouns appear, thus distributed among the five main characters: Table 2 Occurrences of third person masculine singular suffix pronouns Character BTN1 BTN2 DAK DFR1 DFR2 Total Occurrences 4 17 7 26 9 Occurrences of –ah 4 17 4 - Occurrences of –uh 3 26 9 It is immediately evident that, while the speech of the characters from Dhofar and the Bāṭinah Coast follow predictable patterns (scoring 100% of -uh and -ah forms respectively), the one speaker from northern, inland Oman appears to shift between the two forms, while a comprehensive use of -uh pronouns would be expected in her speech aswell. 4.2. The relative pronoun In contrast with most modern varieties of Arabic, Omani dialects have other possible realizations of the relative pronoun apart from the pan-Arabic form illi. Jayakar (1889: 666) and Reinhardt (1894: 34) report bu as the sole form existing for the relative pronoun in the sedentary dialects of the north, while Holes (2008: 484) notes that “bu, illi, illaḏi, and il are all in use, often by the same speaker, although bu appears to be the main sedentary form”. In Dhofar, on the other hand, the relative bu appears to be completely unknown, illi being here the only form in use (Davey 2013: 186; Davey also reports occasional appearances of illaḏi, though he ascribes this to the influence of Gulf Arabic). In our texts, out of 73 total relative pronouns, 71 appear in the form illi, the pan-Arabic variant thus representing an overwhelming majority: Table 3 Occurrences of relative pronouns Character BTN1 BTN2 DAK DFR1 DFR2 Total Occurrences 11 20 10 6 26 Occurrences of illi 11 19 9 6 26 Occurrences of bu 1 - Occurrences of illaḏi 1 - 10 If preceded by a vowel, the vocalic quality of the pronoun itself is lost, thus making it irrelevant for the scope of the present research. Occurrences of third person masculine singular suffix pronouns preceded by vowels were not calculated in the number of the total occurrences presented in Table 2. LINGUISTIC SELF-REPRESENTATION IN A POPULAR OMANI CARTOON: TOWARDS THE RISE OF A NATIONAL STANDARD 141 Again, while data from the other four speakers conform to expectations 11, the speech of the adDakhiliyah character contrasts with predictions. The bu form surfaces only once in her speech, when we would expect it to be the dominant form. 4.3. Interrogative pronouns The interrogative pronoun corresponding to English “what?” has different possible realizations in Omani Arabic, the three main ones being ēš, wēš and mu (or mhu). Reinhardt (1894: 32) notes mhu as the main sedentary form in northern Oman, ēš and wēš being rarer according to him. Holes (2008: 484) lists all three forms, without associating them to any specific region or ethnic group. Davey (2013: 101) notes ēš as the only form in use among sedentary Dhofari speakers. In our material, it is possible to discern more or less clear-cut patterns of use: Table 4 Character BTN1 BTN2 DAK DFR1 DFR2 Occurrences of interrogative pronouns Total Occurrences of Occurrences of Occurrences ēš wēš 18 18 46 46 16 6 6 8 8 46 43 3 Occurrences of mu/mhu 4 - Here again, it is in the speech of the ad-Dakhiliyah character that we find the most variation (and again, the majority of ēš/wēš forms in her speech goes against the expectations). Some unexpected occurrences of wēš are also found in the speech of the male Dhofari character. 4.4. Characteristic endings of the imperfect verb In Omani dialects the characteristic endings for the second person feminine singular and for the second and third person masculine plural of the imperfect verb may appear with or without final nūn (e.g. tqūli/yiqūlu, “you [f.] say/ they [m.] say”, vis-à-vis tqūlīn/yiqūlūn). According to Jayakar (1889: 672) and Reinhardt (1894: 146), speakers of sedentary dialects invariably realize this forms as -i/-u. Holes (2008: 489), on the other hand, notes that “in the Bedouin dialects of the Empty Quarter and in the dialect of the Āl-Wahība in the southeast, one regularly encounters plural forms in -ūn”, and that “in areas where there has been prolonged contact with other Bedouin dialects – the northern Bāṭinah and Ṣūr – such forms [i.e. those with final nūn] are also encountered, though here mixed with sedentary forms lacking –ūn” 12. Davey (2013: 115) reports forms with final nūn as typical of Coastal Dhofari Arabic, although “this /n/ retention is absent amongst some younger speakers, but is considered to bea recent development through the influence of the media and the internet”. In our data, final nūn is nowhere to be found in the speech of the characters from the Bāṭinah or ad-Dakhiliyah (which is to say, northern Oman), while it unregularly occurs in the speech of the Dhofari ones, as table 4 shows. 11 It is hard to determine whether the one occurrence of illaḏi which appears in the speech of the male character from the Bāṭinah is actually an autochthonous form or a phonologically adapted loan from Standard Arabic (or, following Davey, from another Gulf dialect). Other dialects with relative pronouns similar to those used in Standard Arabic exist in the Arabian Peninsula as well (it is the case, for instance, of Sanaani Arabic: see Watson 2009: 111). 12 Holes (1989: 455) notes that dialects from groups B1 and B2 normally have final -ūn/-īn. He also reports, though, a number of “transitional dialects which do not fit neatly into this B/H dichotomy”, especially on the coast south of Muscat. As far as the Bāṭinah region is concerned, he writes that the dialect of Suwaiq is “a dialect in which there is a very high degree of variation and vacillation between competing forms: a result, I would suggest, of the particular demographic history of the central Batina area with its manifold original elements and the long history of migration into it from its less fertile mountainous hinterland and from the Gulf”. 142 SIMONE BETTEGA Occurrences of imperfect endings with or without final nūn Character Total Occurrences DFR1 DFR2 11 21 Forms with final -i 2 Forms with final -īn 7 7 Forms with final -u 2 7 Table 5 Forms with final -ūn 2 5 4.5. The negative particles Many Arabic dialects tend to distinguish two different negative particles, which – broadly speaking – are used to negate verbal and non-verbal elements respectively. Omani Arabic is idiosyncratic in that most of its varieties retain only one particle to negate both verbs and nominals, that particle being mā (a second negative particle, lā, exists, but – as in many other dialects – it is used with imperatives and coordinated constructions only). Reinhardt’s description of northern sedentary dialects is consistent with the above, although he reports a miš particle which only appears in negative existential sentences, preceded by the “standard” negator mā, as in mā miš, “there is/are not” (Reinhardt 1894: 111, 281) 13. Holes (2008: 485) also notes the existence of this miš particle, and writes that Bedouin dialects of the Bāṭinah have mu or muhu to negate adjectives and prepositional phrases.(Davey 2013: 204) reports the presence of the two negative particles mā and lā in Dhofari Arabic as well, adding that “occasional, infrequent use of the negative particle miš is also found, which appears to be a more recent addition to Coastal Dhofari Arabic, perhaps from the influence of mass media sources” (this particle being common in Egyptian and Levantine Arabic) 14. Davey also notes that the present tense copula is negated by mā followed by an independent pronoun, and that – only when negating the third person masculine singular pronoun – mā can turn into mū, as in mūhū, “he is not” (Davey 2013: 207). In our material, characters from northern Oman (namely BTN1, BTN2 and DAK) use no negative particle other than mā and lā. Dhofari character as well use lā to negate coordinated constructions and imperatives, and mā to negate all other verbal forms, but employ a wider array of negators when it comes to other elements such as adjectives, adverbs, pronouns or prepositional phrases: mā, mū and miš can all appear in these contexts, although their distribution appears to be irregular (as shown in tables 6.1 and 6.2): Table 6.1 Occurrences of negative particles in the speech of character DFR1 Negator mā mū miš 13 Total Occurrences Adjective 7 0 2 1 - Negated element Pronoun Prepositional Phrase 2 4 2 Adverb - Reinhardt also report a -ši negative clitic, a typologically unusual feature in peninsular dialects. Further research is certainly needed on this point, although – standing our present knowledge about Omani sedentary varieties – it would seem that this negative strategy has all but disappeared from common usage. 14 Davey does not provide any example of this, nor does he explain what the contexts of use of the miš particle are: we assume that, unlike Reinhardt’s and Holes’ miš, this particle does not appear in negative existential sentences, but is used to negate nominals or prepositional sentences, as is the case in Egyptian or Lebanese Arabic. LINGUISTIC SELF-REPRESENTATION IN A POPULAR OMANI CARTOON: TOWARDS THE RISE OF A NATIONAL STANDARD 143 Table 6.2 Occurrences of negative particles in the speech of character DFR2 Negator mā mū miš Total Occurrences Adjective 10 3 5 1 2 2 Negated element Pronoun Prepositional Phrase 4 5 1 2 Adverb 1 As can be seen, mā remains the most frequent negator also for non-verbal elements (with a total of 17 occurrences out of 27), although miš and – to a lesser extent – mū are attested as well (with a total of 7 and 3 occurrences respectively). Our data is quantitatively insufficient to determine whether or not underlying regularities exists which govern the use of these particles, so further research is needed on this point. Also, the question remains open concerning the actual origin of these particles: are they autochthonous Dhofari forms 15 or (following Davey) loans from other dialects? And if so, why do they only appear in the speech of the two characters from Dhofar? It would be reasonable to expect the northern dialects to resent more heavily from the influence of other dialects, given the more “cosmopolitan” nature of northern Oman – and of the capital area in particular – and its proximity to the other Gulf States (where negators such as mū or mub are commonly employed with non-verbal elements). 5. Conclusions In the course of this paper, we have shown how some morpho-syntactic and lexical features in the speech of the characters from the yōm u-yōm show are not always consistently realized. We have also shown that, whenever variation occurs, it does so in the speech of the Dhofari characters (DFR1, DFR2) and/or in the speech of the one character from the ad-Dakhiliyah region (DAK), while the speech of the characters from the Bāṭinah Coast (BTN1, BTN2) appears to be more stable. This is not to say, of course, that no phenomenon of variation at all occurs in the speech of the Bāṭinah characters: for instance, variation exists concerning targets controlled by non-human plural heads (which may take either feminine singular or feminine plural agreement), or in the way genitive relations are expressed (either synthetically or analytically), to name just a few examples. But whenever a linguistic feature oscillates between two possible alternative forms in the speech of the characters from the Bāṭinah, it does so in the speech of all other characters as well, while the opposite is not true. The reason for this is that vacillation in the way genitives are expressed, or in the patterns of agreement for non-human plural heads, has inherent linguistic motivations 16, which operate cross-dialectally in all Omani varieties 17. The cases of variation examined in paragraphs 4.1 to 4.5, on the contrary, are motivated by social factors. Assessing the nature of these factors is, of course, no easy task, also because up to this day virtually no study exists about the sociolinguistic reality of Oman: this paper is intended as a second, minor step towards a better understanding of that reality, following the line of research al-Nabhani started. From the little data we have been able to analyze, however, it seems reasonable to draw some preliminary conclusions: first, it would seem that – although the yōm u-yōm show was explicitly conceived as a means of re-affirming the linguistic dignity of Omani Arabic and the self-confidence of its speakers – some features were purposely marginalized or left out of the show 15 It may be worth noting that the negative particle miš is present, along with mā, in Sanaani Arabic, where it “normally negates the predicate” (Watson 2009: 112). 16 No study of these features in Omani Arabic exists at present: Belnap’s work on Cairene colloquial, though, suggests that patterns of agreement are influenced by factors such as animacy, saliency and distance of the locus from the head (Belnap 1991), while the choice of expressing possession via an explicit genitive exponent may have to do with a variety of formal, semantic and pragmatic considerations, including indivituation, focus and textual prominence (Brustad 2000: 74-83). 17 Variable agreement with non-human plural heads, for instance, has been reported for all Omani dialects hitherto described: see Reinhardt (1984: 70) for northern sedentary dialects and Davey (2013: 84) for Dhofar. 144 SIMONE BETTEGA because of their excessively “local” flavor and lack of prestige. This is the case, for instance, of the bū relative pronoun, the mu/muhu interrogative pronoun, and of the H2-type dialects which were mentioned in the third paragraph. These dialects are nowadays spoken only in minor towns and villages of the (mainly mountainous) Jabal Akhdar region, and – it seems to me from my fieldwork experience in Oman – are now losing many of their characterizing features, such as the unconditioned affrication of /k/, especially in the speech of the younger generations. The complete absence of these “rural” varieties from the linguistic reality of the cartoon, then, is not entirely surprising. The second important conclusion is, whenever two possible realizations of the same feature exist in the speech of the characters from Dhofar and ad-Dakhiliyah, one of these forms is always a local, autochthonous one, while the other is always coincident with its equivalent form from the coastal region: this is the case for the spreading of the wēš interrogative pronoun, and for the substitution of the -uh suffix pronoun with -ah and of the -ūn verbal ending with –u 18 (this last point in particular is controversial, in that one would expect other varieties, such as Gulf Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic, to act as prestigious acrolects in this context: if that were true, however, a spreading of the -ūn form at the expenses of -u should occur, and not the reverse) 19. In conclusion, it would seem that some forms typical of the coastal dialect of the Bāṭinah are at present gaining prestige within the borders of Oman, affecting the other varieties to some extent. One possible explanation could be that this region lies close to the capital area of Muscat, which – being by far the major urban center in the country – acts as a pole of influence from where linguistic innovation radiates 20. These conclusions are, at present, only hypothetical, as the question which opened this article (whether or not Oman is likely to see the rise of a national standard in the near future) was mainly a rhetorical one: the time has probably not yet come for a final answer. However, one undeniable fact still stands: that all phenomena of variation which appear in the language of the show could have been easily levelled out had the authors wanted to (given the artificial nature of that language). The fact that they are still there for us to analyze can only mean that nobody perceived this variation as relevant. Despite the presence of such oscillating features, on the other side of the TV screen yōm u-yōm was met by the appreciation of an audience who accepted its language as a close enough approximation of their own actual linguistic reality. It is on the fuzzy, undefined dimension of that enough that the attention of future research should focus, since it incarnates a type of variation not perceived as semantically or stylistically relevant by the speakers themselves, and which could therefore provide important hints as to what is going on presently in the sociolinguistic scenario of Oman – and, potentially, what will happen in the future. References Belnap, R. K. 1991. Grammatical Agreement Variation in Cairene Arabic. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. Brockett, A. A. 1985. The Spoken Arabic of Khābūra. Manchester: Journal of Semitic Studies, Monograph 7, University of Manchester Press. Brustad, K. E. 2000. The Syntax of Spoken Arabic. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Davey, R. J. 2013. Coastal Dhofārī Arabic: a Sketch Grammar. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Manchester: University of Manchester. Eades, D. 2009. “The Arabic dialect of a Shawawi community of northern Oman”, de Jong, R. & al-Wer, E. (eds.), Arabic Dialectology: In Honour of Clive Holes on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday. Leiden: Brill. 77-98. Eades, D. 2011. “A transitional Arabic dialect of the northern Omani interior”, Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 54. 27-41. Holes, C. 1989. “Towards a Dialect Geography of Oman”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52. 446462. The only possible exception to this generalization is the use of negative particles in Dhofar: if the mū/miš negators are not original Dhofari forms, but loans from other dialects, this leaves us with the same system of negative markers as we have in the other Omani varieties. As we have said, though, it remains to be explained why Dhofari characters should be the only ones whose speech has been influenced by non-local dialects. 19 See also note 12: from a typological perspective -ūn forms would be expected to appear, at least sporadically, in the dialect of the Bāṭinah, while this never happens. 20 Although it is not yet possible to speak of a “Muscati” dialect, given the cosmopolitan nature of the capital. On this point see Holes (1989: 446). About the effects of urbanization on the linguistic reality of the Arab World in general, and the Gulf in particular, see Holes (1995: 285). 18 LINGUISTIC SELF-REPRESENTATION IN A POPULAR OMANI CARTOON: TOWARDS THE RISE OF A NATIONAL STANDARD 145 Holes, C., 1995. “Community, Dialect and Urbanization in the Arabic-Speaking Middle East”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 58. 270-287. Holes, C. 2005. “Dialect and national identity: the cultural politics of self-representation in Bahraini musalsalāt”, Dresch, P. & Piscatori, J. (eds), Monarchies and Nations: Globalization and Identity in the Arab States of the Gulf. Reading: I. B. Tauris. 52-72. Holes, C. 2008, “Omani Arabic”, Versteegh, K. et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill. 478-491. Jayakar, A. S. 1889. “The Omanee Dialect of Arabic”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21. 649-687. al-Nabhani, H. 2011. Language and Identity in Oman through the Voice of Local Radio Broadcasters. Unpublished MA Thesis. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh. Reinhardt, C. 1894.Einarabischer Dialektgesprochen in Oman und Zanzibar. Amsterdam: Philo Press. Rhodokanakis, N. 1911. Der vulgärarabische Dialektim Ḏofâr 2. Wien: Hölder. Watson, J. 2009. “Ṣanʿānī Arabic”, Versteegh, K. et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill. 106-115. Webster, R. 1991. “Notes on the dialect and the way of life of the Āl-Wahība Bedouin of Oman”. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies54.473-485. THE SPOKEN ARABIC OF SIIRT: BETWEEN PROGRESS AND DECAY GABRIEL BIȚUNĂ University of Bucharest Abstract: This study focuses on analyzing the current evolution stage of the Spoken Arabic of Siirt. The analysis will take into account all applicable points of view regarding any traces that could indicate the progress (continuous development) or the decay (halted development or continuous decline) of the North-Mesopotamian Arabic variety in question. Keywords: Spoken Arabic of Siirt, language decay, North-Mesopotamian Arabic Dialects, language evolution. Introduction Siirt is a city situated in the South East of Turkey and it is also the seat of Siirt Province, with a population of approximately 140.000 inhabitants, according to the results of the last four national censuses (see References section for the online census sources). Geographically, Siirt is nowadays divided in two major parts: the old city, which is built on a hill and the new city, which begins from the base of the hill. In the old city there are remnants of old cas evleri (houses built with gypsum mortar), mosques, fountains and streets. The old part is animated by a big marketplace with old shops of coppersmiths, blacksmiths, tailors, glassmakers and wool blanket makers, among others. The new city is much larger, spreading across an area of almost 200 km2. One does not usually hear Arabic spoken on the streets of the new city, with the exception of the many teahouses, found at every corner, where people like to chat regardless of the subject and where there is a very high chance of meeting at least one speaker of Spoken Arabic of Siirt (henceforth SAS). The probability of hearing SAS increases as you enter the marketplace where most of the older merchants spend most of their time. From the declarations of the native speakers, no more than 20.000 people still speak this variety of Arabic at a minimum level of communication, while the same native speakers estimate that only 25% of them are able to have a proper conversation, without appealing too much to Turkish for compensating the lack of vocabulary. This variety of Arabic in Siirt faces a particular situation (shared to a certain extent by the other North Mesopotamian Arabic varieties spoken in Turkey), contrary to what happens with the contemporary varieties of Arabic Spoken outside the official borders of the Arab world. Grigore states that these dialects are situated “dans un microcontexte kurde, situé à son tour dans un macrocontexte turc, étant isolé de la sorte de la grande masse des dialectes arabes contemporains” (2003: 120), both of which play a very important role in modelling the defining features of the Arabic dialects in this area. As they were isolated from the wider mass of the Arabic dialects because of political barriers, but also because of the lack of existence of the literary or high variety of Arabic, which was not taught in Turkish schools until very recently (while in the Arab countries everyone learns literary Arabic as early as in primary school), these dialects have witnessed a rather spectacular evolution, with many innovations at all levels, phonological, morphological, syntactic and lexical. Despite the fact that there are clear differences even between these dialects, there are also many a common feature, which makes them rather easy to be analyzed together. This paper aims to undergo an analysis of the Spoken Arabic of Siirt from a sociolinguistic evolutive point of view. The analysis also tries to shed light over the answers to the questions: where is this dialect heading linguistically? How is it evolving? 148 GABRIEL BIȚUNĂ Theoretical Framework For the purpose of better delimitating the concepts of “language decay” and “language death”, I have consulted and subsequently cited the works of Aitchinson (1991), Cambell & Muntzel (1989), Crystal (2000), Dorian (1992), Grinevald (2001), Sasse (1990) and Thoros (2002). For more theoretical background on North-Mesopotamian Arabic varieties, I have consulted the works of Grigore (2003, 2007), Jastrow (1978, 1981, 1992), Lahdo (2009), Sasse (1971), Wittrich (2001) et alii. Data collection and informants The corpus which this research is based on consists of my own recordings (most of which are nonscripted and naturally-occurring, written or audio) employed in the summers of 2013 and 2014 in the city of Siirt and in the Siirti community in Istanbul, along with other recordings employed in July 2015 in Bucharest and many other written recordings achieved via social networking websites on the Internet. The informants were aged from as little as 10 years old to well over 70, having various educational backgrounds, from farmers and ironsmiths to high-school teachers and directors. My main informants 1 (>10 people) are 30 to 40 years old and speak SAS distinguishably better than other informants of the same age (their use of Turkish is diminished to a very small percentage of their overall speech), along with two others aged 55 and another two in their seventies, while the youngest one is 10 years old (which, even if he speaks Turkish most of the time, his conversations with me have always been in SAS). My level of Turkish is elementary, which made SAS the only common language the speakers and I had for interaction. This has sometimes proved to be of significant help, because I always had contact with natural SAS speech but it has also proved to be a big obstacle whenever I would require more subtle language facts and features (while Turkish might have been a great aid, for example, when trying to make the speakers translate exactly what language fact I required). Towards decay or progress? The fieldwork employed specially for this research has followed the premises stated by Grinevald (2001: 290-296): - Considering the past and the future: I have also taken into account the few text samples available in SAS, recorded and translated by Jastrow in 1981, with the purpose of verifying if any modifications have occurred in the last few decades in the language, at the lexical level at least; - Dealing with on-going loss of varieties of language and loss of critical mass of speakers: I have been very careful to acknowledge and write down any Turkish interferences in SAS samples and deemed them reliable sources for my research, while also noting the diminishing number of speakers that are able to use SAS fluently. - Appropriate data collecting methods: I have recreated settings for natural language use and have also recorded many samples of varieties of language use, through narratives and conversations. I have gathered the recordings from my corpus following various methods: a) Picture survey: with the purpose of identifying and confirming the ability of the speakers to spontaneously assign a meaning to a given image; most of the speakers had a good knowledge of the immediate day to day vocabulary. b) Word survey: a survey consisting in a list of words in Turkish, which had to be translated into SAS. A part of this very long list of basic words (around 100 words) can be seen in Table 1. The 1 I would like to thank Necim Gül, SAS speaker, independent researcher and author of important studies on this Arabic variety, who helped me immensely with my ongoing SAS research. 149 THE SPOKEN ARABIC OF SIIRT: BETWEEN PROGRESS AND DECAY results were promising, because most of the given words were almost instantly rendered in SAS, with only a few exceptions (“watermelon”, “worm” and others), which the speakers could not assign a SAS meaning to (~10% of speakers could not name more than 90 out of the 100 words in the list). Table 1 Samples from the word survey spoon elder eye man language dog short wolf bride new old girl maˁlaqa ḫtayār ˁayn ṛağol sayn kalp qṣayyor vīp ˁarūs ždīt ˁatīq bǝnt worm chicken hour spring pain watermelon street hammer door house ant beautiful dūda ğağe sāˁa rabīḥ wağaḥ zabaše ẓāḅōq čāčūk 2 bāp bayt lǝmmāne 3 kwayyǝs c) Expression and sentence survey: the next step was translating expressions which are not commonly used, i.e. pertaining to specific domains (education, administration, politics, engineering etc.). This time the results were not so good, given that the translations that offered me the biggest number of words in Arabic or of Arabic descent were the following: Table 2 English Turkish Siirti Arabic office for development of proje ve strateji geliștirme makān ǝl-geliștirme lǝ-l-prōže strategies and projects ofisi wǝ l-strātāži support services manager destek hizmetleri müdürlüğü mudīratiyyǝt ḫǝzmat ǝl-dǝstǝk address and registration service adres ve kayıt ve numarataj šefliġǝt qayyǝd ǝl-aḍṛāṣ wǝ land numbering servisi ṇaṃṛa The last part of the survey consisted in translating various types of sentences from Turkish (conditional, circumstantial, etc.), most of which were almost always partially translated and out of which I have only selected the following examples: (1) I caught him stealing chickens. (original sentence in Turkish: Ben ona tavuk çalarak yakaladı) āna ka-ašboṭ ğağe, nqamaštu. I was stealing a chicken [and] I got caught. (2) The teacher told us that we should not do these types of errors. (original sentence in Turkish: Öğretmen bize bu tip hataları yapmamamız gerektiğini söyledi) ǝl-mˁallǝm ’āl-[lǝ]na yǝlzǝm la tsawaw āke ġalaṭ! The teacher told us “you must not do such a mistake!” In example 1) the third person required from the SAS speaker in the gerund subordinate was switched to the first person for an easier translation. In example 2) the subordinate sentence has lost its connection with the main sentence by switching from indirect speech to direct speech once more. 2 čāčūk < Tk. çekiç “hammer”, has gone through a metathesis, in contrast with other Mesopotamian Varieties (čākūč in Mardin (Grigore 2007: 47), čākūč in Baghdad (Blanc 1964: 33)). 3 lǝmmāne “ant” has gone twice through the process of metathesis, cf. OA namla “ant”. 150 GABRIEL BIȚUNĂ Going back to the theoretical frame of this article, Hans Jürgen Sasse states the following about the differences between language decay and contact-induced change: he argues that there are two types of speakers that might allow such changes to occur inside a given language or inside an areal of languages. 1. The bilingual speakers, which are the pillar of a language-contact area and they must be able to master their speech in two languages on almost if not all levels and fields of language in general. Nonetheless, exclusively coordinate bilingualism is clearly a difficult matter mainly because the two languages can never be kept totally apart. Sasse states that the “goal over the long term is a total isomorphism of the two languages” (1992: 61). 2. The other type of speakers is the one of the semi-speaker, which represents the pillar of language decay. In the dying speech communities that Sasse surveyed he has found two main types of imperfect speakers. There are speakers that were on their way to becoming full speakers, but never reached that degree of competence due to the lack of regular communication in the language. Nonetheless, these speakers are simply “forgetters” (Sasse 1992: 61), not semi speakers. I have also noticed that most of the informants surveyed by me could easily be integrated into this subcategory, especially the ones in their late 30’s or mid 40’s, which are now the core speakers of the SAS. The other types of imperfect speakers are the ones whose command of language is from the outset imperfect, due to the interruption of language transmission. In Sasse’s researches in Greece he has found that many people “confessed that they learned their language just by listening to it and occasionally talking to elder fluent speakers” (1992: 62). I believe I might be able to place some of my SAS informants into this other category, and I am referring here to the teenagers and young adults, which are sometimes able to communicate, but most of the times they barely manage to get the simplest messages through using the Arabic variety. Campbell and Mutzel (1989:181) distinguish between speakers using the following categories: - strong speakers; - nearly fully competent; - imperfect but reasonable fluent / semi-speakers; - weak; - rememberers – few words and isolated phrases. From my fieldwork, I can assume that the strong speakers are the ones aged over 50, as shown in Table 3: Table 3 strong aged 50+ 20% nearly fully competent aged 35-50 15 % imperfect but reasonable fluent / semi-speakers aged 30-40 15% weak aged 15-30 20% rememberers aged 0-15 30% It should be mentioned that I have only taken into account the sociologic aspect of SAS developing, while its linguistic mechanism has yet to be discussed. For that matter, I have consulted Kees Versteegh’s work on pidginization and creolization of Arabic dialects (1984). Versteegh states that “as soon as people start to speak their own approximation of a given language we are dealing with a process of pidginization, whether or not this leads to a discrete variety which is used for some time and which might be termed a 'pidgin'” (1984: 40). In SAS, for example, the children receive language acquisition input from their parents only rarely and most of the times this happens with the help of their grandparents. Now, let us take into account the following facts: - SAS is a sprachinsel (it is an Arabic environment surrounded by Turkish and cohabiting with Kurdish, which, in the region in question, is spoken more and more often). THE SPOKEN ARABIC OF SIIRT: BETWEEN PROGRESS AND DECAY 151 - SAS is spoken at a fluent level by only a handful of people nowadays (less than 10% of the population living in Siirt). - SAS is currently undergoing several levels of simplification, following various factors (with the majority representing imperfect speakers and rememberers) which point to what might be called as an involution of the language. SAS evolution features Phonology The general merging of the phonemes /Ì/ and /ḍ/ into one /Ì/ (as it is the case in most NorthMesopotamian Arabic varieties), which in SAS led to /ṿ/, as in the examples below: (3) a. ṿaw, cf. Old Arabic ḍaw’ “light”; b. ṿarab, cf. Old Arabic ḍaraba “he hit”; c. ṿǝlla, cf. Old Arabic Ìill “shadow”. There is also a partial merging of /ˁ/ and /ḥ/, consisting at first of a voiced-voiceless pair, according to the position of the consonant in the syllable: (4) a. mōṿaḥ, cf. O.A. mawḍiˁ “place”, “location” b. mōṿaˁ-uw “his place” but c. naḥna / naˁna “we” There is a big tendency for all imperfect speakers and rememberers (sometimes this applies to the higher rated categories of speakers) to render all SAS speech on a Turkish phonetic frame. In example (5a) below all SAS specific phonemes have been approximated to the Turkish phonemes that they share common features with and subsequently lost those features (/q/ > /k/; /ḥ/ > /h/; /ṭ/ > /t/), i.e. emphatic and posterior ones switched to non-emphatic or non-posterior, on top of a lack of gemination of /š/ next to the definite article in l-šite. (5) a. fi-l-šite baka bala hatap (how the same sentence has been uttered by a strong SAS speaker) in the winter he remained with no firewood b. fi-š-šǝta baqa bala ḥaṭap Morphology As it occurs in almost all other Arabic varieties, the OA distinction of the three verbal moods – indicative, subjunctive and jussive – is lost; the verbal system has been simplified through the disappearance of the internal passive, the reduction of many verbal forms (mainly III, IV and VI) and the merging of weak verbs into similar conjugations, the disappearance of some grammatical persons (the entire dual number, while the plural for the second and third persons takes a single form for both feminine and masculine genders, instead of two). Lexical features - borrowings Another fact that might lead us to believe SAS is slowly fading away is the great number of Turkish and Kurdish loans it utilizes in various contexts. Jean Aitchison’s research has taken me to this classification of how a language might be able to borrow vocabulary from the donor language (1991: 142-143). I. Detachable elements; II. Adopted elements; III. Corresponding aspects between the donor and borrowing language; IV. Minimal adjustment. 152 GABRIEL BIȚUNĂ I. Detachable elements are the most easily and commonly taken over – that is, elements which are easily detached from the donor language and which will not affect the structure of the borrowing language. An obvious example regarding this matter is the ease with which items of vocabulary make their way from language to language, particularly if the words have some type of prestige. The first thing that comes to mind is the religious and administrative terms which have been borrowed mostly as such from Turkish, which, in its turn, has also taken them from Old Arabic (henceforth OA). In example (6) all words that had interdentals in OA switched in SAS in fricatives, while in Turkish they switched to sibilants. (6) a. muezzin (m’azzǝn, at SAS strong speakers) < Tk. müezzin 4, cf. OA mu’aḏḏin “muezzin”. b. uzuv (uzūv, at SAS strong speakers) < Tk. uzuv, cf. OA ˁuḍw “member, organ”. c. hāfǝz (ḥāfoẓ, at SAS strong speakers) < Tk. hafız, cf. OA ḥāfiÌ “one who has memorized the Qur’an”. (7) la tsay merak etmiš. durum-u uwe meli (Tk. merak etmek “to worry”; durum “situation”) “don’t worry. his situation is good” II. A second characteristic is that adopted items tend to be changed to fit in with the structure of the borrower’s language, though the borrower is only occasionally aware of the imposed distortion. (8) a. waḫt, cf. Tc. vakit 5 “time”, cf. OA waqt b. ma’mōṛ < Tk. memur “functionary”, cf. OA ma’mūr c. walāye “city” < Tk. vilayet “province”, cf. OA wilāya “governorate” III. A third characteristic is that a language tends to select for borrowing those aspects of the donor language which superficially correspond fairly closely to aspects already in its own. (9) uwe mǝn-ni akwas yǝgri bǝ-l-ˁarbi “he speaks arabic better than me” (10) ǝl-ṛās ysay idarǝt uzūvāt kǝll-ǝn lǝ fǝ-l-beden “The head manages all the organs that are in the body” (11) hamm rafqīn-ok w hamm aylǝt-ok yǝlzǝm ysawaw-k desteklemiš your friends and your family too have to give you support In example (9) the topic is clearly the same as in Turkish, given that the compared objects stay together before the comparative adjective. The sentence in Turkish would be O benden daha iyi arapça konuşuyor, which has clearly had an influence over the topic of the SAS sentence. Example (10) shows that the lack of sufficient vocabulary has created room for direct insertions of Turkish in SAS speech (ysay idarǝt < Tk. idare etmek; uzūvāt < Tk. uzuv “organ”, cf. OA ˁuḍw; beden < Tk. beden, cf. OA badan). Example (11) shows the same lack of confidence over SAS vocabulary, which generated the Turkish insertions aylǝt < Tk. ayle “family” and desteklemiš “support”). IV. A final characteristic has been called the ‘minimal adjustment’ tendency – the borrowing language makes only very small adjustments to the structure of its language at any one time. (12) ˁala ganğǝtiyǝt-u uwe bōš ğǝhātī “despite his youthfulness he is very hardworking” (13) rǝkǝsna fi ṛās māṣǝt-u “we sat at the head of his table” Example (12) shows not only the emergence of a new word in SAS, resulting from the suffixation of Tk. gençlik “youthfulness”, but also the occurrence of a new phoneme, /g/ in this 4 For Turkish I have used Parker’s Turkish - English Thesaurus Dictionary (2008). The switch was not from /q/ to /ḫ/, rather from /k/, in the spoken Turkish varieties in the region, where the /q/ alternates with /ḫ/ syllable-finally: yok “there is not” is realized as yoq or yoḫ (see also Deny 1920: 65). 5 THE SPOKEN ARABIC OF SIIRT: BETWEEN PROGRESS AND DECAY 153 Arabic variety. Example (13) shows that the Turkish word masa “table” has undergone another development stage, where it was deemed a feminine noun and received the feminine specific morpheme -t in the construct state māṣǝt-u. Still a flourishing language! Even if sociolinguistically, SAS has the symptoms of a dying language because most of its strong speakers are now well in their forties and above, the language is continuously producing new lexical elements, using its lexical derivation stems. There are many ways in which SAS is continuously developing. Nonetheless I will only make a selection of features in order to demonstrate my statement. Among these features, there are: i) new internal plurals: (14) a. ṭǝffāl - ṭafāfīl “child - children”, cf. OA ṭifl - ’aṭfāl b. bǝf ̣oṛ - abāf ̣īṛ “nail - nails”, cf. OA Ìufr - ’uÌfūr c. baraz - bǝrzān “pig - pigs” < Kd. 6 beraz - berazan 7 d. qalam - qlūme “pencil - pencils”, cf. OA qalam - ’aqlām ii) the singulative suffix āye, employed with Arabic and Turkish words alike: (15) a. wardāye “rose”, cf. OA warda b. čičakāye “flower” < Tk. çiçek iii) the či suffix, borrowed from Turkish, employed with Arabic and Kurdish words: (16) a. ḥağarči “worker on construction sites”, cf. OA ḥağar “rocks” + či b. yārīči “joker, jester” < Kd. yarî „joke, verbal game” + či iv) new verbs and nouns built on Turkish or Kurdish words: (17) a. qayyǝt - yqayyǝt “to save, to register” < Tk. kaydetmek, cf. OA qayyad - yuqayyid b. gawwap - ygawwǝp “to foam” < Tk. köpük “foam” v) presence of individually distinguishable preverbal particles (which provide a multitude of verbal meanings): (18) ana kǝl ṣǝmtu ka-kǝn-nǝmtu ḥassaytu da-asalli w aṛō l-maktap “I fasted, I had slept, [then] I woke up [to] pray and I [will] go to school.” Conclusion The Spoken Arabic of Siirt will be facing its biggest challenge in the following few decades. Its strong or almost fluent speakers are getting old while the younger ones are beginning to either forget it or they are simply choosing to replace it with the much more “useful” Turkish, as it is the official language and the language employed in all important domains, from the newspaper and television to school and administration. This article has attempted to show only a few of the phenomena of language decay present in SAS, but there is still much to study on this topic. On the other hand, if we took into account all development proofs, we may be reluctant to say it is a linguistically dying language, for it still produces new verbs, nouns and adjectives, while preserving its Arabic syntax and morphology. Suffice it to say that if SAS speakers somehow found a way to continuously teach their 6 For Kurdish I have used the Kurdish - English dictionary of Chyet (2003). The SAS plural bǝrzān is the result of the overlapping of the Kurdish unique plural morpheme berazan on the ān ending of the Arabic internal plural stem C1ǝC2C3ān, which is very productive in North-Mesopotamian dialects (in Mardin: ṭǝrqān “roads”, ṣǝdqān “friends” and others (Grigore 2007: 195-196)). 7 154 GABRIEL BIȚUNĂ newer generations their mother tongue, this Arabic variety would be perfectly preserved and able to flourish and renew with every generation that comes. References Aitchinson, Jean. 1991. Language change progress or decay? Cambridge University Press. Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal dialects in Baghdad. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Cambell, Lyle and Muntzel, Martha. 1989. “The structural consequences of language death”. In Investigating obsolescence: studies in language contraction and death (Studies in the Social and Cultural Foundations of Language 7). Cambridge University Press. Chyet, Michael L. 2003. Kurdish - English Dictionary / Ferhenga Kurmanci - Inglizi. New Haven; London: Yale University Press. Crystal, David. 2000. Language death. Cambridge University Press. Deny, J. 1920. Grammaire de la langue turque (Dialecte osmanli). Paris: Éditions Ernest Leroux. Dorian, Nancy (ed.). 1992. Investigating Obsolescence : Studies in Language Contraction and Death. Grigore, George and Bițună, Gabriel. 2012. Common Features of North Mesopotamian Arabic Dialects Spoken in Turkey (Şırnak, Mardin, Siirt), M. Nesim Doru (ed.), Bilim Düşünce ve Sanatta Cizre. 545-555. Istanbul: Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi Yayınları. Grigore, George. 2003. Quelques traces du contact linguistique dans le parler arabe de Mardin (Turquie). RomanoArabica III: 119-134. Grigore, George. 2007. L’arabe parlé à Mardin – monographie d’un parler arabe périphérique. Bucureşti: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti. Grinevald. Collette. 2001. Encounters at the brink: Linguistic fieldwork among speakers of endangered languages, O. Sakiyama (ed.): Lectures on Endangered Languages 2. Kyoto: Nakanishi Printing Company. 285-313. Jastrow, Otto. 1978. Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qəltu-Dialecte, vol. 1, Phonologie und Morphologie. Wiesbaden: Steiner. Jastrow, Otto. 1981. Die mesopotamisch-arabischen qəltu-Dialekte, vol. 2, Volkskundliche Texte in elf Dialekten. Stuttgart : Franz Steiner. Jastrow, Otto. 1992. „The qǝltu dialects of Mesopotamian Arabic”. Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre interferencias lingüisticas arabo-romances y paralelos extra-iberos. 119-123. Zaragoza. Lahdo, Ablahad. 2009. The arabic Dialect of Tillo in the Region of Siirt (South-eastern Turkey). Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet. Parker, Philip M. 2008. Webster’s Turkish – English Thesaurus Dictionary. San Diego: ICON Group International, Inc. Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 1971. Linguistische Analyse des Arabischen Dialekts der Mḥallamīye in der Provinz Mardin (Südossttürkei). Berlin. Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 1992. “Language decay and contact-induced change: Similarities and differences”, Brenzinger (ed.), Language death: factual and theoretical explorations with special reference to East Africa. Berlin; New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 59-81. Thoros, Eileen. 2002. “Markedness and morphological change in obsolescent languages”. Versteegh, Kees. 1984. Pidginization and Creolization: The Case of Arabic. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins. Wittrich, Michaela. 2001. Der arabische Dialekt von Azəx. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Online references http://www.webcitation.org/6NPVGEX6n - Siirt Province census 2012 - Turkish Statistical Institute (accessed on 01.10.2015) http://www.webcitation.org/6NPVGEX6n - Siirt Province census 2013 - Turkish Statistical Institute (accessed on 01.10.2015) http://www.webcitation.org/6WFDSCagC - Siirt Province census 2014 - Turkish Statistical Institute (accessed on 01.10.2015) REFERENCE AND SPATIAL ORIENTATION IN “ORDINARY DISCOURSES”. HNA VS. HNAK, TӘMM AND L-HĪH IN ALGERIAN ARABIC1 AZIZA BOUCHERIT Université Paris Descartes –Sorbonne Paris Cité MoDyCo, UMR 7114 - CNRS - Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense Abstract: The access to the referents of spatial deictics jointly proceeds from their inherent semantic meanings and the interlocutory relations of the verbal exchange. This premise is the starting point of the present study whose theoretical framework is Bülher’s deixis model that states that the meaning of deictics depends on a “deictic center” determined by the “subjective orientation” of the interlocutors. The taking into consideration of the coordinates of this orientation leads to using one deictic or another. This theoretical viewpoint led us to consider the meaning of deictics not in terms of degrees < PROXIMAL / ± PROXIMAL-DISTAL / DISTAL > as usually done but in terms of a binary opposition between < HERE > and < NOT HERE >: the referents of < HERE > are present and accessible to the interlocutors who share a common perceptive field in a direct or imaginary way, while the reverse holds true for < NOT HERE >. The analysis of the corpus, a set of “ordinary discourses” in Algerian Arabic, is carried out by using these notions. Keywords: Reference, spatial orientation, spatial deictics, ordinary discourses, Algerian Arabic. Introduction In continuation of a previous study investigating how spatial deictics work in Algerian Arabic tales (Boucherit: to be published) the present paper examines the issue in “ordinary discourses”. The theoretical framework is Bülher’s deixis model, which is based on “the system of coordinates of “subjective orientation” in which the partners of a communication are caught and remain caught” (Bühler/Samain 1934/2009: 205). Section 1 presents the theoretical framework (deixis and spatial orientation: § 1.1), the analytical framework (spatial deictics and referent: § 1.2) and the corpus (§ 1.3). Section 2 describes how the system of spatial deictics works (§ 2.1) and the role of the instances of discourse (§ 2.2). The conclusion reviews the uses of deictics in “ordinary discourses”. 1. Theoretical and analytical framework 1.1. Deixis and spatial orientation According to Bühler, deictic words receive their meaning in the “deictic field of the language” (1934/2009: 175) 2; they have a designation function and are related to the sphere of the person, the subject of enunciation. This is why their meaning depends on a deictic center, or origo (a benchmark consisting in a subject, a location and a time, namely I-here-now), determined by the subjective 1 Conventions. “Ordinary discourses”, when in brackets, refers to the examined corpus (see § 1.3); narrative and discourse written in small letters refer to the text genres and are to be taken in the usual meaning of the terms; Narrative and Discourse with a capital letter refer to the instances of discourse defined by Benveniste (1974). To make the reading easier, the deictics and their variants are written in capital letters, except for the examples; therefore an abstract form has been retained. In the examples they are spelled phonetically as produced by the speakers. The passages pertaining to the Discourse are italicized; the ones pertaining to the Narrative are in Roman letters. 2 As opposed to the “symbolic field” . Deictic words have contextual semantic properties whereas symbolic signs have inherent properties, hence the two reference spheres distinguished by Bühler: the personal sphere, related to the deictic field, and the environmental sphere, related to the symbolic field (see Rousseau 2000 and 2004). 156 AZIZA BOUCHERIT orientation of the interlocutors. The taking into consideration of this orientation leads the speaker to choose a deictic following two main modes: demostratio ad oculos and deixis am Phantasma 3. In demostratio ad oculos (direct, obvious deixis) the referents are present and within the reach of the interlocutors who share a common perceptive field. In deixis am Phantasma (the deixis of fiction, of memory, in absentia) the referents are not present in a common perceptive field but in a fictional or absent one, “reachable through memory”. The localization process of the referent is basically the same for the two modes – but in deixis am Phantasma the deictic field is a mental representation whereas in demostratio ad oculos the deictic field is the immediate situation – hence the use of the same deictics in both modes (Bühler/Samain id.: 230 et 231-232). Bühler distinguishes three large classes of deictics (personal, spatial and temporal) to which he associates manner deictics and demonstratives. These three classes are generally found in languages. 1.2. Spatial deictics and referent The examined deictics are the ones that are commonly used in the Maghreb (Marçais 1977: 248-249). They are HNA [hna, əhna, hnāya, hənnaya], HNAK, TƏMM [təmm, ŧəmm, səmm; təmma, ŧəmma, səmma; təmmak, ŧəmmak, səmmak] and L-HĪH [lhēh, lhīh] 4 for static localization; when preceded by l- or mən they refer to a localization that implies a motion. On the distance axis (that organizes the < PROXIMAL > vs. < DISTAL > opposition) they are described as regards the distance between the “cible” (the entity to be localized or moved) and the “site” (the reference entity) 5. The distance may be apprehended: – in an objective way: measurement of the absolute distance between the cible and the site, assessed by a norm whose properties are difficult to define since they vary; – in a functional way: reachability of site from cible, or from cible to site, which is to be linked with other factors such as prehension and time; – in a subjective way: expressive uses that reveal the implication or the distancing of the speaker from his interlocutor or from his utterance. As a rule the deictic referents are distributed in a tripartite way on the axis (in reality, fictionally or by transposition). According to this distribution HNA sets the referent close to the deictic center while HNAK, TƏMM and L-HĪH set it at an undermined distance. Thus, on the distance axis only HNA is set on the < PROXIMAL > localization pole, whereas the others share the < DISTAL > localization, often according to vague criteria6. This leads to the < PROXIMAL > - < ± PROXIMAL > < DISTAL > tripartion, in other words: here, there and over there. 3 Bühler adds a third mode (not studied as such in this paper) that he considers as a subclass of the two others: anaphora and cataphora which refer, by transposition, to “something that has already been mentioned or, “by anticipation, to something that is about to be mentioned ” ( Bühler/Samain id. : 226). 4 The morphological change of deictics will not be discussed here, in particular the one concerning the augmentative form -ya of HNA to which an expressive value is often granted – the “ponderousness” of the sound might correspond to “an expression of corroboration and emphasis” (Marçais 1956: 483). Our data do not make it possible to conclude on this point. The four cases in which an utterance including HNA could be considered as expressive (emphasis, involvement of the speaker) illustrate instead the decisive role played by intonation, since, in these cases, HNA is spoken out either in a “light” or “heavy” form. 5 For convenience sake I have kept the words “cible” and “site” (Vandeloise, 1986) that I usually use in my research work in French. The English words for “cible” and “site” (Vandeloise, 1986) are “figure” and “ground”, respectively (Talmy, 2000). 6 For example, in his description of the Arabic language spoken in Djidjelli, Marçais (1956: 578) writes that “for distal localization, spoken language uses both l-hêh et l-təmm. It seems that the former situates, without much precision, at a rather big distance while the latter indicates a more precise and closer distance, but a point that cannot be seen” (our translation). On top of the semantic differences “without much precision”, “rather big”) Marçais tries to differentiate the use of these two deictics with, the vision criterion must be retained (“a point that cannot be seen”) – however, in reality, when examining the actual uses in their linguistic context, it turns out it is not really relevant. Yet, a criterion permitting to justify the tripartite use of deictics may be singled out. Thus, Grigore (2012: 80) clearly evidences that in the system he describes for Bagdad the two deictics that share the < DISTAL > pole do no differ by their smaller or bigger distance from the deictic center but by the < LATERALITY > feature. “The meaning of ġād is vaguer than that of hnāk because it indicates not only a more distal location but also a location situated laterally of the benchmark”. Note that the use of ġād as spatial deictic is not common in the Maghreb (Marçais 1977: 249) and that it has not been collected throughout our corpus. REFERENCE AND SPATIAL ORIENTATION IN “ORDINARY DISCOURSES”. HNA VS. HNAK, TӘMM AND L-HĪH IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 157 However, the distinction between here and there is not significant as regards their uses. For example, from a spatial point of view what would the difference be between the two adverbs in “Mister Bülher is not here” and “Mister Bülher is not there” 7? Is it reasonable to say that the signifié of here is “PROXIMAL location” and the one of there “DISTAL location”, when both can be used even if the localization of the cible to the site does not differ? Therefore the facts will not be considered here/there (?) in terms of degrees, which would imply relying on an insufficiently documented semantic tripartition, but in binary terms, articulating an opposition between < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE > or, what is equivalent, between < THERE > vs. < NOT THERE >. Keeping this in mind we can state that: 1) the referent of < HERE > is present and reachable ad oculos or am Phantasma for the interlocutors who share a common perceptive field. The reverse holds true for < NOT HERE >. 2) the meaning of deictics, built up within the interlocution space in which the verbal exchange takes place, depends on the spatio-temporal coordinates of those who participate in the communication and on a deictic center set by the enunciation situation and the co-text. Those are the criteria used to analyze the tales in our previous study and the “ordinary discourses” in the present paper. The conditions in which the discourse is produced in these two text genres differ 8 but, present in both genres, the distinction between the instances of enunciation of the Narrative and of the Discourse remain relevant. Indeed, as their “contextual semantic properties” place the deictics in the “sphere of the person” (see note 2) determining their meaning requires taking into account the enunciation instance in which they appear. 1.3. Corpus Most of “the ordinary discourses” of the corpus are recordings made during field investigations carried out by myself or other researchers (see the Sources in the bibliography). They are narratives that relate daily life events and dialogues taped in situations of live communication either private (talks between interlocutors) or public (radio broadcasts based on phone-in audience participation). On top of that, two types of local artistic productions (a comic sketch and a film) in which, as in real life, narratives (monologues) alternate with dialogues between the protagonists, have been included in the corpus. As regards the instances of enunciation these “ordinary discourses” include some sequences that pertain to the Narrative and some that pertain to the Discourse (direct or reported). Few spatial deictics have been found in spite of the size and diversity of the corpus. Fifty-five spatial deictics of all types were uttered by fifteen different speakers and, among those, the low use of L-HĪH (two occurrences) and HNAK (three occurrences) is to be pointed out. Of note: no speakers used more than two different deictics HNA and HNAK (one speaker), HNA and L-HĪH (two speakers), HNA and TƏMM (twelve speakers). In other words, when demonstrated, the spatial opposition between < HERE > and < NOT HERE > is expressed mostly by HNA vs. TƏMM 2. How deictics work in “ordinary discourses” 2.1. Bipartite distribution of the system of spatial deictics The first fact that emerges from the study is that throughout the corpus no speakers use a system of deictics that would allow them to measure up the distance between the site and the cible in a tripartite way (see § 1.2). Whatever the instance of discourse, when a speaker uses in the same text more than 7 These two examples and the ensuing development are taken from Danon-Boileau (1992: 13). Thus, the tales, which comprise very few communication situations, display few enunciative marks whereas the “ordinary discourses” rely more on the implicit conveyed by the communication situation and constantly refer to the enunciation. Yet there are no impenetrable barriers between the two text genres as shown by the monologues in the “ordinary discourses” or the dialogues in the tales. 8 158 AZIZA BOUCHERIT one deictic, the distance is signified in a bipartite way, either by the pair HNA vs. TƏMM, or by the pair HNA vs. HNAK, but very seldom by the pair HNA vs. L-HĪH. 2.1.1. Where it appears clearly that HNA contrasts with TƏMM The narrative relates the trip of the speaker 9 towards Sétif (270 km east of Algiers, the point of departure) the city her family comes from. On her way there, before reaching her final destination, she had to stop at Tizi-Ouzou (110 kms east of Algiers) because her car had broken down. Once in Sétif she spent a few days there, moved in and around the city and drove back to Algiers. (1) ṛuḥt f-әṣ-ṣtīf / ṛuḥna mәnna b-l-әhmīs l-әcšәyya fә s-sәyyāṛa – “I went to Sétif. We left here [Algiers] on a Thursday…” (2) ğәwwәzna līla təmma u ġәdwa mәn dāk ḍәḷḷīna təmma – “We spent the night there [Tizi Ouzou] and the next day we stayed there [Tizi-Ouzou].” (3) u mәn bacd ṛɔḥt / qcat 10: šwәyya fә-l-bәr: / yacni harәğ ṣṭīf / fә-l-bәr: / qcat: wāḥdә tәmn әyyām təmma ... u wәllit lә-dzayәr – “Then I left, I stayed for a while in the country, that is to say outside Sétif, in the countryside. I stayed there for about eight days… and I went back to Algiers. (Georgin, 219-227) This sequence clearly shows the successive changes of the reference points of the deictics (Alger, Tizi-Ouzou, Sétif). With mәnna < mәn hna (1), the reference point is the place where the speaker stands, the point of origin of the movement signified jointly by mәn and the verb “to leave” with its initial polarity. In the rest of the narrative, it is from this original location that the speaker reaches the point of reference referred to by tәmma (2) and (3). 2.1.2. Where it appears clearly that HNA contrasts with HNAK In the following instance of Discourse (ex. 4), the events are described by the speaker 11 in relation to a deictic center consisting in the subjective orientation of the child the narrative is about. The locations the deictics refer to are situated in relation to the place where the child is when the speaker offers to take him for a walk in a garden, far away from where he is. The excerpt that follows is the child’s answer. (4) ... u huwa sidna qal la la ma-nroḥ-š / cala ğal cal hәmsa candi televizjõ nšuf waḥd mike ... qal iyyay nroḥo hēr lә-hna ... qultlu kima ḥabbit ... qal ndiw l-hobz әl-yabәs baš nacṭew l-hnәk l-caṣāfәr yaklo u l-brakɛt “And Mister, he says: No, no, I’m not going because at five o’ clock there’s the TV, I’m watching Mickey [a cartoon]… He says: You come, let’s go here [around here]… I told him: As you wish… [Before we left for a walk] he said: let’s take some stale bread so that over there we can feed the birds of the world and the ducks.” (Boucherit, 2002 : 229-230). In both cases the deictics, preceded by lә- and by motion verbs with initial polarity (“to leave”, “to take”), express a movement with the child as point of origin (site). With lә–hna the site and the cible coincide: the point of destination of the movement that leads the speaker to the child (cible) matches the point of origin, the signified of the deictic < HERE >. Conversely, with l-hnәk the point of origin (the place where the child and the speaker are) and the point of destination of the movement (the garden) do not coincide and the deictic refers to a place outside the sphere of the speakers who are the deictic centers of the utterance. Its signified is < NOT HERE >. 9 Born in Algiers (Casbah) and having lived there ever since; approximately forty years old at the time of the interview. For qcad-t : frequent assimilation of the dentals [d] and [t] in final position, which phonetically amounts to a long consonant. In the word [bәr:] “countryside” in which the final consonant is also long, the lengthening applies to the gemination that would have occurred had the consonant been intervocalic: [bәrra]. 11 She is from Dellys, a city on the coast, about one hundred kilometers east of Algiers and she had been living in Algiers for about thirty years at the time of the recording. 10 REFERENCE AND SPATIAL ORIENTATION IN “ORDINARY DISCOURSES”. HNA VS. HNAK, TӘMM AND L-HĪH IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 159 2.1.3. Where it seems less clear that HNA contrasts with L-HĪH The opposition between HNA et L-HĪH, it is not as clear cut, on the one hand because L-HĪH is used only twice throughout the corpus by two different speakers, and on the other hand because the use made of HNA and L-HĪH in the same sentence does not appear to articulate the opposition < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE >. In one of the cases (ex.5) the speaker’s use of spatial deictics (bi- or tripartite mode) cannot be determined since only L-HĪH has been found in his narrative. (5) w rūhī l-hīh / tsәmmā lә ... l-ğānūb / mā kāš lī yәtcaššā bә ... maḥsūb mā-ydīr-š ṭ-ṭcām “Go there, that is to say in … in the South, no one is having diner with…, that is to say no one is making couscous” (= “Go there and you will see that what I am saying is true!” (Bergman, 208). In this text the speaker 12 describes to his interlocutor the way of life of the people of the south of Algeria where, according to him, a dinner without couscous is impossible. The deictic, preceded by lәand by a verb of motion refers to the arrival point (cible) of the imaginary movement whose starting point is the speakers’ position (site) at the time of enunciation; it refers to a location situated outside the sphere of the interlocutors who are the deictic centers of the utterance and its signifié is < NOT HERE >. In the other case (ex. 6), HNA and L-HĪH are used in the same sentence to describe the respective position of men and women in a procession organized for the “visit the saints” during the Henna ceremony of a wedding 13. (6) yәddū-hum bә-l-mәzwәd wә t-tbәl wә kađā, wә n-nsāwīn hum yәšṭḥū mәnhī wә-r-rğāl yәšṭḥū mәnnā, fārīq mәnnā w fārīq mәnnā w rāyhīn. “They take them with the mezoued 14 and the drum and such. The women dance on one side and the men dance on the other, one group here and one group here, as they go off”. (Bergman, 172). The different location of the two groups is first expressed by mәnhī vs. mәnnā then, when rephrasing to clarify the situation, only mәnnā is used. Therefore if, as first hypothesized, mәnhī vs. mәnnā makes it possible to express the distance between the site and the cible by referring the deictics to < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE >, we may wonder why, in the same situation the two adverbs are not maintained. In fact if we agree that the localization process of the deictic referents relies on the interlocutor’s acceptance of a point of view located inside the fiction world introduced by the speaker’s narrative, we must also admit that this interpretation is made from this point of view, which then becomes the deictic center (site). Thus, the locations (cibles) of this fiction world take shape in the interlocutor’s imaginary representation of the scene, engendered by the speaker’s descriptions. Consequently, from this point of view, mәnhī and mәnnā operate in opposition not to distinguish a < HERE > from a < NOT HERE > to be referred to the deictic center, but to signify that, in the procession, the women and the men make up two separate groups – an interpretation supported by the fact that only mәnnā is then used in the rephrasing in which two identical clauses [fārīq mәnnā] are coordinated. In (6) mәnhī et mәnnā each indicate “a set of individuals, different one from the other” without with no need to refer one group to a < HERE > and the other to a < NOT HERE> as regards the deictic center. And this seems to be a stylistic use rather than an opposition on the distance axis. This stylistic use “neutralizes” the < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE > opposition and is similar to the one found in idiomatic expressions such as [min hna wa min hnak] that can be translated, according to needs, by “anywhere and everywhere”, “here and there”, “on the one hand, on the other hand”, “near and far” “with bricks and blocks”, where the deictics operate as synonyms as regards the < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE > spatial opposition. Thus, when it has been possible to highlight it, the speakers’ deictic system really appears to rely on a bipartite opposition. 12 He is from the wilaya of Béchar region (western Algerian Sahara), about 1,150 km south west of Algiers. One step of the traditional wedding ceremony in Algeria consists in applying henna, which symbolizes happiness, on the bride’s hands (sometimes on the groom’s too) and in some regions, to go to a saint’s mausoleum to do so. About the use of henna see Vonderheyden (1934) and about the cult of the saints see Dermenghen (1954). 14 A traditional music instrument, a sort of bagpipe. 13 160 AZIZA BOUCHERIT 2.2. Instances of discourse: reference point and access to the referent In so far as the meaning of deictics results from the spatio-temporal coordinates of the protagonists of the communication and from the deictic center determined by their location at the time of enunciation it is important to take into consideration the instance in which the deictics occur in order to determine its role. For illustrative purpose three examples have been retained: the first pertains to the Narrative instance (ex. 7), the two others pertain to the direct and reported Discourse (ex. 8 and 9, respectively); these three examples, the preceding examples (1 to 6) and the whole of the corpus highlight the same uses. – Example 7 (Bergman, 350, 352). It is a narrative in which the speaker, a native of Oran (a city in western Algeria) takes his interlocutor through a virtual tour of the city – as is often the case in “ordinary discourses” more particularly in an urban environment the speaker switches between Arabic and French 15. (7 a ) ... le quartier ḥamrī / anā zәtt 16 tәmmak / nwurrī-l-әk wīn skәnt / wīn wīn zәtt ... – « ... the Ḥamri neighborhood. I was born there. I’ll show where I lived, where, where I was born ». (7 b ) ... w nrūḥū l-Gambetta / Gambetta, c’est un beau quartier / ... fә nord ... nord-est d’Oran w la vue mәn tәmmak šbab / très beau ... – “ ... and we will go to Gambetta. Gambetta it’s a nice neighborhood ... to the north ... northeast of Oran and the view from there is beautiful, very beautiful ...” (7 c ) ... ndәrbū dawra le front de mer / le front de mer nğәmmcū tәmmak barra ... - « ... we’ll do a tour of the seafront. The seafront, we’ll get together there outside ... » – Example 8 (Boucherit, 261). In the dialogue this excerpt is taken from, the interlocutors, both from Algiers, are discussing the socio-economic and political situation of Algeria. In the passage that includes the deictic the speaker questions his interlocutor directly. (8) ... hna ... rağcәt ḥukuma dahәl ḥukuma / fhәmt-ni – “… here… It has become a State within the State! Do you get me?” – Example 9 (Boucherit, 269). The exchange occurs between the presenter of an Algerian radio station and a listener who is calling in. The caller, a 22-year-old woman who has always lived in Babel-Oued (a popular district of Algiers) reports what a member of the administration said about a request made by her mother-in-law. (9) qalu / ruḥu təmma yacṭekum wәlla kayin endroit win tḥaṭṭu kiosque – “They said: go there, if a space is available to put up a booth, they will give it to you” 17. 2.2.1. Reference point and instances of discourse Generally speaking, in the Narrative, the reference point of the deictic is a location previously mentioned in the utterance. Thus, in (7) TƏMM successively indicates three places in the city of Oran: the ḥamrī district (7 a ), Gambetta (7 b ) and the seafront (7 c ). In relation to the deictic center (site) determined by the spatio-temporal location of the interlocutors at the beginning of the tour TƏMM refers to the different stops (cibles) made during the virtual tour and stands for a < NOT HERE > (the site and the cibles do not match). In contrast, in the Discourse, the reference point of the deictic is determined by the situation of enunciation. In (8) HNA refers to the place where the interlocutors stand physically and mentally at the time of enunciation; HNA stands for a < HERE > (the site and the cible match) and its referent, Algeria (taken as a geographic, social, economic and political space) can be deduced from the spatio-temporal coordinates of the location. In (9) TƏMM refers to a place known by the speakers at the time of enunciation, the office of the administration in charge of 15 In examples (7) and (9), the Arabic language is written in phonetics, the French language in ordinary letters and underlined. In the translation the words originally spoken in French are underlined. 16 For [zәdt] (see note 9). 17 These are small booths set up on the roadside, awarded by the administration to the widows and families of veterans, where they can sell trinkets, tobacco and newspapers. REFERENCE AND SPATIAL ORIENTATION IN “ORDINARY DISCOURSES”. HNA VS. HNAK, TӘMM AND L-HĪH IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 161 awarding booths. This place is not mentioned in the utterance and is not the place where the speakers stand: it is a < NOT HERE > (the site and the cible do not match). 2.2.2. Access to the referent and instances of discourse The deictic referent is identified either directly by the situation of enunciation (deixis ad oculos), or indirectly by mentioning in the utterance an imaginary world, absent or reachable through memory (deixis am Phantasma). Thus, in the Narrative, as shown in example 7 where the city of Oran and the different places mentioned during the tour are not visible at the time of enunciation, the speaker reaches the referent through his memory and the interlocutor through his “constructive imagination” (Bühler/ Samain 1934/2009: 230). Conversely, in the Discourse (ex. 8 et 9), the access to the referent depends directly on the situation of communication (deixis ad oculos) and the localization of the referent pointed to by the deictic is determined by the “subjective orientation” of the interlocutors who share the same field of perception. Conclusion As previously indicated, the access to the referents referred to by spatial deictics proceeds both from their inherent meanings and from the interlocutory relations of the verbal exchange. This is why we emphasize the need to place the examined deictics in their original contexts and situations of enunciation in order to determine the factors that induce the speaker to use one deictic or another. Moreover, relying on Bülher’s deixis model led us to examine the meaning of spatial deictics in terms of the binary opposition < HERE > vs. < NOT HERE >. The analysis has confirmed our original hypothesis on the following points: – the system of spatial deictics highlighted by the study of the corpus is a two-term system that opposes HNA vs. TƏMM, HNA vs. HNAK, HNA vs. L-HĪH – of note: the very rare occurrence of LHĪH in the corpus. – the instance of enunciation determines the reference point of the deictic. In the Narrative the reference point is a place previously mentioned in the utterance; in the Discourse, the reference of the deictic is determined by the situation of enunciation. – the instance of enunciation also determines the mode of access to the referent. In the Narrative, the speaker reaches the referent through deixis am Phantasma and in the Discourse through deixis ad oculos. References Benveniste, Émile. 1974. “L’appareil formel de l’énonciation”, Problèmes de linguistique générale II, Paris: Gallimard. 7988. Boucherit, Aziza. À paraître. “Spatial DEIXIS and interlocution space in Algerian Arabic tales”, Quaderni di Vicino Oriente IX. Bühler, Karl. 1934. Sprachtheorie. Die Darstellungsfunktion der Sprache, Iéna, Verlag von Gustav Fischer [trad. française Didier Samain, Théorie du langage. La fonction représentationnelle, Marseille, Agone, 2009]. Danon-Boileau, Laurent. 1992. « Présentation », La Deixis, sous la direction de Morel Mary-Annick & Danon-Boileau Laurent, colloque en Sorbonne des 8-9 juin 1990, Paris, PUF, Linguistique nouvelle. Dermengheim, Émile, 1954. Le Culte des saints dans l’Islam maghrébin, Paris, Gallimard. Grigore, George. 2012. “La deixis spatiale dans l’arabe parlé à Bagdad”, Dynamiques langagières en arabophonie. Variations, contacts, migrations et créations artistiques. Hommage offert à Dominique Caubet par ses élèves et collègues, Estudios de dialectología árabe 7, Barontini & al. eds. 77-90. Marçais, Philippe. 1956. Le parler arabe de Djidjelli (Nord constantinois, Algérie). Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, Adrien Maisonneuve. Marçais, Philippe. 1977. Esquisse grammaticale de l’arabe maghrébin. Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient. Rousseau, André. 2000. “Bühler et la subjectivité”, Germanica [on line], 26 | 2000. http://germanica.revues.org/2419. 162 AZIZA BOUCHERIT Rousseau, André. 2004. “L’éclectisme intellectuel et linguistique de Karl Bühler : de l’axiomatique aux schèmes cognitifs”, Les dossiers de HEL [supplément électronique à la revue Histoire Epistémologie Langage], Paris, SHESL, 2004, n°2, available on the Internet: http://htl.linguist.jussieu.fr/dosHEL.htm. Talmy, Leonard. 2000. Toward a Cognitive Semantics: Concepts Structuring Systems. Cambridge (Mass.): The MIT Press. Vandeloise, Claude. 1986. L’espace en français. Paris: Seuil. Vonderheyden, Maurice, 1934. “Le henné chez les musulmans de l’Afrique du Nord (Suite et fin)”, Journal de la Société des Africanistes, tome 4, fascicule 2. 179-202. Sources Bergman, Elizabeth M. 2005. “Selections”, Spoken Algerian Arabic, Springfield, Dunwoody Press. 57-362 [a selection of 26 recordings, transcribed phonetically, translated and annotated]. Boucherit, Aziza. 2002. “Textes”, L’arabe parlé à Alger. Aspects sociolinguistiques et énonciatifs, Paris-Louvain, Peeters. 207-319. Boucherit, Aziza & Hadj Sadok, Mohamed. 1998-99. “Contes et petites histoires d’Algérie. 1e partie”, Matériaux arabes et sudarabiques, Nouvelle Série 9. 113-195. Boucherit, Aziza & Hadj Sadok, Mohamed. 2000-02, “Contes et petites histoires d’Algérie. 2e partie”, Matériaux arabes et sudarabiques, Nouvelle Série 10. 55-113. Omar Gatlato. 1976. Film long métrage (1 h. 30 min) de Allouache Merzak (disponible en DVD). Qaci et Qriqech au restaurant [comic sketch], Éditions Palais du disque, Alger, s.d., réf. 1028 [durée : 35 min.]. Georgin, Pierre. 1980. “Extraits du corpus”, Esquisse phonologique et détermination nominale du parler arabe d’Alger, Thèse pour le doctorat de 3e cycle, Université René Descartes, 1980, non publiée. 201-290. THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 DOMINIQUE CAUBET LaCNAD-INALCO (Paris), Centre Jacques Berque CNRS, Rabat, PICS‘La montagne et ses savoirs’– IREMAM Abstract: I came to know about the existence of this particular dialect via a footnote in an article by Simon Lévy 1, when giving a crash course on dialectology of the North West of Morocco to the M.A. students of the University of Fez and Oujda in April 2012; they were about to do their fieldwork in that region. Note 6 p. 12, reads: (…) Plus à l’est, non loin d’Alhucemas, la tribu de Beni Yitteft, rifaine, enfoncée entre Bokoya et Ait Ouriaghel, au parler tarifit, est à moitié arabisée. Son parler a été récemment étudié par une de nos étudiantes. C’est un parler aux traits jebli, fortement personnalisé par le substrat rifain spirant: les occlusives /b/, /t/, /d/, /ḑ/, /k/ sont réalisées légèrement fricatives /b/, /t/, /d/, /ḑ/, /k/ comme en tarifit; la liquide /l/ réalisée /r/ /ž/ en tarifit– s’amuït dans le parler étudié. dyäl-i>dyäy (mon/à moi) (…). Keywords: Dialectology, North Africa, Jbala, language contacts. 1. Pioneer work 1992-1993 The work Simon Lévy referred to is Amal Maghdad’s Spanish Licence final paper 2 at Rabat University (1992-1993). She described this dialect for the first time, but it remained unpublished apart from Simon Lévy’s note. After we organized the Jbala dialectology course, the students presented the results of their data collection at the Tetouan conference on October 7, 2012 3. The first to revisit A. Maghdad’s work in 2012 was Khalid El Jattari for his master’s final paper at the University of Oujda 4 and for the Tetouan presentation which is under press. But he worked on Beni Hadifa and not on Msek. In 2012, Simon Lévy had just passed away and I tried to find the three Licence final papers he had supervised on the Jbala region at the beginning of the 90’s, which he quoted in the 1998 paper 5. I am very grateful to Zhour Rehili, the Director of the Moroccan Jewish Museum of Casablanca created by S. Lévy, who trusted me and managed to find the copies. I presented a paper at the Tétouan Journées, where I made a comparison of the three dialects described according to the same protocol imagined by S. Lévy in the traditional dialectology manner: the collection of a series of texts, a transcription and a translation, and some linguistic remarks in the form of notes. The idea was to get these studies out of oblivion and to be able to use them for our knowledge on the evolution of these dialects. The three varieties compared were Ouazzane, Msek (Beni Itteft) and Bni Qorra near Taounate. “Parlers montagnards” Colin (1937) makes a fine distinction among the “parlers montagnards”, which do not correspond exactly to the Jbala; he divides them into two main types, Northern (including Ghomara) and Southern, themselves divided into two: “(…) les Ghomara, anciens occupants, et les Senhaja, conquérants. (…) on peut reconnaître deux groupes principaux de parlers montagnards: 1° les parlers septentrionaux, s’étendant du détroit 1 See Lévy 1998. Maghdad 1993. 3 Journées de Tétouan, La région du Nord-Ouest marocain – Pour une valorisation des parlers et des pratiques sociales, culturelles et environnementales, Université de Tétoaun, 6-8 octobre 2012; the acts are under press, see Vicente, Caubet & Naciri 2016. 4 See El Jattari 2013. 5 See Abou El Haja 1995, Khoukh 1993, Maghdad 1993. 2 164 DOMINIQUE CAUBET de Gibraltar jusqu’à l’est de Ouezzane et englobant la fédération des Ghomara actuels; 2° les parlers méridionaux, de Ouezzane à Taza. Ces derniers sont employés par les populations appartenant à deux grandes catégories ; d’abord les tribus senhajiennes du bassin de l’Ouergha (…) ensuite les tribus Botr, apparentées plus ou moins étroitement aux Zenata et occupant le nord de la région de Taza : Mernisa, Branes et Tsoul. Il parait établi historiquement que ces populations zenatiennes et senhajiennes ne se sont installées dans leur habitat actuel qu’assez postérieurement à la première conquête arabe » Colin does not mention any Arabic speaking communities between the limits of the Ghomara domain and Al Hoceima (see map 1). 2. An identity: Riffians - Ryafa The Beni Itteft (sometimes also named in Berber Ait Itteft < ait n taf meaning ‘those from the extreme’) consider themselves as Ryafa and have a double linguistic identity, a minority speak Berber and the majority Arabic, and very often they speak both. Although their dialect shares traits with the Jbala dialects, it is NOT Jebli. Amal Maghdad (1993:7) defines the duwwar of Msek as: “un pequeño aduar dentro de la tribu de Beni Itteft (tribu del Rif central), esta se compone de cuatro fracciones, a saber: El Amair, El Ouddiyn, Izarwalen y Aït ˁisa donde se sitúa Msek”, part of the Higher Central Rif. On map 1 6, the Beni Itteft appear as 13’, labelled “parlers arabes montagnards”, with a tiny corner to the South-east, for the Berber-speaking minority, to the west of which stands Msek (see map 3). They clearly do not belong to the Jbala or to the Ghomara tribes. Map 1 - Amahan & Vignet-Zunz Maurer (1968:15) also clearly places the Beni Itteft as “Tribus du Rif” together with the Arabic speaking Mtioua, Mestasa and Bni Bou Frah and the Berber speaking Bokkoya and BniOuriaghel (see map 2; Maurer’s spelling): 6 Map designed by Amahan and Vignet-Zunz downloaded from the PICS site: http://f.hypotheses.org/wpcontent/blogs.dir/1262/files/2015/02/Carte-Jacques-finalis%C3%A9e.jpg (retrieved April 24, 2015) THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 165 Map 2 - Extract from a map by Maurer (Fig. 3 Les tribus dans les montagnes du Rif central) According to Maurer (1968:14), the Beni Itteft are Riffians. The Berberophones speak the Rifi variety, like their neighbours the Bokkoya and the Bni Ouriaghel, and not the Sanhaji variety spoken to the West by the Ktama, Bni Gmil (see map 2). This is important for the substratum of the Arabic dialect studied here. Map 3 - Extract from a map by Maurer (Fig.4 Communes rurales et fractions dans le Rif central) 166 DOMINIQUE CAUBET A double minority: a minority inside a minority Msek is the only Arabic speaking duwwar among the Aït Aïssa, which counts three other Berber Speaking duwwar. Amal Maghdad (1993:6) who originates from the Berber speaking Aït Aïssa fraction, defines Msek as “un pequeño y único núcleo arabiziado dentro de una fracción (Aït Aïssa) del Rif central” 7, making it a minority (Arabic Speaking in a Berber speaking fraction), inside a minority, the Aït Aïssa, mostly Berber speaking, in a now mostly Arabic speaking tribe, the Beni Itteft. 3. Revisiting Msek in 2014 – a tentative linguistic description In February 2014, thanks to our Franco-Moroccan joint programme (PICS ‘La montagne et ses savoirs’ -2013-2015 – IREMAM and Universities of Fez and Tetouan), and to the Programme Jbala of the Centre Jacques Berque, we were able to do some fieldwork in the area with the ethno-botanist Yildiz Thomas 8; Amal Maghdad, who is now a translator in Tangiers, and Khalid El Jettari, the student who did fieldwork in the region in the summer of 2012, came with us. Our stay in Beni Itteft was exploratory, because we only spent a day there (Feb. 27), visiting a family that Amal Maghdad had interviewed over twenty years previously. We are planning another fieldwork in order to investigate in more depth the recent evolutions. We recorded a mother of 35 who did not go to school (S) and one of her sons (Y) 13, who goes to secondary school. In the following study, we’ll present in parallel A. Maghdad’s data from 1993 and ours from the 2014 stay. 3.1. əl-ˁarbiya I asked the boy what languages he spoke (D: Dominique, A: Amal, Y, the boy, S, the mother): D: šmən lūġa katdwi bī-ha? What language do you speak? Y: l-ˁarbiya! Arabic! D: u hna f-əḍ-ḍār? And here at home? Y: əl-ˁarbiya! Arabic! D: uš-šəlḥa? And what about Berber? Y: šwīya A little. At that stage, his mother interrupts: S: la, ts, Amal ,ḥna ma kanhəḍṛu š š-šəlḥa! No! Ts! Amal, We don’t speak berber! Amal rephrases the question: A: u mˁa mən katəhdər b-əš-šəlḥa ntīna? With whom do you speak Berber? Y: f-əṭ-ṭrīq dyāl l-mədrāsa, f-əṭ-ṭōbīs!(…) On the way to school, on the bus! D: katfhem wella katdwi? You undersand or you speak? Y: kanfhem u ndwi, b-žūž Both! I understand and I speak The boy finds himself in a situation -which is not that common in North Africa- where Arabic is a minority language. He has to adapt and to learn to speak the language of the children he goes to school and plays soccer with: Berber. But his mother is strict about her linguistic identity: Arabic. Simon Lévy defines the dialect as “un parler aux traits jebli, fortement personnalisé par le substrat rifain spirant”. It does have a number of Jebli traits, or rather “montagnard” in the sense of Colin (1937), but it also has a strong and direct influence of Rifi Berber (due to the permanent close contact), that is apparent mostly on the phonetic and lexical plans (see Caubet 2002:80). 7 8 “a little and unique arabized nucleus inside a fraction (Aït Aïssa) in the Central Rif”- my translation/ UMR CEFE 5175, Montpellier. Fieldwork Feb. 24-28 2014. THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 167 3.2. Phonetics Apart from the voiceless realisations of the qaf as [q] -which is a prehilali trait-, this variety is characterised by the affrication, very common in the Rifi Berber of the same area, of phonemes like b, t, d, ḍ or ž) and the spirantisation of k. 3.2.1. Realisation of qaf qaf is exclusively realised [q] (and not [ˀ], like in some Jbala varieties (Ouezzane and Taounate, see Caubet 2016): 1993 9: ka-nqololo – we call it; qätelha – she told him; qetlettu – she killed him. 2014: l-qmăḥ- wheat;ḥna kanqūlu-ha ‘tašǝfnit’ – we call it ‘tašǝfnit’ 10; nnǝqqīw-ǝh we clean it. nˁǝžnu u nqăṛṛṣu l-xobz – we knead the dough and then flatten the bread; whereas in central Morocco, the common verb is gəṛṛəṣ, with a /g/. Similarly l-qayla – noon, which is usually pronounced l-gayla in the rest of Morocco. Unlike most other Moroccan varieties, there are very few occurrences of g (the only one I found so far is l-gǝrš – bran -nuḫḫala in other parts of Morocco). We would need to examine further data to state whether /g/ can be considered a phoneme in this variety. At this stage, it isn’t. 3.2.2. Affrication of b, t, d, ḍ or ž It is present, but not generalised, and in the same data we found occurrences that are not affricated (noted in bold). 1993: /b/, /d/, /t/, /ḍ/ are often realisedas fricatives, [ḇ], [ṯ/ţ], [ḏ], [Ì]; /k/ is spirantized in [ḵ]. We’ll present the various realisations according to their position inside the word. Initial (before consonant): ṯkunu le-ˁbid dyäh – so that you become their slaves. Median: häḏik ṣəfṛi – This is Sefri; ärrifuḇlik kän haḏa ka-iḍṛeḅ haḏa - The “Rifublik” 11 was when people killed each other; häkḏäḵ - like this; moḍaˁ- a place. daḇa - now; u bäˁd däḵ šši žmäˁ leqḇäyel – and after that h gathered the tribes. Final: ṣṣpanyol ka-inˁes ˁel lkamaţ - The Spaniards sleep on beds (<cama, bed); nˁäm ä siḏi nmuṯu – Yes Sir! We are ready to die! le-mžäheḏ – El Moujahid (Proper name); ḇni wufṛaḥ - Beni Boufrah; mä käyn ḇu ḍḍṛa- there is no corn at all. For the ž,Maghdad notes an interesting occurrence of hypercorrection (1993:51), where a girl says: (…) u neˁžen u nweǧed… nwežžedlhom mä-yaklo - and I knead bread and I prepare… I prepare their meal, where she geminates the ž > žž. 2014: The occurrences are less numerous than twenty years previously and appear to be used mainly in demonstratives, prepositions and adverbs, but we would need further data to make sure. Median and final: tǝmma ḥḏā-ḵ - there, next to you; hāḏi, hāḏiḵ, hāḏa - this/that one; the name of the fraction, Msǝk; ḏāḇa – now; but no affrication in: hādši, this; kullši, everything. Initial: ˁǝndna l-ġǝrbāl dyāl-hum – we have the correponding sieve; dīk-ǝṭ-ṭḥīn b-wāḥd-u– this flour on one side; l-ǝd-dāṛ - home; bǝzzaf – a lot; baš kaybiyyḍu l-bīḍ - with which they lay eggs. ž is realized [ž]: kanžnīw z-zītūn, kanžībū-h ; kanˁǝžnu– we knead the dough; even when geminated:/žž/ ž-žǝbbāniya– large dish; ž-žīrān – the neighbours. 9 1993 refers to Maghdad 1993 and her transcription, and 2014, to our own fieldwork. It is the local name for a gesˁa, a large dish where you can knead bread. 11 ‘Rifublik’ is the name given in Berber to the absence of a central power in the Rif at the beginning of the 20th c. under the Spanish protectorate. 10 168 DOMINIQUE CAUBET 3.2.3. Devoicing of /ḍ/ which is realised [ṭ]: nḍeḥko > nṭeḥko.This is a distinct phenomenon that occurs in several Jbala varieties 12: 1993: kunna mxeyyrin, netˁäunu unṭeḥko- we lived well, we helped eachother and we laughed. But in the same text, there is a [ḍ] realisation: ka-iḍoṛo –they went round. 2014: ˁḍǝm>ˁṭǝm: dīk-lǝ-ˁṭǝm dyāl-u – their stones (the olives’). 3.2.4. Other phonetic phenomena: elision and assimilation of ‘weak’ consonnants In the Prehilali dialects, there is a tendency to the weakening or elision of certain phonemes like /h/ (mostly in pronouns), or /l, n, r/. The elision of the h and l is mostly observed in 3rd person affix pronouns(-ha, -hum). As mentioned by S. Lévy (1998:12 Note 6), « la liquide /l/ réalisée /r/ /ž/ en tarifit– s’amuït dans le parler étudié. dyäl-i>dyäy (mon/à moi)». 1993: Maghdad gives the whole paradigm for the analytic possessive construction, dyal + affix pronoun: the l is elided, but the h remains after vowel: -dyäy (my/mine); dyäk (your/yours); dyäh (his); dyäha (her/hers); dyänna (our/ours); dyäkom (your/yours pl.); dyähom (their/theirs); she gives examples like: ṯkunu le-ˁbid dyäh– for you to become their slaves (the Spaniards’); What is interesting is that the d of the particle is not affricated. In 1993, the elision of the h does not occur after a vowel, neither is it systematic after a consonnant, as shown in the following examples: -w-äna neˁṭiha lilha – and I give it to her; l-ˁaḏäwa binäṯ-hom– their reciprocal hatred; weḥḥeḏhum – themselves. It is elided in: el-ma 13ka-tšeṛbom fe-l-ˁonṣạṛ- you drink it from the spring –after consonant.häum hnäya – here they are! – after vowel. 2014: It 2014, the h of the affix pronoun is dropped in certain cases, but both after consonnant and vowel: - ma kandīr-a ši bəzzāf– I don’t put much in; nəmši nžīb-al-a– I go and get some for her; kanəˁṭīw-ha l-um – we give it to them; ḥna kanqūlu l-a l-ḫmīra d-əd-dāṛ - we call it homemade yeast. But there is also a case of the h (and the l) being elided after vowel on the possessive: ǝn-nǝṣṣ dyā-um – their half. As for the elision of n or r, 1993 data 14: The final r in the Word nhaṛ falls when linked to the relative lli: ḥeţţa nha lli… until the day when… The final n in the verbal form ikun can be elided: waxxa iku lli kän – whatever happens. In 2014, I found one occurrence of elision of the final n in theconjunction mnīn -when: mni kanšəɛlu əl-fərrān – when we lit the oven. Things seem to be fairly similar twenty years later on the phonetic level; we will see that it is also widely the case for what we observed in morphosyntax. 3.3. Morphosyntax The Msek variety shares many traits with the other Prehilali, Jebli or “villageois” varieties, as described by Marçais (1925) and Colin (1937), like the loss of gender distinction in the 2nd person singular, or a special form of future particle. 12 See Caubet 2002:80. ‘l-ma’ - water, is plural as in Berber, see 3.3.7. 14 Maghdad’s transcription in all the 1993 examples. 13 THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 169 3.3.1. Loss of gender distinction Very common in Prehilali dialects, it is also found in Jbala varieties and in Fez, with the emblematic 2SG independent pronoun nţina for both genders, but also nţi. Other varieties can have nta for both genders (see Abou El Haja1995 and Caubet 2016). 1993: In the imperative, the imperfect, the feminine is never marked. In an imperative addressing a woman: šūf – look; wa mši qtǝl waḥed – well go and kill one (of your sons; in a tale). Addressing a woman: ˁlaš ma katšbǝˁ-ši ntina? – don’t you ever get enough? In the tale: u ka fik ǝl-ˁaṛḍ, ka ma-tǝqtǝl ši ḇnǝḵ - if you had any honour, you wouldn’t have killed your son? 2014: It is the same in 2014: in verbal forms, even addressing a woman, there is no gender marker. It is generalized in the imperfect: F-ǝṣ-ṣbāḥ mǝlli tḥăll ǝl-fǝrrān tṣīb-u yābǝs, thǝzz-u tžīb ǝl-mǝhraz tdoqq-u– in the morning, when you open the oven, you find it dried, you gather it, you bring the mortar and you pound it. mǝlli katžīb-u, katǝbda katˁǝssǝr – when you bring it, you start to squeeze. And in the perfect, like in koinic Moroccan Arabic, the –ti form is general for both genders: ila ma ˁməl-ti-ha šāy, ˁməl-ti b-əl-ḫmīra d-əs-sūq… - if you don’t use it (homemade yeast), if you ony use yeast form the market… 3.3.2. Demonstratives For the distal demonstrative, there is a strong tendency to use the ‘feminine’ form dīk in all cases, masculine and plural alike; this is also found in Jbala varieties 15: Masculine: dīk-ǝṭ-ṭḥīn– that flour; plural: dīk-l-ḥūmǝr - those red ones; and for the adverb: dīkš-ši-that. The only demonstrative adverb is hāyda(like this, which would be hākda, hakkak… in other varieties); talking about the 2004 earthquake, the mother says: ǝl-arḍ kathǝzz hāyda, hāyda, hāyda– the earth shook like this, like this; katˁǝžn-u hāyda, hāyda– you knead it like this. 3.3.4. Future particle māš The most generally used Moroccan future particle is ġādi and its variants 16, unlike a number of Prehilali varieties which usevariants of māši. In Msek, a reduced form is used, māš: 1993: In the eleven texts there is only one occurrence of future (a beekeeper talking): mäš nˁeddlolha, diḵ tläta d-el-xobz – we’ll put them these three honeycombs. 2014: there are several examples: bḥal ila kunna māš nˁəddlu əl ‘couscous’ – as if we were going to make couscous; nsǝḫḫnu ǝlma, nˁǝddlu-hum f-ǝṣ-ṣǝḥfa fāš māš nˁǝžnu u kanˁǝžnu – we heat the water, we put them in the large earthen dish in which we are going to knead, and we start kneading. 3.3.4. Nominal determination With the determiner formed on the numeral wāḥǝd- one (wāḥǝd-ǝl-bǝnt - a girl 17), truncated forms are used: 1993: Apocope: the determiner is reduced to wäḥ: wäḥ-l-moḍaˁ - a place; wäḥ nnhaṛ - one day 15 See Naciri-Azzouz in this volume. See Caubet 2007 and 2011. 17 For a detailed study of is uses see Caubet 1983:45-53 and Caubet 1993, vol. 2: 267-272. 16 170 DOMINIQUE CAUBET 2014: Apheresis: (a)ḥəd-lə f-aḥəd-lə-žəbbānya– in a large bowl. The full form is also used: kayn wāḥed-n-nūˁ - there is one sort. 3.3.5. The preverb of the imperfect is exclusively kaUnlike most Jbala varieties which use other forms for the preverb of the imperfect, such as la- or ʔa(see Colin 1935:134 and Caubet 2016). In Msek, there is only one form, ka-: 1993: ka-nqololo – we call it; ma-ka-nṣeḅo-h-ši– we don’t find any; ma ka-tešbeˁ-ši ntina?– Don’t you ever get enough? 2014: we have already come across many examples: mǝlli katžīb-u, katǝbda katˁǝssǝr – when you bring it, you start to squeeze. This is one of the big differences with Jbala varieties, as the use of the koinic maši for nonverbal negation. 3.3.6. Non verbal negation: māši In Moroccan Arabic, the negation is doubly marked; when the negation bears on the verb, the two morphemes are separate: ma + verbal form + š/ši/šāy 18; when it bears on a nominal form, the morpheme becomes continuous: ma + ši > maši. In some Prehilali varieties, mōši /mōšši is used instead; although close to māši, mōši has a completely different etymology; it is a reduction of *ma-hu(wa)-ši > mōši. 1993: There are several occurrences of moši: häḏäḵ moši mezyän mˁa yaxoṛ - this guy doesn’t behave well with the other one; moši fḥäl l-yom – It wasn’t like today. 2014: I only found maši, but it would have to be checked with other informants and further data: kayqūl l-ǝk z-zīt māšiii, zǝˁma māši hīya hādi, mḫăllṭa – they say that their oil isn’t… well, it isn’t nice, it’s a mixture; kbīra māši ṣġīra – it’s big, not small. The following morphosyntactic traits will be attributed to Berber influence. 3.3.7. A change in number Singular or collective nouns become plural, because they are plural in Berber. ǝl-ma is plural:kanˁǝmlu ǝl-ma yṭību, ḥta kayġlīw– we put water to the boil, until it boils. l-qmăḥ(wheat, it is usually called zrǝˁ elsewhere; it is plural in Berber) is plural: kanžību dīk-ǝlqmăḥ, kanǝqqīw-hum, l-ḥžǝṛ, u nǝddīw-hum f-ǝr-rḥa, nṭǝḥnu-hum f-ǝr-rḥa –we bring this wheat, we clean it (the stones) and we take it to the mill, we grind it at the mill. To sum up the influences, many are common with the Jbala dialects, but others are different. We will see with the lexicon that the intense daily contact with Berber implies a deeper influence which should be studied further. In the Msek variety the 2nd morpheme of the verbal negation is mostly ši and šāy, whereas the koine uses mostly the reduced form š. For a detailed study of negation, see Caubet 1996. 18 THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 171 3.4. Lexicon The terms that stand out, compared to more koinic Moroccan Arabic, are from Prehilali and Berber origin. 3.4.1. Prehilali terms There are a number of Prehilali terms (see Caubet 2002:87), which differ from the Moroccan Koiné: - ˁǝbba – to take away; ṣāb – to find; ḥǝbb – to like, to want, to love. - ˁmǝl is used in place of dār, meaning ‘to do, to put’: ˁǝml-u f-ǝl-mǝžmāṛ - put it in the burner. In Msek, the most common verb is ˁǝddǝl for ‘to make, to do’. The verb can be found in Colin’s dictionnary with a more technical meaning 19: “1. Arranger, ajuster, régler (…) 2. Faire, fabriquer. 3. Agréer qqn comme témoin instrumentaire (ˁādǝl) (…)”. - l-wāšūm is used for domestic animals (those who can stay inside the house: sheep, dogs, cats, hens). I haven’t encountered this word anywhere else. In Colin’s dictionary 20, one finds wāšūn for ‘les enfants, la marmaille’ (kids, brats). There is a space in the precinct where theses animals stay, which is called d-dāṛ d-ǝl-wāšūm; it is right after the area dedicated to humans and before one goes bǝrra (outside), where the oven stands. It belongs to the house. - gāz, guwwuz, to pass, to let pass. In the Moroccan koiné, the verb is dāz. Colin (1920:46) gives an explanation as to the evolution from √žwz> gāz > dāz. It implies the passage by an affricated pronuncitaion of žāz in [ǧāz]: Le ‫ خ‬au contact, immédiat ou non, des sifflantes s, ṣ; z, ẓ, se durcit en g: .glǝs: s’asseoir. .gǝzzār: boucher (…) .ˁagūza: vieille femme. .gāz: passer. Chez les Tsoul, le ‫ خ‬placé dans ces conditions passe plus volontiers à d, ce qui supposerait une ancienne prononciation affriquée d + j, dans lequel l’élément spirant aurait seul été attaqué par la dissimilation: ˁadūza, dāz (…). 3.4.2. Semantic shifts Some terms take another meaning in the dialect of Msek. A very slight change is for the word “green peas”, ž- žǝlbān instead of the habitual ž-žǝlbāna, but most important is the change of meaning of the word z-zrǝˁ, which means ‘barley’ and not ‘wheat’. We saw in 3.3.7 that ‘wheat’ is called l-qmăḥ (instead of z-zrǝˁ) and is a plural word. The informants are very conscious of this difference, as the mother says: “kanqūlu lum ‘l-qmăḥ’, dīk-ǝl-ḥūmǝr, ‘š-šˁīr;‘z-zrǝˁ’ kanqūlu lu ḥna ‘z-zrǝˁ’- we call it ‘lqmăḥ’, the red one, and ‘barley’, ‘z-zrǝˁ’; we call it ‘z-zrǝˁ’. There are other places in the Jbala region where z-zrǝˁ means ‘barley’. The verb ḥəyyəd,which often means ‘to take off, to take away from”, here means “to put away, to hide, to keep’: kanḥəyydu-hum f-ət-təllāža – we stock them in the fridge (extra bread). 19 See Iraqui-Sinaceur 1993, vol. 5, p. 1236. See Iraqui-Sinaceur 1993, vol. 8, p. 2058. Aguadé mentions it also for Skura, oral communication. 20 172 DOMINIQUE CAUBET 3.4.3. Berber loanwords There are a number of Berber loans which are inserted in their original form; much more data would be needed for a proper study. .ibāwen– beans; aqezzu– puppy; tašǝfnit, ḥna kanqulu-ha ‘tašǝfnit’, (for gesˁa - large dish) – ‘tašǝfnit’, we call it ‘tašǝfnit’. 3.4.4. A novel hybrid word When questioned by Yildiz Thomas about the different types of almonds, the boy defined three types: wăḥd-ǝn-nūɛ, kayǝthǝrrǝs ġīr b-ǝl-fumm, wǝlla b-ǝl-idd-āyǝn; (…) hāda ma-huwa kaythǝrrǝs bǝl-idd, ma hu… dǝġya kaythǝrrǝs b-lǝ-ḥžǝṛ; kāyn wāḥǝd axōṛ, ṣɛīb bāš thǝrrs-u, bǝzzāf, hāda sāhǝl; u kāyn wāḥǝd axōṛ, sāhǝl bla ma tḍǝṛbu b-lǝ-ḥžǝṛ, ġē b-ǝl-idd-āyǝn One sort, you can break it with your mouth, or with your hands; this one, you cannot break it with your hands, you… it can easily be broken with a stone, it’s easy; there is another one, which is difficult to break, whereas the first one is easy; and there is another one which easy to break, you don’t have to hit it with a stone. And he gives its name, which is a novel hybrid word: hādāk lli ka kay kaythǝrrǝs dǝġya, kayqūlu l-u ‘bu-ġummās-i’…bu-ġummās-i! That one which er, it breaks easily, they call it ‘bu-ġummāsi’. The word is formed from a pan-berber root √ƔMS, tuɣmest, tiɣmest (tooth, back tooth), plural, tuɣmas, tiɣmasen (teeth, back teeth), combined with an Arabic nominal pattern. Bu (father) + an attibute (see Caubet 1993, vol 2:295), like for example bu kǝrš, bu nīf (the guy with a belly, i.e. greedy, with a big nose…), bu l-lǝḥya (the guy with a beard). Bu acts as a locator to which qualities and defects can be assigned. In this particular expression, the second element is derived from the Berber root √ƔMS, to which an intensive form > ġummas, to which a nisba is added –i > ġummas-i > bu-ġummas-i - the one that can be broken with the teeth. In Bni Boufrah this kind of almond which can be broken with one’s teeth is called “snān”(‘teeth’ in Moroccan Arabic) 21. 4. Conclusion and perspectives In this article, we have collected a number of elements which helped define a type of marginal Arabic variety that we were lucky enough to be able to analyse over a period of twenty years, thanks to Simon Lévy’s intuition and to A. Maghdad’s pioneer work in 1992-93. We need to go back and collect data from a larger sample of informants, older people, men, other young people, in order to give a state of the variety nowadays. We should be able to do so in 2016 with yet another fieldwork with Amal Maghdad and with our ethnobotanist colleague, Yildiz Thomas, whose questioning on the local practices is a formidable source of linguistic information. 21 Malou Delplancke, oral communication. See Delplancke 2011. THE DIALECT OF MSEK – BENI ITTEFT (AL HOCEIMA), ON THE BORDERS WITH BERBER - REVISITED IN 2014 173 References Abou El Haja, Hakima. 1995. Habla árabe en Duwaṛ Sṛema (tribu Bni Qoṛṛa, provincia de Taounate) Textos (transcripción, traducción y notas) y estudio fonético y morfológico. Mémoire de licence d’espagnol 1994-1995, non publié, sous la direction de Simon Lévy. Rabat: Université Mohamed V. Aguadé, Jorge, & Elyaacoubi Mohammad.1995. El dialecto árabe de Skūra (Marruecos). Madrid:CSIC. Caubet, Dominique. 1983. La détermination en arabe marocain. Paris: Collection ERA 642. Université Paris 7. Caubet, Dominique. 1993. L'arabe marocain, tomes I (Phonologie et morphosyntaxe) et II (Syntaxe et catégories grammaticales, textes). Paris, Louvain La Neuve: Peeters. Caubet, Dominique. 1996. “La negation en arabe maghrébin”, Chaker, Salem & Caubet, Dominique (eds.), La négation en berbère et en arabe maghrébin, Paris: L’Harmattan. 79-97. Caubet, Dominique. 2002. “Questionnaire de Dialectologie du Maghreb (d’après les travaux de W. Marçais, M. Cohen, G.S. Colin, J. Cantineau, D. Cohen, Ph. Marçais, etc.)”, EDNA, Estudios de dialectologia norteafricana y andalusi, 5. 73-92. Caubet, Dominique. 2007. "Moroccan Arabic", Versteegh, Kees (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language & Linguistics, Leiden, The Netherlands:Academic Publisher, Brill. Volume III. 273-287. Caubet, Dominique. 2013. “Towards a New Step in the Grammaticalization Process in Darija: the Future in a-”, unpublished paper given at AIDA 10, Doha. Caubet, Dominique. Forthcoming 2016. “L’importance des parlers du nord-ouest marocain dans l’histoire de l’arabisation du Nord de l’Afrique: revisiter des corpus recueillis dans la région en 1992-1995 sous la direction de Simon Lévy”, Vicente, Ángeles, Caubet, Dominique & Naciri Azzouz, Amina (eds.),La région du Nord-Ouest marocain : Parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Colin, Georges S. 1920. “Notes sur le parler arabe du nord de la région de Taza”, Bulletin de l’Institut français d’Archéologie Orientale, t.XVIII, Le Caire.33-121. Colin, Georges S. 1935. “L’opposition du réel et de l’éventuel en arabe marocain”, Bulletin de la Société de linguistique de Paris, tome 36, fasc. 2 (n°107), Paris. 133-140. Colin, Georges S. 1937. “Les parlers: l’arabe”, Initiation au Maroc, Rabat: Institut des Hautes Etudes Marocaines. 208-236. Colin, Georges. S. 1986. “Al-Maghrib”, Bosworth, C.E., van Donzel, E., Lewis, B. & Pellat, Ch. (eds.), Encyclopeadia of Islam, Vol. 5. Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1270-1274. Delplancke, Malou. 2011. Histoire évolutive de l’amandier en méditerranée. Regards croisé sur la domestication, dialogue entre la biologie et l’éthnobiologie, Thèse de Doctorat, Université Montpellier II, sous la direction de Hélène Joly et Yildiz Thomas, Montpellier, 264 pages. Iraqui-Sinaceur, Zakia. 1993. Le Dictionnaire Colin d'Arabe Dialectal Marocain. Rabat: Editions Al-Manahil, Ministère des Affaires Culturelles, 8 volumes. Khoukh, Aziz. 1993. El habla jebli de la ciudad de Wazzan en 1992. Mémoire de licence d’espagnol 1992-1993, non publié, sous la direction de Simon Lévy. Rabat: Université Mohamed V. Lévy, Simon. 1998. “Problématique historique du processus d'arabisation au Maroc. Pour une histoire linguistique du Maroc”, Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental, Dialectologie et histoire. Cressier, Patrice, Aguadé, Jorge & Vicente, Ángeles (éds.). Madrid: Casa Velazquez. Maghdad, Amal. 1993. El habla árabe en el Aduar de Msek (Textos, Traducciones, Notas y Compiendo). Mémoire de licence d’espagnol 1992-1993, non publié, sous la direction de Simon Lévy. Rabat: Université Mohamed V. Marçais, William. 1950. “Les parlers arabes”, Initiation à la Tunisie, Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve.195-219. Marçais, William & Guîga, Abderahmane. 1925. Textes arabes de Takroûna (Textes, Transcription et Traduction annotée), Paris: Imprimerie Nationale. Introduction. Maurer, Gérard. 1968. “Les paysans du haut Rif central”, Revue de Géographie du Maroc, n. 14. Rabat: Faculté des Lettres. 3-70. Vicente, Ángeles. 2015, communication non publiée, Journée d’étude Approches sociolinguistiques: urbanités, contacts, mises en images, 9 avril 2015, INALCO, Paris, “Langues en contact au nord du Maroc: un vieux phénomène avec des traces actuelles”. Vicente, Ángeles, Caubet, Dominique & Naciri Azzouz, Amina (eds.). 2016. La région du Nord-Ouest marocain: Parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. ETYMOLOGY, CULTURE AND GRAMMATICALISATION: A SEMANTIC EXPLORATION OF THE FRONT/BACK AXIS IN TRADITIONAL NEGEV ARABIC LETIZIA CERQUEGLINI Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Abstract: The prepositions giddām (‘in front’) and wara (‘behind’) describe in Traditional Negev Arabic (TNA) spatial relations on the horizontal plane, in the Front and Back Regions respectively, between a Figure-object (F) and a Groundobject (G), with respect to which F is located, e.g. ‘the tree (F) is in front of me (G)’. According to Svorou (1994) the main lexical sources of spatial prepositions are nominal or adverbial. Human and animal body-parts represent the largest inventory of nominal sources, as in the case of giddām, etymologically related to gidm ‘(human) foot’, whereas wara, not etymologically related to any concrete object, represents an adverbial source. Fresh semantic observations of TNA spatial language show that giddām is used to express the Front Region of a restricted class of G-objects such as horse/man/donkey, e.g. ad-dims giddām al-ḥṣān, ‘the stone is in front of the horse’, while it is never used with objects like stone/tree: in such cases, other locative strategies are applied (e.g. astronomic directions). I argue that since the root g.d.m. is related to the idea of ‘foot’ and ‘movement’, giddām is used with animate G-objects showing properties like [mobility], [orientation], [facedness]. These objects prime the Intrinsic Frame of Reference (FoR, Levinson 2003), based on intrinsic features (face, back…) of G. giddām is not used with G-objects such as tree/stone, which have no intrinsic front or back and prime Egocentric or Absolute (astronomic/geocentric) FoR. In contrast, wara describes the Back Region of G-objects attracting both Intrinsic and Relative FoRs, e.g. al-kurrah wara al-ḥṣān/aš-šajarah ‘the ball is behind the horse/tree’. This means that the lexical sources of spatial prepositions affect the selection of Gs and FoRs. Keywords: Grammaticalisation of spatial prepositions; frames of reference; referential promiscuity; prepositional split; traditional Negev Arabic. 1. The Grammaticalisation of spatial prepositions Linguistic representation of space is the main interest for a number of philosophers, linguists and psychologists exploring the relations between mental forms and reality. The fundamental importance of spatial ideas in structuring processes of human knowledge is proved by their pervasive presence in other semantic domains, like time, aspect, modality and causation (Traugott 1978; Radden 1985), where they are derived by means of metaphorical processes (Lakoff & Johnson 1980). In the second half of the twentieth century, the revival of Whorfian claims about the effect of language on the organization of non-linguistic thought has fostered extensive enquiries on the domain of space across different languages in synchronic perspective (Levinson & Wilkins 2006), while the interest on the existence of regular (universal) paths in linguistic change has opened the field to diachronic typology (Greenberg 1966). Within this second theoretical framework, the grammaticalisation of spatial prepositions has been considered an ideal field of exploration, since these prepositions exhibit different degrees of grammaticalization across semantic subdomains (Lehmann 1985; Svorou 1994). In particular, the evolution of spatial prepositions is considered as regularly occurring from lexical sources (nominal and verbal), called ‘input’, toward the ‘bleached out’ status (Bybee & Pagliuca 1985), called ‘output’, via metonymical and metaphorical processes (Sweetser 1990; Heine et al. 1991). As well outlined by Svorou (1994), this hypothesis raises some fundamental questions, such as some hypothetical semantic similarities among the different lexical inputs, some special feature which makes them all more prone than other words to be grammaticalized. With respect to the first question, Svorou (1994) illustrates that body-parts are good candidates to be grammaticalized into spatial prepositions for their ‘relational’ nature, because they are parts of a whole, the body, yet they are spatially distinguished and prototypically distributed (the head represents the upper part of the body, the foot the lower part, the hand reminds the extreme reachable space around the body, and so on). 176 LETIZIA CERQUEGLINI A second, and certainly more neglected question, concerns the relation between the semantic content of the input and the full range of uses of the output, or, in other terms, the dependency of the grammatical functions of the output on the original semantic content of the input. One of the possible ways to answer the second question is to look for some semantic constraint related to the original grammatical class (or categorical status) of the input, i.e. noun or verb. In this contribute I will address the second question looking at the actual uses of giddām ‘in front of’ and wara ‘behind’ in TNA. Trying to apply Svorou’s distinction between verbal and nominal inputs, we see that giddām and wara don’t fit precisely in this classification. giddām can’t be considered as a nominal source, because it doesn’t directly derive from any nominal form. We can observe that the root g.d.m. produces both verbs and nouns. So, while giddām is etymologically related to gidm ‘(human) foot’, or migdim ‘upper part of the tent’s roof’, wara is not etymologically related to any concrete object, and therefore it may represent a more prototypically (verbal or) adverbial source. Furthermore, TNA doesn’t use gidm for ‘foot’, which is called, together with the leg, rijl, both for human and animal bodies. 2. The Language of Space in TNA My methodology is to a large extent inherited from the cognitive-semantic and psycholinguistic lessons; nonetheless, the possibility of conducting a fieldwork among genetically, culturally and linguistically conservative communities in the Middle East – often showing a peculiar material culture – has convinced me to follow a more Bloomfieldian socio-structuralist approach, which is said to focus more on synchronic aspects of linguistic specificity than on worldwide diachronic phenomena (Svorou 1994). Describing prepositional systems in individual European languages, Vandeloise (1991) and Tyler & Evans (2003) outlined a high index of language-specific semantic values and norms, embodied in the physical experience of spatial entities and spatial scenes. In particular, Vandeloise outlined the importance of the learned and experienced interaction with concrete objects to construct and apply the semantic norms which organize and represent the space we live in and think of. The insights of cognitive semantics about the role played by objects in shaping our perception of space support the vision of a fundamentally relational nature of human space processing – the ‘Leibnizian space’ defined by Levinson (2003) – and are in strong agreement with Gibson’s theory of affordances (1977). Gibson claimed that objects are mentally processed according to the possibilities of interaction they offer. This study is part of a larger survey on spatial language and cognition in Traditional Negev Arabic (TNA) (Cerqueglini 2015). Negev Arabic (Blanc 1970; Shawarbah 2012; Henkin 2010) is a cluster of north west Ḥijāzi Arabic dialects spoken by the Bedouin confederations and tribes of the Negev desert (southern Israel). TNA is the variety spoken by elderly men and women (over 60 years old), most of whom are monolingual, illiterate and very scantily exposed to the Hebrew of the surrounding society. Due to schooling, media, and contact with Israeli state institutions, young speakers tend to assimilate to the Palestinian dialectal koiné and are fluent in Hebrew. Their spatial language changes dramatically, with respect to the old generation, due to the mastery of a new material culture. In this contribution, I investigate linguistic representations of spatial relations occurring along the Front/Back Axis in TNA, which are expressed by giddām and wara respectively. Spatial relations occur between Figure objects (Fs), i.e. the objects to be located, and Ground objects (Gs), i.e. the reference objects with respect to which Fs are located, as in ‘Marc is behind Maria’, Marc is F and Maria is G. I focus on the use of the prepositions giddām and wara to represent Front and Back Region of G respectively, in different kinds of spatial scenes. Between the two axes dividing the horizontal plane, I choice to explore the Front/Back Axis because in TNA the Lateral Axis is missing, i.e. the distinction of Right Region from Left Region is not grammaticalized. The terms ‘right’ and ‘left’ are exclusively used to refer to the hands, which carry several symbolic meanings (Henkin & Cerqueglini in publication). The terms ‘right’ and ‘left’ are especially used to refer to hands, and not to other symmetric parts of the body, which are rather ETYMOLOGY, CULTURE AND GRAMMATICALISATION: A SEMANTIC EXPLORATION OF THE FRONT/BACK AXIS IN TRADITIONAL NEGEV ARABIC 177 distinguished by means of cardinal directions, as in following example from Henkin’s (marked H) unpublished Negev Arabic Corpus (NAC): wallāh jidditīh gēˁdih. ana wJimˁih rifīgna, By God, my grandmother was sitting. I (was there) with Jimˁih my brother, wēḥid ˁala rukbitha min al-jāl aš-šargiy, one on her knee from the-eastern side uwēḥid ˁala rukbitha min al-jāl al-ġarbiy and one on her knee from the western side Since TNA speakers do not recognize Gs any asymmetry along the Right/Left Axis, the distinction of lateral sides is expressed by means of the cardinal directions according to which the sides of G are oriented, often in combination with the prepositional phrase ˁa-janb ‘beside’. So, the only axis on the horizontal plane which shows in TNA the regional asymmetry is the Front/Back Axis. 3. Frames of reference Spatial Regions are search domains around Gs where Fs have to be placed or looked for. So, in a sentence like ‘The ball is behind the tree’, I have to establish where is the Back Region of the tree, in order to locate the ball. The projection of spatial Regions requires the computation of a system of coordinates – anchored on G – according to which their positions around G can be established. This projection is carried out in all linguistic systems by means of semantic strategies called Frames of Reference (FoRs, Levinson 2003). FoRs are three across languages: Intrinsic, Absolute and Relative. In the Intrinsic FoR spatial Regions are assigned on the basis of the recognition of inherent facets of G: in ‘Marc is in front of the house’, the ‘front’ of the house is its functional frontal facet, where the house is accessible, independently from the position of the speaker or observer. In the Absolute FoR the coordinate system is external with respect to the spatial scene and independent from the position of the speaker: ‘Marc is north of the house’ is an example of absolute referential framing. In the Relative FoR, the coordinate system derives from the Regional partition of the speaker, according to three strategies: 180° Rotation, Reflection and Translation, illustrated in Table 1: Table 1 Strategies of Projection of the Relative FoR As we can see in Table 1, 180° Rotation affects the treatment of the Right/Left Axis of G, so that the white cat is to the left of the ball of wool from the perspective of the observer (O). On the 178 LETIZIA CERQUEGLINI contrary, according to the rules of Reflexion, the white cat is to the right of the ball of wool, cause the Lateral Axis is projected from O onto G as in front of a mirror. According to both 180° Rotation and Reflexion, Front Region is considered close to the Observer (O) and Back Region is the opposite one, further from O, so the black cat is in front of the ball of wool. According to Translation, the Lateral Axis is unaltered, as in Reflection, but the Front Region is the further from O, while the Back Region is close to O, so the black cat is behind the ball of wool. Translation is here of particular interest as it is the only sub-strategy according to which the Relative FoR is applied in TNA, with particular classes of Gs and only when the spatial F-G array is placed in the middle of the visual field of O, as we will see right after. Translation was first detected and described by Hill (1982) in Hausa language, where all Gs placed in the middle of the visual field of O (except for human Gs, apparently) attracted the projection of the Front Region on the opposite side with respect to the position of O and of the Back Region on the side close to O. 4. Strategies for FoRs selection in TNA FoRs have represented one the favorite topics for cross-linguistic semantic comparison: the existence of a very restricted set of three mutually untranslatable semantic structures – even reducible to a minimal dual opposition between Intrinsic/Relative FoRs observed in western languages vs. Absolute FoR detected in other genetically and geographically distant languages – seemed to have definitively buried ‘the myth of language universals’ (Evans & Levinson 2009). In Levinson (2003), the assumed prevalence of one FoR in each language produced positive evidences of the effects of language in shaping non-linguistic mental activities. This ‘ideal’ picture provided by the languages of remote communities using exclusively or prevalently one FoR has been recently challenged by Bohnemeyer’s studies on referentially promiscuous systems (2011), languages lacking any referential default strategy and resorting to all three FoRs without any bias or relevant quantitative difference. In referentially promiscuous systems the coexistence of all three referential strategies strongly jeopardizes any deterministic effect produced by semantic strategies on non-linguistic thought. The discovery of referentially promiscuous systems opens the field to two directions of research, one focused on the strategies of selection of each FoR in individual languages and a second typological enterprise, devoted to compare the strategies of selection of each FoR across promiscuous systems. TNA represents a referentially promiscuous system (Cerqueglini & Henkin, in publication). In Table 2, I summarize the strategy speakers adopt to select each FoR in context: Table 2 TNA Ontology of Gs According to Referential Strategies. The strategy of referential selection in TNA is largely based on a culture-specific ontology according to which entities in space are classified and therefore recall peculiar semantic values and norms (Cerqueglini 2015). Gs of modern life and Gs attracting the Relative FoR, once placed outside the middle of the visual field of O, always prime the Absolute FoR, i.e. Regions around G are expressed by šimāl ‘north’, giblih ‘south’, šarg ‘east’ and ġarb ‘west’. In leftover cases, Gs attract the ETYMOLOGY, CULTURE AND GRAMMATICALISATION: A SEMANTIC EXPLORATION OF THE FRONT/BACK AXIS IN TRADITIONAL NEGEV ARABIC 179 Absolute FoR to establish the asymmetry along the Lateral Axis in absence of ‘right’ and ‘left’ terms, while the Front/Back Axis is processed according to the Intrinsic or to the Relative FoR, depending on the classificatory features attributed by the speakers to Gs. Only in these last cases, giddām and wara are used to define the Front and Back Regions respectively. In Table 3 we observe how giddām and wara combine with Gs attracting the Intrinsic (man/horse) and the Relative (stone/tree) FoRs: FRONT REGION G = MAN L: wīn aš-šajarah min az-zalamah? I: aš-šajarah giddām az-zalamah. L: where is the tree with respect to the man? I: the tree is in front of the man. BACK REGION L: wīn aš-šajarah min az-zalamah? I: wara az-zalamah. L: where is the tree with respect to the man? I: behind the man. G= HORSE L: wīn aš-šajarah min al-faras? I: giddām al-faras. L: where is the tree with respect to the horse? I: in front of the horse. L: wīn aš-šajarah min al-faras? I: aš-šajarah wara al-faras. L: where is the tree with respect to the horse? I: the tree is behind the horse. G= STONE L: wīn al-ḥmār min ad-dims? I: al-ḥmār ˁa-nuṣṣ ad-dims, biˁīd ˁannih šwayyih. L: where is the donkey with respect to the stone? I: the donkey is in the middle of the stone, a little bit far from it. L: wīn al-ḥmār min ad-dims? I: al-ḥmār wāgif wara ad-dims, mwajjih ˁal-jāl at-tāniy. L: where is the donkey with respect to the stone? I: the donkey is standing behind the stone, it is facing the other direction. 180 LETIZIA CERQUEGLINI G= TREE L: wīn al-faras min aš-šajarah? L: wīn al-faras min aš-šajarah? I: biˁīd šwayyih ˁanha, ˁ-an-nuṣṣ, ˁa-nuṣṣ ašI: al-faras wāgfih wara aš-šajarah. šajarah. L: where is the horse with respect to the L: where is the horse with respect to the tree? tree? I: the horse is standing behind the tree. I: a little bit far from it (the tree), in the middle, in the middle of the tree. Table 3. Distribution of giddām and wara across Intrinsic and Relative FoRs. 5. The TNA ‘prepositional split’ As we could see from the examples reported in Table 3, the distribution of giddām and wara across Gs and FoRs is not homogeneous. While wara is used to express the Back Region in both Intrinsic and Relative FoRs, the use of giddām is restricted to represent the Front Region of Gs attracting the use of the Intrinsic FoR. This class of Gs in represented in Table 3 by G-man and G-horse. Indeed, because of non-geometric semantic constraints, Regions along the same axis can’t be always abstractly conceptualized as ‘polar oppositions’. Indeed, as we noticed, in the Relative FoR in TNA, no Front Region is there to represent the polar, axial opposition of the Back Region close to O. The lack of the axial opposition along the Front/Back Axis differentiates the application of the Relative FoR in TNA from the Hausa system (Hill 1982), where all Gs undergo the same regional partition into Front and Back Regions, equally expressed by the same prepositional means (gaba ‘in front’ and baya ‘behind’). Similarly to what happens for šimāl, giblih, šarg and ġarb, exclusively applied in combination with the Absolute FoR – while in western languages cardinal terms are often used within the Relative FoRs, since learned by specific training and conceived as more abstract –, giddām is used exclusively in combination with the Intrinsic FoR, to indicate the Front Region of a restricted class of Gs. giddām undergoes in TNA a clear process of ‘prepositional split’, i.e. the exclusive combination of a preposition with only one referential strategy. The class of Gs which attracts the Intrinsic FoR includes all entities conceived by TNA speakers as the most faceted, asymmetric, and, in some case, mobile or motor intelligent. The etymological association of giddām with the ideas of foot and motion triggers its combination with mobile Gs like man, horse, donkey, dog, yet it does not prevent giddām from being associated with some non-mobile Gs, like the tent and the coffee pot. Non-mobile Gs associated with giddām are actually very few: the existence of their restricted class probably supports the hypothesis of an incipient path of grammaticalisation of giddām from the original idea of ‘motor directionality’ to the meaning of ‘frontal space’. Furthermore, giddām seems to have been restricted in a earlier stage to Gs whose Front Region prototypically or routinely coincides with the Front Region of the speaker in a motion scene, like the horse, while ridden, or the dog and the donkey, which proceed beside the humans toward the same direction. The absence of any motor affordances in stones and trees can definitively explain the lack of a Front Region in the TNA Relative FoR. Indeed, the Front Region of non-mobile Gs in TNA is often preferably indicated by ˁa wijh, which is used to designate the Front Regions of the knife – i.e. the Region adjacent to its functional side, the blade, which can be moved in all directions, even toward the speaker – or like a mass of ETYMOLOGY, CULTURE AND GRAMMATICALISATION: A SEMANTIC EXPLORATION OF THE FRONT/BACK AXIS IN TRADITIONAL NEGEV ARABIC 181 water, whose surface is horizontal, i.e. it does not coincide with the prototypical vertical orientation of the Front Region in moving humans. No need to say, a more abstract stage of grammaticalisation, entailing a wider range of uses across G-classes and FoRs, has already been reached by giddām in other Arabic varieties, like in many varieties spoken by the close sedentary communities in the Levant. Motion or possibility of motion doesn’t seem relevant at all for the use of wara, whose original meaning is related to the idea of ‘being concealed from the sight’ and whose use is extended to all kinds of Gs, according to different rules: it represents the inherent Back Region of Gs attracting the Intrinsic FoR and the side of G closer to the speaker, when G is a stone or a tree. 6. Conclusions The preliminary hypothesis of this work, raised by Svorou (1994), claims that the original grammatical class, verbal or nominal, of a lexical input may determine all its possible future evolutionary paths and grammatical functions. The cognitive semantic methodology developed by neo-Whorfian research on FoRs has proved TNA spatial prepositions giddām and wara to represent two different stages of grammaticalisation. wara seems much more grammaticalized, since it can combine with all Gs across Intrinsic and Relative FoRs, while giddām undergoes the prepositional split, being exclusively associated to those Gs which prime the use of the Intrinsic FoR. wara is productively used also in the domain of time (as in el-yawm elli-wara, ‘the day after’) and, even though not frequently, in the domain of causation (in the sense of ‘because of’). Neither giddām nor wara may be properly considered as having a nominal or verbal input, therefore such traditional distinction doesn’t seem productive in our analysis. The root g.d.m. yielding giddām, produces both verbs and nouns, while the root w.r.y., yielding wara, produces exclusively verbal items. This may speak for a higher nominal value of giddām with respect to wara, and the higher nominal bent of its root may be considered responsible for the slower process of grammaticalisation of giddām with respect to wara in TNA. According to the data presented here, we could sketch an outline of the process of grammaticalisation of prepositions in TNA, stretching from less to more grammaticalized items, where we find in this order: 1. {ˁala + [wijh, janb, ḍahr]} → 2. giddām → 3. wara. In the lowest degree of grammaticalisation we see prepositional phrases, combining the autonomous spatial prepositions ˁala (‘in, on, at’) with body-part nouns. These prepositional phrases generally designate particular cases, less indexicalized than the prototypical Front/Back spatial relations. They represent 1. the Lateral Axis (ˁa janb), which is the less salient axis in TNA and it is mostly expressed by cardinal directions; 2. the coincidence of the back part of G with the Up Region, as in ˁa-ḍahr at-tawlih, ‘on the (horse)-back of the table’, i.e. ‘on top of the table’; 3. other specific cases of G-O prototypical axial mismatch as ˁa wijh al-moyyih, ‘on the water’s surface’; 4. G-O dis-alignment, as in ˁa wijh al-xūṣih, ‘in front of the knife’, discussed above. These prepositional phrases are topological or associated to the Intrinsic FoR. In the intermediate level of the scale of grammaticalisation we find giddām, formally autonomous, but semantically constrained to combine with just a restricted set of Gs. As the most grammaticalized item, we find wara, which is formally autonomous and can be used in combination with both the Intrinsic and the Relative FoRs. 182 LETIZIA CERQUEGLINI To summarize, in TNA the higher the number of referential strategies and Gs a preposition is combined with, the more its process of grammaticalisation is advanced. Beside the nominal content of the lexical input, which could be direct (as in janb, wijh) or distributed in the lexical asset derived from the same root (as in g.d.m), other mechanisms contribute to prevent the process of semantic bleaching, not strictly related to the hypothesized nominal bent of their root. The grammatical category of the input is indeed not more relevant than other semantic components encoded in its original meaning. In the case of giddām, mechanisms and reasons preventing it from reaching the grammatical stage of wara have to be looked for in the prototypical spatial scenes TNA speakers are exposed to, both as general expressions of environmental physics and geometry and as culture-specific routine actions and daily interactions with objects. To simplify, I propose to observe simple axial conditions. One of the semantic constraint encoded by giddām is [Coincidental Direction of Motion] or [Coincidental Direction of Fictive Motion] or [Coincidental Facing Direction] of G and the speaker. Horses, dogs, donkeys, camels can satisfy this condition or, rather, due to the configuration of their routine interactions with humans, they prototypically satisfy this condition, following default affordances indexicalized via routine interactions. The fundamental feature of [Coincidental Directionality] of G and O, actual or possible, belonging to the semantic bedrock of giddām, explains why other less mobile or less autonomously mobile Gs, like a mass of water, whose interactional surface is usually horizontal, or a knife, whose interactional side can be moved in all axial combinations with respect to the front side of O, attract a different prepositional compound (ˁa wijh) to designate the Front Region. [Mobility], [Facedness] and possible or actual [Coincidental Directionality] are the features required from Gs to attract the use of giddām, whose semantic content doesn’t just remind a verb, but rather a motion. wara has a verbal root as well, but the verbal content doesn’t represent any idea of motion, so it can be more easily associated with non-mobile (nor movable) objects. More specifically, g.d.m. doesn’t indicate a path or a manner of motion, but rather a spatial scene involving at least a dyad of entities moving according to some axial constraint. The higher level of axial constraint enshrined in the root of g.d.m. derives directly from its motor content, rather than from its verbal nature. References Blanc, Haim. 1970. The Arabic Dialect of the Negev Bedouins. Jerusalem: The Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Bohnemeyer, Juergen. 2011. “Spatial FoRs in Yucatec: Referential Promiscuity and Task Specificity”, O'Meara, Carolyn, & Pérez Báez, Gabriela (eds.), FoRs in Mesoamerican Languages. 892-914. Bybee, Joan, & Pagliuca, William. 1985. “Cross-Linguistic Comparison and the Development of Grammatical Meaning”, Fisiak, Jasek (ed.), Historical Semantics and Word Formation. Berlin: Gruyter. Cerqueglini, Letizia (2015). Object-based Selection of Spatial Frames of Reference in aṣ-Ṣāniˁ Arabic. Studi Linguistici Pisani 7. 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OVERABUNDANCE IN THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TUNIS: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF PLURAL FORMATION INES DALLAJI INES GABSI Department of Oriental Studies (University of Vienna) Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities (Austrian Academy of Sciences) Abstract: During fieldwork in Tunis in the framework of the Vienna-based project Linguistic Dynamics in the Greater Tunis Area: A Corpus-based Approach (TUNICO), we conducted research on plural formation in the dialect of Tunisia's capital. The main purpose was to collect data absent in historical sources and in the corpus which we are currently compiling in order to add this data to the dictionary of Tunis Arabic which we are about to create. As the historical sources (e.g. Singer's grammar of the dialect of the Medina of Tunis, the Takroûna glossary by Marçais and Guîga) list some nouns with two or more plural forms, another purpose of our research was to find out which of the listed forms are still used. The research was based on a list of approximately 200 nouns and conducted with the help of almost 30 informants, most of whom were younger than 30. This is due to the fact that the focus of the TUNICO project lies on producing a corpus of spoken youth language and on drawing conclusions about the current linguistic situation in Tunis and its suburbs. This paper is a first approach to study overabundance in the Arabic dialect of the greater Tunis area. It contains all the examples for nouns with more than one possible plural form which we could gather during our fieldwork. The comparison of the collected data with forms listed in historical sources enables diachronic research and allows drawing conclusions about processes of linguistic dynamics. Keywords: TUNICO project, Tunis Arabic, plural formation, overabundance, diachronic study. 1. Introduction This paper presents the preliminary results of our research on plural formation and overabundance in Tunis Arabic, which we conduct within the framework of a project with the title Linguistic Dynamics in the Greater Tunis Area: A Corpus-based Approach. TUNICO, as this project funded by a three-year grant of the Austrian Science Fund is called for short, is based at the Department of Oriental Studies of the University of Vienna and the Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities (ACDH) at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, and is headed by Stephan Procházka and Karlheinz Mörth. It has grown out of an ongoing joint initiative of the above mentioned institutions that was initiated several years ago and goes by the name Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties (VICAV). VICAV aims at the collection of digital language resources documenting varieties of spoken Arabic 1. Within the framework of the TUNICO project, two digital language resources are produced. The first one is a corpus of transcribed texts in the Arabic dialect of Tunis. To be more precise, we create a corpus of spoken youth language, by which we understand the speech of the generation below 35. The majority of dialogues and narratives which we are in the process of transcribing were recorded during our first fieldwork in Tunis in September 2013. The second language resource which the TUNICO project is about to produce is an online dictionary that is fed with data from the corpus as well as some other sources which will be mentioned below. The tool that is used for creating this dictionary is called Viennese Lexicographic Editor (VLE). The corpus and other sources do not only function as providers of lexicographic data. They are also used to investigate a number of selected topics dealing with the morphology and syntax of 1 For further information on VICAV and TUNICO see Mörth, Procházka & Dallaji 2014 as well as https://acdh.oeaw.ac.at/vicav/ and https://acdh.oeaw.ac.at/tunico/ [last accessed 15 September 2015]. 186 INES DALLAJI; INES GABSI contemporary Tunis Arabic like, for example, plural formation and overabundance, by which we understand the coexistence of more than one plural form in the nominal system (see section 4). The fact that most of the relevant literature dates back to the last century enables the compilation of a micro-diachronic dictionary and explains why this study of plural formation in Tunis Arabic is diachronic too. The paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we give an overview of the sources on which the dictionary entries are based and of the historical sources that are used for a diachronic study of plural formation. Section 3 provides information on our research on plural formation in the greater Tunis area in September 2014. Section 4 summarizes general information on the formation of Arabic plurals with a special focus on Tunisian Arabic and includes a definition of the term “overabundance”. Section 5 contains all the examples for nouns with more than one possible plural form we could gather during our fieldwork. The collected data are compared with forms listed in historical sources in order to draw conclusions about processes of linguistic dynamics. The historical developments this diachronic study reveals are summed up in section 6. 2. Sources Besides the corpus which we are currently compiling, one of the contemporary sources on which the dictionary entries are based is a textbook by Veronika Ritt-Benmimoun. This textbook serves as teaching material for the Tunisian Arabic class at the University of Vienna but has not been published yet. The second contemporary source is an amateur glossary from 2010 by Karim Abdellatif called Dictionnarie «le Karmous» du Tunisien. Unfortunately, it lacks plural forms, which is why it is unhelpful for a study of plural formation in Tunis Arabic. The main historical source is the 800-page grammar of the Arabic dialect of the Medina of Tunis by Hans-Rudolf Singer, which was published in 1984. One of the objectives of the TUNICO project is to feed the micro-diachronic dictionary with the rich lexical material which this grammar contains. Besides this grammar by Singer, the historical sources which we use for this diachronic study are the Peace Corps English – Tunisian Arabic Dictionary by Rached Ben Abdelkader, Abdeljelil Ayed and Aziza Naouar published in 1977 and The Morphology of the Arabic Dialect of Tunis, a PhD thesis by Ferid Chekili from 1982. The oldest historical source is Hans Stumme's Grammatik des Tunisischen Arabisch, which dates back to 1896. The eight-volume glossary of the Textes arabes de Takroûna compiled by Marçais and Guîga (1958-61) is very useful for comparison purposes, specifically to check if nouns which, according to our study, are prone to multiple pluralization are listed with the same possible plural forms in this glossary as well. 3. The fieldwork In September 2014, we conducted fieldwork in Tunis in order to gather plural forms absent in the textbook, the corpus, and the historical sources which we are using for creating our dictionary (see section 2), and to find out whether or not certain plural forms listed in historical sources are still in use. During a two-week stay, we asked 30 informants to form plurals of approximately 200 nouns. Most of the informants were between 18 and 30 years old and were either born in Tunis or in one of its suburbs, or have lived in the greater Tunis area most of their lives. The nouns with more than one possible plural form this paper contains were identified and gathered during the evaluation of the results of our fieldwork. The examples listed below are supplemented by forms occurring in the TUNICO corpus and in the historical sources we use for a diachronic study of plural formation (see section 2). In brackets it is added by how many people a certain plural form was given and in which historical source or sources it was found. As one may notice, the total number of plural forms we received varies from example to example. This is due to the fact that sometimes we asked small OVERABUNDANCE IN THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TUNIS: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF PLURAL FORMATION 187 groups of people to form the plurals of the nouns on which our research was based and we did not always receive an answer by each member of these groups. 4. Plural formation Laks (2014: 5) outlines that Arabic has two types of plurals: a suffix-based sound plural and a template-based broken plural. To put it in other words, “plural morphology in Arabic involves two ways of deriving words, concatenative and nonconcatenative” (Albirini & Benmamoun 2014: 855). Brustad (2000: 52) writes that “morphologically, Arabic distinguishes sound and broken plurals, and collective and distributive ones”. Since 20 of the approximately 200 nouns on which our fieldwork in Tunis was based were collective and singulative nouns, it could be of interest to conduct a separate study of collective and distributive plurals in Tunis Arabic, similar to what Brustad (2008) investigated in Levantine Arabic. As far as concatenative plural formation in Tunisian Arabic is concerned, there are /-īn/-, /-āt/-, and /-a/-suffixed plurals (Singer 1984: 455, Chekili 1982: 186). Chekili (1982: 186) writes that the most common plural forms in Tunis Arabic are /-āt/-suffixed plurals 2. As regards nonconcatenative formation, Nada Tomiche (1964: 172) and Manwel Mifsud (1994: 92) mention that all Arabic dialects have reduced the number of broken plural patterns from that of Old Arabic. Without considering vowel qualities or distinguishing whether a four-consonant noun consists of four radicals or of three radicals and a prefix, we have counted 14 broken plural patterns in Singer's Grammatik der arabischen Mundart der Medina von Tunis (1984: 576-607). As the title of this paper reveals, the focus of our study of plural formation in Tunis Arabic lies on overabundance. According to Mörth and Dressler (2014: 249), who quote Anna M. Thornton (2011: 360, 2012: 183sq.), overabundance refers to the “coexistence and rivalry of two or more cellmates within the same cell of the same paradigm”. The reason why Thornton (2011: 360 & 362, 2012: 183sq.) prefers the term “cell-mates” to the term “doublets” is that it can be more than two forms that realize the same cell. With respect to Arabic plural forms, overabundance is still a little-studied phenomenon. Both the fact that the glossary compiled by Marçais and Guîga (1958-61) contains ample evidence for the coexistence of more than one plural form in the nominal system of the dialect spoken in Takroûna and the results of our fieldwork suggest that overabundance in nominal plural forms can be expected of contemporary Tunis Arabic too. 5. Overabundance in Tunis Arabic The results of our research indicate that nouns which trace back to the Old Arabic patterns CvCC or CvCvC tend to exhibit overabundance: 1. bḥaṛ (“sea”): bḥūṛāt (22, 1 C 3), bḥūṛa (2, TATk II/1 4: 234), bḥaṛṛāt (1), bḥūṛ (0, Peace Corps 5: 340, TATk II/1: 234) 2. bdan (“body”): bdūnāt (15), bdannāt (10), (a)bdān (0, Peace Corps: 51, TATk II/1: 250) 3. qbaṛ (“grave”): qbūṛāt (17, Peace Corps: 174, Chekili 1982: 198-qburāt), qbūṛa (7), uqbṛa (4), qbūṛ (0, Stumme 1896: 83, TATk II/6: 3090) 2 Out of 818 singular nouns on which Chekili's study was based, 338 form their plural by attaching the suffix /-āt/ (Chekili 1982: 186). 3 1 C (< corpus) means that this form was used by one of the young Tunisians whose speech was recorded and transcribed for the TUNICO corpus. 4 TATk II is the abbreviation for the eight-volume glossary of the Textes arabes de Takroûna (see references). 5 Peace Corps refers to the Peace Corps English-Tunisian Arabic Dictionary published in 1977 by Ben Abdelkader et al. (see references). 188 INES DALLAJI; INES GABSI qlam (“pencil”): qlammāt (18, Singer 1984: 460, Chekili 1982: 187, Peace Corps: 284), (a)qlām (6, TATk II/6: 3291sq.), uqᵊlma /aqᵊlma (2, TATk II/6: 3291sq.-uqulma), qlūmāt (1) 5. ʕirs (“wedding”): ʕṛūsāt (24, Singer 1984: 463, Peace Corps: 440), (a)ʕṛās/(a)ʕrās (5, 1 C) 6. nahž (“alley, lane”): unᵊhža (22, Chekili 1982: 198), nhūžāt (2, Singer 1984: 463), nhūža (1) 7. yūm (“day”): ayyām (14, Singer 1984: 582-āyām, Peace Corps: 100, TATk II/8: 4428-ayām), ayyāmāt (13, Singer 1984: 463-āyāmāt, TATk II/8: 4428-ayāmāt) Chekili (1982: 187) writes that the final consonant of nouns with the singular pattern CCvC is geminated immediately before the plural suffix /-āt/ as seen in bhaṛṛāt, bdannāt and qlammāt. Only in the case of qlam, the attachment of /-āt/ to the singular pattern is the most frequently mentioned formation. The plural form qlammāt is also listed in three historical sources. As far as bḥaṛ, bdan and qbaṛ are concerned, the plural forms that were mentioned by the largest number of informants are bḥūṛāt, bdūnāt and qbūṛat, which are a combination of templatic variation and concatenative formation. The forms bḥūṛāt and bdūnāt are not listed in any of our historical sources. The broken plurals bḥūṛ, (a)bdān and qbūṛ were not formed by any of our informants, but are mentioned in some of the historical sources. As the example ʕirs shows, the majority of informants combined concatenative and nonconcatenative formation (ʕṛūsāt), whereas in the case of nahž, the most frequently mentioned formation was nonconcatenative. Singer (1984: 463), however, only lists the so-called double plurals ʕṛūsāt and nhūžāt. As regards yūm, the number of people who formed the irregular plural ayyām and the number of those who mentioned the double plural ayyāmāt is almost the same. Both forms are listed by Singer (1984: 463 & 582) and in the Takroûna glossary (TATk II/8: 4428), but with different spelling. 4. The following examples show that some nouns with the singular pattern CvCCa are also prone to overabundance: 8. xaṭwa (“step”): xaṭwāt (11, TATk II/3: 1131), xuṭwāt (11), xṭāwi (4, Singer 1984: 588, TATk II/3: 1131) 9. ṛabṭa (“bunch; knot”): ṛabṭāt/ṛabtāt (14, TATk II/3: 1420sq.), ṛbāyṭ/ ṛbāyiṭ (7, Chekili 1982: 185), ṛbuṭ (1) ṛbāṭi (0, Singer 1984: 588, TATk II/3: 1420sq.) 10. ṛukba (“knee”): rkāyb/rkāyib (16, Singer 1984: 93, Peace Corps: 211, Chekili 1982: 192, Stumme 1896: 85, TATk II/3, p. 1570), ṛukbāt (7, TATk II/3, p. 1570), rkub (4), rkābi (0, Singer 1984: 588) In the case of xaṭwa and ṛabṭa, the majority of informants formed the sound feminine plural. As far as ṛukba is concerned, more than half of the informants mentioned the broken plural rkāyb/rkāyib. A broken plural with the same pattern also exists for ṛabṭa, but only seven informants formed it. The broken plurals ṛbāṭi and rkābi, which are listed by Singer (1984: 588), were not mentioned by any of our informants. For ṛukba, the grammar by Singer (1984: 93 & 588) even contains two possible plural forms: rkāyb and rkābi 6. What must be noted is that only the four informants who were older than 30 formed the broken plural xṭāwi, which is listed by Singer (1984: 588) as well as in the Takroûna glossary (TATk II/3: 1131). This may indicate that the generation below 30 does not use this broken plural of xaṭwa anymore. The fact that the majority of informants formed the sound feminine plurals xaṭwāt and ṛabṭāt, while Singer (1984: 93, 588) only mentions nonconcatenative formation, may suggest that the younger generation of speakers of Tunis Arabic tend to employ regular patterns when forming the plural of feminine nouns. The following example also supports the theory of a tendency towards regular patterns: 11. ʕāda (“habit, custom”): ʕādāt (18, Peace Corps: 98, TATk II/5: 2737), ʕwāyd/ʕwāyid (10, Peace Corps: 98, TATk II/5: 2737) By adding the example rkāybi “meine Knie” in a footnote, Singer (1984: 588) points out that suffixes can only be attached to the form rkāyb. 6 OVERABUNDANCE IN THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TUNIS: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF PLURAL FORMATION 189 The plural forms ʕādāt and ʕwāyd/ʕwāyid are both listed in historical sources, but the majority of informants formed the sound feminine plural ʕādāt. Nouns with the singular pattern CCā form their plural by inserting /w/ or /y/ between the final vowel and the plural suffix /-āt/ (Chekili 1982: 188). As far as the formation of the plural of ġṭā is concerned, not only Chekili (1982: 188) but also the majority of informants mentioned the sound feminine plural ġṭāwāt, although the majority of the consulted historical sources list the broken plural uġṭya: 12. ġṭā (“lid, cap, cover”): ġṭāwāt (20, Chekili 1982: 188, TATk II/6: 2831), uġṭya (5, Singer 1984: 239, Stumme 1896: 84, Peace Corps: 222, TATk II/6: 2831) This again could indicate a tendency towards regular patterns. The following two examples with the singular pattern CvCCv̄Ca, however, show that not all young speakers of Tunis Arabic tend to form the plural of feminine nouns by attaching the suffix /-āt/: 13. ẓaṛbīya (“carpet”): ẓṛābi (18, Peace Corps: 67, Stumme 1896: 89, TATk II/4: 1659), ẓṛāba (7), ẓaṛbīyāt (2, TATk II/4: 1659) 14. kuṛṛāsa (“notebook, exercise book”): kṛāṛis (22, Peace Corps: 52), kuṛṛāsāt (6) The fact that kuṛṛāsāt has not been found in any of our historical sources but was formed by six informants could at least indicate that a tendency towards regular pluralization is about to emerge. As far as intensive nouns with the singular pattern CvCCv̄C are concerned, Cohen (1975: 189) writes that the attachment of /-īn/ predominates in the dialect of the Muslims of Tunis, whereas in the dialect of Jews, there is a slight tendency to plural formation with /-a/. According to Chekili (1982: 191) and Singer (1984: 461), however, nouns with the singular pattern CvCCv̄C form their plural by attaching the suffix /-a/ 7. Stumme (1986: 76 & 79sq.) points out that occupational nouns with the pattern CvCCv̄C can form a plural by suffixing /-a/, but a large number of these nouns form their plural with the masculine plural ending /-īn/. In the Bedouin dialect of the southern Tunisian region of Douz, intensive nouns can form the sound plural by attaching the suffix /-a/ as well as by attaching /-īn/ (Ritt-Benmimoun 2014: 214). The following examples show that with the exception of ṛassām, the majority of our informants formed the plural with /-a/. The first two examples, ḥažžām and ṛassām have /-a/- and /-īn/-suffixed plurals: 15. ṛassām (“painter”): ṛassāmīn (14), ṛassāma (12) 16. ḥažžām (“hairdresser”): ḥažžāma (14, Chekili 1982: 191), ḥažžāmīn (7) 17. ḥawwāt (“fish seller”): ḥawwāta (23), ḥawwātīn (0) 18. xabbāz (“baker”): xabbāza (21, Stumme 1896: 80), xabbāzīn (0) The only noun among the singular nouns on which our research was based that forms two semantically distinct plurals is ʕīn, which itself has two different meanings, “source” and “eye”. The plural of “source” is the broken plural ʕyūn. For “eyes”, ʕīnīn, a dual noun with the value of a plural noun, is formed. 6. Historical developments This section outlines the processes of language change which we have observed during our small diachronic study of plural formation and overabundance in Tunis Arabic. Stumme (1896: 83) writes that nouns that form broken plurals with the pattern CCūC, which in most cases trace back to the Old Arabic singular pattern CvCC, are very frequent. One of the examples 7 Out of 60 nouns with this singular pattern which were part of Chekili's study of plural formation, only three have /-īn/suffixed plurals (Chekili 1982: 189). 190 INES DALLAJI; INES GABSI he lists is qbūṛ (“graves”), which was not mentioned by any of our informants (see section 5, example 3). He further writes that in a few cases, the plural forms of nouns which trace back to the Old Arabic singular patterns CvCC or CvCvC can be a combination of broken and sound plural. He gives the example faṛš (“bed”), for which he mentions the plurals fṛūš, fṛūša and fṛūšāt (Stumme 1896: 83). Singer (1984: 463) also writes that the suffixes /-āt/ and /-a/ are attached to some broken plural forms. In addition to the above mentioned forms ʕṛūsāt, nhūžāt and āyāmāt (see section 5, examples 5, 6 & 7), he notes the example fṛūšāt but, unlike Stumme, he neither mentions fṛūš nor fṛūša. In the EnglishTunisian Arabic dictionary published by Ben Abdelkader et al. (Peace Corps: 45), fṛūšāt is also the only form mentioned. As far as qbaṛ is concerned, to our knowledge, Singer's grammar does not contain any plural form. According to Ben Abdelkader et al. (Peace Corps: 174) and the majority of our informants, the plural of qbaṛ is qbūṛāt (see section 5, example 3). The fact that qbūṛ or fṛūš are only listed by Stumme implies that these broken plurals with the pattern CCūC are not in use any more. In the case of bḥaṛ and bdan, none of our informants mentioned the broken plurals bḥūṛ and (a)bdān, although they are listed in two historical sources (see section 5, examples 1 & 2). The most frequently mentioned forms were the double plurals bḥūṛāt and bdūnāt, which do not occur in any of our historical sources. To summarize the above mentioned observations, most of the broken plurals which the consulted historical sources list seem to be no longer in use in contemporary Tunis Arabic, as spoken by the younger generation. A shift towards a combination of concatenative and nonconcatenative formation, especially towards attaching the suffix /-āt/ to broken plurals, can be observed. Stumme (1896: 90) remarks that double plurals are not as common in Tunis Arabic as in more Western dialects, for example in Moroccan Arabic. We do not have enough evidence to support or refute this theory, since we have not compared plural forms used in Tunis Arabic with plural forms in Moroccan dialects. But the results of this diachronic study lead us to assume that the use of double plurals in Tunis Arabic has become more frequent over the past few decades than it was at the end of the 19th century. The examples 8, 9, 11 and 12 in section 5 (xaṭwa, ṛabṭa, ʕāda and ġṭā) show that young speakers of Tunis Arabic tend to regular pluralization, whereas historical sources either list the broken plural only or reveal that both forms, the sound and the broken plural, are used. As regards intensive nouns with the singular pattern CvCCv̄C, the opinions in the historical sources are divided. The four examples in section 5 (ṛassām, ḥažžām, ḥawwāt and xabbāz) hint at a tendency to pluralization by attaching the suffix /-a/, but the number of examples is too small to answer the question as to whether the formation with /-īn/ is less frequent than the formation with /-a/. 7. Conclusion Karlheinz Mörth and Wolfgang Dressler (2014: 250) write in their article on German plural doublets that “the existence of doublets can often be seen as a particular stage in a process of language change”. The results of our diachronic study already hint at a language change in terms of plural formation, as they reveal a decline of nonconcatenative formation and a development towards double plurals and regular patterns. In order to make more profound remarks regarding plural formation in contemporary Tunis Arabic, and to answer the question as to whether or not plural forms listed in historical sources are still in use and which plural forms are prone to overabundance, we will not only have to continue analyzing our corpus, which is still in progress, but we will also have to conduct further fieldwork in the greater Tunis area. References Abdellatif, Karim. 2010. Dictionnaire “le Karmous” du Tunisien. http://www.fichier-pdf.fr/2010/08/31/m14401m/. Albirini, Abdulkafi, & Benmamoun, Elabbas. 2014. “Concatenative and Nonconcatenative Plural Formation in L1, L2, and Heritage Speakers of Arabic”, The Modern Language Journal 98 (3). 854-871. Ben Abdelkader, Rached, Ayed, Abdeljelil, & Naouar, Aziza. 1977. Peace Corps English-Tunisian Arabic Dictionary. http://www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/ED183017.pdf. (Peace Corps) OVERABUNDANCE IN THE ARABIC DIALECT OF TUNIS: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF PLURAL FORMATION 191 Brustad, Kristen. 2000. The Syntax of Spoken Arabic: A Comparative Study of Moroccan, Egyptian, Syrian and Kuwaiti Dialects. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Brustad, Kristen. 2008. “Drink Your Milks! -āt as Individuation Marker in Levantine Arabic”, Gruendler, Beatrice, & Cooperson, Michael (eds.), Classical Arabic Humanities in Their Own Terms: Festschrift for Wolfhart Heinrichs on his 65th Birthday Presented by his Students and Colleagues, Leiden-Boston: Brill. Chekili, Ferid. 1982. The Morphology of the Arabic Dialect of Tunis. PhD Thesis. London: University College. Cohen, David. 1975. Le parler arabe des juifs de Tunis. Tome II. Étude linguistique. Paris-La Haye: Mouton. Laks, Lior. 2014. “The Cost of Change: Plural Formation of Loan Words in Arabic”, Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 60. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 5-34. Mifsud, Manwel. 1994. “Internal Pluralization in Maltese: Continuity and Innovation”, Caubet, Dominique, & Vanhove, Martine (eds.), Actes des premières journées internationales de dialectologie arabe de Paris. Paris: INALCO. 91-105. Marçais, William, & Guîga, Abderrahmān. 1958-61. Textes arabes de Takroûna. II. Glossaire. 8 vol. Paris: Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique. (TATk II) Mörth, Karlheinz, & Dressler, Wolfgang U. 2014. “German Plural Doublets with and without Meaning Differentiation”, Rainer, Franz, Gardani, Francesco, Luschützky, Hans Christian, & Dressler, Wolfgang U. (eds.), Morphology and Meaning. Selected Papers from the 15th International Morphology Meeting. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 249-259. Mörth, Karlheinz, Procházka, Stephan, & Dallaji, Ines. 2014. “Laying the Foundations for a Diachronic Dictionary of Tunis Arabic. A First Glance at an Evolving New Language Resource”, Abel, Andrea, Vettori, Chiara, & Ralli, Natascia (eds.), Proceedings of the XVI EURALEX International Congress: The User in Focus. 15-19 July 2014, Bolzano/Bozen. Bolzano/Bozen: EURAC research. 377-387. Ritt-Benmimoun, Veronika. 2014. Grammatik des arabischen Beduinendialekts der Region Douz (Südtunesien). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Singer, Hans-Rudolf. 1984. Grammatik der arabischen Mundart der Medina von Tunis. Berlin, New York: de Gruyter. Stumme, Hans. 1896. Grammatik des tunisischen Arabisch nebst Glossar. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Thornton, Anna M. 2011. “Overabundance (Multiple Forms Realizing the Same Cell): A Noncanonical Phenomenon in Italian Verb Morphology”, Maiden, Martin, Smith, John Charles, Goldbach, Maria, & Hinzeli, Marc-Olivier (eds.), Morphological Autonomy: Perspectives from Romance Inflectional Morphology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 358-381. Thornton, Anna M. 2012. “Reduction and Maintenance of Overabundance. A Case Study on Italian Verb Paradigms”, Word Structure 5 (2), 183-207. Tomiche, Nada. 1964. Le parler arabe du Caire. Paris-La Haye: Mouton. THE EGYPTIAN DIALECT FOR A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF LITERATURE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY FRANCESCO DE ANGELIS University of Milan Abstract: This paper compares two different ways of approaching literature and language in Egypt. In particular, I concentrate on the use of colloquial Egyptian in literature, and more specifically in prose. I look at the ideas of Ṭāhā Ḥusayn on Egyptian dialect and juxtaposes them with those of intellectuals and writers contemporary to Ḥusayn such as Salāmatu Mūsā and Muṣṭafā Mušarrafatu, the first Egyptian author to write a novel entirely in patois. In a radio interview, Nağīb Maḥfūẓ described dialect as a disease affecting his fellow countrymen and preventing them from attaining social as well as technical progress. In Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s opinion, dialect is unworthy of being called a language and unfit to fulfil the aims of intellectual life. On the other hand, intellectuals like Salāmatu Mūsā maintain that the use of dialect, even as an official language, and a linguistic reform are the most important prerequisites for the progress of Egypt. Extremely interesting, moreover, is Mūsā’s idea that the use of colloquial language in literature would give birth to a literature for everybody, that is a popular or democratic literature. Keywords: Democratic Language policy, democratic language, democratic literature, Egyptian dialect and progress, linguistic attitudes in Egypt. The purpose of this paper is to compare two different ways of conceiving Arabic language and literature in order to provide a tentative answer to the issue raised in the title: can the Egyptian dialect be adopted as a democratic language? On the one hand, we have a traditional and authoritative literary establishment that instils great deference in the public. On the other hand, we find a restricted group of intellectuals and authors that are outsiders to this establishment and voice a totally unconventional way of conceiving language and literature. Unlike those who align themselves with the establishment, this latter group does not have many followers. The public at large regards them with suspicion, when not with contempt. The literary establishment I am referring to is the one everybody knows as al-adabu l-‘arabī (Arabic Literature), with its clear-cut linguistic and stylistic canons. If we narrow the field of investigation to what is happening in Egypt, we could say that this group of authors and intellectuals is led by Nobel Prize Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ and, secondarily, by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn. The group of writers and thinkers that react to this dominant way of conceiving Arabic literature and language is instead much less known. I am thinking of intellectuals such as Salāmatu Musā, Luwīs ‘Awaḍ and, especially, the little-known writer Muṣṭafā Mušarrafatu. These intellectuals tried to subvert dominant linguistic and literary canons by using the Egyptian dialect in their literary production or by promoting its use in all fields of knowledge, like in the case of Salāmatu Musa. I intend to focus here primarily on Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s linguistic and literary reflections in Mustaqbalu l-ṯaqāfati fī Miṣra and on Muṣṭafā Mušarrafatu’s views. Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ’s and Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s stance about the use of dialect in literature is quite wellknown. In a radio interview, for example, Naǧīb Maḥfūẓ described dialect as a disease that affects his fellow citizens, preventing them from attaining social and technical progress (Dawwāratu 1965) 1. In Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s opinion, dialect is unworthy of being called a language and unfit to fulfill the aims of intellectual life (Ḥusayn 1996: 86). Ṭāhā Ḥusayn argues that language is not only a means of communication among fellow citizens, but also a vital part of national identity (min ahammi l-muqawwimāti li’l-šaḫṣiyyati al-waṭaniyyati) (Ḥusayn 1996: 58). He concedes that young Egyptians are not familiar with Classical Arabic (fuṣḥā); 1 Quoted in (Chejne 1969: 165). 194 FRANCESCO DE ANGELIS he also concedes that the Arabic language has a difficult grammar and writing system (qadīm ‘asīr). However, he attributes young Egyptians’ poor mastery of fuṣḥā to the fact that they are obligated to dedicate time and energy to the study of foreign languages. During childhood, he adds, Egyptian children show little interest in the study of a language that does not answer their immediate needs whereas, with the mental, physical and intellectual growth of adulthood (ḥīna yanmū ‘aqluhu wa ğismuhu wa malakātuhu), they will later be able to learn a foreign language (Ḥusayn 1996: 58). Furthermore, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn makes a peculiar comparison between the linguistic context of Arabic speakers and that of other peoples. He claims: “Many Christians regard Latin, Greek, Coptic or Syriac as the language of their religion, even though they usually speak another language. Likewise, many Muslims do not speak nor understand Arabic, even though it is their holy language” (Ḥusayn 1996: 83). Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s observations show a disarming naiveté. Let us start from the final one. The Egyptian intellectual seems to ignore that the vast majority of people in the Christian world read and pray in their own mother languages. Besides, when were Latin, Greek, Coptic and Syriac ever Christ’s languages? Moreover, the idea that foreign language teaching may interfere with learning Arabic is very debatable. Since foreign language learning does not involve particular problems in other language contexts, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s view would seem to imply that fuṣḥā is not a “normal” language. Ṭāhā Ḥusayn claims that Arabic should not be exclusive to religious people and that it belongs to all of its speakers, without any distinctions of race and nation. Rather, Arabic is a gift (ḫayrun) for its speakers (Ḥusayn 1996: 83). However, how many Arabic speakers have the privilege of this ḫayr? Besides, the notion that the Arabic language and its protection should not be an exclusive domain of religious people in general, and of an institution like al-Azhar in particular, is acceptable. Such a condition would restrict the knowledge of Arabic to a limited circle of people (Ḥusayn 1996: 84). Therefore, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn goes on, Arabs should treat their language as a secular matter – which is precisely what it is (Ḥusayn 1996: 85). Despite his common-sensical remarks, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s wish that at least all Egyptians, if not all Arabs, would attain an acceptable level of linguistic competence in standard Arabic, to be obtained through adequate education, seems very difficult to realise, if not impossible. First, ‘imposing’ a language onto a group of speakers looks like an almost impossible mission. Second, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn wrote Mustaqbalu l-ṯaqāfati fī Miṣra in 1938: although literacy in Egypt has greatly increased since then, the gap between everyday language (‘āmmiyyatu) and the language of writing (fuṣḥā) is far from being closed. The problems that derive from this diglossic context, in Egypt as well as in the other Arab countries, are the same today as they were at the beginning of the previous century. Young Egyptians’ mastery of fuṣḥā still looks like a chimera. Not only that, I would also add that mastering written language is of secondary importance in young Egyptians’ eyes and is increasingly replaced by their interest in learning a foreign language 2. In the language context existing in Arab countries and acknowledged as such by Ṭāhā Ḥusayn himself, the most reasonable approach might be the adoption of ‘āmmiyyatu, or one of its purified forms, as the official language. In my opinion, this option could guarantee adequate linguistic competence to a large part of Egyptian citizens in the face of the challenges of the contemporary world and with several advantages as a result. In actual fact, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn does not contemplate the hypothesis of adopting dialect as the official language at all. This is how the Egyptian intellectual writes about this issue: 2 As far as this is concerned, a 1997 essay by Niloofar Haeri is still very relevant. In fact, Heari underlines how that which is generally considered valid in other linguistic contexts is not valid in Egyptian, and that standard language is decisively dominated by the upper class. “High class” people usually attend private schools where lessons are taught in English and French, but also German or Italian. And multilinguistic competence is precisely what guarantees easier access to the job market and especially the best paid jobs. Those who attend public schools or universities, like al-Azhar or Dāru l-‘ulūmi, may be more competent in standard Arabic but are often employed in public offices which are known for being badly paid (Haeri 1997: 798-800). Therefore, it is understandable if young Egyptians are more motivated to learn foreign languages rather than their own official language. THE EGYPTIAN DIALECT FOR A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF LITERATURE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY 195 I am, and shall remain, unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suitable instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various goals of our intellectual life because I simply cannot tolerate any squandering of the heritage, however slight, that classical Arabic has preserved for us. The colloquial lacks the quality to make it worthy of the name of a language. I look upon it as dialect that has become corrupted in many respects. (Ḥusayn 1954: 86) 3. It is interesting to note here that Ṭāhā Ḥusayn refuses to discuss his own stance. His approach to ‘āmmiyyatu is very similar to that of the vast majority of his fellow citizens, who are undoubtedly less educated. What I mean is that, for example, when you propose the use of the vernacular idiom for literary purposes to Egyptians, their reaction is one of horror: such a hypothesis is not to be taken seriously! The impression is that a sort of linguistic self-effacement has spread among Egyptians, but probably among all Arabic speakers (De Angelis 2007: 23-24). Like his fellow citizens, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn never provides any arguments against promoting dialect to the status of official language. They just claim that ‘āmmiyyatu is inadequate and is not a real language, even though they use it on a daily basis at home and at the university, in the street and at literary conferences, at the coffee bar and in Parliament. Like most Egyptians, for Ṭāhā Ḥusayn the fact that fuṣḥā cannot be replaced by ‘āmmiyyatu is an undiscussed assumption, if not a veritable dogma: either you believe in it or you don’t. Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, nonetheless, provides reasons for the crisis of official Arabic. He states that Arabic today is almost like a foreign language (qarībatun mina l-ağnabiyyati) for Egyptians as well (Ḥusayn 1996: 183). If you tested to what extent allegedly literate people can understand a contemporary writer’s test, the outcome would be discomforting and grotesque (mu’limatun muḍḥikatun) (Ḥusayn 1996: 183)! And he adds that young Egyptians are unable to understand the Holy Text and the Ḥadith (Ḥusayn 1996: 185). Of course, the theme of inadequate linguistic competence has negative consequences in several areas of knowledge. It is important to remark that Ṭāhā Ḥusayn acknowledges the risk that science will become part of the élite’s monopoly (Ḥusayn 1996: 185), as only a small part of the Egyptian population can master standard Arabic. Although he is well aware of the risk of incurring in a sort of cultural oligarchy and although ‘āmmiyyatu is the language of all Egyptians, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn never considers the option of using dialect as a means to democratise culture. In order to face Egypt’s language crisis, he suggests, instead, better training for Arabic teachers, the simplification of standard Arabic, but also a reconsideration of the writing system, since people should read in order to understand, not understand in order to read (Ḥusayn 1996: 185). However, are Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s proposals truly realistic? Is it really possible to train Egyptians not to speak ‘āmmiyyatu, which is their mother language? In actual fact, the idealisation of the official language is a centuries-old attitude that often corresponds to a well-defined political strategy. As the well-known Egyptian intellectual Moustapha Safouan remarks, kings of the ancient states clearly separated the language of administrative writings, state documents, literature, medicine, religion etc., from spoken language. Written language was thus endowed with a holy character and even a divine or ancestral origin. The mother language, instead, was considered a colloquial idiom, inadequate to express elevated ideas that were cultivated only by learned minds. In other words, the old monarchs, Safouan adds, behaved exactly like a colonial power towards their subjects. From the moment in which a foreign country is conquered, the coloniser begins to devalue the local language so that the natives will devalue themselves and refrain from aspiring to Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s attitude towards the Arab cultural patrimony, as Pierre Cachia sustains, is at least superficially comparable to that of the Salafiyya towards religious legacy. What Ṭāhā Ḥusayn reprimands the conservatives for is their blind imitation of the Arabs of a decadent time. On the contrary, he hoped that Egypt would follow the example set by the Arabs during the first centuries of Islam, when they built their own literature and linguistic sciences through original research that was lent by the Persians and Greeks. Therefore, he supposedly wanted the door of iğtihād, or linguistic effort, to be opened again so the modern Arabs could coin new words based on the requirements of a life in constant evolution (Cachia 1956: 100). 3 196 FRANCESCO DE ANGELIS an unsuitable and undeserved freedom (Safouan 2007: 9). Something very similar happens in Egypt when the mother language is banned from schools. Only fuṣḥā, which draws prestige primarily from being the Quran’s language, has the right to be taught, but there is an enormous difference between knowing a language from oral tradition and studying it in school. Studying it allows you to know the structure of the language, but language structure is not the language (Safouan 2007: 47). Thus, students grow up loving a ‘grammatical language’, a love that becomes a form of linguistic narcissism with the passing of time. This condition has created a paradoxical situation over the years: a lot of people are unable to adequately write in their own official language in the part of the world where writing was born. Muṣṭafā Mušarrafatu, the author of Qanṭaratu allaḏī kafara 4, the first novel entirely written in Egyptian dialect, openly expresses his ideas on Arabic language and literature in a 1946 article, published in the “al-Ṯaqāfatu” magazine, entitled Muqāranatun bayna uslūbayni. Here the author compares two major figures in Egyptian culture, Aḥmad Amīn and Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, and, through the analysis of some of their works, seems to invoke a writing style that is closer to Amīn’s for Egyptian literature’s sake. What immediately catches one’s attention while reading Mušarrafatu’s article is the fact that he never refers to Arabic language as al-‘arabiyyatu l-fuṣḥā (the clear/eloquent Arabic), but uses the expression ‘arabiyyatu l-ta‘līmi (the Arabic of education), as if to say that he does not regard standard Arabic as clear at all. He writes instead: “I am convinced that it is impossible to write a living and durable literature in the Arabic of education, when compared with people’s language!” (Mušarrafatu 1946: 65-66). Between the opinion of Aḥmad Amīn and Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, the Damietta writer opts for the one that privileges familiar terms and a sentence structure that is more similar to spoken language. This is why Mušarrafatu thinks that Aḥmad Amīn’s style is more suitable for a modern Arabic literature. Besides, he praises Amīn’s dry and ungarnished style, devoid of Ṭāhā Ḥusayn’s oratory attitude. Aḥmad Amīn “addresses readers, as if he were a person expressing his own views while sitting in the company of friends” (Mušarrafatu 1946: 72). Another of Mušarrafatu’s insights is relevant to our topic: in his writing, Aḥmad Amīn makes use of expressions that do not belong to a wealthy man’s mindset, but to a poor man’s, one who buys a watermelon for his children at the end of the day and cries out: wa rizqī ‘alā Allāhi! An expression that raises a feeling of empathy and compassion in the reader. Aḥmad Amīn’s style is based on these characteristics (Mušarrafatu 1946: 72-73). Besides, Mušarrafa dwells on another expression often used by Aḥmad Amīn: wa-Allāhu ’a‘lamu, which is reminiscent of a period in which learned people were characteristically modest and scholars ended their research with the words: Allāhu ’a‘lamu (Mušarrafatu 1946: 73). This final part of Mušarrafatu’s article almost seems to hide an implicit criticism of those writers that bask in their own erudition. A kind of appeal to modesty for the benefit of the most disadvantaged classes. Mušarrafatu would seem to claim that Amīn’s style derives power and inspiration from its popular vocation, desire to be close to fellow citizens, complicity with readers and the sharing of similar, when not identical, values. All this is conveyed in a language that refrains from refinement. In sum, Amīn tries to attract the reader’s attention by means of substance and not form. On the opposing side Ṭāhā Ḥusayn, whose great literary abilities are nonetheless recognised, tends to create some distance between writer and reader, but with some snobbery because of his mannered style. With regard to language and style, Mušarrafatu’s stance is very clear: “The artificial nature of writing is among the worst ills that the Arabic language has always had to face since it emerged from the Arabian Peninsula. Only the language used to translate European languages is exempt from this.” (Mušarrafatu 1946: 74). 4 The first edition of the novel, Markazu kutubi l-šarqi l-awsaṭi, may be traced back to 1965. However, scholars concur in sustaining that the novel had been written in the early ’40s. THE EGYPTIAN DIALECT FOR A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF LITERATURE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY 197 The use of dialect, moreover, answers what Mušarrafatu sees as a need of Arabic and, especially, Egyptian literature: The forms, traditions and narrative structures of fourteenth-century and, say, nineteenth-century French literature bear no similarity to each other. There is instead a very close bond between literary forms of the nineteenth and twentieth century. [...] This is the situation of Western literature. Contemporary Arabic literature, instead, is dominated by a strong uniformity of style, sentence structure and narrative forms, between the al-Andalus literature and that of the Arabian Peninsula, and between sixteenth-century and twentieth-century literature. Do you happen to know any Western literary person whose style could be confused with that of a writer three centuries anterior? (Mušarrafatu 1946: 76). Finally, Mušarrafatu believes that “the prevailing trend to resurrect old Arabic from the grave to make it become the literary language” is an unfruitful effort. “It would be wiser, instead, to exploit Egyptians’ vital power hidden in their own language.” (Mušarrafatu 1946: 77) The issue of the relationship between Arabic literature and its language is treated from a sociopolitical viewpoint, which is particularly pertinent to the theme of this paper, by Salāmatu Mūsā (1887-1959), known as the father of socialism in the Arab world. According to Mūsā, Egyptians had better get rid of the language of classical literature (basically the same as that of modern and contemporary literature) because it is lexically deficient and grammatically too complex, characteristics that are not functional to the creation of a national and nationalistic literature. According to Mūsā, efforts should be made to give splendour to the Egyptian dialect. Since the vernacular language is the commonly used, living language, it represents the only idiom that can be functional for the nation’s progress. The deficiencies of classical Arabic in designating and expressing modern concepts, due to the indelible imprint of the desert environment where it developed, would be greatly responsible for the Egyptian people’s backwardness (Mūsā 1964: 8). Besides, the imitation of old canons and styles would suffocate critical and creative abilities in both writers and readers. Classical rhetoric aims at linguistic virtuosity, relies on metaphor and metonymy, pays little attention to the message it conveys, and is of difficult understanding to little-educated readers. To pursue this kind of literature leads to no good either for authors, who become slaves of rhetorical figures, or readers, who barely understand them. In this kind of literary production language itself is the aim of the author’s artistic ambitions, that is, language becomes the aim and not the medium. According to Salāmatu Mūsā, instead, literature should aim at the widest possible public and should convey values that will trigger the reader’s aspiration to modernity. In order to obtain such a result, a suitable medium (not an aim in itself) is needed and this can only be the people’s language, ‘āmmiyyatu. With regard to this topic, Salāmatu Mūsā engages in a harsh debate with Ṭāhā Ḥusayn in a text with the meaningful title al-Adab li’l-ša‘b and, in particular, in the even more eloquent paragraph entitled al-Adabu l-mulūkī wa’l-adabu l-ša‘bī. First, he makes a distinction between royal – or Faruqian – literature and the people’s literature, or democratic (Mūsā 1961: 37). Although he favours a literature for the people, Salāmatu Mūsā is aware of the fact that the concept of ‘people’ does not have a long tradition in Egypt. He writes: “I doubt that the term ‘people’ will ever have been mentioned with its modern acception in an old Arabic text. This is all for the simple reason that Arabic literature is a literature of kings and princes” (Mūsā 1961: 38). In the final part of his article, Mūsā further defines his stance regarding language and literature. He claims that authors like Ḥusayn Šafīq (1860-1940), Abū Buṯaynatu and Bayram al-Tūnisī (18931961) wrote in dialect that was filled with noble feeling and wisdom. This literary production capable of reaching everyone thanks to the use of dialect possesses all the characteristics that can make it a distinctive democratic literature. Classical Arabic, instead, is the tool of what Mūsā defines “royal literature” because: 198 FRANCESCO DE ANGELIS an élite literature needs an elitist language, it is the same literature that supports tradition and curses those who incite to revolution. The literature of kings curses those who dare to propose new ways of thinking, because they stir the people, a people living in poverty, ignorance and destitution. […] Whoever urges literature to show more attention to contemporary society is considered an enemy. Those who want progress are considered enemies. […] A kind of popular and democratic literature is what the people want. […] A literature that completely ignores the people and their feelings, that lacks all forms of compassion [must disappear]. A new constitution for literature that will respect the people must be written. The people before all and after all! And human solidarity, anytime and everywhere! (Mūsā 1961: 45). Instead, any effort to introduce the study of the Egyptian vernacular or works in vernacular will always meet the regime’s and the élites’ opposition. The tyrant will oppose such an attempt, knowing that it could open the door to discoveries that would threaten its power; discoveries that could transform the people’s awareness of their lost freedom and submission into an objective and shared truth, thus spurring them into action rather than laughter (Safouan 2007: 11). In light of the above and beyond the divergent opinions of Egyptian intellectuals, let us try to deduce a few facts. The concept that fuṣḥā is a language in crisis seems to be a widely accepted notion, even though it would probably be better to say that its potential speakers are in crisis. Evidence of this is the mere fact that, between the nineteenth and the twentieth century, Egypt saw a querelle on how to make classical Arabic a language capable of meeting the needs of an increasingly challenging world, also from a linguistic perspective. A large number of intellectuals suggested a possible solution, not only in Egypt but in the entire Arab ecumene. It is a well-known fact that fuṣḥā has now become an exclusive language, in the sense that it excludes a part of society from easy access to what is being written (from literature to bureaucratic documents, from instruction manuals for electronic devices to literary criticism). As seen, Ṭāhā Ḥusayn claims that culture at large is at risk of becoming the monopoly of a restricted circle of people that can master classical Arabic. Ṭāhā Ḥusayn also argues that, even if you tested the ability of educated people to understand a contemporary writer’s text, the outcome would be discomforting and grotesque. Today, over half a century later, the situation has not changed much. On the contrary, even today, there is the risk that speakers’ deference to the classical language will be replaced by deference of the less educated classes towards the educated ones. Linguistic dependence is thus created between the two groups, affecting their relationships in ways that are reminiscent of the Middle Ages in Europe (when only few people were able to read and write Latin), when knowledge was a minority’s prerogative, as for classical Arabic (De Angelis 2007: 223). Though debatable, a large part of the intellectuals, even purists, who took part in the querelle shared the view that fuṣḥā is a difficult language from a lexical and syntactic point and therefore cannot be used as a living language. In actual fact, I believe the opposite is true, i.e. fuṣḥā is difficult because it is not a living language. What can be said with certainty about al-‘āmmiyyatu al-miṣriyyatu? First, Egyptian dialect is the mother language of all Egyptians, without any distinction in class or education. Though with varying competence, it is spoken by bawwāb as well as writers, graduates from al-Azhar, as well as those from the American University of Cairo, mechanics as well as lawyers etc. I believe there is no need for technical examples to show that dialect syntax, in particular, is much easier than that of fuṣḥā. Because of this, dialect emerges as a spontaneous language, unlike fuṣḥā, which is a language largely mediated by the anxiety of not making mistakes. With regard to this, my view is that there is a big difference between a living and lively language (dialect) and a language which is certainly not dead but lies in a very serious condition (fuṣḥā) and is very rarely used on a daily basis. Besides, I firmly believe that any concept expressed in the Egyptian dialect may easily reach a very vast public, unlike the same concept in fuṣḥā. It is redundant to claim that the Egyptian dialect is not a language, does not have a grammar of its own and is unable to convey some concepts, as most Egyptian citizens and even some authoritative intellectuals like Ṭāhā Ḥusayn and Nağīb Maḥfūẓ argue. THE EGYPTIAN DIALECT FOR A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF LITERATURE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY 199 The well-known etymology of the word ‘democracy’ is ‘government of the people’, a single word expressing a very complex concept. I want to stress a particular aspect of democracy here, as summarised by an authoritative Italian encyclopaedia, the Treccani: “A form of government that is based on popular sovereignty and guarantees participation in the exercise of public power in full equality to each citizen” (Treccani). This paper places its emphasis on the second part of the definition, the one that underlines how each citizen should be guaranteed participation in public power. Within the frame of this language discussion, we could rephrase the above definition as follows: a democratic language context should guarantee each member of the speakers’ community the right to speak up. In Egypt, in particular, a democratic language context should guarantee citizens the right to write, in the face of the grievous issue of diglossia. If everything in Egypt is written in a language that is not accessible to the majority of the community, or in a language that only few can master, how could we claim that contemporary Egypt lives in a context of linguistic democracy? In order for this to happen, a radical reform of Arabic will have to take place in the immediate future. Moreover, it is indispensable that the dedicated institutions will take the responsibility of implementing a language education policy that will allow everyone to develop the competences required by the full exercise of citizenship, intended here as participation and not belonging (De Renzo 2013: 488-89). In order to improve Egypt’s language context and allow reforms to take roots, intellectuals should step forward and interrogate these institutions. They should first find the courage to break from the elitist barriers of classical Arabic. Willingly or not, this choice binds them to the regime, and turns them into a group of literary people that read each other but have no communicative exchange with the rest of the population (Safouan 2007: 44). Moustapha Safouan compares Arab intellectuals in general and Egyptian ones in particular to a class of Brahmans without a language in common with the popular mass, because expressing one’s ideas in an “higher”, when not holy, language makes understanding very difficult for the people (Safouan 2007: 49). Although people should surely fight to achieve proper rights, writers should indicate the way. In order to face the linguistic crisis in Arab countries in general and in Egypt in particular, scholars and dedicated institutions should draw inspiration from a document written by a group of Italian scholars that advances factual proposals to achieve a more democratic language context. On 26 April 1975, this group of scholars named GISCEL (Gruppo di Intervento e Studio nel Campo dell’Educazione Linguistica/Group of Action and Research in the Field of Language Education), produced a collective text entitled Dieci tesi per l’educazione linguistica democratica (Ten Theses for a Democratic Language Education). Although the document mostly focuses on the Italian language context, I believe that a few points may also be applied to the Egyptian situation. This is, in sum, what the document proposes. First, a language pedagogy is effective if and only if it accepts and realises linguistic principles that recognise all citizens’ equality «without language distinctions» and support this equality, thus removing any intervening obstacles. A coordinated effort of the all institutions that activate (or should activate) cultural life in the public at large is the condition for the full development of verbal abilities. The main institution that should take the responsibility of implementing an effective language pedagogy is the public school system. From here, its renewal can reach other mass cultural institutions. In such a context, the collective needs and individual abilities required for a democratic management of the entire cultural network will be able to evolve. Second, as the Italian scholars’ document goes on to examine the limits of traditional language pedagogy, it is interesting to observe how some of their criticisms can be applied to the Arab language context. The practice of treating language teaching and learning separately, typical of traditional language pedagogy, is condemned because it limits its action to the one-hour class of «Arabic». It ignores the much broader scope of language acquisition processes and therefore the need to involve not one but all subjects, and not one but all teachers, in the development of language abilities. Traditional language pedagogy only focuses on productive abilities, which are written and scarcely 200 FRANCESCO DE ANGELIS motivated by real needs (GISCEL 1975). Receptive linguistic abilities are ignored, as well as oral production. Another critical aspect of traditional language pedagogy is its trust in the usefulness of teaching grammar and logical analysis, grammar paradigms and syntactic rules. The traditional school culture on linguistic facts only amounts to these four points. In actual fact, the study of grammar does not provide any guarantee of a correct use of language because, as the GISCEL document argues, to think that reflection on grammar will facilitate respect for its rules is more or less like believing that the better you know leg anatomy, the faster you run (GISCEL 1975). Besides, traditional language pedagogy ignores the subterranean but existing connections between proper verbal abilities and other expressive and symbolic ones, from the more intuitive and sensible (dance, drawing, rhythm) to those that are more complex and abstract (coordination ability and calculus). In light of the above, according to the GISCEL group, what can be read between the lines in traditional language pedagogy is: social and political partiality in accordance with the general sociopolitical aims of a class-based school system. Inadequate, partial and ineffective old-fashioned language education is instrumental to other purposes: it is aimed at integrating language acquisition processes in students that come from higher and wealthier classes, who receive what they need to develop their language abilities outside of their school, families and social class peers. When it comes to terms with the needs of students coming from the lower classes, workers and peasants, it reveals all its partiality and ineffectiveness, now as in the past. Traditional education only gives these people a partial and sketchy degree of literacy, a sense of shame for their local and colloquial language traditions, «fear of making mistakes», and the habit of being silent and deferential to those who speak without making themselves understood. Unable to make a choice, by adhering to the practices of traditional language pedagogy, several teachers have been forced to become involuntary executors of a political project of perpetuation and consolidation of contemporary Egypt’s class divisions (GISCEL 1975). In the final part, the Ten Thesis document formulates ten principles to that are required to rebuild a democratic language education. For space reasons, I will just focus on a few of them, and more precisely those most pertinent to our theme. The development and practice of language abilities should never be proposed and pursued for their own sake, but as instruments for richer participation in the country’s social and intellectual life. The discovery of diverse individual language backgrounds within the same group of students is the starting point for repeated and increasingly deeper experiences and explorations of the spatial, temporal, geographical, social, historical variety that characterises the linguistic heritage of a given society’s members. Learning to understand and appreciate such variety is the first step towards learning how to live with it, respecting oneself and others. Not only productive but also receptive abilities should be developed and monitored, checking the degree of understanding of written texts. In both receptive and productive abilities, oral and written skills should be developed, stimulating the need for different formulations in written and oral texts and creating situations in which learners are required to pass from oral to written formulations on the same topic for the same public and viceversa. Old-fashioned language pedagogy was imitative, prescriptive and exclusive. However, the new one is not anarchic at all: it has a fundamental rule and a compass. The compass is the communicative function of oral or written text, aimed at the real interlocutors to whom it is addressed (GISCEL 1975). Gramsci’s thesis has been proven correct over the years: «Every time the issue of language surfaces in one way or another, other problems are calling for attention: the need to establish closer and safer relationships between ruling classes and the nation’s popular mass» (Gramsci 1935: 2346). Therefore, an analysis and proposals of this kind make sense only if they develop in relation with social powers that are interested in managing schools in accordance with democratic objectives, «reorganising hegemony», and «establishing closer and safer relationships between the ruling classes and the mass» (GISCEL 1975). To sum up, it is not surprising to observe that the return of democracy in Western Europe was only possible after a long battle between Latin, then Europe’s common language, and the languages that were actually spoken in the different countries. As Safouan claims, writing in vernacular does not THE EGYPTIAN DIALECT FOR A DEMOCRATIC FORM OF LITERATURE: CONSIDERATIONS FOR A MODERN LANGUAGE POLICY 201 mean reproducing the language of the street but creating a new language from literature: a possibility that exists in any language (Safouan 2007: 78). We are all aware that perfect democracy does not exist in politics and in language. Nonetheless, as illustrated so far, the Egyptian dialect does seem to be the best instrument to get as close as possible to the ideal of language democracy in Egypt. References Cachia, Pierre. 1956. Ṭāhā Ḥusayn: his Place in the Egyptian Literary Renaissance. London: Luzac. Cheine, Anwar. 1969. The Arabic Language: Its Role in History. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Dawwāratu, Fu’ād. 1965. ‘Ašaratu udabā’in yataḥaddaṯūna. al-Qāhiratu: Dāru l-hilāli. De Angelis, Francesco. 2007. La letteratura egiziana in dialetto nel primo ’900. Roma: Jouvence. De Renzo, Francesco. 2013. “Diritti educativi e diritti linguistici”, Studi Emigrazione/Migration Studies, L, n. 191. 480-494. Enciclopedia Treccani on line, http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/ GISCEL. 1975. Dieci tesi per l’educazione linguistica democratica. www.giscel.it Haeri, Niloofar. 1997. “The Reproduction of Symbolic Capital: Language, State, and Class in Egypt”, Current Anthropology vol. XXXVIII, 5. 795-816. Glazer, Sidney (Translation). 1954. The Future of Culture in Egypt. Washington: American council of Learned societies. Gramsci, Antonio. 1935. Quaderni del carcere. Gerratena, Valentino (ed.). vol. 3. Torino: Einaudi. Ḥusayn, Ṭāhā. 1996 (2nd edition). Mustaqbalu l-ṯaqāfati fī Miṣra. al-Qāhiratu: Dāru l-ma‘ārifi. Mušarrafatu, Muṣṭafā. bi-dūni ta’riḫin. Haḏayānun wa qiṣaṣun uḫrā, al-Qāhiratu: Mu’assasatu ṭibā‘ati l-alwāni al-muttaḥidati. Mušarrafatu, Muṣṭafā. 1965. Qanṭaratu allaḏī kafara. al-Qāhiratu: Markazu kutubi l-šarqi l-awsaṭi. Mušarrafatu, Muṣṭafā. 1946. “Muqāranatun bayna uslūbayni”, al-Ṯaqāfatu, 380, quoted in Mušarrafatu, Muṣṭafā. bi-dūni ta’riḫin. Haḏayānun wa qiṣaṣun uḫrā, al-Qāhiratu: Mu’assasatu ṭibā‘ati l-alwāni al-muttaḥidati. Mušarrafatu, Muṣṭafā. 1991. Qanṭaratu allaḏī kafara. al-Qāhiratu: Mağallatu adab wa naqd. Safouan, Moustapha. 2007. Why are the Arabs not Free?: the Politics of Writing. Oxford: Blackwell. Salāmatu, Mūsā. 1961. al-Adabu li-l-ša‘bi, Miṣra: Mu’assasatu l-ḫānğī. Salāmatu, Mūsā. 1964. al-Balāġatu l-‘aṣriyyatu wa’l-luġatu l-‘arabiyyatu, al-Qāhiratu: Salāmatu Mūsā li’l-našri wa’ltawzī‘i. A LINGUISTIC STUDY ABOUT SYRIAN RAP SONGS EMANUELA DE BLASIO Università degli Studi della Tuscia. Viterbo Abstract: This paper deals with the topic of rap in Syrian Arabic. In this work there will be taken into consideration some texts of the Syrian rapper from Tartus (Ṭarṭūs), Abu Hajar (Abū Ḥaǧar), whose songs transliterated and translated and are object of linguistic study for what concerns phonology, verbal and nominal morphology. Keywords: Rap, youth speech, Syrian Arabic, linguistics, Arabic dialectology, Ṭarṭūs. 1. Introduction There is a deep connection between music and the desire for redemption and renewal among the Arab youth. Rap is an art form that has taken hold of young people in Arab countries, from Iraq to Morocco, used as a channel through which to criticise, directly or metaphorically, social injustice. The texts are centered on protest against corruption, poverty, social inequality and the assertion of national identity. Youth dissent in the Arab world is expressed through music and particularly through rap often with strong and expressive language, sometimes vulgar or irreverent. As also stated by the linguist Louis-Jean Calvet (1981), a song is a historical document. Song must be an object of study, such as literature, cinema, because, like other human production, it talks about society. Rap songs provide interesting sociolinguistic and linguistic material and they are sometimes an example of mixed speech and contact language. The dialectal variety, ʽāmmiyya (or dāriğa), frequently connected to urban areas, allows the young generation to transmit their ideas and has the advantage of creating new words and forms of communication. During an interview given on the “Le Reporter” in 2006, the Moroccan rapper known as Bigg, declared the necessity of defining things with their name, so in dāriğa, the only linguistic form that “allows one to get straight to the point”. He also added that there is no other way for an urban district and young people to express themselves except the dāriğa which is the language written on the walls and speech of their culture. This music genre in the Arab world, just like in other parts of the world, is usually related to the history of a country. Rap has had an important role in the recent Arab Spring. Through social networks, rap songs were broadcasted, breaching censorship and inspiring the youth to rebel against their government. To this end I will cite the Tunisian rapper El Général, who used Facebook and Twitter to spread songs such as Ṛāyəs lə-blād “Mr President” in which he addresses the president Ben Ali (Bin ‘Alī), criticising the poverty, corruption and the suppression of freedom in his country. Recently, female voices have begun to emerge in the Arab rap world, first of all in the Palestinian area: Sabreena da Witch, Shadia Mansour (Šādiya Manṣūr), known as the first lady of Arab hip hop, Nahawa Abed Alaal (Nahwā ʽAbd al-ʽĀl) and Safaah Hathot (Ṣafāʼ Ḥatḥūt) from Acre have created the first female Palestinian “duo” called Arapyat. 204 EMANUELA DE BLASIO Also in other regions of Arab world the number of rapper girls is increasing: in Egypt the first rap woman is called Princesse Emannuelle, in Lebanon the most famous rapper is Malikah (Malika) and in Morocco is emerging in the underground music scene the singer Soultana (Sulṭāna). 2. Materials and Methodology This paper is a part of a larger linguistic study in my doctoral research about rap texts from Mashreq. So the following illustrations are the result of my preliminary research for my PhD thesis on Arabic rap. In this work three lyrics by the Syrian rapper Abu Hajar (Abū Ḥaǧar) are taken into consideration. The texts of all songs have been transliterated and translated but for reasons of space due to editorial requirements, in this paper only one text is entirely present. The three lyrics have been object of linguistic study concerning phonology, verbal and nominal morphology. I push back the whole texts of other two lyrics to further publications 1. 3. About Abu Hajar and his lyrics I interviewed Abu Hajar in June 2014. He was born in 1987, son of a Jordanian father and a Syrian mother, he grew up in Tartus (Ṭarṭūs), in western Syria. He was arrested for the first time in March 2012 and kept in jail for forty days. In June of the same year the police decided to arrest him again. However he escaped to Jordan then moved to Italy and currently lives in Germany. In Tartus there are two main dialectal variants: the city dialect and the Alawite dialect. Alawites came from villages and rural areas to Tartus city and they have a dialect with particular features. Abu Hajar raps in his native tongue which is the Tartus dialect but mixed with the Damascus dialect. He refrains from using English and other languages: he says that his main target group is the local community of Tartus and the west-coast youth, and he resorts to everyday language. When intervieved about his language style he said that: “(it) was a shock for my local community because it was the first time that someone used his actual language in a song. I was the first rapper on the Syrian coast”. The majority of his texts have a political content and they contain a critique on the current events in the Arab world. The texts are centered on the protest against corruption, poverty, social inequality and the rapper speaks about his love for his country and identity. In my larger work I have analyzed six texts written between 2007-2013: Li-ann tәʻāneq әlYāsmīn, Li-ann tәʻāneq әl-ḫawā, Armīnā-sṭīn, Zhәqnā, Ḫarbašāt, as well as one unpublished song he spontaneously created while I was interviewing him, a perfect example of the freestyle technique. In Li-ann tәʻāneq әl-Yāsmīn “To cuddle the Jasmine”, Abu Hajar speaks about his country nostalgically because now he is a fugitive. Li-ann tәʻāneq.әl-ḫawāʼ “To cuddle the empty” is a love song for a girl or perhaps for his country. In Armīnā-sṭīn, the title is formed by the two words Armenia and Palestine, the singer compares the history of Palestine to that of Armenia, saying that the two populations share the same injury, the one of the oppressed. Zhәqnā “We fed up” was written when the rapper was in jail and dedicated to the all political detainees and their mothers. This lyric recounts the days in the jail and the inflicted abuses. In the Ḫarbašāt “Scribbles” he talks about the misery of his country and his city and the life of the children in the streets. 1 If someone is interested he/she can contact the author. 205 A LINGUISTIC STUDY ABOUT SYRIAN RAP SONGS In this paper I have analyzed three of these tests and exactly: Li-ann tәʻāneq әl-Yāsmīn (Text 1), Zhә nā (Text 2), Ḫarbašāt (Text 3). q 4. Transcription and translation Text 1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 2 Li-ann 2 tәʻāneq әl-Yāsmīn əmšī bə-š-šawāreʻ 3ḥəss ḥāl-ī bə-laḥẓat ḫušūʻ ḥəss ḥāl-ī bə-laḥẓat faraḥ əkbīr btənhəmer əd-dumūʻ ḥəss ḥāl-ī mawžūʻ ṣōt daqqit qalb-ī masmūʻ ḥəss ḥāl-ī maqmūʻ žāy ʻala bāl-ī əḥkī aktar bass kəlmāt-ī ʻam bəṭṭīr kəll kəlmāt-ī ʻam tətbaḫḫar w ḥatta izā ḥkīt kəlmāt-ī ma ʻam tətfassar To cuddle the Jasmine Walking down the street I experience a moment of humility One moment I feel so happy that tears of joy start flowing Then, I feel sad and listen to my heartbeat I feel overwhelmed, I would like to say more But words fly away, all my words dissolve I struggle to find the right words, but I cannot express what I feel ә li-ann-o ṣaʻb ktīr kəlmāt-ī tfasser əllī because words cannot convey what I feel inside žuwwāt-ī me ṣaʻb әktīr təḥkī ʻann-ek ya ḥayāt-ī It is so hard to speak of you, my love byəžī ʻalā bāl-ī ərqoṣ maʻ-ek taḥᵊt ḍaww әl- I’d love to dance with you in the moonlight q amar ḥəss laḥza wəždāniyye blāqī d-damʻ I feel so moved that tears start flowing ᵊnhamar 4 ḥəbb-ek baʻref əntī bə-qalb-ī w ana bə- I love you, I know you are in my heart and I in q alb-ek yours ḥəbb-ek əktīr … w biḍann-nī ṭūl ʻәmr-ī I love you so, I’ll say it again and again to the bəḥkī-hā day I die ya ḥabībt-ī ya Ṣūriyyā ya aḥlā ġniyye You are my love, Syria, you are the most bġannī-hā beautiful song q q bəʻša arāḍī-hā bəʻša kəll-šī fī-hā I love her land and I worship everything in her bə-ʻyūn-ī bšūf-ā ḥabībt-ī abadiyye I see her with my eyes, she is my infinite love aḥlā qaṣīde w aḥlā ġniyye You are a poem and the most beautiful song kam qutilnā fī ʻišqi-nā wa baʻaṯnā... hal We killed each other with our love but we rose Dimašq kamā yaqūlūna… kānat ḥīna fī-l- again ... As the saying goes, Damascus came layl fakkara l-yāsmīn about one night like a thought from the jasmine 5 q q ə bəʻša -ā bəʻša šaʻrāt-ā l-ḥəm r I love her, I love her red hair bəʻšaq wəžh-ā l-abyaḍ w ʻyūn-ā l-ḫəḍər I love her white face and green eyes q w әš-šāl әl-aswad ʻa-ra bt-ā w znūd-ā I love the black shawl around her neck and her s-səmər tanned arms la-ṭūl әl-ʻəmәr raḥ bәḍḍall 6 žuwwā bә-qalb-ī She will be in my heart to the end of my days ṭūl ʻəmr-ā blād-nā risālet ḥaḍāriyye Since the dawn of time our land has been a message of civilization mәn lammā ždād-nā ḫtaraʻū Since the time when our forefathers invented the l-abžadiyye alphabet Li-ʼann is used like in English “to” plus verb. The preverb b- is not pronounced. 4 The preverb b- is not pronounced. 5 Lit. “The jasmine has thought”. The jasmine is the symbol of Damascus. 6 Prefix t- of the imperfective is assimilated by enfatic phonemes. 3 206 EMANUELA DE BLASIO 24. w lә-ġniyye…ʻalay-ā ktīr qalīle 25. tәḥkī ʻann-ā akīde mәstaḥīle 26. ṭawīle layālī l-ġarbe ḥaraqət-nī bә-n-nār 27. žuwwāt-ī ʽann-ek fī aḥlām әktāṛ 7 28. ana ṛāžeʽ ya ṭarīq l-hawā tzakkar ṣawt-ī 29. tzakkar-nī ya žabal-ī l-aḫḍar 30. ta-nəshar sawā ya baḥər ṛāžeʽ akīd 31. w fī muwāʼil әktīre w fī saharāt ʽīd 32. w fī sahər baḍīʽa zaytūn w ʽanāqīde 33. Sūriyyā rāžiʽ-lek bə-bukra ždīd 34. qādim min madāʼini r-rīḥ waḥd-ī faiḥtaḍin-nī ka-ṭifl yā Qasyūn, iḥtaḍin-nī wa lā tanāqišu ğunūn-ī. ḏurwa l-ʽaql yā ḥabīb-ī l-ğunūn 35. ya Aḷḷah šū məštāq lə-trāb-ek w l-arḍ 36. lə-laʽab wlād әl-žīrān w ḫawf-on ʽa-baʽḍ 37. әṣ-ṣabḥiyye llī btə-žmaʽ əmm-ī w l-žīrān 7 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. w rīḥt әl-yāsmīn təʽašʽeš bə-l-ḥīṭān w šūšt әṣ-ṣabāyā w ḍ-ḍaḥke l-barīʼa šayṭanet әš-šbāb w l-ġamza s-sarīʽa məštāq lə-fallāḥ fāq mən qabəl әṣ-ṣubəḥ b-īd-ō l-manžal w məštāq lə-l-qaməḥ məštāq lə-šams әl-baḥər šaklan ḫažūle lə-l-Matte məštāq məštāq lə-t-Tabbūle ḥatta lə-l-Ḥamrā ṭ-ṭawīle əllī btənṭur-nī 13 w lә-bāṣ әd-dawle əllī bə-rīḥt-o byəḫnuq-nī 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. w kəll əllī kənt šūf-ā ašyāʼ zġīre ana staġrabt qaddēš-ā ṭəlʽet әkbīre məštāq lə-Ṭarṭūs w lə-š-Šām әl-qadīme məštāq lə-əmmī Sūriyyā ya l-ʽaẓīme Šām, yā Šām, yā ʼamīrat ḥubb-ī… kayfa yansā ġarām-a-hu l-maǧnūn… kayfa ṣārat sanābil al-qamḥ ʼaʻlā… kayfa ṣārat ʻaynāki bayt as-sunūnū? Thus, the hymn I’m singing to my country is but a poor homage To speak (of my country) is impossible All the nights I spend away from you are long, you branded me with fire I dream a lot of you I will come back, o lane of love, remember my voice Remember me, o green mountain O sea, I will come back to spend my nights with you There will be songs and evening festivals There will be village festivals, with olives and grapes Syria, I am coming back to you tomorrow I come alone from city of wind. Oh Qassiun, hug me like a child, just hug me and do not discuss my madness. Because the apogee of reason, my love, is madness 8 O God, how I miss her soil, her land The games of children in the neighbourhood and their fear of something bad My mother’s morning gatherings with her neighbours 9 The scent of the jasmine on the walls The whispers of girls and the innocent smiles The tricks of the young and their fleeting winks I miss the farmer who wakes up before dawn With the scythe in his hand, I miss the wheat I miss the sun timidly rising from the sea 10 I miss the Mate 11 and I miss the Tabbulah 12 and the long Ḥamrā waiting for me I miss the public buses with their suffocating fumes All I was seeing were the small things I did not know how important they were I miss Tartus and ancient Damascus I miss my great mother Syria Damascus, Damascus, o princess of my love.. how can a madman forget his passion, how can the wheat spikes grow tall… how can your eyes become the home of swallows? 14 Lit. “There are many dreams of you in me”. Poem of Nizār Qabbānī, “Maison”, 1974. 9 Female custom to meet in the morning at home to chat and drink tea. 10 Lit. “the sea sun, its shy shape”. 11 Beverage native to Central and South America, used mostly in the west of Syria. 12 Salad made of tomatoes, parsley, mint, and onion. 13 Sayings referring to the brand of cigarettes Hamra as a kind of cigarettes you consume only after a long time. The verb naṭar yәnṭor means “to guard, monitor, supervise”, but also “wait” from the Aramaic root n-ṭ-r. 14 Poem of Nizār Qabbānī, “Maison”, 1974. 8 A LINGUISTIC STUDY ABOUT SYRIAN RAP SONGS 207 5. Linguistic Analysis 5.1. Phonology 15 5.1.1. Historical diphthongs On the coastal dialect and Northern dialects we observe monophthongs ē, ō in unsuffixed forms and diphthongs ay, aw in suffixed ones. Generally when the noun is independent there is no diphthong, but if it is followed by some morpheme the diphthong remains. Text 1. 29 16 ṣawt-ī, “my voice” 36 w ḫawf-on “their fear”, Text 3. 38 w l-ḫōf əlli ʻaššaš w ṣawt-ī mū masmūʻ “fear is here to stay and my voice cannot be heard”. 5.1.2. Assimilation of /l/ In the pronunciation /l/ is assimilated by /n/ of the suffixed pronoun of the 1st singular and plural person. Text 1. 12 w biḍann-nī (ḍall^nī) ṭūl ʻəmr-ī bəḥkī-hā “I’ll say it again and again to the day I die”. Text 2 . 18 ətfarraž ṣar-nā (ṣār^l^nā) səntēn ʻam nəʻīd әt-ta’kīd “look, we have been saying this for two years now”. 5.1.3. /i/ and /u/ As in the Palestinian dialect, there is not the collision of /u/ and /i/ in shva so there is a short vocalism /a i u/, but it is not systematic. For example in the texts we always find bukra and not bəkra. Text 1. 33 Sūriyyā rāžiʽ-lek bə-bukra ždīd “Syria, I am coming back to you tomorrow”. 5.1.4. /q/ In some cases the historical phoneme /q/ is realized as an uvular, in order to give more importance and solemnity to the word or to the concept, or in technical terms. Text 1. 4 ḥəss ḥāl-ī maqmūʻ žāy ʻala bāl-ī ᵊḥkī aktar “I feel overwhelmed, I would like to say more”. Text 2. 30 ḍəḥek әl-mḥaqqәq əmbāreḥ “yesterday the jailer was laughing at you”. Text 3. 41 ḫallī-nī qəll-ak әṣ-ṣarāḥa hayda l-qəṣṣa wāqiʻiyye “I am telling you the truth, this is a true story”. 5.1.5. wušš < wәžәh. Text 2. 44 btәbkī bә-ḥurqa tәsīl damʻāt-ak tәḥreq wušš-ak tәzīd annāt-ak “You cry bitterly, your tears flow, stinging your face, multiplying your sighs”. 5.2. Morphology 5.2.1. 1st person of suffixed pronoun. -ī is sometimes pronounced -ē, like in the vernacular of Homs. Text 3. 13 la t qūl ʻann-ī qalīl adab ḥəlm-ē kəll-o masrūq “do not say that I am rude, because my dream was stolen from me”. 15 16 In the suffixed pronouns, vowels that etymologically are long, are indicated long althought they are phonetically short. The number refers to the line of text songs. 208 EMANUELA DE BLASIO 5.2.2. 1st pl. p. nǝḥna is rendered lǝḥna (and in some northern dialect also rǝḥna). Text 3. 21 kān əl-’abb mayyet w kənnā ləḥna ḫams ᵊzġār “my father died, leaving us, five kids, behind.” 31 law ṭalaʻnā mužrimīn lǝḥna abadan ma bnənlām “even if we are criminals, nobody has the right to judge us”. 5.2.3. Preposition lWhen followed by the preposition l-, introducing an indirect complement, after aǧwaf verbs, the long vowel is shortened. Text 2. 35 awwal yōm qal-lo ḍ-ḍābeṭ bass ḫamәs daqāyeq “on the first day, the officer said him: "It is just five minutes"”. 5.2.4. IIIv verbs: ḥakā becomes ḥkīt in the 1st person and not ḥakēt. Text 1. 6 w ḥatta izā ḥkīt kəlmāt-ī “I struggle to find the right words”. Text 3. 1 ḥābeb əḥkī ḫarbašāt ma ḥkīt ʻann-ā mən qabᵊl “I would like to pronounce the scribbled words that have never been said before”. 18 fa-ma tlūm-nī šū ma ḥkīt fa-ma tlūm-nī ana bə-š-šāreʻ ə rbīt “do not judge me, no matter what I say, because I grew up in the street”. 19 btaʻref šū ʻamm-o ḫallī-nī qəll-ak kīf ərbīt “hey, uncle, let me tell you how I grew up”. 5.2.5. The preverb b- is assimilated in m- in the 1st pl. person. Text 2. 20 nurīd ḥurriyyet әl-žamīʻ w ma mәnḥīd “we want freedom for all and we will never give up”. 5.2.6. Demonstratives: hayda “thism”, haydi “thisf”, haydak, “thatm” haydek “thatf”as in Lebanese Arabic. In the rural areas of Ṭarṭūs: hayya “thism”, hāke “thisf”, hāka “thatm”, hāki “thatf”. This variation is used by Alawites. Text 2. 25 haydi ḥurriyyet šaʻb-ī “this is my people’s freedom”. 36 byәtzakkar әnn-o b-hāki llēle mәn ḫawf-o ḍall-o fāyeq “he remembers that at night his fears kept him awake”. 36 byәtzakkar әnn-o b-hāki l-lēle mәn ḫawf-o ḍall-o fāyeq “He remembers that at night his fears kept him awake”. Text 3. 7 hayda kəll-o biṣīr lamma fī ġanī w fī faqīr “this is what happens when there are rich and poor”. 48 lawḥat ḥəzᵊn ma’sāwiyye haydi hiyye ḥayāt-on “a picture of sadness and tragedy, such is their life”. 5.2.7. For the concomitant present, ʻam is followed by the preverb b-: but in Syrian dialects ʻam + imperfective without b- is more frequent. This feature is in common with Palestinian. Text 1. 5 bass kəlmāt-ī ʻam bəṭṭīr “but words fly away”. Text 3. 11ʻəmr-ī ʻašar əsnīn bass ʻam bəḥkī ḥakī r-ržāl “I am ten years old, but I talk like a grown-up”. 54 bass mā fī kəlmāt fī ʻyūn ʻam bətdammeʻ “I have no more words, my eyes are full of tears”. 5.2.8. In rare cases the future raḥ is followed by preverb b- . Text 1. 21 la-ṭūl әl-ʻәmәr raḥ bәḍḍall žuwwā bә-qalb-ī “she will be in my heart to the end of my days”. 5.2.9. Faʽlā pattern 17 is used: ṭaʻmā, yṭaʽmī “to feed” is obtained. Text 3. 5 mʻallem-on bidarris-on w ana biṭaʽmī-nī qatᵊl “their teacher teaches them, while I get beaten”. 5.2.10. In one case the Standard Arabic verb rād yrīd has been used, which anyway is common in Iraqi dialects. They differ from true quadriconsonantals in that they are derived from triconsonantal words. Also faršā yfaršī ‘to brush’, cf. furšāye “a brush”, cl. furšāt (cf. Durand, 2009, pp. 390-1). 17 A LINGUISTIC STUDY ABOUT SYRIAN RAP SONGS 209 In addition to bədd-o, rād yrīd is also used, although rarely. Text 2. 20 nurīd 18 ḥurriyyet әl-žamīʻ w ma mәnḥīd “we want freedom for all and we will never give up”. 6. Conclusions Abu Hajar’s language is sometimes strong with violent terms. He utilizes common sayings like (Text 3) 5 mʻallim-on b-ydarris-on w ana b-yṭaʻmī-nī qatᵊl “their teacher teaches them, while I get beaten”. In the Text 2: 15 sakkarū ha-l məlaff hadaf lә-kәll әs-sūriyyīn “put an end to this story, this is the aim of all Syrians”, lit.: “close this practice”, 31 w d-dәnyē bә-nәṣṣ әl-bard, “it is very cold” lit.: “the world is in the middle of the cold”. 39 kān әl-bard aqwā mәn ʻaḍam әl-insān “it's freezing”, lit.: “the cold was stronger than the man’s bones”. In the texts there are puns (double meanings) like (Text 3) 28 kān ḥəlm-ē ənn-ī əʻref šū yaʻnī žadwal әḍ-ḍarb “my dream was to understand the multiplication table”. There is a pun with word ḍarb: it means both “blow” and “multiplication”. He doesn't choose to use foreign or borrowed words; he sometimes creates some neologism. In the texts we find rhymes or assonances at the end of the lines. In some lyrics he takes texts of other authors: he inserts some lines from a poem of Nizār Qabbānī or other poets like Hišām al-Gaḫḫ (1978-), who writes mostly in Egyptian Arabic. So his language is sometimes more poetic than other rappers. He can use some words in Standard Arabic and a higher language register. Abu Hajar utilizes images taken from the street and figures of speech like simile and metaphor: in the Text 1 18 bəʻšaq-ā bəʻšaq šaʻrāt-ā l-ḥəmər, 19 bəʻšaq wəžh-ā l-abyaḍ w ʻyūn-ā l-ḫəḍər, 20 w әš-šāl әl-aswad ʻa-raqəbt-ā w znūd-ā s-səmər he metaphorically refers to the colours of Syrian flag, in the same text әl-Yāsmīn represents Syria, evoking the poet Nizār Qabbānī who uses the image of jasmine to speak about Damascus. The text, although it is not the only element of a song, remains central and through its analysis it is possible to make interesting considerations not only in the social and historical but also linguistic and philological context. The analyzed texts present the features of the dialect of Syrian coastal city, in fact rap uses an urban language, but occasionally features rural dialect in phonology and morphology. The Tartus city dialect is changing due to immigration of the rural population, particularly Alawite people in the last fifty years. So in these texts we can observe dialects in conflict: Tartus vernacular with its two variations, the city and rural, some features of the dialect of Damascus, and the use of fuṣḥā also. Songs can be a tool in order to examine some features of the Tartus dialect, on which indepth studies are still not developed. The analysis of the song texts of young rappers can be an enrichment for the study of the diachronic change of a language regard his lexicon and semantics. The linguistic variation allows the language to be functional to the different needs of life and social relations. In addition, the linguistic variation can be used as an important means of formation, affirmation and socio-cultural identity transmission. A language is not a uniform block, immutable but it evolves over time. Every language changes its vocabulary and its structures in relation to the passage of time and in relation to the mutations that occur in culture and society. Rap songs may be a mirror of such a change. References ʽAbd ar-Raḥīm, Y. 2003. Mawsūʽat al-ʽāmmiyya as-sūriyya, 4 voll., Damasco: Edizioni del Ministero della Cultura. Behnstedt, P. 1997. Linguistic atlas of Syria, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Berruto, G. 1995. Fondamenti di sociolinguistica. Bari: Laterza. 18 In this case it is used the standard form. 210 EMANUELA DE BLASIO Blanc, H. 1964. Communal dialects in Baghdad. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Calvet, L. J. 1981. Chanson et société. Paris: Payot. Calvet, L. J. 1994. Les voix de la ville. Introduction à une sociolinguistique urbaine. Paris: Payot. Caubet, D. 2004. Le mots du Bled. Paris: L’Harmattan. Caubet, D. 2005. “Génération Darija!”, Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí 9. 233-243. Cowell, M. 1964. A reference grammar of Syrian Arabic (based on the dialect of Damascus). Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Durand, O. 2009. Dialettologia araba. Carocci Editore: Roma. Guerrero, J. 2012. “Zanka Flow: rap en árabe marroquí”, Romano-Arabica XII. 125-157. Kallas, E. 1995. ʻAtabi Lebnaaniyyi. Un “livello soglia” per l’apprendimento del neoarabo libanese. Venezia: Libreria Editrice Cafoscarina. Kassab, J. 1987. Manuel du Parler Arabe Moderne au Moyen-Orient. I Cours élémentaire. Paris: Geuthner. Krims, A. 2001. Rap music and the poetics of identity. Cambridge: University Press. Langone, A. D. 2003. “Ḫbār Blādna. Un expérience journalistique en dialectal marocain”, Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí 7. 143-151. Langone, A. D. 2008. “Facteur D (Darija) et nouvelle génération marocaine: la musique entre innovation et tradition”, S. Prochazka, V. Ritt-Benmimoun, Between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, Association Internationale de Dialectologie Arabe. Wien: Lit-Verlag. 273-285. Lentin, J. 1994. “Classification et typologie des dialectes du Bilād al-Šām. Quelques suggestions pour un réexamen”, Matériaux Arabes et Sudarabiques – GELLAS, N.S.6. 11-43. Meouak, M., & Aguadé, J. 1996. “La Rhorhomanie et les beurs: l’exemple de deux langues en contact”, Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí 1. 157-166. Mondada, L. 2000. Décrire la ville. Paris: Anthropos. Nicoarea, G. 2012. “Cultural interactions in the graffiti subculture of the Arab world. Between globalization and cosmopolitanism”, Romano-Arabica XII. 205-214. Procházka, S. 2013. Traditional Boatbuilding. Two texts in the Arabic dialect of the island of Arwād (Syria). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Souheil, I. 2000. ‫ أﻠﻤﻨﮭﻞ‬al-Manhal. Dictionnaire français-arabe. Beirut: Dār al-’ādāb. Stowasser, K., & Ani, M. 1964. A dictionary of Syrian Arabic. English-Arabic. Washington: Georgetown University Press. Versteegh, K. 2006. Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill. https://www.youtube.com/?hl=it&gl=IT INNOVATION OF NEW WORDS BORROWED FROM FRENCH INTO THE ALGERIAN DIALECT BY YOUNG ADULTS NABILA EL HADJ SAID Naama University Abstract: Among the multilingual countries all over the world, Algeria can be cited as a perfect example of linguistic complexity. Despite the fact that the linguistic situation in Algeria is still problematic, it can be described as a real laboratory for sociolinguistic studies because of the diglossic, bilingual and even multilingual situations that prevail. These linguistic situations have created a phenomenon of mixing between languages. Thus code switching has become a very common practice among all the individuals of the Algerian society. Bilingualism (Arabic, French) in Algeria is dictated not only by the necessity of communication, but also by the heaviness of history (Colonialism) ,i.e., French language has left its effects which were radicalized in the Algerians' thought, personality as well as their dialect. It is noticeable, nowadays, that the dialect used by adolescents and young adults in our society is sometimes odd because they tend to code-switch, code-mix and borrow words especially from the French language, and this leads to the innovations of new words and structures that did not exist few years ago. The study aims at exploring and explaining the process of ‘Borrowing’ in the Algerian society reflected in the younger generation. Due to the influence of the French culture and the worldwide technologies, the Algerian dialect is shifting from the range of the Arabic language to the emergence of a new variety where the French words dominate the speech. The results of the study proved that young adults are integrating borrowings in their talk because they are influenced by the French culture, and are adopting French habits, behaviours and language in order to gain prestige within the society as they consider French more prestigious than their language, except for the new concepts introduced with technologies such as: the internet. Consequently, the analysis of the selected words confirms the hypothesis. Keywords: Borrowing, bilingualism, French language, young adults, Arabic. Introduction In everyday interactions, language change is clearly noticeable in communication between members of different generations, mainly between adolescents and adults. We notice nowadays that the language or more precisely the dialect used by adolescents and young adults in our society in Algeria, is sometimes ‘bizarre’ in the ears of adults because youngsters tend to code-switch, code-mix, and borrow words from foreign languages especially the French language due to the influence of the French culture on them, on the one hand, and the spread of the new technologies, the evolution of the mass media and the internet on the other. Algeria is presented as a homogeneous society in which classical Arabic is the sole national and official language of the country. However, the reality is totally different because there is a complete marginalization of other languages which are used by the Algerian speakers in their daily life interactions namely: Algerian Arabic, Berber and French. The present work is intended to study the speech behaviour of young generation in Algeria. Linguistic situation in Algeria Algeria is one of the largest countries in Africa and the Arab world; it is situated on the Mediterranean coast bordered by Tunisia and Libya to the east, By Morocco to the west, and to the South by the Sahara, Mali, Mauritania and Niger. Algeria is known for its sociolinguistic diversity because there are many languages existing in everyday life. 212 NABILA EL HADJ SAID The interplay between languages has always aroused linguists’ interests and concerning Algeria, there was much debate on its contact situation. Classical Arabic, dialectal Arabic, Berber and French have formed multilingual Algeria. Most Algerians speak a vernacular variety of Arabic called "Algerian colloquial Arabic". It is a mixture of spoken Arabic and other languages mainly French. This is due to the country’s colonial experience which led Algeria to be a bilingual community. Languages existing in Algeria The Algerian linguistic environment is characterised by mainly four languages which are: Classical Arabic (CA), Algerian Arabic (AA), Berber (B) and French (F). Classical Arabic In 1962, and after the independence of the country in 1962, the Algerian authorities especially the Nationalists tried much to regain the Arab and Muslim identity by considering or establishing Arabic as the sole national and official language of the country. Arabic became the country’s language instead of French which was the official language during the colonisation period. The Algerian government have initiated various Arabisation movements in all domains starting from education to administration, media and economics. However, this process (i.e. the Arabisation) split the Algerians into two opposing groups; the first one was in favour of this process since its members wanted to get rid of any kind of the colonial heritage, at the same time they aimed at restoring the Algerian national personality. The second group included those who were against the Arabisation process because they thought that the choice of Arabic is not suitable, and that this language does not support the development of the country. Algerian Arabic Algerian Arabic is a vernacular form derived from classical Arabic; it represents the mother tongue of the majority of the Algerians who use it in their daily life interactions. It is also called “Daridja”, the latter is seen as a melting pot of different languages which have existed on the Algerian territory in different periods of its history. After the Arab invasion of North Africa, other invaders joined them such as the Spaniards, the Turks and finally the French. Algerian Arabic inherited a lot from the vocabulary and the syntax of the invading languages. Concerning the Algerian colloquial Arabic, it has no written form and no status because it was and it is still neglected by Algerian authorities. Today this language is influenced by the French language from which it has taken or it is loaded with large amounts of borrowed words and expressions. Berber The Berber tribes were the ancient local inhabitants of all North Africa. Despite the successive waves of invaders including the Phoenicians, the Romans, the Vandals, the Byzantines, the Arabs, the Turks, the Spaniards, and finally the French, the Berbers have succeeded to preserve their language, their culture and their traditions. The Berber languages (also called Tamazight) are found in many countries in North Africa such as Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Mauritania, Libya, and Egypt. INNOVATION OF NEW WORDS BORROWED FROM FRENCH INTO THE ALGERIAN DIALECT BY YOUNG ADULTS 213 French in Algeria The presence of the French language in Algeria was due to the colonisation era which lasted more than 130 years. During that period, the invaders imposed their language on the indigenous inhabitants of Algeria by making French the official language of the country and considering or giving Arabic the status of a foreign language. Although French is considered as a foreign language and no official status is given to it in Algeria today, but it is widely used in many sectors including education, administration, media and economy. When talking about the presence of the French language in Algeria, we ought to say that the French settlers intended to assimilate the Algerians by bringing them to their culture and language. They made a lot of changes in the educational and social levels. The first step they did was to control the educational system in Algeria by closing some of the Quranic schools which were widespread before the French arrival in the country. Moreover, they imposed French as the only language of instruction and made it the official language of the country. Accordingly, the Arabic language lost its status and prestige. The aim behind that severe policy undertaken by the French colonisers was to spread illiteracy among the indigenous inhabitants of Algeria and thus they would never ask for their rights. Despite the Arabisation process which was launched since the independence of Algeria, the French language continues to play an important role in the Algerian society in various domains, and it is still regarded as the language of modernity and development. Bilingualism and borrowing: Bilingualism refers to the co-existence of two linguistic systems in a society. In Algeria, it is the case of Arabic and French, which has resulted from the French colonialism. French still enjoys an important role in both spoken and written forms. This phenomenon led to an inevitable consequence in the Algerian linguistic profile, and which is referred to as code-mixing. It is the ability to switch from one language to another, that is to say the use of two or more languages .In everyday conversation, natives use a lot of French items and expressions, as Bouhadiba (1998:1-2) (quoted in Dendane 2007) says: French is “strongly implanted at the lexical level”. As early as 1886, Herman paul stated that « all borrowing by one language from another is predicated on some minimum of bilingual mastery of the two languages » Herman 1886 in Haugen (1950:210). Thus the most important factor behind borrowing is bilingualism, which refers to the equal ability to communicate in two languages. Borrowing It is the inclusion of items from foreign languages into the speaker’s first language. This phenomenon is also widespread between languages due to many motives such as the need for new vocabulary or prestige of the highly positioned language. As far as Algeria is concerned, today’s colloquial Arabic is loaded with words from most of the languages which have been used on its territory, however the most noticeable impact is that of the French language because it is deeply rooted in the Algerian society. Aim of the study In general terms, this research work has the objective of explaining the process of borrowing in the Algerian society reflected in the younger generation, and finding out the factors which lead to language variation and subsequent change, especially during the period of adolescence. 214 NABILA EL HADJ SAID Research questions and hypotheses This piece of research aims at answering the following question: What are the motivations that make young adults use a specific type of language derived from French in their speech? As the study attempts to explain the patterns of language variation and change in Algerian Arabic, it will check some hypotheses which start from the following assumptions: Young adults are influenced by the French culture; they consider it as more prestigious than their own dialect. Research instrument As a research tool used in this study, the interview for data collection is considered, it consisted principally of an interaction between the interviewer with young people where the main question was: why do you prefer to innovate from French language. Examples of young innovations Nbipi /nbɪpɪ/: a word taken from the French word « bip » which may mean the sound of the signal made by cellphones. A change occurred in the two levels, morphologically and phonologically, inflection is found in the grapheme /n/ which refers to the first person singular in Algerian dialect.In addition, there is the phoneme /i/ added at the end. Nconekté/nκɒnektɪ/: this word is related to the internet to mean to connect. Nchaté /nʃætɪ/: thanks to the widespread of the net, this word is integrated, to mean to make a conversation. Ncoupé /nkʊəpɪ/: this word is derived from French word « couper », in English is ( to cut). Activi /æktɪvı/: it means to speed up, it is an innovation because older generation does not know it and never use it. • The word (inchoufable) /ənʃʊfabl/ is in fashion among the younger Algerians and they use it for joking because it is neither French nor Arabic, so what happened to this word is that when youngs masters the French language, they try to apply the words structures into the Algerian dialect., they have imported the structure of French adjectives: prefix (in)+root+suffix (able) and then added the root (chouf) /ʃʊʃ/ which is algerian word which means “see”. • The « in » is used to express negation and this adjective is used to describe an ugly person or a person with old fashioned clothes. • The word (feshless) /fəʃləs/ is an innovation which originates from French language (faiblesse) in English « weakness ».What is borrowed here not the meaning but the structure of the French nouns ending in (esse) like finesse, grossesse, noblesse. • Latest innovations: Another set of innovations is adopted in the Algerian younger generation, a new variety derived from the French speech “le verlan” which is a slang that consists of the inversion of syllables. This slang is also adopted in Algeria, some examples: copin → pinco, femme → meuf, photo → tof, cool → look. Findings Concerning the causes and motives which make them use a different language (or more appropriately a different dialect) from the adults’, all interviewees (males and females) agree on the fact that they wanted to be different from adults, they wanted to declare a rebellion against them because of their different personalities, adding that they wanted to show off in order to impose themselves in the INNOVATION OF NEW WORDS BORROWED FROM FRENCH INTO THE ALGERIAN DIALECT BY YOUNG ADULTS 215 society. Moreover, they asserted that their aim in using a distinctive vocabulary was to be closely related to their peers of the same age group on the one hand, and to be detached from the world of children as well as from the world of adults, on the other. According to them, it is fashionable to speak in French or use it because it is seen as the language of modernity and the language of knowledge transmission. It is a language of cultivated and educated people, of industry and trade. In addition to the widespread of the internet which created new words for them. Conclusion It was found that the younger generation in Algeria represented by adolescents and young adults, is the responsible factor for language change as they are shifting from the Arabic repertoire to a new variety mixed with French language, as it is considered more prestigious and has a more powerful statuses either politically or socially, in addition to technology role that created a set of new words. References Appel, Réné and Muysken, Pieter. 1987. Language Contact and Bilingualism. New York: Routledge. Auer, P. 1998. “Bilingual Conversation Revisited”, Auer, P.(ed), Code- Switching in Conversation. London and New York: Routledge Edition. Belarbi Khaled. 2012. Aspects of Code Switching, Code Mixing And Borrowing Used By The Older Generations in Tiaret. Oran: Oran University. Bouhadiba, F. 1998. “Continuum linguistique ou alternance de codes? Essai d’analyse dynamique des faits: Etat des lieux”, Cahiers de Linguistique et Didactique (GRLDLD) N° 1. Oran: I.L.E. 1-11. Dendane, Z. 2007. Sociolinguistic Variation and Attitudes towards Language Behaviour : The Case of Tlemcen Arabic. Oran University. Unpublished Ph thesis, under the supervision of Prof. F .Bouhadiba. Gsell, S. 1918. Histoire Ancienne de L’Afrique du Nord. Tome III. Paris: Librairie Hachette. Haugen, E. 1950. “The analysis of Linguistic Borrowing”, Language Vol. 26, No. 2. 210-231. Holmes, Janet. 1992. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. London and New York: Longman. Paul, Herman. 1886. Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte. Halle: Max Niemeyer. Romaine, Suzanne. 1995. Bilingualism. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell Edition. TEACHING AND LEARNING ARABIC AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE MOHA ENNAJI Institute of Languages and Cultures, Fez Abstract: The growing importance of Arabic in particular and of Middle Eastern studies in general necessitates the development of adequate teaching and learning strategies of the Arabic language and culture. The major goal of this paper is to debate the growing importance of Arabic in the era of globalization, and provide a variety of thoughts and activities that address the sociolinguistic background of Arabic and ways to improve the teaching and learning of Arabic as a foreign language and the ways to upgrade Arabic programs. Keywords: Teaching, learning, Arabic, foreign language, sociolinguistics, diglossia, triglossia, standard and colloquial Arabic 1. Introduction The Arab world is characterized by multilingualism in the sense that many languages and varieties are used in different domains, viz., Classical Arabic, Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic, Kurdish, Berber, French, Spanish and recently English. The multilingual dimension of the Arab world has a direct impact on Arabic sociolinguistics which is characterized by many paradoxes and contrasts. This sociolinguistic situation does not by any means imply that all the Arab populations are multilingual. Indeed there are individual differences in language proficiency. Individuals range from monolingual Colloquial Arabic speakers to those who master one or two other varieties or languages. In general, one can distinguish as many dialects as one wishes depending on how detailed one would like to be. For instance, there are many dialects of Arabic, as shown by the diagram below: Arabic Moroccan Algerian Tunisian Lebanese Palestinian Egyptian Iraqi etc. Other dialects of Arabic can be added to the list, if we want to enumerate the dialects and varieties of these languages in greater detail. Dialect variation also involves a wide array of accents; for example, the word /jama:l/ (beauty) in Standard Arabic is pronounced as /djama:l/ in Algerian and Iraqi Arabic, and as /gama:l/ in Egyptian Arabic. In Moroccan and Algerian Arabic, we have the word /aalash/ or /aalah/ (why) pronounced as /lih/ or /lish/ in Egyptian Arabic and in Gulf Arabic, respectively. Thus, important differences occur so far as accent and dialect are concerned when there is a large language community (Caubet 1993; Ennaji 2005: Chapter 3). 2. Diglossia, Triglossia or Quadriglossia? Of the important features of multiligualism in the Arab world, it is worth mentioning the phenomenon of diglossia. This notion was first discussed by Marçais (1930-1931) and then by Ferguson (1959). It specifies briefly that in the Arab world there are two varieties of Arabic, a high variety (Classical Arabic) and a low one (Colloquial Arabic). In a diglossic situation, each variety of the language has its own functions. Each of them corresponds to a set of behaviours, values, attitudes and roles. Diglossia 218 MOHA ENNAJI characterizes the Arabic speaking world. According to Ferguson, diglossia is a deep-rooted phenomenon in the Arab world as it goes back many centuries. Other researchers claim that today there are at least three varieties of Arabic (triglossia), Classical and Standard Arabic, which are high and intermediate respectively, and colloquial Arabic (the low variety). See Ennaji 1991 and Youssi (1995). Being the language of Islam, Classical Arabic (CA) is the high variety; the Qur’an was revealed in Classical Arabic, which enjoys a great literary and religious tradition. Classical Arabic is a written language that is learnt at school. Standard Arabic is the middle variety, which is codified and standardized; it is used in education, media and administration. The main distinction between Classical and Standard Arabic comes from the fact that Standard Arabic is more flexible in its phonology, morphology, and syntax; for instance, it lacks the case marking affixes (e.g. CA durūsun (lessons) → SA durūs (lessons); unlike Classical Arabic, Standard Arabic exhibits a new alternative word order (Subject Verb Object) in addition to the Verb Subject Object word order. Standard Arabic has also borrowed a host of words and phrases from French (e.g. French or English computer → SA al-kumbyūtir; French surréalisme → suryāliyya), etc. for more such examples, see Ennaji (2005; 1988). Standard Arabic also vehicles modern mass culture, as it is usually used in sectors like education, administration and media. Instead of Classical Arabic, as Ferguson claims, it is what is called Standard Arabic, which is employed in: i) writing a personal letter, ii) political or scientific discourse, iii) university lectures, iv) the mass media and modern poetry. Classical Arabic or its modernized form Standard Arabic, is the language of the Islamic religion and classical Arabic literature; it is written from right to left. It is called al-fuṣḥā, i.e., the eloquent or learned language. It is High because it is the vehicle of a large body of classical literature, and has a great literary tradition behind it, of which the Qur’ān, grammar books and classical poetry are reminiscent of ancient and venerated periods in the history of Moslems. Colloquial Arabic, which is the mother tongue of the vast majority of the population, is basically unwritten although one might come across an informal letter or text written in the Arabic alphabet. It is called al-‘āmmiyya, i.e., the language of the masses. Colloquial Arabic is used at home, with friends, in folk literature, in the market and the street in general by everybody. Therefore, three categories of variations are to be distinguished in Arabic so that nowadays we have “triglossia”, i.e., Classical Arabic, Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic. The ‘low’ status of Colloquial Arabic can be ascribed to the fact that it is neither codified nor standardized; however, it is the variety spoken by the vast majority of the populations. It is viewed by the masses and the elite alike as a corrupt form of Classical/Standard Arabic. Linguistically, it is characterized by vowel drop and the overuse of the schwa (e.g. Standard Arabic kataba (write) → ktæb in Colloquial Arabic, Standard Arabic sāriq (has stolen) → sræq or saræq; lexically, Colloquial Arabic differs from Standard Arabic (e.g. Standard Arabic ġadan (tomorrow) → bukrā, ğamīl (good) → kwayyis. Ferguson’s (1959) classification of Arabic varieties into high and low does not actually correspond to the linguistic situation in the Arab region at large, for we have three Arabic varieties which are in a triglossic relation: Classical Arabic, Standard Arabic and Colloquial Arabic. Classical Arabic is used in the mosque, in the Ministries of Justice, of Islamic Affairs, in official speeches, in classical poetry, and literature. Instead of Classical Arabic, as Ferguson claims, it is what is called Standard Arabic that is employed in writing personal letters, in political or scientific discourse, and in the media and administration. Colloquial Arabic is used in informal settings, at home, in the street, with friends, etc. Thus, three distinct varieties coexist so that we have today triglossia, as mentioned in Ennaji (199: 2001): Classical Arabic Standard Arabic Colloquial Arabic Figure l: Triglossia TEACHING AND LEARNING ARABIC AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE 219 Following, Ennaji (2001), one may argue for the existence of ‘quadriglossia’ in the Arab world, in the sense that, in addition to the three varieties above, a fourth variety, Educated Spoken Arabic is used in the everyday colloquial style of learned people. It may be used as a lingua franca by Arabic speakers from different Arab countries or to address foreign speakers of Arabic. Educated Spoken Arabic is an elevated form of colloquial Arabic that is much influenced by the vocabulary and expressions of Standard Arabic. Here are a few examples of Educated Spoken Arabic: 1) a. stamarrat ddirasa ila ttamina. Educated Spoken Arabic b. stamrrina fi d-dirasa ḥtta tamænya. Colloquial Arabic “School went on until eight.” 2) a. ‘ṭi-ni t-tæqriir lli ba‘a-ti li l-mudir. Educated Spoken Arabic b. žib li rriport lli rasælti l mudir. Colloquial Arabic “Give me the report that you sent to the director.” However, Educated Spoken Arabic is, like Colloquial Arabic, essentially spoken as it is not used in writing; Educated Spoken Arabic is generally used on radio and television debates and interviews (see Ennaji 1995). Classical Standard Educated Spoken Colloquial Figure 2: Quadriglossia Like Colloquial Arabic, Educated Spoken Arabic is neither codified nor standardized; in addition, it is not widely used by the Moroccan speech community. This fourth variety, which is used by educated people in their everyday speech, is not yet fully developed and widespread. It is a ‘polished’ and polite form of Colloquial Arabic, whose lexicon is affected by that of Standard Arabic. Educated Spoken Arabic is usually heard on radio, television and in academic circles. At times, lectures, talks, plays, and discussions are given in this variety. Thus, Educated Spoken Arabic adds a fourth dimension to yield a form of ‘quadriglossia’; that is four varieties of Arabic are actually in use, with each variety having a set of functions and situations which it fulfills. However, given the high illiteracy rate (48% according to the Government Statistics 2002), it can be stated that Educated Spoken Arabic is not that popular and widespread, as it is reserved to learned people. This form of ‘quadriglossia’ constitutes a continuum where the four varieties of Arabic are in complementary distribution, with each serving specific domains of use and social functions. As to Classical and Standard Arabic, their heavy use in political and media discourses and the overlap of their domains of use allocates to them points in the continuum. Apart from Classical and Colloquial Arabic which are both at the two extremes of the continuum, one might see the middle varieties (Standard and Educated Spoken Arabic) more in terms of a continuum than two differently dichotomous varieties in these functional domains (Ennaji 2003). Teaching the differences between Standard and Colloquial Arabic to foreign students of Arabic In the US, Arabic is considered a critical language because it has a bearing on security and on American interests in the Middle East. As a result, Arabic speakers are in great demand. Arabic is one of the fastest growing area of foreign language study in the US and Western Europe. According to the 2009 report of Modern Language Association (MLA), Arabic is the 8th most-studied language in America. In 2009, 35083 US students were enrolled in Arabic courses. Arabic has been growing fast since 9/11. 220 MOHA ENNAJI US take Arabic because they feel that knowing Arabic will give them a career edge in such fields as: diplomacy, international affairs, intelligence, business, engineering, development, and academia. Some take Arabic in the hope to work in the Middle East and North Africa. A recent article from NAFSA makes the point that students have different motivations for studying Arabic. Some do it out of an academic interest in Arabic language and culture or because they have a personal link or a family connection that gives them interest in the language. Arabic is not more difficult than other languages Arabic has received a reputation for being difficult because of the “medieval” conceptions of Arabic language learning/teaching that have not changed much over the 1400 years that Arabic has been an international language. With modern approaches to language learning, however, Arabic is not so difficult…“especially if students begin with the spoken [colloquial] language.” When Arabic was originally taught to non-native Arabic speakers, it was for the primary purpose of reading the Qur’an or for the purpose of new converts studying Islam. Therefore, there was a heavy emphasis on the written language in order to read the Qur’ān, Islam’s holy book. During that time, people who studied the language did not give much attention to the spoken language. Purposes for learning Arabic have evolved drastically since those times. Language learners now prefer to interact more with the language as well as the native speakers. However, I believe that, in general, standard teaching techniques have not evolved as quickly in order to meet the new needs and goals of modern students. For instance, teachers of Arabic often teach past tense verbs first only because it is the least complicated and the most straightforward for teaching. “It is much simpler to conjugate verbs in past tense, and that is why it has been taught that way for 1400 years…but it’s not necessarily the most effective. It leaves the student only able to speak in past tense in their first weeks of conversation with people.” Places using modern teaching techniques (such as Rutgers and other institutions) have begun to teach present tense verbs first to enable faster and more accurate interaction with the nativespeaking community. Aspects of the language are difficult, but they are no more difficult than aspects required when learning any other language. Since I began teaching Arabic years in the fall of 1982, I refused to allow a so-called “difficult” language to defeat my students. “I also had good students who were easily convinced that it wasn’t all that difficult and inspired many students to keep going.” I now encourage my Rutgers students by declaring, “It is a language like any other, and you can learn to speak it and understand it by interacting with it.” Learning Colloquial Arabic Usually when learning any language, students learn four skills: Speaking, Listening, Reading, and Writing. In Arabic, the written form is substantially different from the spoken…to the point that it justifies learning it on its own. FusHa is the formal/written medium of Arabic, rarely spoken but commonly used in literature, historical manuscripts, government documentation, and religious or ceremonial contexts. Modern Standard Arabic is the most commonly taught form of Fuṣḥā, as we have seen above. Considering the distinctions between Colloquial Arabic and Modern Standard, the first question for students is always determining what they want to do with their Arabic. What the student wants to do dictates the course of study he/she should take. “The two after all are just aspects of the same language. Both can distract from or interfere with one another, but they also support each other. If your goal is to become a well-rounded Arabist, then you must learn both well. Once you know one, you can adopt the tendencies and exceptions of the other.” In the US and perhaps other Western nations where Arabic is studied, there is great emphasis on reading and writing first and then perhaps providing a bit of spoken Arabic. (Universities often offer 4 TEACHING AND LEARNING ARABIC AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE 221 terms of Modern Standard to 1 term of Colloquial). At US universities like Texas, Princeton, Harvard, or Rutgers, the basis of Fuṣḥā, is taught with a fair amount of colloquial Arabic. My opinion is that universities should teach formal Arabic first before opening up to the different dialects of the language. I sense that “universities should teach introduce learners to more than one Colloquial variety of Arabic in the spoken component of the class. If the student is motivated enough and dedicated to a particular colloquial variety, they can move on to study it deeply.” Regardless of which Arabic speaking destinations you may find yourself in, Modern Standard Arabic is a good variety to begin learning because Arabic speakers around the world will be able to understand you. You may have difficulty understanding their dialect at first, but they will at least be able to understand you. You can adjust your new colloquial Arabic accordingly from that point. Be a good observer The advantage of learning as an adult is the benefit of learning with an analytical mind. “An adult can hold the language out in front of him/her and turn it around and look at it, figure out what the rules are and why the rules exist, what the exceptions are, etc. “Theory says it takes 15 years for a child to acquire full native speaker efficiency. An adult can easily learn a language in less than 15 years. As adults, you should be willing to step back and examine the language as if it were an artifact and notice the difference in the way things are expressed.” One observation for instance, is that in any particular utterance, Colloquial Arabic seems to use fewer words than Western languages do. It tends to leave out ideas and constructs that Westerners would want to put in. Language learners need to be able to observe how people are doing that. I suggest that in order to begin interacting with Arabic: • You should live amidst the language as long as you can…a summer, a semester, a school year, etc. If you live anywhere Arabic is spoken, and do not go out into the culture to speak with the people, you’re missing a golden opportunity. • Adopt certain words and see their frequency and how to use them. • Concentrate on set expressions people say all the time that will lend a great deal of fluency to your speech (expressions of surprise, dismay, politeness, etc.). Focus on how they are used and then exercise those phrases. These are “fluency markers” saying that “if you use them in native fashion, you’ll appear to be much more fluent than you actually are.” Arabs find it amusing and impressive when foreigners use such fluency markers. • Watch soap operas! Arabic soap operas and plays are written and delivered in Modern Colloquial Arabic. If seriously committed to learning the language, students can purchase a satellite which makes such programs easily available. • Find Arabic radio programs via radio or internet. • CD software programs such Arabic Vocab Clinic are very useful language tools for functional practice. Learn the Arabic alphabet as soon as you can The actual Arabic alphabet can be learned very quickly, and it can benefit your Arabic learning in multiple ways. First, it will simplify accurate pronunciation of difficult words. Egyptian Colloquial Arabic includes distinctive sounds such as the “voiced uvular fricative” and the “glottal stop” that are frequently used in daily conversation. Once learners adopt the unique sounds made for specific Arabic letters, their Colloquial Arabic accent will improve dramatically. When beginners try to reproduce what they hear into script using their own alphabet, the accuracy of the pronunciation is hindered. Second, if you are planning to eventually study Fuṣḥā (Modern Standard Arabic), learning the alphabet during Colloquial study is a good stepping stone. Making the tedious switch in writing 222 MOHA ENNAJI systems would inevitably slow down the progress made. The differences in the two forms of the Arabic language will be enough to contend with. Finally, it is fun and impressive to be able to write your name or your friends’ names in such a unique script… or read signs and menus that seem like nonsense to other foreigners. Conclusion English speakers could go to many Arabic speaking countries and never need to speak a word of Arabic due to the widespread knowledge of English. However, it is a lot more fun to be able to communicate in the local language, even if just a small amount. The more you know of Arab culture by acquisition of the language, the more sophisticated understanding you have of “the Arab World.” “It is much more fun to learn the ‘living’ language from the larger ‘living’ community”. That is why I would personally encourage Study Abroad programs There are approximately 250 million native speakers of Arabic. “It’s often treated like a dead language and it’s nowhere near dying! You’re not just learning language, you are learning a whole new way of life and it’s enriching. That’s the way Arabic should be approached.” References Caubet, Dominique. 1993. L’Arabe Marocain, I Phonologie et Morphosyntaxe, II Syntaxe, Catégories Grammaticales, Textes. Etudes Chamito-Sémitiques, David Cohen (ed.). Paris-Louvain : Editions Peeters. Ferguson, Charles. 1972. [1959]. “Diglossia”, Pier Paolo Giglioli (ed.), Language and Social Context. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 232-251 Elbiad, Mohamed. 1991. “The Role of Some Population Sectors in the Progress of Arabization, in Morocco”, International Journal of the Sociology of Language 87. 27-44. Ennaji, Moha. 2005. Multilingualism, Cultural Identity and Education in Morocco. New York: Springer. Ennaji, Moha. 2003. “Reflections on Arabisation and Education in Morocco”, Youssi, A. et al. (eds), Aspects of the Dialects of Arabic Today. Rabat: Amapatril. 37-48. Ennaji, Moha. 2001. “De la Diglossie à la Quadriglossie”, Languages and Linguistics 8. 49-64. Ennaji, Moha. 1995. “Ed. Sociolingusitics in Morocco”, International Journal of the Sociology of Language 112. Entire Issue. Marçais, William. 1930-1931. “La Diglossie: Un Pélérinage aux Sources”, Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris 76(1). 61-98. Youssi, Abderrahim. 1995. “The Moroccan Triglossia: Facts and Implications”, International Journal of the Sociology of Language 112. 29-43. L’ARABE DIALECTAL ALEPPIN DANS LE RECIT DE VOYAGE DE HANNA DYÂB PAULE FAHME-THIERY EPHE, Paris. France Résumé : L’objectif de cet article est de mettre en lumière la prégnance, la subsistance des expressions et des tournures du dialectal d’Alep de 1763 à nos jours en s’appuyant sur un récit de voyage daté du XVIII° siècle. Cet arabe dialectal particulièrement souple est hautement efficace notamment dans la restitution des situations et des sentiments personnels. Mots-clés : Voyages d’orientaux, dialectal d’Alep, manuscrits arabes XVIII° siècle. 1. Le manuscrit du récit de voyage et son auteur Ce récit de voyage a fait l’objet d’une traduction que j’ai prise en charge en 2009 et sur laquelle nous avons avons eu la grande satisfaction de collaborer à trois, Jérôme Lentin, Bernard Heyberger et moimême. Cette traduction en français a été publiée chez Actes Sud en juin 2015. Ce manuscrit arabe vraisemblablement unique est acéphale, ses cinq premiers folios ayant été arrachés. (image 1) Il fait partie de la collection Sbath, et a été acquis par la Bibliothèque Vaticane. Rédigé en « arabe moyen », il a été longtemps considéré comme anonyme. C’est le récit d’un voyage réalisé de 1708 à 1710, l’auteur ayant alors une vingtaine d’années, et rédigé seulement en 1763/64. Ce voyage mène un tout jeune homme de moins de vingt ans embauché comme serviteur et traducteur par un voyageur du Roi, le français Paul Lucas, de Beyrouth et Saïda du 224 PAULE FAHMÉ-THIÉRY Liban en Egypte, puis en Libye, en Tunisie, à Livourne et Gênes, Marseille puis Paris et Versailles où il rencontre Louis XIV et présente à la cour des gerboises, animaux inconnus alors. (image 2) Il séjourne à Paris au cours du rude hiver de 1709. C’est au cours de cette période parisienne qu’il rencontre Antoine Galland et lui relate ceux des contes des Mille et une nuits qui « manquaient » au célèbre orientaliste. Deux des contes les plus célèbres, Aladin et Ali Baba sont aujourd’hui reconnus comme ayant été rapportés par Hanna Dyâb à Antoine Galland qui les publiera dans les tomes 9 et 10 de ses Mille et une nuits. Il rentre par mer à Istanbul puis par caravane à Alep en 1710. Installé drapier au souk, marié et père d’une famille il rédige son récit à près de quatre-vingt ans. Ce que nous savons de la biographie de Hanna Dyâb est issu de ce récit de voyage. Né probablement avant 1690, il est le cadet d’une vaste fratrie employée au service de marchands français provençaux installés à Alep aux XVI° et XVII° siècles. De telles fratries chrétiennes se sont établies et ont bâti des réseaux qui confortent leur ascension sociale. Elles constituent pour ce jeune cadet qu’est Hanna une référence et une instance de contrôle : ses choix de vie et ses comportements ne sauraient s’écarter des normes sans entraver les processus d’ascension sociale en cours. La rédaction de ce récit, plus de cinquante ans après les faits, pose des questions auxquelles on ne peut répondre que par des hypothèses. Ce n’est pas un carnet de voyage qui s’appuierait sur un journal de bord. Hanna Dyâb observe Paul Lucas qui fait des relevés de notes quotidiens, « Il avait … envoyé à l’imprimerie le livre de voyage … car il avait l’habitude d’écrire chaque jour ce qu’il avait vu et entendu ». Pour notre part, nous lisons dans le manuscrit que Hanna Dyâb « écrit », par exemple (folio 89r) « voici ce que j’ai vu de l’organisation des marchands de France et je l’ai écrit », ou bien (96r) « lorsque j’ai rédigé -écrit- ce récit de voyage et cette chronique, et cela en l’année 1763… ». Nous n’avons cependant aucune certitude concernant une prise de notes. Ce récit s’intègre dans le genre répandu dans le domaine ottoman dès le Seyahatname d’Evliya Çelebi (1611-1682) et obéit aux règles de ce genre. Nous connaissons de nombreux récits d’orientaux, musulmans ou chrétiens, réalisant et consignant des voyages qui donnent à voir l’Autre, ses mœurs et ses comportements. Une hypothèse serait que Hanna Dyâb ayant souvent raconté ses pérégrinations ait éprouvé le besoin de laisser une trace qui demeure et perdure après lui. De tels récits de voyage circulaient dans le milieu aleppin et trouvaient un auditoire et un lectorat. L’ARABE DIALECTAL ALEPPIN DANS LE RECIT DE VOYAGE DE HANNA DYAB 225 Pour nous, tout au long de sa pratique d’écriture, Hanna Dyâb fait clairement la part entre le respect des normes et leur transgression, ce qui permet de voir dans ce récit une tentative de construction de soi par un homme au soir de sa vie. Cet épais récit de plus de 350 pages offre un intérêt particulier pour l’approche du dialectal aleppin. Il est long, fourni, d’un seul tenant bien que sa rédaction se soit déroulée sur deux années. Il nous offre un dialecte particulièrement enthousiasmant à explorer. 2. Exemples éclairants puisés dans ce dialecte Nous avons là des verbes et des mots utilisés de manière récurrente et spécifique. Ils témoignent de la prégnance et de la subsistance d’expressions et de tournures audibles aujourd’hui et utilisées au XX° siècle, la plupart étant attestées au XIX°. Bons nombre de ces mots et de ces verbes sont dûment attestés par Adrien Barthélemy (Dictionnaire Arabe Français, Geuthner, Paris), qui a été consul de France à Alep à la fin du XIX° siècle et qui est l’auteur d’un dictionnaire des « dialectes de Syrie : Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem » (Premiers fascicules 1903-première publication 1935). Barthélemy donne la racine arabe littéraire dont ces mots et ces verbes sont dérivés. C’est leur usage courant et la nuance spécifique qui leur sont accolées qui retiennent notre attention. Ils sont particulièrement répandus dans le dialecte aleppin et sont instantanément porteurs de la signification voulue par le locuteur. Ainsi le verbe « laqasha » (Barthélemy p.761), pour le verbe « causer » utilisé par Hanna Dyâb pour « faire la conversation » (16r), décliné en « alâqcho » mais aussi en « laqqîsh » (45v) à propos d’un jeune garçon, vif, intelligent et « causeur ». Ailleurs, Hanna Dyâb parlant de sa mère atteinte d’une maladie qui lui interdit de boire, de manger, de dormir et aussi de « causer », où le « laqsh » est donc aussi vital que les autres fonctions vitales. « laqach » et « ylâqech » sont souvent associés au verbe « salla », « ysalli » ou bien au verbe «ânass », « ânasto » ou « ânasni » qui font partie du même champ lexical. « salla » est compilé par Barthélemy (p.355), dans le sens utilisé à Alep au XX° siècle de « divertir, distraire ». Le « laqch » de l’aleppin est souvent « msalli », destiné à divertir, distraire ou encore consoler. De même lorsque quelqu’un « y â néss » une autre personne, il lui témoigne de l’humanité, comme la racine littérale de « enss » le laisse entendre. Il est intéressant de suivre Barthélemy qui signale pour la fin du XIX° siècle une semblable utilisation du verbe « ânasa » à Jérusalem. Le verbe « ba(q)’a » est intéressant, car il n’apparaît de manière déductive chez Barthélémy que sous « bûq », pour sonner de la trompette. En dialectal aleppin il signifie crier très fort et chez Hanna comme dans le langage courant d’aujourd’hui il désigne un cri fort, strident ou grondeur qui secoue celui qui l’entend. De même le verbe « khamman », utilisé en langage soutenu pour apprécier un bien par exemple, est utilisé très couramment pour « estimer, juger, penser que, croire », donc juger comme dans l’expression française « au jugé » Le verbe « qadad » attesté en arabe littéral renvoie au « qadîd » d’Alep, viande de bœuf séché, typique d’un mode de conservation et de consommation alimentaire Enfin « qarsan », « yqarsnou » (44r) à propos de navires pirates, est un bel exemple d’un verbe construit à partir de la déclinaison en arabe dialectal du mot français « corsaire ». De telles libertés de construction calées sur des règles standard mais affranchies des racines littérales se retrouvent dans le dialectal algérois où « qahwa », café, donne « istaqhwa » pour prendre du café. Nous pouvons relever en outre quelques exemples de mots utilisés de manière constante dans le dialecte de Hanna et dans celui d’Alep deux siècles plus tard. « zal’oum » et « zala’ïm » (38v) désigne le gosier, desséché le long des côtes de Lybie par le jeûne et l’absorption d’une eau saumâtre à la suite d’une avarie maritime, « zal’oum » indifféremment utilisé avec le mot « halq » et son pluriel « hlouqna » pour désigner littéralement la gorge mais de manière dialectale le gosier. 226 PAULE FAHMÉ-THIÉRY « bôch » (18v) désigne bien comme l’indique Barthélémy (p.69) le « petit bétail en liberté », mais il mérite d’être indiqué pour sa prégnance contemporaine « dahlîz » (153r), couloir, est couramment employé dans notre récit et dans le dialecte d’aujourd’hui « ballou’a » (35v), est intéressant. Typiquement aleppin, il est bien dérivé de « bala’a », avaler, et désigne toujours une bonde d’évacuation, dans le contexte du récit il s’agit de l’évacuation de l’eau de mer qui a envahi le bateau à la suite d’une tempête « fndjân » bien répertorié par Barthélémy (p.622), désigne une tasse et apparaît fréquemment chez Hanna et dans les conversations aleppines d’aujourd’hui dans « fndjân qahwé ». Tandis que « sahn » également utilisé, apparaît chez Hanna comme en français dans deux acceptions : le sens dialectal d’assiette, pièce de vaisselle, et le sens du fond d’un bateau, « sahn e-shaïta ». Un mot très typique mérite d’être mentionné « qaraqî’ » (29r), dont Barthélémy (p.652) atteste la racine arabe littéraire dans le verbe « qarqa’a », faire du bruit, mais dont le nom verbal désigne en aleppin des bricoles, avec une nuance légèrement péjorative et qui dans le récit de Hanna est remarquablement parlant : Paul Lucas commande à Hanna qui se rebiffe d’acheter un étal d’objets, Hanna va jusqu’à reprocher cet achat à son patron en affirmant que « les gens vont se moquer de nous si nous achetons ces qaraqî’ ». La perspicacité de Paul Lucas est avérée : l’indigne étalage de bricoles contenait un gemme de grande valeur. Enfin le mot « balâch » semble particulièrement intéressant. Bâti sur « chaï’ », chose, avec « bala » privatif en préfixe, il est très courant et appellerait des développements sur l’utilisation de « chaî’ ». On retrouve chez Hanna « chî mâ byhrez », quelque chose qui n’en vaut pas la peine, « chî sâr », quelque chose est advenu dans le sens précis d’un non retour, on dira couramment « chî sâr w khalass » pour éviter le regret ou la déploration, Hanna dit également « chî bktîr » ou bien « el chî yzîd » pour désigner une variation quantitative, ou bien « mâ ma’i khabar bi chî ». Cette utilisation rétractée ou bien déployée de « chaï’ » n’est pas sans rappeler le remarquable « wachrâk » algérois qui est peut-être le contraction de « mâ houwa al chaï’ al lazi arâk (fihi) » ou « wach arâk » On peut également mentionner un usage des doublets dans le dialectal aleppin tels que « al ta’m wl lzzé », « al malq wl latâfé », ou, très utilisé aujourd’hui, la métonymie « al jâyé wl râyieh » souvent inversée en « al râyieh wl jâyé » ou encore « baladi w jnsî » ou bien des doublets comportant une assonance ou bien une rime « al mswâq wl wasq » et « al hâl wl nihâl ». Pour compléter cet aperçu des tournures on peut examiner quelques expressions imagées prégnantes et bien sûr très colorées. Ainsi, « ghâyeb ‘an sawâbi » ou bien son équivalent « ghâb ‘an rchdo w sâwabo », où l’on retrouve ces doublets que l’on peut traduire en français par sens et conscience, ou bien « rj’et rwahna ilayna » où le verbe « raja’a » est utilisé pour désigner un mouvement de l’âme. Plus typique et plus colorée, « fa twadaït bl halîb » (47r), expression doublement remarquable : Hanna perdant ses couleurs cherche à dissimuler son embarras, utilisation donc d’une image transparente et éloquente; d’autre part Hanna parle d’ablutions, usage d’un terme musulman par un chrétien, aujourd’hui inhabituel. Autre expression remarquable, « waqta’izen hassayt bi an mas’elty fâchouché » (136r), très typique par l’usage de « fâchouché » totalement construit à la manière aleppine sur le verbe « fach », donc se dégonfler, utilisé dans une forme verbale dérivée, déroulée vers son diminutif. L’usage courant et typique, des diminutifs est à souligner : ainsi « jîrûn e ssamân » (9v) littéralement cruchon du marchand de beurre, où jîrûn est dérivé de jarra Pour finir, une expression que Hanna utilise à plusieurs reprises à des moments clés de son récit, lorsque les difficultés s’accumulent pour lui, il écrit : « dâqet e- dunyé fiyyi », littéralement l’univers s’est rétréci pour moi. Il est intéressant de retrouver dans le turc courant d’aujourd’hui cette même expression « dünya bana dâr geldi ». C’est bien sûr la traduction de telles expressions aleppines typiques qui m’amène à faire la distinction entre une traduction littérale restituant la couleur de cet arabe aleppin, tentante mais soumise aux risques de folklore et d’obscurité, et une traduction fluide et compréhensible. Un bref développement peut être fait à propos des mesures et des appréciations quantitatives, expressions ou images elles aussi typiques du dialectal courant. L’ARABE DIALECTAL ALEPPIN DANS LE RECIT DE VOYAGE DE HANNA DYAB 227 Hanna dira « Hkm nss draa’ » pour environ, ou bien le terme très aleppin, « komé » qui signifie donc tas, ou plus significativement « kwam kwam » à ne pas confondre avec « kâm » quelques, dans « kâm zalamé » ou « kâm wahed ». L’utilisation de fractions, caractéristique de la métrologie jusqu’à la fin du XVIII° siècle, est constante chez Hanna, « rb’ » « nss » ou même « tmn », de même que dans mon enfance on parlait de « rb’ lîra » Les termes empruntés aux langues non arabes constituent un dernier développement intéressant portant sur le dialecte aleppin. On doit souligner la prégnance de l’usage de ces emprunts au XX° siècle, évident et remarquable. Une hypothèse intéressante à creuser serait de suivre dans le temps la subsistance d’emprunts à telle ou telle langue, en tant que marqueurs. Je songe notamment pour le dialecte aleppin aux emprunts à la langue turque. Au XVIII° siècle Hanna en utilise près d’une centaine, au XX° siècle les emprunts sont encore significatifs mais se sont réduits. Si « oda » et « korbaje » subsistent au XXI° siècle qu’en est-il des autres ? Les emprunts aux langues occidentales, notamment à l’anglais sont aujourd’hui importants, il peut être intéressant d’en examiner l’importance et le mode d’arabisation. Ainsi pour notre texte, Hanna emprunte « fartounè » à l’italien, ainsi que « camera », qui n’ont plus cours aujourd’hui tandis que « makina » a été introduit dans l’aleppin du XX° siècle. « banadura » toujours de l’italien « pomo d’oro » est courant aussi bien en aleppin qu’en beyrouthin. D’autres emprunts effectué par Hanna au français, peuvent être mentionnés, également disparu tels que « kojiyé », coche, « kelar » cellier, et « astriyya », auberge, mais « jamboun » subsiste toujours. C’est à l’ottoman que Hanna emprunte de très nombreux termes, Alep ayant été on le sait seconde ville de l’empire au XVI° siècle. « bazerkhan » et « khazmatakar » ou « yaziji » sont encore aujourd’hui compréhensibles, le second et le troisième terme, comme d’autres, ayant constitué des patronymes syriens. Hanna utilise « oda » pour chambre, et cet emprunt à l’ottoman est toujours en vigueur. De même « tcharchaf » qui désigne un voile dont on se couvre ou, plus fréquemment, les draps de lit. De ce tour d’horizon nous pouvons déjà souligner la richesse, la spécificité et la prégnance du dialecte aleppin. De même, sa souplesse et son adaptation par le renouvellement de formes appuyées sur la base de modèles constants. Pour ponctuer ce passage en revue de quelques tournures dialectales aleppines typiques, j’emprunte une citation à Adrien Barthélémy : la « masse » de son Dictionnaire porte sur « le dialecte d’Alep, noyau solide et compact, (qui) forme une langue d’une unité remarquable, (et) qui résulte d’une fusion fort ancienne ». Barthélemy poursuit en soulignant dans son introduction l’ « extrême lenteur de l’évolution des dialectes arabes de cette partie de l’Orient ». Aujourd’hui, je m’interroge très modestement, en tant que traductrice des manuscrits arabes sur lesquels je travaille, jusqu’où cette seconde assertion du rythme des évolutions du dialecte aleppin, peut-elle être soutenue. Dans un dernier développement je souhaite illustrer la richesse et l’efficacité du dialecte aleppin dans la reconstitution des situations et des événements. L’épisode que raconte Hanna et qui est choisi ici est rendu particulièrement savoureux par la mise en œuvre d’innovations que le dialecte de sa ville natale rend possibles. 228 PAULE FAHMÉ-THIÉRY 3. « Efficacité » du dialecte pour restituer des événements, des situations des sentiments : épisode des chech/qâuq volés à Tripoli de Lybie (Folios 47r, 47v, 48r, 48v) image 3 – image 4 L’ARABE DIALECTAL ALEPPIN DANS LE RECIT DE VOYAGE DE HANNA DYAB 229 Présentation de l’épisode : Hanna et son patron Paul Lucas logent chez le consul de France, M. Lemaire à Tripoli de Lybie. Hanna décide d’aller à la messe au couvent des jésuites et se coiffe de son chèche et de son qâwûq, calotte. Au retour il rencontre des janissaires qui l’insultent et le dépouillent de sa coiffure. Le consul informé de ce vol se met en colère et mandate le drogman pour récupérer le chèche. Le drogman craignant des troubles persuade Hanna de mentir au consul en attestant qu’il l’a récupéré. Le consul insiste pour que la coiffure soit récupérée et le drogman trouve une solution diplomatique pour clore l’incident. Il est intéressant de dégager dans cet épisode six moments caractérisés chacun par des expressions dialectales qui lui donnent sa couleur précise 1 - Hanna décide d’aller à la messe un jour où les jésuites célèbrent une fête. Il écrit : « qallî ‘aqlî », donc littéralement « mon esprit me dit ». Expression typique où l’esprit, le mental est personnifié. Dans ce même paragraphe la satisfaction du consul est bien restituée : « nbasat mnnî », de le voir donc vêtu à l’orientale. Ici le dialectal illustre les sentiments personnels du scripteur, ou du conteur, ainsi que ceux de l’un des personnages de l’épisode 2 - la rencontre avec les janissaires est décrite comme une joute : avec « farzanounî » remarquable par la libre construction à partir de « faraza » et par « yhtemrou » construit librement à partir de « hamara », donc « gronder » comme un félin. Les attaquants dépouillent ensuite Hanna, « ychalhounî », le laissant tête nue, c’est à dire essentiellement nu, « mar ‘oub w faz‘ân », doublet remarquable associant la peur et la crainte La scène est celle d’une lutte dramatique, elle prépare le moments suivant 3 - où Hanna décrit excellemment son désarroi mental : « mdaye‘ hawâssi w rchdi », « mdaye‘ el hawass », car il craint que les janissaires ne le massacrent sans merci, pour rien, « brawhouni balâch », l’emploi de « yrawhounî » sur la racine « râha » étant tout à fait remarquable et tout à fait courant dans le dialectal contemporain 4 - le moment suivant est celui de la description des relations entre le consul et le drogman, qui est un captif renégat. Hanna nous fournit le contexte, historique et parfaitement éclairant, de la relation entre les deux personnages ainsi que le nœud du conflit qui interdit le port du chèche et du qâwûq par quiconque n’est pas du sérail d’Istambul 5 - le cinquième moment est celui du contrat de dissimulation entre le drogman et Hanna pour « éteindre le malheur » « ntaffî e sharr ». Hanna ne peut que taire ses sentiments et entrer dans le jeu du drogman en dissimulant son ressentiment : il écrit « twaddaït bel halîb », qui signifie littéralement « je me suis oint de lait » pour exprimer la dissimulation des couleurs qui lui montent à la face. Les deux expressions que je souligne disent éloquemment le double plan social et personnel où se joue la scène entre les deux personnages. 6 - Le dénouement de l’épisode est celui de l’apaisement : chacun tire son épingle du jeu, les milices janissaires ne sont pas incitées à la révolte, les anciens du régiment maintiennent leurs bonnes relations avec le consul de France et Hanna se revêt alternativement du chèche ou s’en découvre selon que le consul peut l’apercevoir ou pas… À ce niveau également, les expressions dialectales typiques « chî ma byehrez », « akhad b khâtro » servent parfaitement l’objectif du récit, minimisant l’incident et apaisant les esprits. L’efficacité du dialecte et de ses caractéristiques mises en œuvre dans cet épisode, est patente. Hanna utilise excellemment le dialecte aleppin pour nous faire assister à cette scène vivante L’ensemble du paragraphe est un bon exemple de la souplesse du dialectal et de son efficacité pour restituer les situations. Le dialecte de Hanna permet la restitution précise de cet épisode comique et tragique tout à la fois. Il témoigne de faits historiques : le pouvoir des milices et la recherche de la bienveillance du consul de France. Le positionnement des différents personnages : le goût du consul pour les vêtements orientaux, l’embauche du drogman renégat pour le ramener à la foi, la prudence et l’habileté de ce drogman, l’habileté de Hanna Dyâb qui revêt chèche et du qâwûq devant le consul et les ôte pour sortir … 230 PAULE FAHMÉ-THIÉRY Nous avons là une mise en évidence des sentiments, des hésitations et des craintes, voire des contradictions et des dissimulations de Hanna. Cette écriture souple et vivante fait du texte que nous livre Hanna Dyâb un bel exemple de l’inventivité du dialecte d’Alep, de son efficacité pour nous restituer atmosphère, situations et sentiments. Les comparaisons avec le dialecte contemporain permettent de dire que cette inventivité et cette efficacité perdurent. WORDS OF OLD SEMITIC ORIGINS IN SUDANESE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC KHALID MOHAMED FARAH Independent Researcher, Khartoum Abstract: Without pretending to be totally exhaustive, this paper attempts to present and comment on a number of almost exclusively Sudanese colloquial Arabic words, whose origin could be traced back to some specific ancient Semitic languages, both extinct and still in use, other than the ordinary standard classical Arabic language which is obviously, the main source or stem of all the contemporary Arabic dialects spoken all over the Arab World and elsewhere. It could indeed, be argued that virtually all the contemporary Arabic dialects contain certain words whose origin could be attributed to some old Semitic languages: Babylonian, Aramaic, Sabaean, Syriac, etc, however, the existence of such distinct and peculiar – Semitic words in the Sudanese Arabic is particularly interesting, given the fact that it is generally held that the Arabic speaking community in the Sudan is rather relatively historically recent, as well as somewhat geographically and culturally peripheral. Keywords: Sudanese Arabic, Semitic languages, Aramaic, Syriac, Ethiopian. In terms of stratification and typology, as far as modern Arabic dialectology is concerned, as far back as 1888, Sir Charles W. Wilson in a paper published in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain maintained that Sudanese Arabic is distinct from Egyptian Arabic and does not share some of the characteristic properties of that dialect despite the overall similarity of the two dialects. The same paper indicated that in the pronunciation of certain letters, Sudanese Arabic resembles more the Hijazi dialect and not the Egyptian one (Wilson 1888: 3-25). However, on the assumption concerning the existence of a certain affinity between the Sudanese and the Hijazi dialects, to which we would also rather subscribe to a certain extent, it is to be pointed out that this affinity or similarity is not only confined to the phonological aspect, but it also accounts for a number of common lexical features. For instance, a contemporary Saudi, especially from Mecca or Medina, would only say moya for “water” like any other Sudanese, while “water” is known in most of the current Arabic dialects as either mayyah ‫ ﻣﯿّﮫ‬or simply maye ‫َﻣ ْﻲ‬ Similarly, one of the manifestations of the linguistic interaction and interchange between the two shores of the Red Sea in Arabia and in Sudan is attested by the books: “Šifā’u l-Ġalīl” of al-Ḫafāğī ‫ ﺷﻔﺎء اﻟﻐﻠﯿﻞ ﻟﻠﺨﻔﺎﺟﻲ‬and “al-Mu‘arrab” of Ğawālīqī ‫ اﻟﻤﻌﺮب ﻟﻠﺠﻮاﻟﯿﻘﻲ‬where it is mentioned that: “‫ وﻟﻜﻦ أھﻞ اﻟﺤﺠﺎز ﯾﻄﻠﻘﻮﻧﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺴﻔﯿﻨﺔ اﻟﺼﻐﯿﺮة‬..‫”اﻟﺴُﻨﺒﻚ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻓﺮ أو طﺮف اﻟﺤﺎﻓﺮ وﻧﺤﻮه‬ i.e. “al-sunbuk means the hoof of an animal, (usually a horse or a donkey), or the rim of that part, however, the people of Hijaz assign it to a small ship”(al-Kārūrī 1986:149). And that is almost exactly what the people of Sudan, especially those who live by the coast of the Red Sea have been doing since that old time up to the present day. They would say sanbūk ‫َﺳﻨﺒﻮك‬ for the singular, and sanābīk ‫ ﺳﻨﺎﺑِﯿﻚ‬for the plural. However, so near as it may appear to the Egyptian, Hijazi, or the Chadian Arabic, in our view, Sudanese Arabic constitutes a distinctive dialect on its own merit, whose radiation and influence has been remarkably increasing and expanding with time over all the Arabic dialects spoken throughout Sub-Saharan Africa. Thus, in line with that call aiming at assigning a distinct and separate entity to the Sudanese dialect, dr. Thomas A. Leddy-Cecere (2015) of the University of Texas at Austin of the USA, has recently particularly sought to question the validity of the so called Egypto-Sudanese subgrouping. However, in spite of the extensive research conducted on the Sudanese Arabic both by Sudanese and foreign scholars alike, over nearly a century or so, including the researches accomplished by certain Western scholars such as: S. Hellelson (1935), J. Spenser Trimingham (1946), Alan S. Kaye 232 KHALID MOHAMED FARAH (1976), Andrew and Janet Persson (1979) and James Dickins (2006 and 2007), to name just a few examples, no study has so far been dedicated specifically to the relationship between Sudanese Arabic as such, and the other Semitic languages. To the best of our knowledge, no scholar or researcher has ever ventured to carry out such a comparative study, and therefore, this paper humbly proposes to do so, without pretending nonetheless, to be comprehensive. In fact, there is a set of historical, geographical and social factors that could corroborate the hypothesis of an authentic and plausible connection and contact between the land of the Sudan and the different Semitic languages, and hence, the possibility of a real influence on the variety of Arabic spoken inside this country, at least since its first contacts with the Arabs during the early centuries following the advent of Islam and maybe even before that (MacMichael 1922). Some Extra-linguistic Factors Favoring the Relationship between Sudanese Arabic and certain Semitic Languages These factors could be enumerated as follows: 1. The geographical proximity of the Sudan to the Arab peninsula which is largely assumed to be the original homeland of all the Semitic peoples, for they are separated by a distance of only around 200 miles, being the breadth of the Red Sea. 2. The Sudan is also just next door to the Abyssinian plateau which has been for millennia up to the present day, the abode of several languages of Semitic origin, including “Tigre” which is one of the indigenous languages of the Sudan where it is spoken by the “Banī ‘Āmir” of eastern Sudan. 3. Also, the relationships and interactions between the ancient kingdoms of Merowe and Aksum which had been close neighbors are indeed, a historically attested fact. 4. Particularly in view of its geographical location, coupled with its huge natural resources, certain scholars believe that immigration into the land of the Sudan from Arabia might well have preceded Islam and even the birth of Christ by centuries. Old Semitic Survivals in Contemporary Arabic Dialects It is to be noticed generally that, contemporary Arab researchers who have endeavored to carry out studies on the remnants of old Semitic lexicon still surviving in certain current Arab vernaculars, almost exclusively come from the regions which had been inhabited by the ancient Semites, especially Iraq, Lebanon and Syria etc. We may refer in this regard for instance, to the work of the Lebanese Youssef Hobeiqa on the influences of Syriac on the Lebanese and Syrian dialects (Hobeica 2011), as well as to an online article by an author called Mūsā al-Dimašqī (2010). This trend could be attributed to great extent, to the strong sense of historical and social continuity and identity which has always characterized that region of the Fertile Crescent in general. Nevertheless, there are some other rare and sporadic examples of research into the field of comparative Semitics at the backdrop of the cotemporary Arabic dialects that come from outside that traditional area. ‘Alī Fahmī Ḫušaym, for instance, had admirably sought to draw very interesting parallels between certain words still in use in some current Arabic dialects, especially the Libyan one, and different other Semitic languages. Thus for example, he argued that: • The verb fannaṣ ْ‫ ﻓﻨّﺺ‬in the Libyan dialect, meaning “to cast a meaningful look on someone”, is derived from the Akkadian palāsū ‫( ﺑﻼﺳﻮ‬Ḫušaym 1997: 16). ْ ‫ ﻣﻮ ﱢر‬meaning “slightly mad” or “lunatic”, is derived from the old • The adjective muwarrig ‫ق‬ ْ Sabaean ’arḫ ‫ أرخ‬or the Akkadian ’arḫu‫ أرﺧﻮ‬denoting “the moon” in those two old languages respectively, while he adds that the word tārīḫ ‫ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ‬meaning “date” or “history” is also derived from the same root (Ḫušaym 1997: 40). WORDS OF OLD SEMITIC ORIGINS IN SUDANESE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC 233 • The Levantine vernacular word farzalī ‫ ﻓﺮزﻟﻲ‬meaning “ironsmith” is from the Canaanite barḏal ‫ ﺑﺮذل‬and the Akkadian barzal ‫ ﺑﺮزل‬both meaning “iron”. • He also assimilates the Libyan vernacular verb ḫanab ْ‫ َﺧﻨَﺐ‬meaning “to steal” or “to rob” in the current Libyan dialect, with the Hebrew verb ḫanab which has the same meaning (Ḫušaym 1997: 42). However, it may well be argued that the classical Arabic verb ḫalab ‫ﺐ‬ َ َ‫ َﺧﻠ‬which is obviously not far from ‫ ﺧﻨﺐ‬and which usually comes in certain literary contexts such as the expression ḫalab lubbahu ‫( ﺧﻠﺐ ﻟﺒّﮫ‬i.e. “it captivated him” or literally, “it stole away his mind” falls indeed, within the same semantic field. On the Relationship between Sudanese Arabic in particular and the Old Semitic languages However, as far as Sudan is concerned, and especially given the general assumption that the Arabicspeaking community in that country could rather be relatively historically recent, as well as somewhat geographically and culturally peripheral if compared with the rest of the Arab world, research into this particular area is rather scanty or almost non-existent. Hence, this paper aspires to be a beginning in this respect, so as to fill in this gap, while hoping that other studies by more knowledgeable and authorized scholars will follow suit. Therefore, to start with, we have noticed that the late Professor ‘Awn al-Šarīf Qāsim had not paid much attention to the relationships between the Sudanese Arabic and the extinct or currently spoken Semitic languages in his famous book: Qāmūsu l-lahğati l-‘āmmīyyati fī l-Sūdān. In fact, he only referred to ’am ‫ أَ ْم‬which appears in such Sudanese vernaculars as ’ambāriḥ / umbāriḥ ‫ أُم ﺑﺎرح‬/ ‫ أَﻣﺒﺎرح‬meaning “yesterday” or “last night”, as being influenced by the Himyarite ’am ‫ أَم‬which corresponds to the definite article al ‫ ال‬in the standard classical Arabic (Qāsim 1985: 58), as well as in all the contemporary Arabic dialects. For instance, when he tried to explain the typically colloquial Sudanese word dūd ‫ دُود‬although now archaic, which means “lion” in a specific context, he didn’t have much to say about its etymology. However, the present writer is inclined to concur with the view of the late Professor ‘Abdallah El Tayyib whom he heard him say in a public lecture which he delivered in Khartoum in 1999, that the Sudanese word dūd “lion”, which is also used in the same sense in the Chadian Arabic, had actually been derived from the old Himyarite word dūdān ‫ دُودان‬which exactly means “lion”, further explaining that the Himyarites used to put the syllable ’an ‫ ان‬as a definite article in the final position of their words, e. g.: ṯa‘lubān ‫“ ﺛﻌﻠُﺒﺎن‬the fox”, ‘aqrubān ‫“ ﻋﻘﺮُﺑﺎن‬the scorpion”, and ’af‘uwān ‫“ أﻓﻌﻮان‬the python” or “the big snake”, etc. Professor El Tayyib also substantiated his view by reciting a line from the poetry of ’Imrū’ alQays whereby he abused the tribe of Banū ’Asad who had assassinated his father, the king of Kindah, ‘Amr bin Huğr who used to prosecute them: ‫ﻓﻘﻞْ ﻟ ُﺪودانَ ﻋﺒﯿ ِﺪ اﻟﻌﺼﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺮّﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺪ اﻟﺒﺎﺳﻞ‬ Tell Dūdān the stick beaten slaves Beware of the dreadful lion In fact, there is a number of Sudanese colloquial words whose origin could be traced back to certain Semitic languages, or at least, bear striking similarities to certain words in these ancient languages, both extinct or still in use. One of these words for example, is the adjective budalī ‫ ﺑُﺪَﻟﻲ‬meaning slightly “imbecile” because of too much asceticism or “dervishness”, generally thought to be having something spiritual or saintly about him. This word is actually likely to be derived from the Syriac word baḏūlā ‫ ﺑﺎذوﻻ‬meaning “lunatic” or “mentally unstable” (al-Samarrā’ī 2000: 99). The verb ‘ō‘ā ‫ ﻋﻮﻋﻰ‬from ‘ō‘ā d-dīk ‫ ﻋﻮﻋﻰ اﻟﺪﯾﻚ‬i.e. “the rooster has crowed”, is taken from the Chaldean ‘āw‘ā ‫“ ﻋﺎوﻋﻰ‬the child has raised his voice with crying”. Then it has been figuratively used for a rooster crowing. It is to be noticed that this verb is still used in the same sense in the contemporary Iraqi dialect (al-Samarrā’ī 2000: 133). 234 KHALID MOHAMED FARAH Also, the name gaygar‫ ﻗﯿﻘﺮ‬meaning “a castle”, “a fortress” or any similar physical defensive structure in the Sudanese colloquial dialect, although now obsolete, is likely to have been taken from the Akkadian gar ‫ ﻗﺮ‬meaning “a castle” with the plural form gargar “castles”. And therefore, the Sudanese gaygar probably has its origin in that old Akkadian word (Qubaysī 2004: 117). The Sudanese colloquial verb mašag or mašak ‫“ َﻣﺸﻖ – َﻣﺸﻚ‬to smear” or “to rub with oil or any other greasy substance”, is indeed, reminiscent of the Aramaic verb mašaḥ ‫ ﻣﺸﺢ‬which has exactly the same meaning, whence the name Mašīḥa ‫“ ﻣﺸﯿﺤﺎ‬Christ”. However, the Sudanese dialect usually uses the ordinary Arabic verb masaḥa more frequently. Bedouins and countryside people in Sudan call the male ostrich, or what is known in classical Arabic al-ḍalīm ‫ اﻟﻈﻠﯿﻢ‬they call it hiḍlīm ‫ ِھﻀﻠﯿﻢ‬, and of course the consonant /h/ which comes in the initial position of words as denoting the definite article, is rather peculiar to the Hebrew language. Another Sudanese word of a striking Hebrew similarity in both pronunciation and meaning, is the personal pronoun ’anī ‫“ أﻧِﻲ‬I” which is used and pronounced in the same manner, especially by a lot of people in the west of the Sudan. The Sudanese Arabic word bābō‫ ﺑﺎﺑﻮ‬meaning “infant” or “small child”, resembles the Aramaic bōbō ‫ ﺑﻮﺑﻮ‬which has the same meaning (see Kḥale). It is interesting however, to notice that the classical Arabic has only retained the form bābūs ‫ ﺑﺎﺑُﻮس‬which strictly means “a baby camel”. The influence of Some Ethiopian Semitic Languages on the Sudanese Arabic Nevertheless, it is to be noticed that a big number of Sudanese colloquial words of Semitic, but not obvious or direct Arabic ascendancy, have strong connections with Ethiopic languages, as demonstrated hereafter in the following list: The Sudanese banbar ْ‫ﺑَ ْﻨﺒَﺮ‬, which means “a very low wooden stool”, is definitely a kin to the classical word minbar‫ ِﻣ ْﻨﺒَﺮ‬whose origin in turn, is derived from the Ethiopic verb nabar ‫“ ﻧﺒَ َﺮ‬to sit down” (Marghani 1990). The Sudanese verb falla ‫ ﻓَ ّﻞ‬meaning “to ruin or destroy someone physically or morally”, whence the phrase: ‫ ﯾﺎ ﻓﻠﯿﻠﻚ‬/ ‫“ وا ﻓﻠﯿﻠﻚ‬Woo on you!”, is probably derived from the Ethiopic (Tigrinya) fällälä which means “to make poor” or “to destroy” (Leslau 1982: 22). However, classical as well as contemporary standard Arabic only know the verb ‫ ﻓَ ّﻞ‬in the physical sense, meaning “to corrode or cause a notch on the blade of a sword or a knife”, as in the proverb: ! ‫ﻻ ﯾﻔ ّﻞ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺪ إﻻ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺪ‬ Ğabana (gabana) ‫“ َﺟﺒَﻨَﺔ‬coffee pot”. Wolf Leslau indicates that it is pronounced ğäbäna in both Tigrinya and Amharic. And according to him, it is derived from the Arabic word gabana (Leslau 1982: 32). But this name is actually only found in Sudanese Arabic, while all the other contemporary Arabic dialects do not know anything about it. The Saudis for instance, call the “coffee pot” dallah ‫دﻟّﮫ‬. So, in our view, it is rather the Sudanese who borrowed it from their Abyssinian neighbors. In fact, the Sudanese would call coffee, the drink itself, ğabana, besides the other common name gahwa ‫ﻗﮭﻮة‬. Ğiggayl ‫ ِﺟﻘﱢﯿﻞ‬, the venereal disease named “gonorrhea”, or sayalān ‫ ﺳﯿﻼن‬as it is known in classical Arabic, the Sudanese must have taken it from the Tigrinya and Amharic: ğǝgǝl (Leslau 1982: 32). Ğer! ْ‫ َﺟﺮ‬, exclamation to scare away dogs, resembles the Ethiopic ğǝr and the Amharic ğärr more than the Arabic ğir mentioned by (Dozy 1, 179; Leslau 1982: 32). The Sudanese haykalī ‫ھﯿﻜﻠﻲ‬, “a special kind of necklaces for the ritual decoration of a king or an important tribal leader”, is probably taken from the Tigrinya haykäl, or the Amharic aykäl, meaning “talisman” or “kind of bracelet”, respectively (Leslau 1982: 33). The adjective gurgud or gurgudī ‫ﻗُﺮْ ﻗُﺪ – ﻗُﺮﻗُﺪي‬, meaning “hard, short and curly hair” in Sudanese Arabic, is likely to be taken from kǝrd “hard upright hair” or kǝrdi in Tigrinya (Leslau 1982: 44). ْ ‫ﯾﻨﻘﺮ‬ The Sudanese colloquial verb yigarrif, yagarrif or yinagrif ‫ف‬ / ‫ ﯾﻘ ﱢﺮف‬, meaning “to peel off” ِ or “to take away the outer covering of a fruit”, resembles the Ethiopic verb kärfa, while W. Leslau has WORDS OF OLD SEMITIC ORIGINS IN SUDANESE COLLOQUIAL ARABIC 235 the following to add about the same word: “ Could be identified with Tigre qärfa as suggested by Littmann-Hofner (405), but also Amharic kǝrǝfǝflä “to peel off” (Leslau 1982: 44). Lafaq – lafqa ‫ ﻟَﻔَﻖ – ﻟَ ْﻔﻘﺔ‬meaning “to join the edges of two pieces of cloth together”, also suggests an Ethiopic origin, since the verb läfäqä in Geez means “to join” (Leslau 1982: 47). Lōl or allōl ‫ اﻟّﻠﻮل‬is a mysterious colloquial Sudanese word usually repeated by women in certain ritual songs that are sung in weddings, by way of praising the bride, whence the famous folkloric line: allōl lōlik yā l-‘arūs ‫اﻟﻠﻮل ﻟﻮﻟﻚ ﯾﺎ اﻟﻌﺮوس‬. So, could we venture to assimilate this Sudanese word with this explanation of the Ethiopic word lil denoting “to praise”, especially that in Tigrinya, läläybälä means “to sing the praise of the newly married”? (Leslau 1982: 48). ْ ‫ﻣﯿ َﺮ‬, meaning “a big needle”, probably has its origin in The Sudanese colloquial word mayraf ‫ف‬ the Ethiopic märfe which means “needle”. In Geez the tool is called märfǝ’ and the verb is räf’a (Leslau 1982: 53). However, in classical Arabic, there exists too, the verb raf’a ُ ‫ رﻓﺄ َ – ﯾﺮﻓﺄ‬meaning “to sew”, in the same sense, whence the surname of the Abbasid poet Al-Sarī al-Raffā’ ‫اﻟﺴﺮي اﻟﺮﻓﺎء‬ The typical colloquial Sudanese verb šalla‘ ‫ َﺷﻠﱠ ْﻊ‬, which means “to dismantle” or “to tear off a flimsy structure, usually made of reef, wood or of strew”, is exactly as the Ethiopic verb šäl‘a, pronounced sällǝ‘e in Tigrinya (Leslau 1982: 72). The verb šawwar ْ‫ َﺷ ﱠﻮر‬, which is usually used in the context of horse riding, for it means “to make a gallop with a horse in order to see how good and fast it is”, is most probably borrowed from the Ethiopic (’a)šwära, and precisely the Amharic šorä which means “amble”, “race” (Leslau 1982: 74). Some non-identified Sudanese colloquial Words with possible Semitic Origins However, in conclusion, we would like to point to some very intriguing colloquial Sudanese words, as to their etymology and linguistic affiliation. This group of words have been collected and commented on by Aḥmad al-Mu‘taṣim aš-Šayḫ in a book he recently authored about what he called: Luġatu lTakākī ‫ﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻛﻲ‬ In which he deals with the dialect of the Rubatāb, an Arabic-speaking tribe of northern Sudan, which contains a number of words that bear very strong and remarkable Semitic characteristics, namely the guttural sound /‘/‫ع‬, although evidently, they could not be linked to any one of the known ancient Sudanese languages: Beja, Nubian, Fur, etc., neither are they to be found in any other current Arabic dialect. And therefore, the door remains wide open for further research in order to identify the origins of these strange words, of which hereafter are some examples: - places: ‘Aškōt ‫ﻋﺸﻜﻮت‬, ‘Itayta ‫ ِﻋﺘﯿﺘﺔ‬and Guway‘a ‫ﻗﻮﯾﻌﺔ‬. - animals: ‘aysīt ‫( ﻋﯿﺴﯿﺖ‬hippopotamus), mar‘fīb ‫ ﻣﺮﻋﻔﯿﺐ‬wolf), ‘amasayb ‫ ﻋﻤﺴﯿﺐ‬which is a nickname for the lion and ga‘oya or ga‘onğa ‫( ﻗﻌﻮﯾﺔ – ﻗﻌﻮﻧﺠﺔ‬frog). - birds: ba‘anayb ‫ﺑَﻌﻨﯿﺐ‬. - tools and handcrafts: ‘angarayb ‫( ﻋَﻨﻘﺮﯾﺐ‬traditional bed), ‘atanayba ‫( ﻋﺘﻨﯿﺒﺔ‬a mat made of split Dōm or palm leaves) And finally we may add to these, such words as: ‘anbalōk or ‘ambalōk ‫ ﻋﻤﺒﻠﻮك–ﻋﻨﺒﻠﻮك‬which is a young he goat, usually a little bigger than a small kid, ‘inkōlīb ‫ ِﻋﻨﻜﻮﻟﯿﺐ‬the sweet and edible stalks of a ْ ‫ ﻋ‬which is the Sudanese name for ‫“ ﻧﻄﺮون‬natron” or special variety of sorghum, and ‘aṭrūn ‫َﻄﺮون‬ “Sodium Carbonate Decahydrate” (aš-Šayḫ 2011: 171-172). References al-Dimašqī, Mūsā. 2010. Al-’uṣūl l-’ārāmīyya li-l-kalimāti l-maḥkīyya fī l-‘āmmiyya al-dimašqīyya: https://scripturesoferra.wordpress.com/2010/06/02, accesed, September 15th, 2015. al-Kārūrī, ‘Abdu l-Mun‘im, 1986. at-ta‘rību fī daw’i ‘ilmi l-luġati l-mu‘āṣir. Khartoum: Khartoum University Press. al-Samarrā’ī, Ibrāhīm. 2000. Dars tārīḫī fī l-‘arabiyyati l-maḥkiyya. Cairo: ‘Ālam al-kutub. al-Šayḫ, Aḥmad al-Mu‘taṣim. 2011. al-Tārīḫu l-ṯaqāfī wa l-ḥaḍārī li-manṭiqati l-Takākī (al-‘Alabwāb). Khartoum: alMarkaz al-qawmī li-l-dirasāti l-diblūmāsiyyah. 236 KHALID MOHAMED FARAH Hobeica, Youssef. 2011. The Influences of Syriac on the Lebanese and Syrian Dialects / al-dawāthir al-suryāniyya fī lubnān wa-sūriyya. Piscataway: Gorgias Press. Ḫušaym,‘Alī Fahmī. 1997. Riḥlatu l-Kalimāti l-ṯāniyah. Tripoli: Jamahiriyya Publishing House. Kḥale, André, “’irtibāṭu l-‘āmmīyya l-lubnāniyya bi-l-suryāniyya, ‫ ”ارﺗﺒﺎط اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬http://www.aramaicdem.org/Dr.Andre_Khale/27.htm. Accessed, September 15th, 2015. Leddy-Cecere, Thomas A. 2015. “A Linguistic Reevaluation of the Egypto-Sudanese Dialect Grouping”. A paper presented by the author at the 11th Conference of AIDA held in Bucharest, Romania, May 2015. Leslau, Wolf. 1982. “North Ethiopic and Amharic Cognates inTigre”, Supplemento n. 31 agli Annali – vol. 42, fasc. 2, Instituto Orientale Di Napoli. 1-86. MacMichael, Harold Alfred. 1922. The History of the Arabs in the Sudan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marghani, Ja‘far, 1990. “al-Mu‘rrabātu l-Sūdāniyya (‫”)اﻟﻤﻌﺮّﺑﺎت اﻟﺴﻮداﻧﯿﺔ‬, Hurūf Magazine, Issue 2, Khartoum. Qāsim, ‘Awn al-Šarīf. 1985. Qāmūsu al-lahğa al-‘āmmīyya fī l-Sūdān. Cairo: Al-Maktab al-miṣrī al-ḥadīṯ, 2nd edition, Qubaysī, Muḥammad Bahğat. 2004 “al-‘Arabiyya fī l-akkadiyya wa ḥatta al-‘adnāniyya”, Ḥawliyyātu l-Mağma‘, Tripoli, Libya, Issue II, Vol. II. Wilson, Sir Charles W. 1888. “On the Tribes of the Nile Valley, North of Khartoum”, Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol 17, London. LE MÉLANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPÉCIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659) IOANA FEODOROV Institut d’Études Sud-Est Européennes Académie Roumaine Résumé : L’article présente des arguments en faveur de l’ajout d’un trait linguistique à ceux déjà formulés comme caractéristiques d’une variété de la langue employée par les chrétiens arabes, notamment la capacité, voire la disposition de transférer en arabe des mots étrangers et de les adapter aux normes de l’arabe classique. Ces arguments sont fondés sur la recherche de plusieurs textes arabes chrétiens du 17e siècle, en principal le Journal du voyage de Paul d’Alep, archidiacre de l’Église Antiochienne, en Moldavie, Valachie, Pays des Cosaques et Russie (1652-1658). Mots-clés : Moyen arabe, Paul d’Alep, journal, voyage, chrétiens arabes, manuscrits arabes, lexique arabe, 17e siècle. Je travaille depuis deux décennies sur quelques manuscrits arabes datant des 17e et 18e siècles, qui constituent la partie principale du corpus pour mes recherches sur la terminologie des écrivains arabes chrétiens de la période pré-moderne. Il s’agit du journal de l’Archidiacre Paul d’Alep, dont j’ai édité en entier le manuscrit le plus riche, conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France, à Paris: le Ms. Arabe 6016, comprenant 311 f. (recto/verso). Au cours de ce travail d’édition j’ai aussi parcouru le Ms. B 1227 de cet ouvrage qui se trouve à Saint-Pétersbourg, à l’Institut des Manuscrits Orientaux de l’Académie des Sciences de Russie, ainsi que celui de la British Library à Londres, enregistré comme OMS Add 18427, OMS Add 18428, OMS Add 18429 et OMS Add 18430. Un deuxième ouvrage, dont j’ai édité deux fragments, est le Mağmū‘ laṭīf du Patriarche d’Antioche Macaire III Ibn al-Za‘īm, père de l’Archidiacre Paul (Feodorov 1995: 3-71; Feodorov 2003-a: 69-80). Un autre texte du corpus est la traduction arabe du premier livre de Demetrius Cantemir, le prince moldave qui devint célèbre en tant qu’historien, diplomate et orientaliste, c’est à dire le Divan, qui fut transféré à l’arabe par Athanase Dabbās, hiérarque de l’Église d’Antioche, patriarche en 1686-1694 et de nouveau en 1720-1724. Dabbās a demandé l’aide d’un moine maronite, Gabriel Farḥāt, érudit homme de lettres, grammairien et auteur d’un Dīwān de poèmes en langue arabe, qui fit une révision de la traduction portant sur la forme ainsi que sur le contenu. Ce texte est conservé dans deux manuscrits, celui de la BnF, Ms. Arabe 6165, et celui de la Bibliothèque Vaticane, Arabe 337 (nr. 2). Aussi, j’ai constaté la présence de traits lexicaux similaires dans les Préambules composés par Athanase Dabbās pour les livres arabes imprimés en Valachie, aidé par le futur Métropolite Anthime (d’Ivir, ou « le Géorgien »), en 1701- 1702, et ensuite à Alep de 1706 à 1711. Certains spécialistes de la langue arabe ont exprimé l’opinion que les chrétiens arabes utilisent depuis le Moyen-Âge, tant dans leurs travaux originaux que dans leurs traductions, une variété de la langue arabe appelée „arabe chrétien”. Ainsi, Joshua Blau proposa la définition: « ‘Christian Arabic’ – as used in literature written by Christians for Christians » (Blau 1966: I) et « the Melkite Lingua franca » (Blau 2002: 72, passim). Jean-Marie Sauget l’affirma également: “L’arabe chrétien est la langue utilisée par les chrétiens arabisés, soit quand ils exécutent des traductions à partir du grec, du syriaque ou du copte, soit quand ils écrivent immédiatement en arabe” (Sauget 1998: 155). Celui-ci fut aussi défini comme ‘la luġa al-wusṭā des Arabes, mélange de fuṣḥā et de ‘āmmiyya’ (Larcher 2007: 238 IOANA FEODOROV 254, qui cite Youssi 1983), 1 ainsi qu’en relation avec sa non-conformité à l’arabe classique: ‘[Middle Arabic is] the collective name for all texts with deviations from Classical grammar’ (Versteegh 1997: 114). Toujours selon Pierre Larcher: « Or, ce que Ğāḥiẓ dit des kuttāb peut être transposé, mutatis mutandis, au moyen arabe: le moyen arabe n’est connu que par des textes (il relève donc de la langue écrite, que celle-ci ait ou non une prétention littéraire) et si une corrélation peut être établie entre la langue de ces textes et leurs auteurs, elle n’est d’abord ni sociale (au sens « classiciste » du terme) ni ethnique, mais concerne 2 au premier chef leur degré de maîtrise de l’arabe classique » (Larcher 2001: 593-594). On a proposé comme le texte daté le plus ancien écrit dans la variété de langue propre aux chrétiens arabes un martyrologe traduit du grec en 772, Les Pères qui furent tués au Mont Sinaï (Griffith 1988: 17). Jacques Grand’Henry a défini le ‘moyen arabe chrétien (MAC)’, identifiant plusieurs traits distinctifs (Grand’Henry 1988: 224-225; Grand’Henry 2006: 383-387). Premièrement, les arabisants ont considéré les différences entre l’arabe classique et la langue de la littérature arabe chrétienne – l’une des variétés de l’arabe moyen – comme des erreurs, des inconséquences, des variantes lexicales ou simplement des accidents morphologiques, syntaxiques ou orthographiques. L’idée générale était que les auteurs qui employaient le moyen arabe avaient de faibles connaissances de l’arabe classique. 3 Selon Kees Versteegh, “The general name for texts containing deviations from the standard grammar is Middle Arabic, [...]. [...] the deviations from the rule are not only vernacular elements but also hypercorrections, failed efforts to use the correct standard form in the correct place” (Versteegh 2005 : 4) 4 Aussi, la validité du concept d’une variante de l’arabe propre aux non-musulmans a été niée par plusieurs auteurs, notamment Samir Khalil Samir, qui s’appuyait sur des textes écrits en milieu copte (Khalil Samir 1982 : 21-120). Depuis deux décennies, les philologues (par ex., Holes 1995: 30-38, Versteegh 1997: 114-129) ont commencé à reconnaitre des traits récurrents qui définissent une variété particulière de l’arabe, bien précisée surtout au Levant à l’époque post-classique. Jérôme Lentin a repéré et défini les traits caractéristiques de l’arabe moyen de l’époque pré-moderne pour sa thèse de doctorat d’État Recherches sur l’histoire de la langue arabe au Proche-Orient à l’époque moderne, dont le corpus du 17e siècle comprend plus de 60% de textes d’auteurs chrétiens, en apportant d’importantes précisions par la suite. 5 Les écrits de Paul d’Alep et de Macaire III sont amplement pertinents pour cette discussion en tant que cas exemplaires de la situation définie par les auteurs cités. Leur style et leur expression littéraire, fortement influencées par les lectures courantes en langue grecque des hiérarques de l’Église Antiochienne (la Bible, les ouvrages des Pères de l’Église, les livres liturgiques, dogmatiques et polémiques, etc.), s’éloignent considérablement des normes de l’arabe classique. J’ai discuté dans un article paru il y a onze ans (Feodorov 2003-b: 81-92) des éléments propres à l’Arabe Moyen que j’avais identifiés dans des fragments du Mağmū‘ laṭīf de Macaire III Ibn al-Za‘īm. Ces notes 1 « Les variétés ‘haute’ et ‘basse’, tout en connaissant une distribution fonctionnelle de leurs usages, ne sont que deux ‘pôles’, laissant entre elles un espace intermédiaire ne demandant qu’à être rempli par toutes sortes de ‘mélanges’ des deux » (Larcher 2007: 253-254). 2 V. aussi Fück 1954: 88; Holes 1995: 30-38; Versteegh 1997: 114-129 ; Larcher 2007: 253-254. 3 “Since authors using MA intended to write CA (or what they considered to be CA), yet their knowledge was deficient ....”, in Blau 2002: 19. 4 Dans son compte-rendu de la version arabe du Divan de Cantemir (“Archives en Sciences Sociales des Religions”, Paris, 2007, no. 140, pp. 173-175), Aurélien Girard décrit le moyen arabe chrétien comme “une hypothèse controversée et aujourd’hui écartée comme objet de recherche autonome, malgré d’incontestables particularités”. 5 Voir J. Lentin, Dix esquisses pour un répertoire des traits linguistiques du moyen arabe, dans Quaderni di semitistica. Audelà de l’arabe standard. Moyen arabe et arabe mixte dans les sources médiévales, modernes et contemporaines, Lidia Bettini et Paolo la Spisa (éds.), Universita di Firenze, 2012, pp. 227-241; idem, Unité et diversité du moyen arabe au Machreq et au Maghreb. Quelques données d’après des textes d’époque tardive (16ème-19ème siècles), dans Moyen arabe et variétés mixtes de l’arabe à travers l’histoire, Actes du Premier Colloque International (Louvain-la-Neuve, 10-14 mai 2004), J. Lentin, J. Grand’Henry (éds.), Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve, 2008, p. 305319. LE MELANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPECIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659) 239 sommaires étaient une simple esquisse du sujet, concentrée sur les aspects grammaticaux. Ayant fini le travail d’édition des textes mentionnés, j’ai maintenant une image plus claire et plus riche du vocabulaire que ces auteurs ou bien ces traducteurs arabes employaient dans leurs ouvrages. Quoique limité, le corpus défini auparavant permet de proposer des théories qui pourront trouver leur confirmation par l’étude d’autres écrits arabes chrétiens de la même période. Après avoir étudié le vocabulaire du journal de Paul d’Alep j’ai constaté qu’il employait aisément et sans hésitation des emprunts au grec, au turc, au persan, à l’italien etc., ainsi que des mots qu’il venait juste d’apprendre par le contact direct avec des locuteurs natifs. Conscient du fait que ces mots n’étaient pas connus à ses futurs lecteurs, il fit de son mieux pour les adapter aux structures de l’arabe classique, tout en expliquant le sens des mots par des commentaires philologiques, souvent très intéressants. Je vois dans ce type de traitement du matériel lexique non-arabe un trait spécifique de la variété de l’arabe propre aux chrétiens du Levant. Joshua Blau avait remarqué que l’emploi de certains mots tout particuliers a fait de ce niveau de langue a separate sociolect. Il remarquait aussi: « The use of a special vocabulary is of no mean importance for the existence of literary standards » (Blau 2008: 78-79). J’ai trouvé également chez Paul d’Alep des arguments en faveur de cette théorie. Il me parait en ce moment que la littérature arabe chrétienne des 16e-18e siècles n’a pas été étudiée de manière approfondie du point de vue philologique: aspects de langue, morphologie, syntaxe et lexique. 6 L’exception reste l’ouvrage de Jérôme Lentin, qui a aussi compris dans le corpus de ses recherches l’édition de Basile Radu d’un tiers du journal de Paul d’Alep. Pourtant, à part les verbes usuels, le volet lexical de son ouvrage n’a pas été intégré dans son travail (comme il l’affirme t. 2, p. 829). 7 Les recherches n’ont pas avancé depuis d’une manière significative en ce qui concerne le vocabulaire des textes en moyen arabe (« chrétien » ou pas) de la période pré-moderne. 8 Il s’agit toujours de « questions qui n’ont pas été traitées pour l’époque moderne », comme l’affirmait Lentin en 1997, en justifiant son choix de la période soumise à l’examen. Il remarquait que les chercheurs qui se sont penchés auparavant sur la littérature arabe chrétienne, comme Blau, Lebedev et Hopkins, ont étudié des textes de périodes antérieures d’au moins six siècles. On a discuté parfois, même si sommairement 9, des aspects de langue de textes écrits avant le 13e siècle, quand l’arabe des communautés chrétiennes était employé en tant que langue littéraire pour traduire du grec, du syriaque et du copte les Livres Saints et les textes des Pères de l’Église, ainsi que pour des œuvres théologiques originelles. Jacques Grand’Henry commenta brièvement à propos du lexique de textes des 9ème-13ème siècles dans son Étude stylistique sur le moyen arabe de traduction dans cinq manuscrits arabes du Sinaï (Évangile de Matthieu, Chapitre 26) (Grand’Henry 2012: 138-139) et son article Le moyen arabe du discours 40 de Grégoire de Nazianze (Grand’Henry 2008: 188-189), où il a dédié une page et demi à des syntagmes et des formes verbales calquées du grec. 10 L’analyse plus poussée de Laurence Tuerlinckx du même volume (Tuerlinckx 2008: 473-487) fournit des données supplémentaires utiles pour l’analyse du domaine lexical des textes plus tardifs écrits en moyen arabe. 11 6 “In conclusion we may say that the richness of the thousands of Middle Arabic texts has hardly begun to be explored” (Versteegh 1997: 17). 7 Voir aussi son article cité Dix esquisses pour un répertoire des traits linguistiques du moyen arabe. 8 Dans sa thèse récente intitulée Moyen arabe et questions connexes Djamel Kouloughli (UMR 7597, CNRS) présente comme « caractéristiques ‘substantielles’ du Néo-Arabe » les niveaux phonique, morphologique et syntaxique, sans s’occuper du lexique. 9 Dans Moyen arabe et variétés mixtes de l’arabe à travers l’histoire une seule phrase fut dévouée au lexique, par Anna Gr. Belova, dans son article Vestiges du moyen arabe dans les textes épistolaires anciens (Belova 2008: 70), tandis que Simon Hopkins consacre au vocabulaire un paragraphe dans sa contribution The Earliest Texts in Judaeo-Middle Arabic (Hopkins 2008: 248). 10 Voir aussi Johannes Den Heijer, Remarques sur la langue de quelques textes copto-arabes médiévaux, dans Moyen arabe et variétés mixtes..., p. 113-139; idem, Introduction: Middle and Mixed Arabic, a new trend in Arabic Studies, dans Middle Arabic and Mixed Arabic - Diachrony and Synchrony, eds. Liesbeth Zack and Arie Schippers, Brill, Leiden, 2012, pp. 1-25; Ofer Livne-Kafry, Some Notes on the Vocabulary in a Coptic-Arabic Translation of the Pentateuch, « Al-Karmil », Université de Haïfa, 30, p. 17-28. 11 Voir aussi Raslan Bani Yasin et Jonathan Owens, The Lexical Basis of Variation in Arabic, Yarmouk University Publications, Irbid, 1987; Jamil Daher, Linguistic Variation in Damascus Arabic: A quantitative analysis, thèse de doctorat, 1998, New York University, qui traite aussi du lexique. 240 IOANA FEODOROV Les chercheurs qui se sont intéressé aux ouvrages des auteurs chrétiens cités ici (Hilary Kilpatrick, Carsten–Michael Walbiner, Konstantin Panchenko, Nikolaj Serikoff etc.) ont traité d’habitude leur contenu historique, documentaire et factuel. Ḥabīb Zayāt, dans son article Lettre ...à M. Barbier de Meynard sur l’histoire des patriarches d’Antioche par Paul d’Alep (Zayāt 1884: 350–356) , a analysé la langue employée par Paul d’Alep du point de vue des grammairiens de l’arabe classique. Basile Radu et les autres traducteurs ont donné priorité aux précisions et détails historiques. Francis C. Belfour, qui traduisit le récit de Paul en anglais à la fin du 19e siècle, transcrit tous les mots provenant du grec dans leur forme originale, sans commentaires. Syrien d’origine, le traducteur Giorgi A. Mourkos (1846, Damas – 5 mars 1911, Zahlé) nota l’emploi, dans le Journal, d’une variété de langue propre aux Syriens, mais il consacra trop peu d’espace, dans sa traduction russe, à l’étude de cette variété particulière de l’arabe. Presqu’un siècle passa jusqu’à ce que la chercheuse russe Galina Z. Pumpyan établisse, en 1987, l’inventaire d’une quarantaine de mots d’origine turque, avec traduction russe, mais sans faire un inventaire complet de ce type d’emprunts, sensiblement plus nombreux chez Paul d’Alep (Pumpyan 1987: 64-73). Né en 1627, Būloṣ Ibn al-Za‘īm (connu aussi comme Būloṣ al-Ḥalabī, ou plutôt Paul d’Alep) faisait partie de la quatrième génération de prêtres chrétiens de la famille. Éduqué par son père, le futur patriarche Macaire III (Makāriyūs Ibn al-Za‘īm, 1647-1672), Paul devint archidiacre de Damas et d’Alep à l’âge de 20 ans, il accompagna son père en Terre Sainte, en Europe Orientale et Russie, jusqu’à Moscou, ensuite en Géorgie et de nouveau à Moscou. Pendant leur premier long voyage, le patriarche Macaire et sa suite voyagèrent aux Pays Roumains, au Pays des Cosaques et en Russie, entre 1652 et 1658. Le sujet de l’emprunt comme procédé d’enrichissement de la langue arabe ne fait pas l’objet de cette contribution. 12 Toutefois, il faut rappeler la tendance conservatrice de l’arabe classique, résultant d’un système contraignant de racines et schémas. En règle générale, la fuṣḥā n’agréait pas l’emploi d’éléments étrangers, surtout s’ils ne pouvaient pas recevoir une forme arabe (Zack 2009: 31). Pour cette raison le nombre d’emprunts enregistrés par les grands lexicographes est modeste – environ mille mots – pendant la période considérée « de référence » pour l’arabe « pur » ou « non-altéré » (la période préislamique et les deux premiers siècles de l’Islam) (Dobrișan 1984: 136). Le Journal de Paul d’Alep comprend un bon nombre de mots transférés en arabe à partir de mots appartenant au grec, au turc, à l’italien, au roumain, au russe, ainsi qu’à d’autres langues que les voyageurs arabes ont entendu parler pendant leur voyage. La situation est différente pour les diverses langues, en fonction du degré de nouveauté qu’un certain vocabulaire présentait pour son époque. Le vocabulaire non-arabe de Paul d’Alep contient, à côté de mots totalement inconnus aux syriens, des mots qui leurs étaient familiers. C’étaient des emprunts, plus ou moins anciens, au grec, persan ou turc, faisant partie du bagage de Paul d’Alep lors de son départ pour l’Europe de l’Est.13 Dans le vaste dictionnaire d’Adrien Barthélemy (Dictionnaire arabe-français. Dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem, Paris, 1935–1954, vol. I-V) sont enregistrés beaucoup d’emprunts que Paul d’Alep employait au 17e siècle (par ex. armaġān, « présents apportés d’un voyage » – aujourd’hui, « des souvenirs » – un emprunt au turc et au persan cf. Barthélemy, Dictionnaire, 1935: 6, s.v.). 14 Je vais présenter brièvement en ce qui suit les catégories d’emprunts présents dans son Journal, qui appartiennent en général à des domaines sémantiques distincts. Voir une présentation du sujet dans Dobrișan 1984: 93-100. Kouloughli note la présence “de nombreux emprunts lexicaux” dans les textes MA (en moyen arabe) chrétiens, comme un trait caractéristique de ces textes, v. op. cit., p. 26. 14 Cet ouvrage reste, à cette date, le seul dictionnaire du parler de Syrie et du Levant, à part le dictionnaire de la série Georgetown de Stowasser et Ani, 1964 (jugé par Owens 2013: 311 “still useful, though somewhat outdated today”) et celui préparé par Claude Salamé et Jérôme Lentin, dont seulement la lettre bā’ a été publiée (Dictionnaire d’arabe dialectal syrien (parler de Damas), HAL archives-ouvertes, 2010, voir https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00504180v1). 12 13 LE MELANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPECIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659) 241 (1) Emploi de mots grecs (« hellénismes») L’inventaire des mots d’origine grecque du Journal est en parfaite consonance avec les répertoires de mots se rapportant à la vie ecclésiastique et à la littérature théologique des chrétiens qui ont été dressés depuis le début du 20e siècle, soit en tant que travaux autonomes (Graf, 1954; Ullmann, 2002; Endress, Gutas (éds.), 1992-2006), soit comme outil de travail résultant d’une édition ou d’une traduction (comme celles du Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium15). Des éléments lexicaux du moyen arabe ou de l’arabe post-classique ont aussi été enregistrés par R. Dozy (1881) dans son Supplément aux dictionnaires arabes. De plus, depuis quelques décennies ont été publiés des résultats de recherches concernant des textes particuliers de la littérature arabe chrétienne, appartenant pour la plupart aux 9e-12e siècles (Tuerlinckx 2008: 479-480). Joshua Blau notait dans l’article cité l’influence, sur l’arabe des chrétiens, du vocabulaire biblique, dont des traces sont visibles dans la norme des débuts de la littérature melkite (« Early Melkite Literary Standard ») (Blau 2008: 86). Tous les auteurs et traducteurs des textes que j’ai cités étaient des chrétiens arabes éduqués, pour la plupart, dans la culture grecque. Dans un texte chrétien, particulièrement le travail d’un hiérarque de l’Église antiochienne, l’emploi de mots grecs arabisés des domaines sémantique ecclésiastique et théologique est usuel (Tableau 1). Paul note maintes fois que les membres de la délégation syrienne s’entretenaient avec leurs hôtes roumains, les dignitaires de la cour et les visiteurs des princes roumains en grec, lingua franca de l’espace post-byzantin, véhicule de l’esprit orthodoxe autant au Proche Orient qu’aux Pays Roumains, qui permit aux hiérarques arabes de dépasser la barrière linguistique habituelle pour les voyageurs arrivés de l’Orient. Pendant leur périple les deux hiérarques ont recueilli des tas de manuscrits et de livres en grec qu’ils ont adapté ou même traduit en entier en arabe, après leur retour en Syrie. Évidemment, l’archidiacre syrien possédait une riche terminologie grecque ecclésiastique, employée de manière quotidienne pendant son trajet roumain. De plus, Paul avoue que, forcé de parler le grec pour communiquer avec ses hôtes, il est devenu plus adroit et plus compétent dans cette langue, comme le certifie son style, beaucoup plus riche en mots d’origine grecque dans la partie du récit qui concerne les Pays Roumains. Le texte de Paul d’Alep fournit donc des éléments qui confirment la justesse d’une remarque faite par J. den Heijer dans l’article cité: « [...] la terminologie religieuse des textes en question s’est révélée spécifiquement chrétienne au niveau des valeurs sémantiques des termes d’origine arabe » (Heijer 2008: 138). Une étude approfondie de ce type de vocabulaire chez Paul d’Alep permettrait de constater quelle fut l’évolution, aux 16e-17e siècles, de la terminologie ecclésiastique d’origine grecque répertoriée dans les travaux cités. Un inventaire complet des mots grecs, corroboré avec le vocabulaire de Graf, révélera aussi la fréquence très grande de certains mots, par rapport à d’autres qu’on peut soupçonner comme écartés du vocabulaire ecclésiastique des arabes chrétiens du temps de Paul. Pour l’instant je remarque seulement que j’ai trouvé dans le Journal des mots qui n’ont pas été enregistrés par Graf, comme nāmūs, tandis que le mot grec indīdārā (gr. antidoron, ‘pain bénit’) a perdu la forme du singulier. Il y a dans le Récit des mots grecs arabisés qui appartiennent a d’autres domaines lexicaux, des emprunts anciens, par exemple,’iqlīm, pl. ‘aqālīm, dérivé du gr. κλίμα, pl. κλίματα, „pente”, „inclination”, mai utilisé en arabe au sens de „climat”, „région”, „partie du monde”, est un terme employé depuis l’Antiquité par les géographes grecs, romans, persans et arabes. On le retrouve, entres autres, chez Muḥammad al-Idrīsī, géographe musulman du 12e siècle, ainsi que chez le tunisien Ibn Ḫaldūn (1332–1406). Notre auteur donne aussi une forme grecque à des mots roumains ou russes du parler de ses hôtes, soit pour les retenir plus facilement, soit comme reflet de leur prononciation en grec – leur langue de communication. Le mot roumain păstrăv, « truite », devient en arabe bāstrūfūs, tandis que le nom de la ville de Vaslui (en Moldavie du sud) est écrit Fāsīlūdī et suivi du commentaire : « On l’appelle de cette façon parce que c’est une ville princière », c’est-à-dire « ville du basileos ». Un cas particulier est celui des noms de fonctions à la cour moldave ou valaque, qui sont transférés dans des formes grécisées, parfois hypothétiques (voir Tableau 2). Une explication possible 15 Voir Georr, 1948; Cachia (éd.) 1960; Coquin 1966; Garitte, 1974. 242 IOANA FEODOROV est la transmission orale de ces mots au cours d’un dialogue en grec; une autre, l’habitude mentale de l’archidiacre syrien de faire appel à ses connaissances du grec pour retenir, dans une forme plus familière, un mot inconnu. Cette dernière explication est confirmée par l’existence antérieure de noms de fonctions d’origine grecque dans la langue des arabes levantins, dont les aïeuls avaient vécu dans la sphère d’influence de l’Empire Byzantin: logothète, par exemple, est un mot emprunté au grec depuis la période ancienne. (2) Emploi de mots turcs Les termes administratifs et militaires spécifiques à l’époque ottomane empruntés par le roumain, l’arabe et d’autres langues au turc et parfois au persan (par l’intermédiaire du turc) sont des mots que Paul connaissait, car ils nommaient des réalités connues également au Levant.16 Il y a dans le récit de Paul un bon nombre de mots turcs arabisés qui désignent plusieurs catégories de réalités du domaine de la vie sociale: grades militaires, fonctions à la cour (Tableau 3), noms d’unités administratives, documents émis par les autorités ottomanes, taxes et impôts (Tableau 4). Par exemple, le mot roumain haraci désignait la taxe payée chaque année au gouverneur ottoman. Il fut emprunté au turc par tous les peuples dont cet impôt fut requis par la Porte. Pour retenir correctement tous les noms des fonctions à la cour moldave (et celle valaque) Paul en rédigea une liste, avec des explications et des équivalents en turc (Tableau 5). Pour définir les fonctions des nobles à la cour, aux Pays Roumains, Paul emploie un mélange de mots roumains, rendus d’après leur prononciation approximative (parfois grécisés), de mots turcs arabisés et de mots d’origine persane. Il est fascinant de voir comment Paul définit les mots roumains et grecs par des mots turcs ottomans (Tableau 6). La terminologie des transports navals est riche en termes provenant du turc, qui avaient pénétré dans les langues des peuples soumis au pouvoir ottoman, y compris les Roumains (Tableau 7). D’autres mots turcs, qui étaient entrés dans le vocabulaire commun des Arabes du Levant, sont employés dans le journal pour définir des réalités des Pays Roumains (Tableau 8). (3) Emploi de mots roumains ou provenant d’autres langues Les mots empruntés par le roumain à d’autres langues – latin, grec, slavon, hongrois, bulgare – ont été transférés par Paul en arabe selon la prononciation de ses interlocuteurs, parfois avec des hésitations orthographiques, en employant plusieurs graphèmes (Tableau 9). L’archidiacre syrien s’est efforcé de retenir le plus exactement possible, par des solutions orthographiques créatives, la phonétique des mots nouveaux, qu’il rencontrait par la conversation plutôt que par la lecture. En retenant d’après la dictée de ses interlocuteurs des mots et des phrases inconnues, en les définissants à l’aide de synonymes et de mots proches, Paul confirma son intérêt spécial pour les aspects philologiques et sa méthode rigoureuse d’étude. Si nécessaire, Paul d’Alep introduit dans son récit des mots français, comme pour définir le nom que les turcs ottomans donnaient au Roi de France (Tableau 10). Pendant son séjour en Russie l’archidiacre syrien a appris un peu le russe, en tout cas assez pour pouvoir accompagner les prêtres de Moscou pendant les prières du service divin. Les mots russes qu’il essaye de retenir témoignent parfois d’un intermédiaire grec (Tableau 11) il a « grécisé » le mot russe perevodčik, « interprète » > bārīfūğīkūs, probablement parce qu’il essayait de placer les mots étrangers dans des moules qui lui étaient familiers. Il retient aussi une forme de pluriel, bārīfūğīkī, dont le suffixe imite, probablement, celui du russe, -či. On voit aussi que, n’ayant pas pu apprendre ou retenir par écrit les noms des armes et des officiers du Tsar, il emploie ici un mot provenant du turc, ienicer. 16 La plupart de ces mots, propres à la société médiévale, ont disparu de façon naturelle en même temps que les réalités qu’ils désignaient. LE MELANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPECIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659) 243 Paul, ainsi que son père le patriarche Macaire III, retient des mots roumains toutes les fois que ces mots (ou plutôt les réalités qu’ils nommaient) n’avaient pas de correspondant en arabe, ni même par le recours au grec ou au turc. Le mot sfat < sl. sŭvĕtŭ est expliqué par muğammaʻ (« réunion ») et dīwān (« conseil »). Le Patriarche Macaire III nota dans Mağmūʻ laṭīf le terme al-ġālyāṭa pour la taxe appelée en roumain găleata (< lat. galleta). Il n’en donna pas la signification principale – ‘seau’ (de céréales), mais il retint le fait que le peuple s’était révolté lorsqu’elle fut imposée par Mihnea III Radu, prince de la Valachie (1658-1659) (Feodorov 1995 : 33-34, 55). Son fils Paul, ayant entendu prononcer le mot roumain basma = « fichu », « écharpe », « mouchoir », le rend par son synonyme arabe et par une transcription phonétique approximative. Paul a vu ici deux mots arabes, bas, « atât » (dial.), et mā « nu », qu’il a écrit donc isolés. Un mot grec, αvτοκράτωρ, passé dans la langue russe, reçoit une forme arabe par un transfert orthographique difficile, qui défie les règles de l’arabe classique. La morphologie et la phonétique des mots étrangers respectent les normes appliquées en arabe classique lors de l’emprunt, pour adapter les mots étrangers aux paradigmes de l’arabe. La Grammaire de l’arabe de Sībawayhī, très autoritaire parmi les philologues musulmans, avait établi ces normes à cause du besoin d’adopter de nouveaux mots, issu du contact avec les peuples conquis. 17 Je ne vais pas m’attarder sur ces aspects, que j’ai commentés d’ailleurs dans une autre contribution (Feodorov 2011: 193–214). En voilà seulement les données principales, avec quelques exemples (cf. Tableau 12): a. Présence de voyelles longues; b. Remplacement des consonnes d’origine par des consonnes emphatiques, caractéristiques à l’arabe; c. Effort d’éviter le groupe bi-consonantique initial, particulièrement fréquent en roumain et russe ; d. Omission de consonnes ou métathèse, au but de respecter le schéma tri-consonantique exigé par la morphologie arabe. L’effort d’«arabiser » les mots étrangers, de les adapter aux lois phonétiques et orthographiques de l’arabe classique, est visible aussi dans traitement du pluriel des noms transférés par Paul en arabe, qu’il construit aussi souvent que possible d’après des schémas arabes (Tableau 13). J’ai constaté donc que le vocabulaire employé par Paul d’Alep dans son journal démontre une disponibilité singulière pour l’emprunt d’éléments lexicaux appartenant à toutes les langues avec lesquelles l’auteur est venu en contact pendant son voyage. Le journal de l’archidiacre syrien offre assez souvent l’aspect d’un mélange polyglotte de mots, adaptés aussi bien que possible aux règles orthographiques et morphologiques de l’arabe classique. L’esprit conservateur de l’arabe classique, opposé aux emprunts et « inventions » dans la langue, est tout à fait étranger au style de Paul d’Alep. La facilité de reprendre en arabe des mots appartenant à d’autres langues peut être considérée comme l’un des traits auxquels pensait Joshua Blau lorsqu’il affirmait: « Because Christians were less devoted to the ideal of the ‘arabiyya than their Muslim contemporaries, their writings contain a great many deviations from classical Arabic [...] » (Blau 1994: 19). Les remarques qui précédent ont pour seul but d’encourager des recherches plus poussées sur le vocabulaire et les traits lexicaux propres au moyen arabe employé dans la littérature arabe chrétienne de l’époque pré-moderne. Évidemment, pour une recherche plus poussée le corpus des textes analysés devrait être amplifié par des textes d’autres auteurs contemporains. Aussi, un dépouillement des dictionnaires et traités des lexicographes arabes des 17e-18e siècles, tel celui de Germanos Farḥāt Iḥkām bāb al-iʻrāb ʻan luġat al-Aʻrāb (1849), fournira surement des données concernant l’ampleur des emprunts en arabe à cette époque, les moyens employés pour les adapter et leur fréquence dans la littérature arabe. Je trouve que la présence de nombreux mots non-arabes dans le texte de Paul d’Alep peut être vue comme une particularité lexicale du moyen arabe employé par les chrétiens levantins, au lieu d’une « déviation » par rapport à l’arabe classique. Les mots nouveaux qu’il note dans son journal ne sont pas des « formes sous-standard » qu’il aurait retenues « en dépit de sa conscience des normes », comme proposait J. den Heijer à propos des écrivains non-musulmans. On a pu remarquer les efforts de l’archidiacre syrien de donner à chaque mot étranger une forme aussi proche que possible de celle 17 Voir Dobrișan 1984: 111-135, qui traite toutefois des mots empruntés par l’arabe moderne. 244 IOANA FEODOROV d’un mot conforme aux normes de l’arabe classique et d’en définir correctement le sens. Ce vocabulaire parait avoir été crée comme un complément lexical situé au même niveau normatif que celui de l’arabe écrit au Levant, sans rapport avec le vernaculaire. 18 L’écriture de Paul est loin de témoigner une « maîtrise imparfaite » de l’arabe classique, comme il fut dit à propos des auteurs de textes en moyen arabe. 19 Je propose donc de voir dans la « liberté lexicale » exposée par ce texte un trait particulier, lexical et stylistique, du moyen arabe levantin de l’époque pré-moderne. À mon avis ce trait s’ajoute à d’autres témoins de l’existence d’un moyen arabe propre aux chrétiens moyen-orientaux qui, héritiers de Byzance, se trouvèrent toujours au carrefour de plusieurs grandes civilisations. TABLEAU 1 • • • • • • • • • • • • • ‫ < اﺟﯿﱠﺎ‬gr. Ἁγία ‫ < ﻛﯿﺮ‬gr. Κύριος ‫ < ﻗﻮﻧﺼﻄﺎس‬gr. εἰκονοστάσιον, ngr. εἰκονοστάσι ‫ < ﺗﺮﯾﻜﺎري‬gr. τρικήριον, ngr. τρικήρι, τρικέρι ‫ < اﻛﺴﯿﻮن اﺳﺘﯿﻦ‬gr. Ἄξιον ἐστίν ‫ < اورﺛﺮون‬gr. Ὄρθρον ‫ < ﺧﻮرص‬gr. χορός ‫ < ﺑﻮﻟﯿﻼﯾﻮن‬gr. πολυέλεος ‫ < ﻛﺎﺛﻮﻟﯿﻜﻮن‬gr. καθολικόν ‫ < اﻛﻠﯿﺴﯿﺎرﺷﯿﺲ‬gr. ἐκκλησιάρχης ‫ج ﻧﻮاﻣﯿﺲ‬/ ‫ < ﻧﺎﻣﻮس‬gr. νόμος ‫ ج اﻧﺪﯾﺪارا‬/ ‫ < اﻧﺪورون‬gr. ἀντίδωρον, ngr. ἀντίδωρο ‫ ج اﻗﺎﻟﯿﻢ‬/ ‫ < اﻗﻠﯿﻢ‬gr. κλίμα, pl. κλίματα TABLEAU 2 • ‫ < ﻣﺎﻏﺲ ﻟﻮﻏﺎﺗﺎﺗﻲ‬gr. μέγας λογοθέτης, grand logothète • ‫ < ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬gr. στόλνικος < roum. stolnic • ‫ < ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬gr. ποστέλνικος < roum. postelnic • ‫ < ا ﻓﻄﻮﻛﺮاطﻮر‬gr. αὐτοκράτωρ, autocrate, empereur, rus. avtokrator TABLEAU 3 ●roum. agă < tc. ağa > ‫اﻏﺎ‬ ●roum. bei < tc. bey > ‫ﺑﯿﻚ‬ ●roum. beilerbei < tc. beylerbeyi > ‫ﺑﻜﻠﺮﺑﻜﻲ‬ ●roum. capuchehaia < tc. kapıkāhya > ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻜﺎﺧﯿﮫ‬ ●roum. ceauş < tc. çavuş > ‫ ﺟﺎوش‬/‫ ﺟﺎوﯾﺶ‬/‫ﺷﺎوﯾﺶ‬ ●roum. efendi < tc. efendi > ‫ أﻓﻨﺪي‬/ ‫اﻓﻨﺪﯾﺔ‬ ●roum. ieniceri < tc. yeniçeri > ‫ اﻧﻜﺠﺎرﯾﮫ‬/ ‫ﯾﻨﻜﺠﺎرﯾﮫ‬ 18 Le concept d’un parler arabe ‘éduqué’ (Educated Spoken Arabic) me parait plus proche du niveau de langue employé par Paul d’Alep, cf. la définition de Zeinab Ibrahim (2009: 30) : « The dialectal differences in the Arabic language, coupled with the need for Arabs to communicate with each other and the spread of urbanization, have led to the emergence of Educated Spoken Arabic. Educated Spoken Arabic (ECA) was constructed to fulfill a need in the linguistic repositories of the Arabs. The features of this variety include both MSA and dialectal variation ». 19 Pierre Larcher (Larcher 2001: 600), en commentant le trait des pseudo-corrections dans les textes des arabes chrétiens qui avait été proposé par Blau: « Les auteurs des textes de moyen arabe s’efforcent d’écrire en arabe classique, mais, en raison d’une maîtrise imparfaite, n’y réussissent pas toujours, aboutissant à des corrections intempestives ». ‫‪245‬‬ ‫)‪LE MELANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPECIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659‬‬ ‫ﯾﻮزﺑﺎﺷﻲ > ‪●roum. iuzbaşi < tc. yüzbaşı‬‬ ‫)‪ (expliqué par le tc. qābiğī‬ﺑﻮرطﺎري > ‪●roum. portar‬‬ ‫)‪, mercenaires (v. aussi Lentin, 1997: 102‬ﺳﻜﻤﺎن > ‪●roum. seimeni < tc. segman, seyman‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺷﻲ > ‪●roum. subaşi < tc. subaşı‬‬ ‫‪, responsable de la tente du prince‬ﺧﯿﺎﻣﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ > ‪●tc. hiyāmğī bāšī‬‬ ‫‪TABLEAU 4‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺠﻖ ‪●roum. sangeac < tc. sancak > ar.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎزار ‪●roum. bazar, petite ville, bourg < tc. bazar < pers. bāzār > ar.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺷﺮﯾﻒ ‪●roum. hatişerif < tc. hat-ı şerif > ar.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻮى ‪●roum. fetva < tc. fetva > ar.‬‬ ‫‪ = ngr. haratsi = alb./bg.‬ﺧﺮاج ‪●roum. haraci = revenu, rente, contribution, tribut < tc. haraç > ar.‬‬ ‫‪harac = mag. harács‬‬ ‫‪TABLEAU 5‬‬ ‫اﺳﻤﺎ اﻛﺎﺑﺮ اﻟﺒﻐﻀﺎن ﻓﻲ رﺗﺒﮭﻢ‬ ‫وھﺬه ﺻﻔﺔ ﻣﺮاﺗﺐ اﻛﺎﺑﺮ دوﻟﺔ ﺑﯿﻚ اﻟﺒﻐﻀﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻏﺲ ﻟﻮﻏﺎﺗﺎﺗﻲ ھﻮ دﻓﺘﺮدار اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ﺛﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﯾﺪه ﻟﻮﻏﻮﺗﺎﺗﻲ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺛﻢ ﻟﻮﻏﻮﺗﺎﺗﻲ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﯿﺎر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ھﻮ اﻟﺮزﻣﺎﻧﺠﻲ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺠﻲ ﺛﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﯿﺎر ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺛﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﯿﺎر ﺛﺎﻟﺚ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮﻧﻚ ھﻮ اﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ وﺗﺤﺖ ﯾﺪه ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮫ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﮭﺎرﻧﯿﻜﺲ ھﻮ اﻟﺴﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﯿﺴﻘﻲ اﻟﺒﯿﻚ ﻓﻲ اﻻﻋﯿﺎد وﺗﺤﺖ ﯾﺪه ﺷﺮاب دارﯾﮫ ﯾﺴﻘﻮا اﻟﺒﯿﻚ طﻮل اﯾﺎم اﻟﺴﻨﮫ اي ﺳﻘﺎه‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻨﯿﻚ اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ھﻮ ﻣﺎﺳﻚ ﻋﺼﺎة اﻟﻔﻀﮫ ﻗﺪام اﻟﺒﯿﻚ داﯾﻤﺎ ً وﺗﺤﺖ ﯾﺪه ﺑﺴﺘﻨﯿﻚ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ وﺑﺴﺘﻨﯿﻚ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ واﻗﻔﻮن داﯾﻤﺎ ً ﺑﻌﺼﯿﮭﻢ‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﺒﺎﺗﺎر ﻛﺒﯿﺮ اي ﺳﺮدار اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ وھﻮ داﯾﻤﺎ ً ﺣﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺴﯿﻒ واﻟﺪﺑﻮس ﺑﻘﺮب اﻟﺒﯿﻚ وﺗﺤﺖ ﯾﺪه ﺳﺒﺎﺗﺎر اول اي ﺳﻠﺤﺪار ﺛﻢ اﺧﺮ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺛﻢ اﻟﻐﺮاﻣﺎﺗﯿﻜﻮس اي ﻛﺎﺗﺐ اﻟﺒﯿﻚ‬ ‫ﺛﻢ ﻏﺮﻣﺎش وھﻮ اﻟﺼﻮﺑﺎﺷﻲ اﻟﺬي ﺑﯿﻘﺘﻞ وﺑﯿﻌﺬب‬ ‫واﻟﺴﻠﺤﺪرى ھﻮ اﻣﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﺤﻢ‬ ‫‪TABLEAU 6‬‬ ‫اﺷﺠﻲ = ‪l’ašğī ou chef des cuisiniers‬‬ ‫ﺧﺰﻧﺎدار = ‪le haznadar ou trésorier‬‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺣﺪار = ‪le čohadar ou camérier‬‬ ‫وﻋﯿﻦ ﻣﻌﮫ ﺑﻮرطﺎري اي ﻗﺎﺑﺠﻲ‬ ‫ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﺲ‪ ،‬اي ﯾﻮزﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗﯿﺐ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ وﻟﻮﻛﯿﻠﮫ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﮫ اي ﻗﺎﯾﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﮫ‬ ‫ارﺳﻞ اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ ﺳﯿﺪﻧﺎ اﻟﺒﻄﺮك ﻣﻊ ﺛﻼث اراﺧﻨﮫ ﻛﺒﺎر ﻛﻨﺎزﯾﮫ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ اﻟﻘﻀﺎه واﻟﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻏﺲ ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﺲ اي ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﻣﻦ ﯾﻘﺪم اﻟﻤﺎﯾﺪه ‪.‬‬ ‫واﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺧﯿﺎﻣﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻲ اي اﻟﻤﮭﺘ ّﻢ ﺑﺨﯿﺎم اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫وﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻟﺼﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﻲ اﻋﻨﻲ اﻟﭽﺎﺷﻨﻜﯿﺮﯾّﮫ واﻟﻤﻄﺮﺟﯿّﮫ اي اﻟﺸﺮّاﺑﺪادﯾﮫ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺎﯾﺘﯿﻦ ﺛﻠﺜﻤﺎﯾﺔ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﯿﻌﮭﻢ اﻛﺎﺑﺮ وآﻏﺎوات‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﯿﺎر اﻟﻜﺒﯿﺮ ھﻮ اﻟﺮزﻣﺎﻧﺠﻲ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﺠﻲ‬ ‫» ‪« Le grand vistier est le chef des trésoriers‬‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺎﺗﺎر ﻛﺒﯿﺮ اي ﺳﺮدار اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ وھﻮ داﯾﻤﺎ ً ﺣﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺴﯿﻒ واﻟﺪﺑﻮس ﺑﻘﺮب اﻟﺒﯿﻚ‬ ‫‪« le Grand Spathaire, qui est le serdar de l’armée, porte toujours l’épée et le bouclier auprès du‬‬ ‫» ‪Prince‬‬ 246 IOANA FEODOROV TABLEAU 7 • ‫ < طﻮﻧﺒﺎز‬tc. tombaz ou dombaz, ponton, nave pour le transport des marchandises • ‫ < طﻠﯿﺎن‬tc. dalyan, talyan, ou peut-être < ngr. Ταλιάνι • ‫ < اﺳﻜﻠﮫ‬tc. iskele (< it. scala, fr. échelle), petit port, fluvial ou maritime • ‫ < ﺑﻮﻏﺎز‬tc. bogasι, lit. passage entre le lac et la mer, étroit • ‫ < اﻟﭽﻄﻞ‬tc. ceatal > Ceatalul, c’est-à-dire ‘Le Carrefour’ TABLEAU 8 ●roum. calpac, coiffe ottomane < tc. kalpak < ‫ﻗﻠﺒﻖ‬ ●roum. serai = riches demeures des boyards roumains < tc. saray, seray >‫ ﺻﺮاي‬/ ‫ﺳﺮاي‬ ●‫ < ﻛﺰال اﻓﻨﺪي‬tc. güzel efendi, chef des chantres, protopsalte TABLEAU 9 ●lat. arma + suf. –aş > roum. armă > roum. armaş > ‫ﻏﺮﻣﺎش‬ ●lat. caballaris > roum. călare, ‘à cheval’ + suff. –aş > ●roum. călăraşi > ‫ﻗﻼراﺷﯿﮫ‬ ●lat. domina > roum. doamna > ‫ اﻟﻀﻮﻣﻨﺎ‬, la princesse, l’épouse du prince ●roum. boier (< sl. boljarinŭ) > ‫ﺑﯿﻮار‬ ●roum. paharnic (‘échanson’) < rom. pahar (< magh. pohár, srb.-cr. pehar + suff. –nic) > ‫ﺑﮭﺎرﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬ ●roum. clucer (< sl. kliučiari) > ‫ﻛﻠﺠﺎري‬ ●roum. stolnic (< sl. stolinikŭ) > ‫ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬ ●roum. ban, grand boyar (< cf. hong. ban, srb-cr. ban) > ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻮ‬ ●‫ < ﻣﺮﺗﯿﻚ‬roum. mertic (< hongr. mérték), indemnité accordée au Patriarche Macaire par le prince roumain (vivres, foin pour les chevaux, sommes d’argent) ●roum. darabani (< hong. darabant) > ‫ﺿﺮﺑﺎن‬ ●roum. sotnic (< rus. sotnik) ‫ﺻﻮطﻨﯿﻜﻮس‬/ ‫ﺻﻮطﻨﯿﻜﻮن‬ ●roum. strajă, ‘garde’ (< sl. straža) > ‫ﺻﻄﺮاﺟﺎ‬ ●roum. tabără, ‘camp’ (< sl. taborŭ) > ‫طﺎﺑﻮر‬ ●roum. hatman (< pol. hetman) > ‫ﺧﻄﻤﺎن‬ ●‫ < ﻛﺎﺑﺎﻧﯿﺼﺎ‬roum. căbăniță < bg., s-cr. kabanica, cape de cérémonie, manteau impérial TABLEAU 10 ّ ‫ ا‬،‫ وﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻠﻐﺘﮭﻢ ﻏﺮاﻧﺪو ﺗﻮرﻛﻮ‬،‫ﺣﺘﻲ وﻻ ﻣﻠﻮك اﻻﻓﺮﻧﺞ ﯾﺪﻋﻮن ﻣﻠﻚ اﻟﺘﺮك ﻣﻠﻚ‬ ‫ي ﻛﺒﯿﺮ اﻟﺘﺮك‬ Même les empereurs des Européens n’appellent pas l’empereur [des Turcs] « un empereur », car dans leur langue ils disent Ġrāndū Tūrkū, c’est-à-dire « le Grand Turc ». TABLEAU 11 rus. perevodčik = interprète > ‫ وﻋﺸﺮة ﯾﻨﻜﺠﺎرﯾّﮫ ﻟﯿﺴﯿﺮوا ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎرﯾﻔﻮﺟﯿﻜﻲ‬،‫ وﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﺲ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬، ‫ وﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎن‬،‫ﺛﻢ ﻋﯿﻨﻮا ﺑﺎرﯾﻔﻮﺟﯿﻜﻮس‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ اﻟﺒﺎرﯾﻔﻮﺟﯿﻜﻲ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺮاﺟﻤﯿﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا وﻗﻮﻓﺎ ً اﻣﺎﻣﮫ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﯿﺪ‬ ّ ‫ ا‬،‫ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻮا ﺣﯿﻨﯿﺪ ﻛﻞ اﻛﺎﺑﺮ اﻟﺒﻼد اﻟﻤﺪﻛﻮرﯾﻦ ﺻﻔﺎطﻮ‬ ‫ي ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ودﯾﻮان‬ taxe appelée en roumain găleata (< lat. galleta) ‫اﻟﻐﺎﻟﯿﺎطﮫ‬ tc. basma > roum. basma > ‫ﻣﺤﺎرم ﺑﺎص ﻣﺎ‬ LE MELANGE TERMINOLOGIQUE COMME TRAIT SPECIFIQUE AU MOYEN ARABE DANS LE JOURNAL DE VOYAGE DE PAUL D’ALEP (1652-1659) 247 TABLEAU 12 p>‫ب‬ s>‫ص‬ g>‫غ‬ c>‫ق‬ d > ‫ض‬/‫ظ‬ t > ‫ث‬/‫ط‬ v > ‫ف‬/‫و‬ ●roum. călăraş > ‫ﻗﻼراش‬ ●roum. comis > ‫ﻗﻮﻣﺺ‬ ●roum. subaşi > ‫ﺻﻮﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ●roum. vornic > ‫ﻓﺮﻧﻚ‬ TABLEAU 13 ●roum. stolnic > ‫ ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬/ ‫ﺻﻄﻮﻧﯿﻜﺲ‬ ●roum. postelnic < (sl. posteĩlnikŭ) > ‫ ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯿﻜﻮس‬/ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺎﻧﯿﻜﺲ‬ ●roum. clucer > ‫ﻛﻮﻟﺠﺎري‬ schéma fa‘alāt: ●roum. agale > ‫اﻏﺎوات‬ ●roum. bei > ‫ﺑﺎﻛﺎوات‬ ●roum. paşale > ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺎوات‬ schéma fu‘ālila: ●roum. postelnici > ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﺎﻧﯿﻜﮫ‬ ●rus. kneaz, ‫ > ﻛﻨﯿﺎز‬pl. ‫ﻛﻨﺎزﯾﮫ‬ schéma fa‘ālil(ah): ●roum. călăraşi, ‫ > ﻗﻼراش‬pl. ‫ﻗﻼراﺷﯿﮫ‬ ●roum. boieri, ‫ > ﺑﯿﻮار‬pl. ‫ﺑﯿﻮاراﯾﮫ‬ emploi du suffixe –āt: ●roum. ban, pièce de monnaie > ‫ > ﺑﺎن‬pl. ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺎت‬ Références Barthélemy, d’Adrien. 1935-1954. Dictionnaire arabe-français. Dialectes de Syrie: Alep, Damas, Liban, Jérusalem. Vol. IV. Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Belova, Anna Gr. Belova. 2008. « Vestiges du moyen arabe dans les textes épistolaires anciens », Lentin, Jérôme & Grand’Henry, Jacques (éds.). Moyen arabe et variétés mixtes de l’arabe à travers l’histoire, Actes du Premier Colloque International (Louvain-la-Neuve, 10-14 mai 2004). Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste. 63-72. Blau, Joshua. 1966. « A Grammar of Christian Arabic Based Mainly on South-Palestinian Texts from the First Millenium », Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO. Vol. 1. Blau, Joshua. 1994. « A Melkite Arabic Literary Lingua Franca from the Second Half of the First Millennium », Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies LVII, London: University of London. 14-16. Blau, Joshua. 2002. A Handbook of Early Middle Arabic. 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ON ALETHIC AND DEONTIC MODALITIES IN SPOKEN ARABIC FROM SYRIA DANIELA RODICA FIRĂNESCU Dalhousie University, Halifax Abstract: This paper focuses on the semantics of modalities in spoken Arabic from Syria: alethic – ‘necessity’, ‘possibility’, ‘impossibility’ (commonly defined as ‘alethic’, but sometimes included in the ‘epistemic’ modalities) – and deontic – ‘permission’, ‘recommendation’ (with the sub-categories of ‘advisable’, ‘commendable’, ‘desirable’, etc), ‘obligation’, ‘defend/not allow/ impede/prevent/obstruct/forbid’ modal expressions. Analyzing the discursive values of alethic and deontic modal expressions, we highlight aspects related to: their specialization for conveying specific discursive meanings related to the two categories of modalities examined; the interchangeability of some modal expressions versus semantic exclusivity, related to context and conventionalized speech acts; the connection between these two categories of modalities and their contextual interference within verbal interaction in Syrian Arabic. Keywords: Syrian dialects, modalities, alethic, deontic, semantic specialization. 1. Introduction This article adds a link to a series of papers (Firanescu 2008, 2010, 2011, 2014, etc) on modalities in spoken Arabic from Syria that we presented in AIDA conferences, in the last decade. It focuses on modalities such as ‘necessity’, ‘possibility’, ‘impossibility’ – commonly defined as ‘alethic’, but sometimes included in the ‘epistemic’ modalities – and the modal categories of ‘permission’, ‘recommendation’ (with the sub-categories of ‘advisable’, ‘commendable’, ‘desirable’, etc), ‘obligation’, ‘forbiddance’, ‘prohibition’ (not allow, impede, prevent, obstruct, forbid) – or ‘deontic’ modalities. We analyze the discursive values of alethic and deontic modal expressions in spoken Arabic of Damascus and Aleppo, indicating – when possible, within the available space – their pragmatic context of utterance. The aim is to observe aspects related to: specialization of modal expressions in conveying specific alethic and deontic discursive meanings; the extent of interchangeability – versus semantic exclusivity – of such expressions, related to context and conventionalized speech acts; the connection between alethic and deontic modalities, and their contextual interference within verbal interaction in Syrian Arabic. ‘Necessity’ and ‘possibility’ are the core modalities analyzed in natural languages; the general point of view adopted here on modalities in Arabic is based on the perspective exposed by Anghelescu (2000/2004, Chapter 6), which is inspired by Rescher (1968); some additional concepts are used, as indicated. 2.Definition of terms and theoretical approach Alethic Although “in a narrow way (…) modal logic covers the concepts of necessary and possible truth” (Schurz 2009: 10), in linguistics this modal type is not always recognized as distinct, most of the times being included among the epistemic modalities (for Egyptian and Levantine spoken Arabic, cf. Mitchell & Hassan1994: 44) or among the more encompassing “factual” modalities (along with the 252 DANIELA RODICA FIRĂNESCU epistemic and metaphysical types – cf. Schurz 2009: 135). We use the term ‘alethic’ here in the sense proposed by Schurz: “...if you put in the word true, as in It is necessarily true that..., the alethic reading tends to stand out”, accepting this author’s argument that “alethic modality is the most basic type of modality, in terms of which the other varieties may be defined, rather than just one type among many" (2009: 10). We also retain Schurz's (2009: 123) idea (based on Lyons’s – 1977 – view) that “the alethic modality in natural language is simply an extremely objective version of epistemic modality” as well as the idea that the alethic type of necessity is “necessity by natural laws, including logical truths” (Schurz 2009: 8). Deontic At the core of deontic modality is the statement “it is obligatory that...”; more extensively, “those propositional modalities which deal with such normative conceptions as the permitted, the obligatory, or the forbidden, are characterized as deontic modalities.(...) If an act is to be obligatory, then it must be permitted. In given circumstances, any specified act is either permitted itself or else its omission is permitted.” (Rescher 1968: 321). The alethic and deontic modalities on which we focus here are indicated in the scheme below; the logic alethic categories are borrowed from Rescher 1968 (24-27; 182-5) and the linguistic operators are inserted by us; the deontic core categories are also based on Rescher 1968 (321-2) and we have added the category of ‘deontic necessity’ or ‘objective necessity’: Alethic – necessity: propositional (It is necessarily true/false that); conditional (p is necessary given q): must, ought. – probability (related to possibility, necessity, condition and belief; the terrain where alethic, deontic and epistemic meet): must, might, could, can (can't), may, will (auxiliary) – (implying: given that…). – possibility: propositional (It is possibly true/false that) and conditional (pis possible given q): may, might, can, could; impossibility: mustn’t, shouldn’t, needn’t, shan’t, etc. – actuality or conditional realization: ‘p is actual (i.e., is the case) given q’ – situated between conditional necessity and conditional possibility and related to probability: “Whenever (the state of affairs characterized by) the proposition q is realized, (the state of affairs characterized by proposition p is realized” (Rescher 1968: 27). Deontic – deontic necessity: advisable, desirable; unadvisable, undesirable; suggestion; recommendation: should, might, need. – permission and obligation; forbiddance/prohibition: must, should, need to, have to, need to, would, will, shall and negative mustn’t, shouldn’t, needn’t, shan’t, etc. We also adopt Fine’s (2005: 259-60) perspective on the three essential varieties of necessity: metaphysical necessity or essential truths; natural necessity pertaining to the natural order; normative necessity pertaining to the normative (morally appropriate manner) order. Notes: 1. The asterisk marking a (segment of) sentence indicates a ‘literal’ translation that is doubled by a literary translation corresponding to the contextual/intended meaning; 2. We mostly adopt Grotzfeld’s (1965) transliteration; 3. The abbreviation CE stands for ‘core expression’. ḤĀŠĀ-KI YĀ BINTĪ! ON ALETHIC AND DEONTIC MODALITIES IN SPOKEN ARABIC FROM SYRIA 253 3.Corpus analysis The corpus is almost entirely formed from samples of expressions used in spoken Arabic of Damascus and Aleppo (the provenience of the examples is indicated by the abbreviations D and A) that we collected (sometimes tape-recorded, some other times conserved as written notes), during our stay in Syria, on several occasions, and during conversations with Syrian informants. For space reasons, the examples included here are limited to the strictly necessary; they are selected from a much larger corpus on which we base – taking into account the frequency aspect – some considerations regarding the core (specialized, conventionalized) expressions that convey the modal meanings examined. 3.A. Alethic Alethic necessity, CE lāzǝm: ḍall šaġġāl ṭūl ǝn-nahār, lāzǝm yikūn taʻbān.(D) He’s been working all day, he must be tired; mā ʻam lāʼī bǝnn, lāzǝm mā ḍall fī. (D) I'm not finding coffee beans, (it must be that there isn’t any left*) we must have fallen short of it; lammā lāʼet ḥāl-a la-ḥāl-a bǝ-l-bēt lāzǝm ḫāfet mōt.(A)When she found herself home alone, she must have been frightened to death; abū(h) zamān-u māt, lāzǝm.(D) His father must have died. (Additional nuance: probability). Alethic Probability, CEs: lāzǝm, yǝmken, mǝmken ʼǝḥtimāl, mǝtwaʼʼa, muftaraḍ. A stronger nuance of necessity that, contextually, may turn into probability is introduced by placing lāzǝm at the beginning of the sentence: lāzǝm ʻašaʼ mart-o ktīr. (D) He must have loved his wife a lot; lāzǝm taʻrǝf-o la-Nabīl // Lā, mā b-aʻrǝf-o.(D) You must know Nabil. // No, I don't; lāzǝm abū(h) zamān-u māt.(D) It must be that his father has [already] died. In specific contexts, yǝmken tends to express probability: a stronger degree, when placed in the first part of the sentence (possibly in context with ṣār) and weaker, when placed at the end: ḥarārt-o yǝmken ġāliye ṣāret. (D) His fever, probably, went up. (Context: the doctor examining the patient); hiyye yǝmken mān-a ʻērfe.(A) She probably/seemingly doesn't know; hayy nǝkte tʼīle šwayy, yǝmken. (D) This joke is a little bit heavy, perhaps/probably [I have to admit]. Strong probability, CE: mǝtwaʼʼaʻ it is [to be] expected: the strongest degree of probability; mǝtwaʼʼaʻ yiḫṭob ǝž-žǝmʻe ž-žāye.(D) It is expected that he will get engaged next week; ʼǝḥtimāl+present form (subjunctive):ʼǝḥtimāl nǝʼābl-on bǝ-l-karǝm.(A) Probably (it is supposed that) we will meet them at the orchard; mǝmken reinforced with židdan: mǝmken židdan yiḍallu b-Amǝrkā. (A) Very probably, they will stay/remain in America. Rather strong probability/likelihood/supposition: mafrūḍ, muftaraḍ it is supposed: lāzǝm [epistemic]/mafrūḍ yikūn ʼǝl-o furṣa yiḫtār ǝl-bǝnǝt yallī muftaraḍ yiʻīš wiyyā-hā ʻǝmǝr. (A) He ought to have a chance to choose the girl that he is supposed to live his entire life with; mbayyen it is likely, it looks like, it appears that → it is evident (placed at the end): čarrak-hā, ḫalāṣ, mbayyen! (A) It looks like he broke it, it's finished! (→ It is probably broken [the toy]), mā bǝddu yiṭīʼā, mbayyen.(A) It's likely he won't be able to put up with her/stand her. Other expressions of rather strong probability:ʼakīd, [šī] muʼakkad, mā fī šakk, meyye bǝ-lmeyye It is certain, there is no doubt, a hundred percent, etc. Alethic Possibility, CEs: yǝmken, mǝmken it is possible, perhaps, maybe, may, can/be able, could: māla ġāliye, yǝmken/mǝmkǝn tǝšterī-(h)ā l-yōm.(D) It [fem.] is not expensive, it is possible that you buy it today/you could possibly (can/are able to) buy it today (yǝmken and mǝmken are interchangeable in the context), if yǝmken is placed right before the verb tǝšterī-(h)ā, like mǝmken; if yǝmken passes in the final position, the degree of possibility is attenuated (it means ‘perhaps’, ‘maybe’). Other: wāred/wārde could/may/might happen; kǝll šī wāred b-hā-l-ʼǝyyām.(D, A).Everything is possible/may/could happen these days; hayy wārde kamān.(D, A) This also may happen/be happening. 254 DANIELA RODICA FIRĂNESCU Moderate degree of possibility: bižūz (biğūz), žāyez (ğāyez) maybe, it is possible (that), fī ʼǝmkāniyye. bižūz lessāt-o mā waṣal. (D) Maybe/perhaps he has not arrived yet; lahallaʼ fī ʼǝmkāniyye yekmǝšū-h. (A) (Lit.: By now it is possible/there is a chance that they catch/arrest him*). It is still possible that they catch him; biṣīr may, might, maybe: biṣīr mā yǝržaʻ bǝ-l-maṛṛa.(A) He might not come back at all (or, contextually: it may/might happen that he won't come; perhaps he won’t come) – the degree of possibility (and the appropriate translation) is determined by contextual factors. Slight possibility, CE yaʻnī. Speaker A: – ʼēš daʼǝll-ak, bǝdd-u ṣallaḥlī s-sǝyyāra wala bas ḥākī kalām? (D) Listen, will he [really] repair my car or he is just saying so? Speaker B: – yaʻnī... Well... /Who knows?! (Don't hold your breath!). Other: personal pronoun +ḥaẓẓ+suffix pronoun. Speaker A: –ʼē, šū fāker? tižīlī t-taʼšīre?(D) Hey, what do you think? Will I get the visa? (Lit.: does the visa come to me?*). Speaker B: –ʼǝnte wḥaẓẓak! ʼizā Allah rād! If you are lucky! (By happy chance) God's willing! Slightest possibility to happen or quasi-probability that it will not happen, CE laʻalla w-ʻasā for hope and wish for something that is very difficult to happen or it is very little probable that it will happen; laʻalla keeps from Classical Arabic the meanings of expectation plus doubt, but doesn't lack completely the sense of hope (with little justification, with no solid reason): The father (to a visitor) – bǝtmannā, bas yǝkbaru l-wulēd, ǝkammǝl ṭawābeʼ la-fōʼ ta-ǝžu yǝskǝnu maʻnā... (A) I hope, once the boys are grown up, to continue [building up] floors, so that they come live with us...The mother's reply: ʼēwa, ḍall ʼǝḥki ḥayyāḷḷah ḥakī! laʻalla w-ʻasā! Yes, go on, keep talking pointlessly! Hope springs eternal! (Hope against hope!/ Hope is a good breakfast, but a bad supper).The modal meaning is complex; components: alethic (almost impossible; it will probably not become true) + epistemic (speaker assumes/believes it almost impossible) + deontic (discouraging) + bouletic (considering desirable, but almost impossible to occur + slight hope). The context may direct the illocutionary force in other possible senses: irony, impossibility, discouraging the interlocutor, etc. As an example, the complex modal meanings embedded in the common saying: zaraʻnā (l-)law, ṭǝlʻǝt yā rēt. Hope turned into disappointment. (Lit.: We have planted [the] “if”, has grown “if only”*). Version: zaraʻnā (l-) law fī wādī ʻasā, ṭǝlʻǝt yā rēt. (Lit.: We have planted [the] “if” in the valley of “maybe”, has grown “if only”). 'To be able' in the sense of 'ability' (also deontic 'to be allowed to do', permission) – can, be able: fī + suffix pronouns (most used in Latakia and surrounding areas, but also spread in all the Syrian area): fīk (ǝ)tʼǝllī šū btaʻmel b-hā-d-dinī?(D) Can you tell me what are you doing in this world?; fī-kon tenzelu hōn.(D)You can/may get off here; ʼǝdǝr -ʼǝdrān; mā ʻam ʼǝʼdǝr (ǝ)tzakkaṛ.(A) I cannot remember/recall; mālo ʼǝdrān yǝtnaffas. (D) He cannot breathe; mānī/mālī ʼǝdrān (= mū mǝʼtǝder) (ǝ)tzakkaṛ.(D) I'm not able/capable to recall; byǝḥsǝn. especially negative: mā bǝḥsǝn sāwī šī.(D, A) I can’t do anything. Complex alethic-bouletic 'balkī /barkī' maybe (French: peut-être), perhaps According to Salamé & Lentin (2010: 106) Balkī / barkī n’est jamais un “peut-être” ‘objectif’, ‘distancié’ ou général (“il est possible que”, “il peut arriver que”, pour lesquels cf. yǝmken, mumkin, wārde, fī ʼābel, biṣīr, bižūz (…) ». We also retain from the two authors that “Il inclut toujours, à des degrés divers, une implication du locuteur sur la conjecture qu’il introduit (…) et souvent (…) ses craintes ou ses espoirs à l’égard de cette conjecture.” (2010 : 106). This implies that a bouletic modal value is expressed, most of the times, through utterances containing balkī/barkī. However, we note that, if the speaker’s involvement is weak or quasi non-existent, balkī/barkī may be perceived as alethic and translated by '(it) may/could be (that)...‘or 'it may/could possibly happen (that...)’ – corresponding to alethic ‘could be possibly true’. The following two examples are borrowed from Salamé & Lentin (2010: 108); the authors note: “Dans ces exemples, l’implication du locuteur est relativement réduite ; les connotations de crainte ou d’espoir viennent essentiellement du context”: – barki l-ʼanābīb, barki l-maṭar, barki… “c’est peut-être les canalisations, peut-être la pluie, peut-être... [qui sont à l’origine de la fuite]”. May/could be the piping, may/could be the rain, may/could be…; barki l-wāḥed ma maʻo maṣārī. “il peut arriver qu’on n’ait pas d’argent” (= “ils sont drôles, mais (comment faire) si on n’a pas d’argent ?”). It may happen that one doesn’t have money (or, as indirect justification: It could be that one doesn’t have money). ḤĀŠĀ-KI YĀ BINTĪ! ON ALETHIC AND DEONTIC MODALITIES IN SPOKEN ARABIC FROM SYRIA 255 The realization of the bouletic value of balkī/barkī depends, indeed, on the context: law ʼǝnti ḥakētīl-o balkī yiḫalli-nī ʼaži wiyyā-ki! If you talk to him, maybe (hopefully) he will let me come with you! (contextual factor: the speaker wishes to go, but needs the interlocutor to obtain her authoritative father's consent). Conditionally possible: constructions with hypothetical (bouletic component, wish) operators law and ʼǝzā: law fī mažāl If there is a chance (also used when asking for permission): yǝmkǝn sāfir law/ʼǝzā fī mažāl!(D) I may travel, if there is a chance. Other: law fī furṣa, ʼǝzā (n)fataḥ (ǝl-)mažāl, ʼǝzā fī ʼǝmkāniyye, all expressing conditional possibility, etc. Alethic actuality or conditional realization marked by lāzǝm: kǝlmā šaṭṭǝf lǝ-blāṭ lāzǝm ižī huwe iğaʼğaʼlī ʼǝyyā-h. (A) Whenever I mop/clean the floor, (he must come to soil it for me*) he must come/he always comes to soil it. Alethic impossibility, CEs: mustaḥīl impossible; negative constructions: mā/lā yi/ažūz it is impossible, it is not proper (bouletic nuance); mā biṣīr it’s impossible (also deontic – not permitted → forbiddance: you can/may not): mā biṣīr ʼǝtruk ʼīd-o ta-mā tǝʻfǝs-o seyyāra. (A) It's impossible (I cannot) let go of his hand by fear that a car could hit him; mā fī majāl, possibly with intensifiers ṭāwel (A), bnōb/mnōb(D) there is no way, it is impossible; mā fī [ʼǝmkāniyye] bǝ-l-marra/ʼabadan. It is not possible at all/ There is no possibility at all. → It is absolutely impossible; šeh Come on! That's not possible/it can't be/no way: šeh! šū ṭabb ǝl-žaww bǝ-l-faḥǝṣ?!(D) Come on! What has the weather to do with the exam?!; šlōn dd-ak tǝšterī-h w-ǝnte mfalles?! čoʼʼ w-noʼʼ w-moʼʼ w-čātīn wa-mustaḥīl wamā ḫarğ! (A) How do you want to buy it when you are in the red?! There is absolutely no way/chance! It's a lost cause! (Idioms: pie in the sky; when pigs fly, etc). 3.B. Deontic Deontic Necessity, CE: lāzǝm (have to, must). lāzǝm yisāfer (D, A) He must/has to travel; reinforced by ḍarūrī, ḥatman (cumulating the force of both): lāzǝm yisāfer ḍarūrī (D, A) He absolutely/inevitably must travel; ḍarūrī lāzǝm yisāfer (D, A) Absolutely/inevitably he must travel (may turn into obligation); lāzǝm l(e)+suffix pronouns, one needs to/has to/must: lak! lāzǝm l-ak (or lāzm-ak) ʼatle?! (A) Hey! Do you need a slap?! (to a noisy, turbulent kid); lāzm-a taṣlīḥ maẓbūṭ It needs good reparation. Types and degrees of necessity – Advisable: biṣīr it is advisable, it is allowed (to/for); it is possible (with alethic value, too): biṣīr yižīb mart-o.(D) It is allowed/acceptable/possible that he brings his wife (the nuance depends on the context). – Highly advisable: mustaḥsan; ‘imperative + ʼaḥsan mā…’ (with possible nuance of threat): ʼǝskut, ʼaḥsan mā ʼeži ʼabū-k yeʼaddǝb-ak!(A) (You should) Better shut up before your father comes!; etc. – Strong necessity, urge: mafrūḍ (imposition by external condition, with alethic component): mafrūḍ yisāfer la-šī blād le-š-šǝḫǝl, ḫǝsru kǝll šī...(A) He has to/must travel to [foreign] countries for work; they have lost everything...; mā baʼa ʼǝllā (conventionalized for the meaning of imperious necessity) There is nothing to be done/left but... – Rather "objective" necessity: fī dāʻī It is necessary; there is a need for, it is needed: fī dāʻī wǝllā mā fī dāʻī?(D, A) Is it necessary or not?; mā fī dāʻī There is no need/It is not necessary; bižūz nrūḥ ʼǝzā fī dāʻī (A) We could go, if necessary; bǝdd in the sense of 'it needs' (tǝḥtāž or lāzǝm-la/o) or 'should': bǝdd-a waʼᵊt w-taʻab (D) It needs time and effort/You should put in time and effort, šū bǝddī 256 DANIELA RODICA FIRĂNESCU sāwī la-yǝržaʻlī?!(D) What should (possibly 'shall') I do so that he will come back to me?!; biḥtāž It needs/necessitates; etc. – Unadvisable (not recommended, with additional epistemic and bouletic values, possibly with pejorative meaning, repulsive): passive voice verbs in negative construction: mā byǝnšǝreb undrinkable (not fit to be drunk; of poor quality, impure); mā byǝnšāf unworthy seeing/watching it (having little value); mā byǝttākal inedible (also: unappetizing); mā byǝnṣaleḥ incorrigible; mā byǝtṣalleḥ unrepairable; etc. – Ethically unadvisable (because not conform with the rules): mā bǝnʻemel It is not appropriate (people don't do it); mā biṣīr It is not appropriate; etc. Permission, allowance, possibly ‘invitation’ (to do/keep doing, etc): ḫalli + suffix pronouns: ḫallīhon ʼǝju maʻnā! (D, A) Let/allow them come with us!; ḫallīki ʼāʻde, raḥ ažīb kǝrsi tānī! (D) Remain seated, I will bring another chair!; mǝmken (reinforced with židdan: positive answer to request of permission→ invitation): A. mǝmken ʼaṭlub-o, balkī ʼežī tǝttafiʼ ʼǝnte wiyyāh?(A) May I call him, hopefully he comes [and] you reach an agreement with him? B. mǝmken židdan. Of course/sure you may. [It is very possible.*], A. mǝmken ʼāḫǝd seyyārt-ak le-mǝšwār sarīʻ? May/can I take your car for a short drive/run? B. wa-law! balā mā tesʼal.Of course yes! Don't even ask; biṣīr neḥkī kǝlme? Could we have a word?; etc. Other formulas introducing a request for permission: bǝʼdǝr ḥākīk ʼǝzā bǝtrīd? (D) May I talk to you, if you allow me? (asking for allowance, after an argument has occurred); fī mažāl (šī)? Is there a chance? Would it be possible...?; ʼǝzā mā fī ʼǝzʻāž la-ilak...(D,A) If it doesn't bother you; 'biṣīr – mā biṣīr +li+ suffix pronouns' Would it be possible (for someone to); ʼǝzā mā fī māniʻ If there is nothing against (something disturbing for the interlocutor), fī šī māniʻ? Is there any objection? (Would you mind, if…); etc. Obligation, CE: ḍarūrī: ḍarūrī nḍall žǝmʻe kāmle bǝ-l-karǝm.(A) We must/have to stay a whole week at the orchard; ḍarūrī accompanied by lakān as intensifier: ēy, lakān, ḍarūrī trūḥ! Yes, absolutely/definitely, you must (have to/need to → therefore, ‘should’) go! Other expressions for obligation: ‘šarṭ ʼenno + present’; ltaẓam; ḥatman; ʼǝḍṭaṛṛ; '(farḍ) ʻalā+ suffix pronouns' to have to/be obliged/should; balkī/barkī: a deontic component of its complex modal value is to be considered, in specific contexts (especially containing an explicit or implicit imperative; the bouletic value or component is still present) – ḥafẓān ǝd-darǝs? barki ma tʻīd-a! (D) Have you learned the lesson? Maybe [hopefully] you will not repeat it! (Implied meaning: considering that you have well learned from your mistake, don't repeat it/do it again!) Interdiction, forbiddance, prevention, recommendation of avoidance, warning, prohibition: mamnūʻ forbidden; yuržā ʻadam (ǝl-), mū masmūḥ (l-ak) it is not permitted (you are not allowed to); 'mā biṣīr l(e) + suffixes': mā biṣīr l-ak tesʼal-a la-l-ʼānse! (A) You ought not to ask the professor [the Miss]! (→ you shouldn't - alethic + deontic components); ḥāğ/ḥāğī/ḥāžī or with 't' inserted and suffixes ḥāğt-ek (-ik), the latter seemingly more frequent in Aleppo: ḥāğī/ḥāžī mazeḥ! (D) Enough (with) joking!, ḥāğt-ik, baʼa! ṣaddaʻtī-nī!(A) Enough/Stop it! You just gave me a headache! (context of utterance: elder brother disturbed by his little sister); 'Imperative + w-lāk/lēk':ʼǝskut w-lāk! n‘ama! šʼadd-ak mšaftaṛ! (A) Shut up and beware/watch out! Damn! How impudent/dirty you are!; kǝrmāl Aḷḷah! – in interdiction formulas: kǝrmāl Aḷḷah! ma baʼa trūḥ la-ʻand-o! (A) For God's sake! Don't go to him anymore!; Imperative ʼo‘a/ ʼo‘ī +subjunctive: ʼo‘ī tsāwī hēk! Beware of doing so!/Pay attention, don’t do so!; interjection bass: bass, ḥāğ! Stop it, enough!; ḥāšā, ḥāšā+suffixes (Cowell – 1 964: 352 – mentions tḥāšā for avoidance): ḥāšā-ki yā bǝntī, ḥāšā-ki! (A)Far be it from you, my daughter! (i.e. you are not in the right position to do so/you oughtn't to have done this → Don't do/repeat this in the future!; context of utterance: the senior lady of the house, nēna, to a female foreign visitor, who kissed her hand, following the example of the members of the family she was ḤĀŠĀ-KI YĀ BINTĪ! ON ALETHIC AND DEONTIC MODALITIES IN SPOKEN ARABIC FROM SYRIA 257 visiting). In the expression ḥāšā-ki yā bintī various shades of meanings meet, making possible, contextually, the convergence of the alethic and deontic modalities and their blending into a hybrid modal sense with at least these main components: deontic + evaluative + bouletic (the action is not desired or viewed as desirable by the speaker). 4.Some final reflections The present approach has brought together a large variety of modal expressions conveying alethic and deontic meanings that indicate the richness and subtlety of Syrian Arabic; this overview is a start point for further, more in-depth, investigation that should work on small segments of linguistic material, include refined analysis tools and, certainly, give more room to the pragmatic context of utterance, conventionalization of indirect speech acts, pragmatic-semantic specialization, etc. For now, we can formulate preliminary observations regarding some expressions that seem to form the core of the alethic and deontic modals in Syrian Arabic: – lāzǝm is the core expression of necessity that cumulates multiple modal values: alethic necessity, probability, alethic actuality or conditional realization, and deontic necessity (objective, obligation, etc.); it works as semi-auxiliary and adverb, as a refined, exhaustive analysis would be able to highlight; – yǝmken conveys preponderantly the meanings of alethic probability (stronger or weaker, depending on various factors, among which its position in the sentence) and possibility, as well as deontic values; mǝmken may convey meanings similar to those carried by yǝmken, but tends to specialize for deontic values such as permission, allowance or – in negative constructions – forbiddance, interdiction; both often function as adverbs; – bižūz (biğūz), žāyez (ğāyez) rather express a moderate degree of possibility (maybe, it is possible, possibly); – balkī/barkī seems to be specialized for complex/hybrid modal values: alethic-deontic-bouletic value; decoding them depends on a very attentive analysis of the context and speaker-centred factors; – biṣīr and mā biṣīr express alethic-epistemic possibility and impossibility as well as deontic values situated in the vicinity of the bouletic modalities, such as advisable and unadvisable, permission request, interdiction, forbiddance, etc. References Abderraḥīm, Y. 2003. Mawsū‘atu l-‘āmmiyyati s-sūriyya. Dirāsa luġawiyya naqdiyya fī t-tafṣīḥ wa t-taʼṣīl wa-l-muwallad wa-d-daḫīl. 4 vols., Damascus: Manšūrāt wizārati t-ṯaqāfa. Anghelescu, N. 2004. La langue arabe dans une perspective typologique. Bucharest: University of Bucharest Press. (Used here: the Romanian version, first published 2000: Limba arabă în perspectivă tipologică. București: Univers Enciclopedic). Cowell, M.W. 1964. A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic. Washington D.C.: Georgetown. University Press. Fine, Kit. 2005. Modality and Tense: Philosophical Papers. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Firanescu, D.R. 2008. “Modal verbs”, K. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, Vol. III. BrillLeiden-Boston: Brill Academic Publishers. 233-238. Firanescu, D.R. 2010. “The Meanings of Becoming in Syrian Arabic. Approach of the modal ṣār ”, Matériaux arabes et sudarabiques, Nouvelle Série, nᵒ 12, 2006-2010. 37-62. Firanescu, D. R. 2011. “Do you still love Feiruz? The modal bə’i in Spoken Arabic from Syria”, Synergies Monde Arabe (Publications du GERFLINT). Essais de Linguistique Arabe, nᵒ 7, Riyadh. 123-142. (http://gerflint.fr/Base/Mondearabe7/firanescu.pdf.) Firanescu, D.R. 2014. “Khalli ʻalena! The Modal Khalla in Spoken Arabic from Syria”, O. Durand, A. Daiana Langone and G. Mion (eds.), Alf Lahga wa Lahga (Proceedings of the 9th International Conference of AIDA), Wien/Berlin: LIT VERLAG. 361-376. Grotzfeld, H. (1965). Syrisch-Arabische Grammatik (Dialekt von Damakus). Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Kratzer, A. 1991. “Modality”, von Stechow, A. and Wunderlich, D. (eds), Semantik/Semantics: An International Handbook of Contemporary Research. Berlin: de Gruyter. 639-650. 258 DANIELA RODICA FIRĂNESCU Lentin, J. 2006. “Damascus Arabic”, K. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics (I). Leiden: Brill. 546-555. Lyons, J. 1977. Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mitchell, T.F. & (al-)Hassan, S.A. 1994. Modality, Mood and Aspect in Spoken Arabic (With special reference to Egypt and the Levant), London and New York: Kegan Paul International. Rescher, N. 1968. Topics in Philosophical Logic. Dordrecht: D. Reidel Publishing Company. Salamé, C. & Lentin, J. 2010. Dictionnaire d’arabe dialectal syrien (parler de Damas), <halshs-00504180v2>. Schurz, Gerhard. 1997. The Is-Ought Problem. An investigation in Philosophical Logic. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. EXPRESSING CERTAINTY AND UNCERTAINTY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC GEORGE GRIGORE University of Bucharest Abstract: In this paper I shall present some linguistic ways to express epistemic modalities, with a special focus on certainty and uncertainty. Based on a corpus of data in the Spoken Arabic of Baghdad that I recorded two years ago, the present analysis shall point out the main modal verbs, the verbs with modal meaning, adverbs and adverbial expressions, adjectives, pragmatic particles and so on, used in different constructions to introduce the degree of credibility of a sentence. Keywords: Modalities, epistemic modality, evidentiality, certainty, uncertainty, Baghdadi Arabic. Introduction: Epistemic modality A large amount of works in semantics and the philosophy of language concerning the contextdependency of epistemically modalized sentences has been produced over time. We shall start our research by mentioning some common definitions on the epistemic modality, which constitute the basis we build our analyses on. Epistemic is the term (originating in the Ancient Greek ἐπιστήμη epistḗmē, “knowledge”) used to refer to “modal expressions that convey the speaker’s commitment to the truth of the proposition expressed by him/her,” (Kärkkäinen 1992: 198), in other words, “the matters of knowledge and belief” (Lyons 1977: 793) fusioned in the same expression. In this regard, some authors talk about the epistemic or cognitive modality as a “truth-oriented” or an “atitude” towards the reality (see Jacobsson 1994: 167) because it modifies “the truth of a semantic proposition” (Lew 1997: 146). Epistemic modality may be subdivided according to the speaker’s atitude into subjective and objective or, in other words, into the evaluation or the epistemic/cognitive judgment (the epistemic modality per se, including the evaluation of necessity and possibility) and the evidentiality (expressed by evidentials, the sources of knowledge). The epistemic judgement – or the epistemic modality per se – concerns “an estimation of the likelihood that (some aspect of) a certain state of affairs is/has been/will be true (or false) in the context of the possible world under consideration. This estimation of likelihood is situated on a scale going from certainty that the state of affairs applies, via a neutral or agnostic stance towards its occurrence, to certainty that it does not apply, with intermediary positions on the positive and the negative sides of the scale.” (Nuyts 2001: 21-22). So, the extremes of this scale of the estimation of the truth of a proposition are the certainty and uncertainty, and between these two fondamental points a lot of other values occur (Zafiu 2005: 678) 1. The epistemic judgment in Baghdadi Arabic This can be achieved via main modal verbs, verbs with modal meaning, adverbs and adverbial expressions, adjectives, pragmatic particles and so on, used in different constructions to introduce the degree of credibility of a sentence. 1 The work of Rodica Zafiu, Modalizarea “The modalization” (2005), constitutes the theoretical framework for this research paper. 260 GEORGE GRIGORE The most frequent verbs that express epistemic values are: must that indicates supposition (inference, that is a very high degree of probability) and can that indicates possibility (speculative judgment, hypothesis). Lāzim The active participle lāzim, from the verb lizam - yilzam “to catch”. “to seize”, “to hold”, etc., is used as modalizer with the meaning of “necessary”, “obligatory”, “imperative”, “required”, “supposed”, “have to”, etc. (Woodhead & Beene 1967). Lāzim – as well as many other modalizers – is clearly not only epistemic, but it can be used to express many other modalities. Sometimes, only the contextual factors can delimite the main value of this chameleonic modal – to name it by this expression used by von Fintel and Gillies concerning the English modal “have to” (2008: 34) – but some other times, it remains ambiguous despite the efforts of analyzing it 2. Lāzim can have: i) an epistemic value, expressing an inference – “it is sure, certain”, “it must be that”, “maybe”: (1) iṣ-ṣōt mū wāḍiḥ. lāzim il-qawān mčarqa‘. mākū ġēr-a? “The voice is not clear. The disc must be worn out. Isn’t there another one?” (2) lāzim tarbiyt il-ğihāl kallaft-ak ihwāya. “The education of the children must have been an enormous cost for you.” (3) il-muṭṭāl da-ydaḫḫin. yimkin rāḥ yišti‘il “The muṭṭāl (i.e. dried dung chips used for fuel) is fuming. Maybe it will catch fire.” ii) a deontic value, concerning an obligatory act or an act of constraint, a duty: (4) mā tčarri‘ bi-r-rūb! lāzim tḥuṭṭ bi-l-glāṣ w tišrab. “Don’t drink the yoghurt like an animal! You must put it in the glass and drink it properly.” (5) ir-ruḫṣa mālt-ak itšaqšaqat. lāzim itğalid[d]-hā “Your ID card got torn apart. You must bind it.” (6) hā-č-čāy kulliš ṯaqīl. lāzim tuḫulṭ-a b-ṃayy “This tea is very thick. You must mix it with water.” iii) a dynamic 3 value, encoding the subject’s own ability to act, often his volition as well: (7) anī lāzim adarfa‘ 4 in-nās bi-l-guwwa… “I can jostle the people strongly…” 2 See also the same behavior of the Romanian verb a trebui (“to must”), analyzed by Zafiu (2005: 680). Dynamic modality, which refers, generally, to ability and volition (Jacobsson 1994: 167), “seems less of a unified category than epistemic and deontic modality; it has been subdivided into: (I) ability (I can play tennis); (II) power (Oil will float on water); (III) futurity (I will/shall be 20 tomorrow); (IV) prediction (You will feel better after this medicine), (V) habit (When he has a problem, he will work at it until he finds an answer).” (Dury s. a.). 4 The verb darfa‘ is derived from the triconsonantal verb difa‘ by insertion of the consonant /r/ which gives an intensive meaning to the new quadriconsonantal verb that resulted from it (Grigore 2010: 59). 3 EXPRESSING CERTAINTY AND UNCERTAINTY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC 261 Generally, all these modal values of lāzim coexist. The epistemic interpretation is not always the predominant, but it can be clearly epistemic when it is used in a nominal sentence: (8) lāzim bi-l-bēt huwwa “He must be at home (i.e.: He is supposed to be at home).” (9) lāzim sakrān huwwa “He must be drunk (i.e.: He is supposed to be drunk).” This structure, as it is shown in the above examples, indicates a supposition which has a high degree of probability to be true. The modal value of lāzim is correlated with the aspects of the verb. If lāzim is followed by a verb in the imperfective aspect, it introduces a deontic modality: (10) lāzim yiğī wiyyā-k “He has to come with you (obligativity).” On the other hand, when it is followed by a verb in the perfective aspect, it has an epistemic value: (11) lāzim iğā wiyyā-k “He must have come with you (with a high degree of probability).” (12) lāzim ḫirbat il-madīna min marr id-dabbābāt. “The city must have been destroyed when the tanks came through (with a high degree of probability).” Yimkin The verb yimkin “might”, in this impersonal form, invariable, has, just as lāzim, several modal values 5: i) epistemic, expressing a hypothesis and, hence, uncertainty – “it is possible”, “maybe” 6: (13) yimkin inhizim min il-bēt. “Maybe he ran away from from home.” The uncertainty has an even higher degree when yimkin is followed by a verb in the future tense: (14) yimkin rāḥ tumṭur. “Maybe it’ll rain.” ii) deontic, expressing a permission – “it is allowed to”: (15) yimkin tirğa‘ li-’ahlak gabul nihāyt is-sana “You may return to your family before the end of the year.” iii) dynamic, describing an objective ability or favourable circumstances (Jacobsson 1994: 167): “he is capable of”; “there is a likely possibility that…” (16) yimkin ysāfir bāčir “Maybe he’ll leave tomorrow.” Despite the fact that the two values – epistemic and deontic – of the verb yimkin coexist in some cases, they can be differentiated on the basis of the main verb in the sentence: 5 See also Zafiu (2005: 681), the analysis of the Romanian verb a putea (“might”, “may”, etc.). “anī adrī!!! anī akalet-ha yimkin ṯalāṯ marrāt ib-ḥayāt-ī w-amūt ʻaley-ha w hassa atḥaṣṣar ʻalā iyyām-ha6 ʻamm-ī l-ʻānī mayḫālif ğīb-ha ʻalā r-rayyūg bas l-imhimm pāča nākul-ha. ‘I know! I ate it maybe three times in my life and I would die for it and now I long for its’ days. buddy, the suffering doesn’t matter, bring it at the breakfast, but the important thing is that we eat the pāča’.” (Bițună 2013: 71). 6 262 GEORGE GRIGORE – if the verb indicates a state of fact, then yimkin has an epistemic value: (17) hā-ṭ-ṭābūge tiṭṭanṭaḥ w yimkin tōga‘ ‘ala rās-ak “This brick is dangling and it might drop on your head.” –if the verb indicates an action whose agent is a human which assumes it, then yimkin has a deontic value: (18) yimkin yiḥmil hā-l-gūniye li-s-sirdāb “He can carry this sack down to the cellar.” In this last example, yimkin may be replaced with the verb gidar - yigdar “can”, “to be capable”: (19) yigdar yiḥmil hā-l-gūniye li-s-sirdāb “He can carry this sack down to the cellar.” Yitbayyin Another verb having an epistemic value used in Bagdadi Arabic is yitbayyin “it seems”, whose grammatical behaviour is similar to the two modals mentioned above, yimkin and lāzim. This verb has, on the one hand, an evidential meaning (it indicates a knowledge based on direct perception or on inference by analogy), and on the other hand, an epistemic judgment with gradual values from unreal to probable. The uncertainty of a direct impression that can be at the same time unreal and analogical and improbable is expressed by the impersonal verb yitbayyin, followed by the conjunction ’inna: yitbayyin ’inna (it seems that): (20) yitbayyin ’inna bībīt-ak wazza‘at fad[d] ragiyye ‘a-ğ-ğīrān “It seems that your grandmother gave away a watermelon among the neighbours.” When there is a higher degree of certainty of a sentence based on direct experience or on an analogy assumed by the speaker, the relativized construction yitbayyan-l-i (’inna) is used “it seems to me that”. The construction functions modally in the first person singular, present indicative, with an explicit subjectivity: (21) yitbayyan-l-i ’inna ḥasan yikrah-ni “It seems to me that Hassan hates me.” If the verb is not in the first person singular, then it expresses a description, a story that assumes the confrontation between the epistemic universe of the speaker, to whom matters appear in a certain way, and that of the experiencer, to whom matters appear differently. The speaker does not assume the opinion of the experiencer: (22) yitbayyan-l-a ’inna l-akel mū zēn, bass mū ṣaḥiḥ. “It seems to him that the food is not good, but it is not true.” When a situation that is more than probable is not assumed by the speaker, then the impersonal verb ybayyin “it looks” is used: (23) ybayyin diğit, tḥibb nirğa‘? “It looks like you are bored. Would you rather we go back?” The constructions with ybayyin or yitbayyin “it seems that” – can appear not only as the main element, but also as incidental: (24) ent farḥān, ybayyin / yitbayyin... “You are glad, it seems/it looks like...” EXPRESSING CERTAINTY AND UNCERTAINTY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC 263 The epistemic verbs dira - yidri “to know”, ‘uraf - yu‘raf “to know”, i‘tiqid - yi‘tiqid “to believe”, “to think”, ḫamman - yḫammin “to estimate”, Ìann - yÌinn “to suspect”, šakk - yšukk “to doubt”, etc. are modal if they appear in some tenses and persons. These verbs bring up the issue of the reduplication of the known universe, given by the difference between the speaker and the epistemic subject: overlapped instances in first person singular, indicative tense (anī adrī “I know”, anī a‘tiqid “I think”), the only case comparable with the essence of the modality phenomenon, but differentiated in all the other cases ([I am saying that] he knows; [I at the time t1 am saying that] It2 knew) (Zafiu 2005: 682). In the first person singular, anī adrī, anī a‘ruf “I know that” may function as a description of the epistemic situation that is not assumed completely (“I have information about”): (25) adri bi-k ent akalet id-dondūrma min it-tallāğe, bass yimkin anī ġalṭān. “I know that you ate the ice-cream from the fridge, but I might be wrong.” or, more often, as reinforcement element, of marking certainty (“I know the truth”): (26) a‘ruf elli sawwā il-bārḥa. šgad ‘ayb! “I know what he did yesterday! What a shame!” In the case of different instances, ‘uraf - yu‘raf “to know” has two possible interpretations, factive and non-factive: (27) ‘alī yu‘ruf mīn bāg il-panka “Ali knows who stole the fan.” (a) he knows1 = “he has information about the fact considered real by the speaker” (factive); (b) he knows2 = “he believes, he is convinced that...” (non-factive) (see also Zafiu 2005: 682). The two values can be differentiated by speech intonation: ‘alī yu’ruf hāda / ‘alī yu’ruf hāda, Ali knows this. (factive) / Ali knows this. (non-factive). The verbs tṣawwar - yitṣawwar “to imagine”, tḫayyal - yitḫayyal “to imagine”, “to seem to someone that” are, in their strict epistemic meaning, counter-factive: (28) ‘alī yitṣawwar inna d-dinye tumṭur “Ali is imagining that it’s raining.” This sentence implies, from the view point of the speaker that It is not raining, but that was only in Ali’s imagination. The passive participles of the knowledge verbs – as ‘uraf “to know”, fiham “to understand”, i. e.: ma‘rūf “known”, mafhūm “understood” – are mainly factive: the sentence that follows is usually considered by the speaker as true: (29) ič-čelib, ma‘rūf, mā yṣādiq il-bazzūne “The dog, it is known, does not befriend the cat.” ḫāf The verb ḫāf - yḫāf “to fear”, “to be afraid”, “to be worried”, used as main verb, for example: kāmil mā yṭibb, huwwa yḫāf min ič-čelib māl-ak “Kamil does not come in, he is afraid of your dog”, is grammaticalised as ḫāf as modal element. This invariable form has both an epistemic value (“perhaps”, “possibly”, “maybe”, “conceivable”) and an appreciative one (“to be worried”, “to dislike”): (30) ḫāf yiğī karīm w mā yilgā-ni bi-l-bēt, gul-l-a anī ruḥet li-bāb iš-šarğī w rāḥ arğa‘ bi-l-‘ağal “It is possible that Karim will come and not find me at home, tell him that I went to Bab Shargi and I will return quickly.” 264 GEORGE GRIGORE Position of the epistemic verbs in a sentence The epistemic verbs can occur in all positions in the frame of a sentence: i) initial: (31) a‘tiqid ir-ragiyya rāḥ iḏḏabbin “I think the watermelon is going to get flies in it / to become fly-infested.” ii) inner: (32) ir-ragiyya – a‘tiqid – rāḥ iḏḏabin “I think the watermelon – I think – is going to get flies in it.” iii) final: (33) ir-ragiyya rāḥ iḏḏabin, a‘tiqid “The watermelon is going to get flies in it, I think.” The adverbs, adverbial phrases and the epistemic prepositional phrases can be grouped according to their meanings – expressing different degrees of certainty – or according to the syntactic constructions in which they participate. According to their meanings, there are adverbs of certainty and uncertainty. Certainty is expressed by the following adverbs:’akīd “certainly”, “surely”, ṭab‘an “naturally”, “of course”, and by the following prepositional phrases: bi-t-ta’kīd “certainly”, “assuredly”, b-kull ta’kīd “certainly”, bi-ṭṭabu‘ “by nature”, “naturally”, balā šakk “without doubt”, wa lā inrād-l-a ḥačī “that needs no discussion”, etc. and, also, by the combinations of bi + ṣūra (“image”, “way”) + adjective: bi-ṣūra ğiddiyya “seriosly”, bi-ṣūra wāḍḥa “clearly”, “evidently”, etc. The semantic difference is reflected by a constraint: the adverbs of certainty cannot appear in questions. They only appear in the rhetorical questions and in the echo-questions: (34) ’akīd ḫōšagt ič-čāy zēn?! “Surely, did you stir up the tea well?!” (35) ṣudug-čiḏib, ‘aÌum simač ḫinag-a? “Really, did a fishbone choke him?” When the modalizers of uncertainty appear in questions, they indicate the specific purpose of suggesting a possible answer: (36) yimkin tḫabbal? “Maybe he lost his mind? ” Integration and isolation of the modalizers The epistemic modalizers may operate on the level: i) of the entire sentence: (37) yimkin ğīrān-na rāḥaw li-l-masgūf “Maybe our neighbours went to masguf 7.” ii) of a constituent of the sentence: (38) ğīrān-na yimkin rāḥaw li-l-masgūf “Our neighbours maybe went to masguf.” (39) ğīrān-na rāḥaw yimkin li-l-masgūf “Our neighbours went, maybe, to masguf.” 7 Masgūf or grilled carp is a traditional Iraqi dish. EXPRESSING CERTAINTY AND UNCERTAINTY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC 265 Sometimes, they may operate as incidental elements, isolated by speech intonation: (40) maḥḥad, ’akīd, bi-l bēt. “Nobody, surely, is at home.” The integration and the isolation depend in part on the position of the adverb in the syntactic sequence: the adverb in initial or final position is usually isolated by speech intonation: (41) bi-ṭ-ṭabu’, ‘ind ir-rayūg nākel gaymar w ‘asal “Of course, for breakfast, we eat gaymar and honey.” (42) ‘ind ir-rayūg nākel geymar w ‘asal bi-ṭ-ṭabu’ “For breakfast, we eat gaymar and honey, of course.” Also, in the middle of the sentence, integration is quite common: (43) fī ’ayyām il-ġawġa, ma ṭila‘na bi-ṭ-ṭabu’ min ba‘qūba. “During the bedlam days, we, of course, did not get out of Baguba.” Also, there are preferences of construction for each modal element: for example, in initial position, yimkin and all the other modal elements that are verbal are not isolated: (44) yimkin yiği “Maybe he will come.” Meanwhile, akīd and all other modal elements that are adverbial occur isolated, in most cases: (45) akīd, yiğī “He is coming, for sure.” The adverbial phrase fī l-ḥaqīqa “indeed” and those composed of bi-ṣūra / bi-šekil “in the manner of” + an adjective cannot be followed by a subordinate sentence introduced by a conjunction; they can only appear in appositions (i.e. parenthetical constructions). (46) hāda l-ḥači ba’ad mākū, fī l-ḥaqīqa “This agreement is no longer valid, indeed.” More often, they are integrated, close to the status of a manner complement, but modifying, nonetheless semantically, the truth of the sentence: (47) anī mā lī tiqa fī l-ḥaqīqa bi-hādōl in-nās. humma mū rāḥa. “I really don’t trust those men. They are dubious (i.e.: they are not comfortable).” (48) bi-ṣūra wāḍḥa, hāda l-miḥbas yiḥmī-k min iš-širrīr “Evidently, this ring protects you from evil.” Some of the modal adverbs or modal expressions are becoming all the more specialized for the pragmatic function of connector, as discourse particle. For example, bi-ṭ-ṭabu‘ “naturally”, especially in initial position, has the role of signalling a concession, pointing to the adversative constituent in the sentence: (49) bi-ṭ-ṭabu‘ sā‘ad-nī hwāya ’ayyām il-ḥarub, bass hassa ṣār tibḫal ‘alē-ya ... “Naturally, he helped me a lot during the war time, but now he is stingy with me.” (50) tigdar, bi-ṭ-ṭabu‘ tbāt yamm-ī hā-l-lēla, bass bi-l-ġubša tiṭla‘. Mafhūm? “You can, naturally, spend the night at my place, but early in the morning, you leave. Understood?” 266 GEORGE GRIGORE Other epistemic particles The modal particle ’ašū “it looks”, “it seems” appears predominantly in exclamatory sentences, and its role is that of marking the uncertainty: (51) is-sayyāra wēn-hā? ’ašū mākū “Where is the car? Looks like there isn’t any!” (52) ’ašū mā-da-ybayyin hā-l-’ayyām bi-s-sūg “It seems he is not coming to the market these days!” The interjectional particle waḷḷa “by God”, as oath, has the role of reinforcing and authenticating, similarly with the prepositional adverbs. In the same way as these, it may appear in several syntactic constructions: as head of a phrase (by God that...) or as isolate element: (53) anī mā aḫaḏet il-flūs mālt-ak, waḷḷa “I did not take your money, by God!” The inventory of the epistemic modalizers cannot be delimited easily because, beside verbs, adverbs, interjections, and so on, also occur entire sentences which play the role of a modal structure, as, for example, mā inrād l-a ḥacī “this needs no discussion”. (54) huwwa ‘irāqī mā inrād l-a ḥacī miṯl-i w miṯl-ak “He is Iraqi like me and you, that needs no discussion.” References al-Ḥanafī, Ğalāl. 1978. Muʻğamu l-luġati l-ʻāmmiyyati l-baġdādiyyati. Baghdad: Dāru l-ḥurriyya li l-ṭibāʻati. Bițună, Gabriel. 2013. “Š-aku māku? A Lexical-Semantic Approach to the Specific Vocabulary of the spoken Arabic of Iraq”, Romano-Arabica 13. 61-78. Dury, Richard. s.a. A Brief Glossary of Modality [online]. Available at: http://dinamico2.unibg.it/anglistica/slin/modgloss.htm (Accesed July 11, 2015). von Fintel, Kai; Gillies, Anthony S. 2008. “An Opinionated Guide to Epistemic Modality”, Oxford Studies in Epistemology. 32-63. Grigore, George. 2010. “Les verbes à racines quadriconsonantiques dans l’arabe parlé à Bagdad”, Analele Universităţii din Bucureşti – Limbi şi Literaturi Străine. Year LIX. Bucharest: Editura Universităţii din Bucureşti. 55-64. Jacobsson, Bengl. 1994. “Recessive and emergent uses of modal auxiliaries in English”, English Studies 72(2): 166-182. James, Francis. 1986. Semantics of the English Subjunctive. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Kärkkäinen, Elise. 1992. “Modality as a Strategy in Interaction: Epistemic Modality in the Language of Native and NonNative Speakers of English”, Pragmatics and Language Learning, Vol. 3. 197-216. Lew, Robert. 1997. “Towards a Taxonomy of Linguistic Jokes”, Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 31. 132-152. Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics. Volume 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McCarthy, Joseph; Raffouli, Faraj. 1964. Spoken Arabic of Baghdad. Beirut: Librairie Orientale. McCarthy, Joseph; Raffouli, Faraj. 1965. Spoken Arabic of Baghdad. Part two (A) – Anthology of Texts. Beirut: Librairie Orientale. Nuyts, Jan. 2001. Epistemic modality, language, and conceptualization: A cognitive-pragmatic perspective. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Zafiu, Rodica. 2005. “Modalizarea”, Valeria Guțu Romalo (coord.), Gramatica academică a limbii române (GALR),vol. II. Bucharest: Editura Academiei Române. 673-697. Woodhead, D. R.; Beene, Wayne (eds.). 1967. A Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic. Arabic-English. Washington D. C.: Georgetown University Press. LINGUISTIC REMARKS ON THE DIALECT OF AL-BURAYMI, OMAN ELISABETH GRÜNBICHLER Institute of Oriental Studies – University of Vienna Abstract: The aim of this article is the presentation of some phonological, morphological and lexical features of the dialect spoken in al-Buraymi, a city in the north of Oman on the border with the United Arab Emirates and its comparison with previous studies examining whether or not there have been significant changes concerning the dialect. The dialects of Oman are distinguished by common characteristics from the other dialects of the Arabian Peninsula. Within the Omani group of dialects, a division between Bedouin and sedentary dialects can be made. Sedentary dialects are spoken mainly in towns and villages of the mountainous interior, while Bedouin dialects are found in the desert areas. In addition to this main division, there are also “mixed” dialects, which are spoken on the Bāṭina coast and in cities of the Šarqīya region. The results of my research reveal that the Buraymi dialect has changed notably. The long period of time between the studies and the significant change of the Gulf region and particularly Oman since the 1970’s have contributed to the fact that a Bedouin dialect has become a hybrid dialect between the Omani Bedouin, sedentary and Gulf dialects. Furthermore, the immense dialectal variations between the people living in al-Buraymi suggest that there may be no homogeneous Buraymi dialect. Keywords: Oman, al-Buraymi, Omani dialects, Bedouin dialects, sedentary dialects, mixed dialects, Gulf dialects. Introduction Al-Buraymi is located in an oasis complex in the north of Oman which bears the same name and which has long been a center for caravans. Its major towns are al-Buraymi and its twin city on Emirati side al-‘Ayn. Since 2006, al-Buraymi has been the capital of the newly established province alBuraymi, whose population amounts to about 72,000 people. It is known for the so-called “Buraymi dispute” which arose out of Saudi Arabia’s claim on the oasis in the 1950’s, with the British maintaining that it belonged solely to Abu Dhabi and Muscat. In October 1955, the Trucial Oman Levies occupied the oasis which was thus divided between Abu Dhabi and Muscat (Anthony 1976:21). To date, there have been only few studies dealing with the Buraymi dialect. Information about it is included in T. M. Johnstone’s Eastern Arabian Dialect Studies from 1967. Johnstone describes characteristics of the Gulf dialects of the eastern Arabian Peninsula.The material for this study was collected in one year from 1958 to 1959, now more than 50 years ago. Johnstone classifies the Buraymi dialect as a conservative dialect, belonging to the group of the Trucial States, which includes also the dialects of Abu Dhabi and Dubai (Johnstone 1967: xxx). The second description of the Buraymi dialect is in Clive Holes’ article “Towards a Dialect Geography of Oman” from the year 1989. In this study, Holes presents phonological and morphological characteristics of the dialects of the Sultanate and divides them in four classes: two Bedouin (B1, B2) and two sedentary groups (H1, H2). The material for this research was collected in 1985 and 1987. The Buraymi dialect was classified by Holes as a dialect of the group B1 of the Bedouin dialects. According to Holes it is the only Omani dialect which does not share all the common Omani characteristics and stands typologically between Omani and Gulf dialects (Holes 1989: 449). Lexical information about the Buraymi dialect is given in Peter Behnstedt and Manfred Woidichs Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte. As far as Oman is concerned, al-Buraymi was one of nine study sites within the Sultanate. The lexical data about the city was taken out of Holes’ article and Johnstone’s work as just described. 268 ELISABETH GRÜNBICHLER My fieldwork involved recording and interviewing speakers of the Buraymi dialect between November 2014 and February 2015. After the transcription of my recordings I was able to create a grammatical sketch of the dialect analyzing my recorded data. Finally, I compared my results with Johnstone’s and Holes’ surveys. Comparison with previous studies Phonology According to Johnstone, /k/ may be realized as [č] in the contiguity of front vowels in the Gulf dialects (Johnstone 1967: 21). Holes states the same for the group of B1 dialects (Holes 1989: 453). This conforms with my data: The Old Arabic /k/ remains largely [k] in the Buraymi dialect and can – but doesn’t have to – be affricated to [č] in the front vowel environment, e.g. makbūs or mačbūs, bākir or bāčir “tomorrow”. Johnstone reports that /q/ is realized as [g] or as [ǧ] or [ɟ] in the Gulf dialects. In al-Buraymi /q/ is affricated and realized as the voiced palatal plosive [ɟ] (Johnstone 1967: 21). According to Holes’ data /q/ is affricated to [ǧ] in the B1 group (Holes 1989: 453). My surveys showed neither an affrication of /q/ to [ǧ] nor to [ɟ] in the Buraymi dialect. /q/ is split in the two allophones [g] and [q], where it is largely and without any particular rule pronounced as [g] and the uvular plosive [q] in borrowings from Modern Standard Arabic is retained, for example in qiṭārāt “trains”. The pronunciation of OA /ǧ/ as the gliding sound [y] is one of the characteristics shared by the Gulf dialects with dialects of the southern and north-western Arabian Peninsula. However, according to Johnstone in the dialect of al-Buraymi /ǧ/ is normally pronounced as a voiced palatal plosive [ɟ] (or [y]) or less often as [ǧ] (Johnstone 1967: 21). As reported by Holes /ǧ/ is always realized as [y] in B1 dialects (Holes 1989: 453). Again, these statements disagree with my data, which has shown that /ǧ/ is split in the allophones [ǧ] and [y] in the dialect of al-Buraymi, remaining more often [ǧ] as converting to [y]. It may also happen that one and the same speaker uses both variants for the same word, e.g. daǧāǧ or diyāy “chickens”, finǧān or finyān “cup”, ḫanǧar or ḫanyar “dagger”. According to Johnstone, in the Gulf dialects, as well as in the dialects of the Northern group in general, the gahawa-syndrome is common (Johnstone 1967: 21). While this phenomenon is found in most dialects of Oman, according to Holes gahawa vary with gahwa-forms in the B1 group (Holes 1989: 453). This is consistent with my data in which I found ghawa as well as gahwa forms. According to my corpus, however, this syndrome only rarely occurs in the Buraymi dialect. In general it is in strong decline, which can be attributed to the fact that it is considered “uneducated” and for this reason is avoided by the inhabitants of the Gulf region with a higher educational background (Holes 1990: 280). Morphology The feminine suffix of the second person singular is -č in the Gulf dialects (Johnstone 1967: 66) as well as in the Omani dialect group B1 (Holes 1989: 454). The analysis of my corpus showed that this suffix is actually mostly used but -ikj can also occur, e.g. agūlič but also agūlikj “I tell you (f.)”. This is presumably due to the influence of Bedouin dialects from the Šarqīya region were this suffix is used (Webster 1991: 475) and it is therefore probably used by the tribes originating from this region. The Bedouin dialects of Oman, as well as the Gulf dialects, have final -īn and -ūn in the imperfect of the second person feminine singular and the third and second person plural masculine and -i or -u in the sedentary dialects of Oman (Holes 1989: 454). This characteristic is, according to my data, another of the many irregularities of the Buraymi dialect because both -īn, -ūn and -i, -u occur in my corpus, e.g. yǧilsūn “they sit”, ynaḏḏ̣ ị fūn “they clean”, but also yǧilsu “they sit”, yāklu “they eat”; tkitbīn “you (f.) write”, tsawwīn “you (f.) do”, trūḥīn “you (f.) go” but also tkitbi “you (f.) write”, tsawwi “you (f.) do”, trūḥi “you (f.) go”. LINGUISTIC REMARKS ON THE DIALECT OF AL-BURAYMI, OMAN 269 As Holes stated, the prefix of the verbal forms V and VI is yti- in the Bedouin dialects of Oman and yit- in the sedentary dialects (Holes 1989: 454), which is also common in the Gulf dialects (Johnstone 1967: 45). In my corpus only verbs with the sedentary yit-prefix occurred, e.g. yitsālu “they ask each other”, nitlabbas “we get dressed”. Feminine plural forms of verbs within the Gulf dialects are, according to Johnstone, only usual in al-Buraymi and Qatar and therefore constitute one of the conservative characteristics of these dialects (Johnstone 1967: 42). In Oman, feminine plural forms are considered as a common property of all dialects (Holes 1989: 449). My data showed that feminine plurals are generally preserved in the Buraymi dialect but they can also be replaced by masculine plurals. As far as non-human plurals are concerned, these can agree with feminine plurals and feminine singulars, e.g. ašyā wāyida “many things” but ǧan sayyarāt “cars came”. Similarly complex is the situation of plural nouns that refer to humans. The gender discrimination, although usually given, can also be lost, e.g. al-ḥarīm yrūḥan “the women go” but ummahāt-na ynāmūn “our mothers sleep”. The -in(n)-Infix between an active participle with verbal function and a suffixed pronoun which is typical of all Omani dialects (Holes 1989: 448) and some Gulf communities (Holes 1990: 219), also exists in the Buraymi dialect, e.g. ṭābḫ-inn-ah bi-ḏạ mīr “he cooks it conscientiously”. Lexis Before the current Sultan came to power in 1970, leading to a significant improvement in the working and educational opportunities in Oman, many Omanis were working or obtaining their education in the Gulf countries, as many still are today, especially in the United Arab Emirates (Holes 2001: XVII). This and other factors associated with globalization, have led to a mixing of the Omani dialects with elements of the Gulf dialects. Furthermore, due to the rapid development of the country, a large number of neologisms from Modern Standard Arabic were incorporated into the vocabulary. Furthermore, many loan words, especially from Persian, Indian languages, Portuguese and English can be found in the Omani dialects. Nevertheless, a “core” of typical Omani basic vocabulary still exists, e.g. rām – yrūm “to can”, sēḥ “gravel plain”, siḥḥ “dates”, ǧiḥḥ “watermelon”. Regarding the differences between my data and the data from the Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte, I’m going to present four words, where disagreement between the surveys could be identified. According to the WAD, trīke “abandoned” is a typical word in Oman to express “widow” (Behnstedt & Woidich 2011: 49) but was not found by myself in the Buraymi dialect. According to my data the equivalent for this word is mḫallifa (ḫallaf “to leave”) or armala, the former being typical for Dubai and the latter for the Arab East in general. Reflexes of ʾanf and manḫar (CLA for “nostril”) for “nose” are said to be mostly used in Oman (Behnstedt & Woidich 2011: 109). My interviewees stated that ḫašәm is used in al-Buraymi, which is characteristic for the Gulf and for Bedouin dialects in general. For al-Buraymi kētli is stated for “teapot” (Behnstedt & Woidich 2012: 160). According to my surveys it is not used in the Buraymi dialect. I was told that dalla, which designates both the tea and the coffee pot, is the correspondent for this word in al-Buraymi, which is also used in parts of the Gulf. According to the WAD išteha-yišthi and yibba/yiba/yubba are used in al-Buraymi to express the verb “to want” (Behnstedt & Woidich 2014: 506). My data, however, shows that baġa-yibġi/yiba is employed and ištaha-yištahi means “to fancy sth.”, e.g. ana aštahi tuffāḥa “I fancy eating an apple”. Discussion As can be seen, only in a few points do Johnstone’s and Holes’ data concur with mine. Johnstone’s classification of the Buraymi dialect as a Gulf dialect is in my opinion not 100% correct, because it shares many features with the Omani dialects. Holes’ classification of it as a dialect which stands 270 ELISABETH GRÜNBICHLER between Omani and Gulf dialects is therefore certainly true, but his categorization of it as a B1 dialect is nowadays only partially applicable. How can we account for these disparities? In order to explain the differences between my data and data of former studies I have the following suggestions: The period of time between the studies is long: about 50 years have passed between Johnstone’s work and my own, and approximately 30 years between mine and that of Holes. During this period, the Gulf region and particularly Oman underwent significant change and development. This development process has persisted since the 1970’s and is associated with language change – a change analogous to other processes, like the improvement and expansion of educational and social services and infrastructure, increased access to mass media, significant urbanization and the large influx of migrants. Another explanation for the incongruities may be that Johnstone visited al-Buraymi only briefly and may therefore have gained his information from only one tribe. Holes indicates to have interviewed members of the tribe of the A̅l Bu Šāmis. As far as my fieldwork is concerned, I have recorded and interviewed members of six different tribes, one – al-Ḫumaysānī – being originally from the town of al-Buraymi and another – al-Kaʿbi – from Maḥaḍḍa (within the governorate al-Buraymi). The origin of the remaining four, who are living since several generations in al-Buraymi, lies in other regions of the Sultanate. The level of education has undoubtedly a considerable influence on speech. Since Johnstone’s study dates back half a century, it can be assumed that the speakers who were registered by him had no or very little education. The education system in the Arabian Peninsula has been expanded only since the 1970’s and before that there were virtually no schools. Holes indicates that he has registered speakers with little or no formal education. For this reason, Holes’ and Johnstone’s interviewees were certainly speaking in a more traditional and dialectal way. While the speakers I recorded have all taken their A-levels and are, because of their higher level of education, more influenced by Modern Standard Arabic and other dialects. Therefore, it is likely that the dialects registered by Johnstone and Holes are threatened with extinction or have already disappeared. Conclusion In conclusion, it can be said that the Buraymi dialect can no longer be called a pure Bedouin dialect. The realization of the analyzed variables suggests that the dialect has become a hybrid dialect between the Omani B-, H- and Gulf dialects. The close connection to the Gulf dialects can be understood, on the one hand, by the geographical location of al-Buraymi and, on the other, by the fact that many Omanis received their education in the Gulf States, a factor that contributes to the substitution of Omani characteristics with the appropriate Gulf variants. Holes already stated this fact in his study in 1989 as are as on for the substitution of feminine with the masculine plurals and the loss of the internal passive voice (Holes 1989: 449). The mixing with sedentary elements and elements of B2 dialects is most likely due to the immigration of Omani ḥaḍari and badu tribes from different regions of Oman. Furthermore, I’ve noticed that there are immense linguistic differences from tribe to tribe. These dialectal variations between the people living in al-Buraymi suggest that there may be no homogeneous Buraymi dialect. Previous studies on the Buraymi dialect may therefore have been “snapshots” of it or the analysis of the dialect of individual tribes living in al-Buraymi. LINGUISTIC REMARKS ON THE DIALECT OF AL-BURAYMI, OMAN 271 Sample text Speaker: male, educated, age 21, born and raised in al-Buraymi (1) salāmuʿalē-kum wu-raḥmatu ḷḷāh wu-barakāt-uh. al-yōm ba-kallim-kum ʿan aḍ-ḏị yāfa maʿ-na, kēf ingarrib aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ fʿan-na, kēfy iḫṭaf aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f. Awwal šäyy yōm ymarr aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f guddām bāb al-bēt walla grīb mi-l-bēt walla ḥawālē-na wa-naḥan nšūf-ah wa-yšūf-na ngul-lah „tfaḏḏ̣ ạ l” walla „grib”. Yōm iyi aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f ṣōb-na ngarrb-ah dāḫil l-bēt fi-l-mäylis. fi mäylis ar-riǧāl wa-n-nisā. iḏa kān ḏỵ ūf ḏẹ̄ f aw ḏỵ ūf ʿibāra ʿan ʿāyla fa-n-nis… fa-l-ḥarīm yrūḥan mäylis al-ḥarīm w-ar-riyāyīl yrūḥu mäylis ar-riyāyīl. (2) fi-l-mäylis ʿand ar-riyāyīl yidḫal ar-riyyāl ngarrb-ah fi makān yigaʿd fī-h. wa-yōm yigaʿd awwal šäyy әnāšd-ah ʿan l-ʿulūm. lә-mnāšid huwwa hēš? nisʾal ar-riyyāl ngūl-lah „šäyyʿand-ak ʿulūm?” „šäyyʿand-ak ḫabar?” ngūl-lah „šäyy ʿulūm?” ygūl „la.”, ngūl-lah „šäyy ʿand-ak ḫabar?” yigūl „la.” u-min ṣōb-kum „šäyyʿulūm?” ngul-lah „la.” yigūl-na „šäyy ʿand-kum ḫabar?” ngūl „abadan.” wu-hāḏi hiyya lә-mnāšid. hāḏa l-mnāšid maʿ-naʿāda qadīma. ḫaḏēnā-ha min nās l-awwalīyīn illi gabәl. gabәl n-nās kānu yimšu … min yimšu … yaʿni aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f iyiʿand ḥad yitsāluʿan l-ʿulūm wa-l-aḫbār wa-l-aḥwāl ū …. (3) baʿd ma nsāl-ah ʿan l-ʿulūm wa-l-aḫbār wu-hāḏi l-ašyā ngarrib-lah lә-ghawa. lǝ-ghawa hiyya siḥḥ wu-ngarrib-lah siḥḥ wu-ngarrib-lah fawākih wu-lә-ghawa il-maʿrūfa ṭabʿan lә-ghawa l-iʿmānīya. Awwal šäyy yibda ar-riyyāl yākil siḥḥ. baʿd ma yākil as-siḥḥ ngūm nṣubb-lah ghawa. wāḥid yōgaf yimsik ad-dalla bi-yad al-īsār wa-l-finyān bi-yad al-yamīn yṣubb-lah ygūl-lah „finyān-ak, gәbaḏ.̣ ” yāḫiḏ aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f al-finyān wu-yišrab. baʿd ma yḫalliṣ iḏa baġa wāḥid yaʿni iḏa bass-ah yhizz al-finǧān wiḏa ma hazz al-finǧān yaʿni lāzim yṣubb-lah marra wu-nṣubb-lah ilēn yhizz al-finǧān, min yhizz alfinǧān yaʿni ḫalāṣ huwwa bass mā yrīd akṯar. (4) baʿd ma yitgahwa ngarrib-lah al-fawākih, fawākih mōz rummān tuffāḥ ʿinab illi mitwaffir ṭabʿan. wa-aḏ-̣ ḏị yāfa hiyya ṭabʿan b-illi mitwaffir. maʿ-na ngūl naḥan „al-yūd bi-l-māyūd.” yaʿni illi ʿand-ak ṭallʿ-ah li-ḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f mā ʿand-ak šäyy gul-lah smaḥ-li. bass al-ḥīn f-hā-l-wagt yaʿni kull an-nās yaʿni ṭabʿan ḥamdi llāh rabb al-ʿālamīn kull-hum yaʿni maʿ-hum ḫēr ū … yaʿni šäyyy kaffī-hum. amma zzimān l-awwali min gabәl yaʿni fi baʿḏ ̣ l-aḥyān ykūn an-nās fuqarā, kill-hum yaʿni muʿḏạ m-hum kāna fuqarā yōm yī-hum ḏẹ̄ f ma ʿand-hum šäyy Abadan ygarrb-ū́ ġēr siḥḥ aw šäyy wa-hāḏa kull šäyy bass as-siḥḥ maṯalan u-mumkin šwayyit ʿēš ysawwū-h. (5) u-hāḏi aḏ-̣ ḏị yāfa kānat gabәl liʾanna muʿḏạ m an-nās kāna gabәl yaʿni fuqara ma ʿand-hum limkānīya inn-hum yḏạ yyfu ḏẹ̄ f. baʿd ma әngahwi aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f …ḥad yiylis maʿ aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f yaʿni sawa kān abūyi yaddi ḥad min al-ašḫāṣ lә-kbār yaʿni lә-kbār fi s-sinn yǧilsu maʿ aḏ-̣ ḏẹ̄ f ysōlfu maʿ-hu wu-kiḏi wanaḥan aṣ-ṣġāṛ nrūḥ niḏbaḥ … nāḫuḏ ḏabīḥa wu-niḏbaḥ-ha. kēf nḥaddid niḏbaḥ wēš? naḥan yaʿni yōm yī-na ḏẹ̄ f yā niḏbaḥ yaʿni hōš walla bōš. […] Translation (1) May God‘s peace, mercy and blessings be upon you. Today I'll tell you about the hospitality with us, how we treat the guest and how the guest passes by. First, when the guest passes by the house or near the house or in our surroundings and we see him and he sees us, we say, “If you please!” or “Come here!”. If this guest comes to us, we take him into the house, in the maǧlis. There is a maǧlis for men and one for women. If there are guests, a guest or guests consisting of a family, the women go to the maǧlis for women and the men go to the maǧlis for men. (2) The man enters the maǧlis of the men and we take him to the place where he sits down. And when he sits we ask him first if there is any news. What's the question? We ask the man saying to him, “Do you have any news? Do you have a message?”. We say to him, “Is there any news?” He says, “No.”. We say to him, “Do you have a message?”. He says, “No.”. “And from your side, any news?”. We say to him, “No.”. He says to us, “Do you have a message?”. We say, “Nothing.”. And that is the question. This question is an ancient custom with us. We have inherited it from the ancestors, the ones from before. Previously people went…when they went ... so when the guest came to someone they asked each other about the news and accounts and the situation and .... (3) After asking him about the news and the accounts and these things we bring him coffee. The coffee includes dates and we bring him dates and we bring him fruit and the famous coffee of course, the Omani coffee. First the man begins to eat dates. After eating the dates, we get up to pour him coffee. 272 ELISABETH GRÜNBICHLER One is standing and holding the coffee pot with the left hand and the cup with the right hand and pours him [coffee], he says to him, “Your cup, take.”. The guest takes the cup and drinks. When he’s done, if he wants a ... so if it is enough for him, he shakes the cup and if he doesn’t shake the cup it means that he must pour him [coffee] again and we pour him [coffee] until he shakes the cup. When he shakes the cup it means enough, it’s enough, he doesn’t want more. (4) After drinking coffee, we bring him fruit. Fruit, bananas, pomegranates, apples, grapes, what is available of course. The hospitality is of course what is available. We say, “The generosity is what is available.”. So, what you have, give it to the guest. You don’t have anything? Tell him, “Forgive me.”. But now in this time, all the people of course – thank God, the Lord of the Worlds – everybody has prosperity and what is enough for him. But regarding the earlier times, before, sometimes people were poor. All, that is, most of them were poor. If a guest came to them, they never had anything to bring him, beside dates or so. And that’s all, only dates, for example, and maybe they made a bit of rice. (5) And that was hospitality earlier because most of the people were previously poor, they did not have the opportunity to host a guest. After giving the guest coffee someone sits with the guest, either my father, my grandfather, someone from the adult people, that is, the elders sit down and talk to him and so on and we young people go and slaughter... we take an animal for slaughter and slaughter it. How do we determine what we slaughter? We, if a guest comes to us, we slaughter either a goat or a sheep or a camel. […] References Anthony, John Duke. 1976. Historical and Cultural Dictionary of the Sultanate of Oman and the Emirates of Eastern Arabia. Metuchen: The Scarecrow Press. Behnstedt, Peter & Woidich, Manfred. 2011. Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte. 1. Mensch, Natur, Fauna, Flora. Leiden: Brill. Behnstedt, Peter & Woidich, Manfred. 2012. Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte. 2. Materielle Kultur. Leiden: Brill. Behnstedt, Peter & Woidich, Manfred. 2014. Wortatlas der arabischen Dialekte. 3. Verben, Adjektive, Zeit und Zahlen. Leiden: Brill. Holes, Clive. 1989. "Towards a Dialect Geography of Oman", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 52. 446462. Holes, Clive. 1990. Gulf Arabic. London: Routledge. Holes, Clive. 2001. Dialect, Culture and Society in Eastern Arabia, Volume I: Glossary. Leiden: Brill. Johnstone, Thomas M. 1967. Eastern Arabian Dialect Studies. London: Oxford University Press. Webster, Roger. 1991. “Notes on the Dialect and Way of Life of the ĀlWahība Bedouin of Oman”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54. 473–485. A PHONETICAL SKETCH OF THE ARABIC DIALECT SPOKEN IN ORAN (NORTH-WESTERN ALGERIA) JAIRO GUERRERO Cádiz University Abstract: This article aims at outlining the most striking features of the phonological inventory of Oran Arabic. It also provides data on some interesting phonetical aspects such as the devoicing of /ʕ/ or the dissimilation of OA /ǧ/. The study is based mainly on data gathered by the author during his fieldwork in the city of Oran. Keywords: Oran Arabic, Algerian Arabic, phonetics, consonants, vowels. 0. Introduction The present paper is meant as the continuation of a preliminary study devoted to the Arabic dialect spoken in the Algerian city of Oran and whose results were published in Romano-Arabica XV 1 (Guerrero 2015: 219 - 235). While in that previous article I conducted an analysis of the dialect at different levels, this time I shall only focus on phonetic and phonological aspects. As its title suggests, the main aim of my contribution is to outline the phonological inventory of Oran Arabic and shed light on the main phonetic shifts taking place within it. Secondarily, I shall also discuss particular changes discernible in the dialect’s phonetics over the last century. With a view to doing that I shall refer to Doutté’s work: “Un texte arabe en dialecte oranais” 2. My research is based on data gathered during my fieldwork in the city of Oran. The first stay took place between the 6th of February and the 5th of June 2014, and was possible thanks to a mobility scholarship granted by the Aula Universitaria del Estrecho 3. The second sojourn was conducted from the 11th to the 25th of last April 2015. As regards this stay, I had no financial support other than my own means and that of my Algerian friends Naïla Ghomari and Yacine Bouha who kindly hosted me. My informants are all natives of Oran who have lived their entire lives in the city. It should also be noted that most of them are youngsters who were undergraduate students at the time of the survey. 1. Consonants Oran Arabic is believed to be a Bedouin-based urban koiné arising out of a mixture of dialects brought into the city by immigrants coming from different areas of Algeria (Miller 2007: 10; Labed 2014: 298). In the table below, there is the layout of the inventory of consonant phonemes. As one may realize, the most noteworthy feature that catches one’s eye is the absence of the interdental fricatives. 1 Guerrero, J. 2015. “Preliminary Notes on the Current Arabic Dialect of Oran (Western Algeria)”, Romano-Arabica 15, 219233. 2 Cf. Doutté, E. 1903. “Un texte arabe en dialecte oranais”, in Mémoires de la Société de linguistique de Paris XII, 335-370 & 373-496. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Ángeles Vicente for having provided me with a copy of the aforementioned article. 3 I would like to thank Prof. Pilar Lirola Delgado, Farouk Bouhadiba and Abdelhak El Kebir for their assistance and advice during this first visit. 274 JAIRO GUERRERO Summary table of consonant phonemes in the Arabic dialect of Oran bilabial Glottalization voiceless occlusive s voiced occlusive s voiceless affricate voiceless fricatives voiced fricatives nasals laterals vibrants semiconsonants dental sibilant - + - p t ṭ k b d ḍ g - + labiodental - + + prepalatal - + palatal velar uvular - - - + + + pharyngeal - + laryngeal - + ʔ q č f s ṣ z m š x ḥ ž ġ ʕ h n l r ṛ w y 1.1. Fricatives 1.1.1. Interdentals Old Arabic 4 /ṯ/, /ḏ/ and /ḏ/̣ have merged with their occlusive counterparts /t/, /d/ and /ḍ/. Examples from my corpus are: OA taṯāʔaba>tāwəb “he yawned”, OA ḏirrī>dərri “boy”, OA manḏạ r>mănḍăṛ “landscape”. However, it seems that this was not the case a century ago. Doutté (1903: 387) 5 reports that by 1903 the dialect of Oran still preserved the interdentals, although he also indicates a certain hesitation regarding the realization of the old ṯāʔ and ḏāl. In the table below, we may see most of the instances with interdental realizations I found in Doutté’s text together with their respective counterparts in my data. PHONEME /ḏ/̣ 4 DOUTTE (1903) yəgḏə̣ b ʕarḏạ h l-qāḏị xuḏə̣ r abyuḏ ̣ tuḏṛ ub ḏə̣ lma ḏṛ ūk GUERRERO (2014/15) yəgḍăb ~ yəgbăḍ ʕăṛḍăh l-qāḍi xŭḍṛīn byăḍ tŭḍṛŭb ḍălma ḍṛūk, ḍăṛwăk, dəṛwŭk GLOSS he holds he invited him the judge green (pl.) white you beat darkness now Henceforth OA. Cf. Doutté (1903: 387): “θ (ar. ‫)ث‬. Il se rapproche du th anglais ou du θ grec; il est fréquent dans notre dialecte, mais parfois confondu avec le t comme dans toute l’Algérie […] δ (ar. ‫)ذ‬. Th anglais doux ou δ grec. Il est rare de l’entendre pur […] Il est généralement prononcé d […] ḏ (ar. ‫)ض‬. C’est un d emphatique; il n’existe pas dans notre dialecte, où il est remplacé par le ḏ ̣ ”. 5 275 A PHONETICAL SKETCH OF THE ARABIC DIALECT SPOKEN IN ORAN (NORTH-WESTERN ALGERIA) /ḏ/ /ṯ/ dāqu ṯ-ṯāni kṯər ṯ-ṯāləṯ ṯaʕbān ṯlāta dāqu z-zāwəž, t-tāni ktər t-tālət ----tlāta they tasted the second one it increased the third one dragon three While the preservation of the emphatic /ḏ/̣ is well attested in these examples, the occlusive realization of /ḏ/ and /ṯ/ in items such as dāqu (OA ḏāqū) or ṯlāta (OA ṯalāṯa) might point out that the loss of the interdentals had already started by 1903. Generally speaking, the loss of alveolar spirants is common to most pre-Hilali sedentary dialects, nevertheless some Bedouin-based urban vernaculars may also exhibit that feature. This is the case in Casablanca, a Moroccan city whose dialect does not currently display the interdentals although it still preserved them by 1907, as Kampffmeyer (1912) mentions, cf. Aguadé 2005: 61-62. 1.1.2. Labiodentals Concerning the voiceless labiodental fricative /f/, it is worth mentioning that many speakers pronounce it as /v/ in the following verbs: ṛvəd, yəṛvəd “to raise, lift” and ẓvəṭ, yəẓvəṭ “to do an eyebrow slit”. This phonetic shift may be accounted for by a voicing assimilation triggered by the presence of a previous voiced consonant (respectively ṛ and ẓ). In the case of the verb rfəd, it seems that this voicing has generalized to other forms of its paradigm, thus: ṛəvdu, ṛəvdət, yəṛṛəvdu. Occasionally, the same speaker may alternate both forms ṛfəd ~ ṛvəd6. On top of this, there appears to be evidence that /f/ and /v/ are sporadically in contrastive distribution as two informants provided us with a minimal pair when distinguishing between ṛvədt “I lifted” and ṛfədt “you (masc.) lifted”. As regards yəẓvəṭ only a single occurrence was recorded. 1.2. Reflexes of OA qāf 1.2.1. In Oran, as in most Bedouin dialects, the main reflex of qāf is the voiced occlusive /g/. Examples are: OA{qrr} > gərr “he recognized, accepted”, OA{qll} > gəllīl “poor, humble”, OA{zrq} > zṛəg “swarthy”, OA{qʕd} > gʕăd “he stayed, sat down”, OA{ṭrq} >măṭṛăg “stick”, OA{rqq} > rgīg “thin”. In certain items, /q/ and /g/ are in free variation: qādəṛ ~ gādəṛ “able”, qrīb ~ grīb “nearby”, qdīm ~ gdīm “old”. As suggested by Labed (2014: 122-126), this variation is likely to be contactinduced. 1.2.2. Nonetheless and as illustrated by the following examples, there are many items where the unvoiced uvular reflex /q/ has been maintained: qnăṭ “he disappointed”, qās “he threw”, sḥăqq “he needed”, ʕāqəl “friendly”, ylīq lək “you have to”, qāṛăʕ “he waited”, tqăffəl “he took psychopharmacs without prescription”. 1.2.3. The following minimal pairs have been extracted from the corpus: qăṣṣăṛna “we had sexual intercourse” ≠ găṣṣăṛna “we talked, had fun, stayed awake”, qăṣba “local jail” ≠ găṣba “flute”, zăqqa “bird droppings” ≠ zăgga “he shouted”, qĭbba “love nest” ≠ gŭbba “cupola”, ṛăqba “a honest man” ≠ ṛăgba “neck”, qĭyyəl “he left alone” ≠ gĭyyəl “he napped”, qăllʕu “they left for” ≠ gəllʕu “they removed”, qăṛʕa “bottle” ≠ găṛʕa “bald (fem.)”. Some further examples of minimal pairs involving /q/ and /g/ can be found in Bouhadiba (1988: 12-13), and Labed (2014: 136). I came across a similar case in El Jadida, a Moroccan city where most speakers pronounce ʕvəṭ “he trod” instead of ʕfəṭ. On the verb ʕfəṭ, yəʕfəṭ “to tread”, see DAF 9/162. 6 276 JAIRO GUERRERO 1.2.4. Furthermore, there are a few instances where the voiceless velar stop /k/ reflects the old qāf. This is the case of the adverb *ḏā l-waqt > ḍăṛwăk ~ dəṛwŭk “now” or the verb OA qatala > ktəl “he killed”. Although it is broadly accepted that this voiceless realization of /q/ (along with /ʔ/) is characteristic of pre-Hilali dialects, I disagree with some scholars who regard this pronunciation in the Oran dialect as a consequence of dialect leveling (cf. Labed 2014: 154-156). From my point of view, this shift /q/ > /g/ > /k/ may be easily explained as a devoicing assimilation triggered by the presence of a following voiceless consonant (/t/) 7. In addition, while most pre-Hilali dialects preserve the old qāf in these words, the Bedouin ones present /k/ instead of the uvular 8. 1.3. Pharyngeals 1.3.1. /ʕ/ > /ḥ/ On examining the recordings, one realizes that in the speech of the overwhelming majority of informants, the voiced fricative pharyngeal /ʕ/ tends to devoice to /ḥ/ when appearing as an initial element in closed syllable coda position with a CVCC pattern. Here are some examples: Dāʕəš > Dăḥš “ISIL”, qāṛăʕt > qāṛăḥt “I waited”, ma nqāṛăʕ-š > ma nqāṛăḥ-š “I do not wait”, bəllăʕt > bəllăḥt “I closed”. This is also true for a CVC pattern when followed by a subsequent syllable starting with a consonant: lă-ʕsəl > lă-ḥsəl “the honey”, lă-ʕša > lă-ḥša “the dinner”, lă-ʕšĭyya > lă-ḥšĭyya “the evening”, lă-ʕmāma > lă-ḥmāma “the turban”, bāṛka ma tăʕfəs ʕlĭyya > bāṛka ma tăḥfəs ʕlĭyya “stop treading on me”, sāʕtāyn > sāḥtāyn “two hours”, zăʕfān > zăḥfān “angry”. This phonetic change is a fairly common feature among Algerian dialects in general and more particularly among those of the Oran region: Jijel (Marçais 1952: 107-108), Algiers (Boucherit 2002: 41), Saïda and Oran region (Marçais 1908: 11) 9. When tackling this matter, both Ph. Marçais (1952: 108) and A. Boucherit (2002: 41) point out that this devoicing of /ʕ/ only takes place before a voiceless consonant. Conversely, in Oran Arabic /ʕ/ may devoice even before a voiced sound such as /m/. This is the case in the example lă-ʕmāma > lăḥmāma “the turban”. 1.3.2. Phonological neutralization In most of the above examples, the voiced fricative pharyngeal /ʕ/ is in free variation with its voiceless counterpart /ḥ/. On the other hand, there is a single instance where the devoicing process undergone by /ʕ/ seems to result in phonological neutralization: lă-ḥmāma [laħmaːma] “the pigeon” = lă-ʕmāma [laħmaːma] “the turban”. 1.4. Sibilants 1.4.1. /ǧ/ > /ž/ As it usually occurs in most Bedouin-type dialects of North Africa, Oran Arabic displays a fricative reflex /ž/ of the old ǧīm: OA daǧāǧ > džāž “chicken”, OA naʕǧa > năʕža “sheep”, OA ǧady > žədi “kid”, OA xāmiǧ > xāməž “rotten”. However, we know from Doutté (1903: 386) that this was not the case when he wrote his article and stated that: “Le j (ž), qui n’existe pas en oranais…”. Thus, *ḏā l-waqt > *ḏalwagt > dəṛwŭk. On /g/ > /k/, see W. Marçais 1908: 14. Cherchell: ḏərwăq (Grand’Henry 1972: 160), Tlemcen: dərwŏq (W. Marçais 1902: 182), Jijel: dəlwŏq~dərwŏq (Ph. Marçais 1952: 580), Saïda: ḏặ ṛwŏk~ḏākəlwŏkt (W. Marçais 1902: 185). 9 On this issue, see also Cantineau 1960: 73-74. 7 8 A PHONETICAL SKETCH OF THE ARABIC DIALECT SPOKEN IN ORAN (NORTH-WESTERN ALGERIA) 277 1.4.2. Phonetic changes involving sibilants As a general rule, there is no co-occurrence restriction involving sibilance in Oran Arabic. Thus, and unlike other Maghrebi dialects, sibilant sequences may occur within the same stem without triggering any kind of phonetic change such as assimilation, dissimilation or metathesis. This is demonstrated in the following examples: OA ǧaḥš > žăḥš “donkey foal”, OA safanǧ > sfənž “sweet fitter”, OA ǧināza > žnāza “funeral”, OA zawǧ > zūž “two”, OA ǧibs > žəbs “plaster”, OA zullayǧ > zəllīž “tiles”, OA tazawwaǧū > dzŭwwžu “they got married”. Notwithstanding the foregoing, there seems to be a small number of exceptions: a) /ǧ/ dissimilates to /d/ in the following items: OA ǧāsir > dāsəṛ “insolent, rude”, OA alǧazāʔir > Dzāyər “Algiers”, OA zuǧāǧ > zdāž > sdāž “glass”. It is worthwhile indicating that, whereas the two first instances are very well known to Moroccan dialects and a few Algerian ones (Tlemcen, Old Algiers), the last one seems quite unusual. I say this because in the bulk of dialects where dissimilation to /d/ does take place, it applies only when the ǧīm is followed by a sibilant. When it is the other way round and the ǧīm follows the sibilant as in OA zawǧ or zuǧāǧ, this usually triggers a right-to-left sibilant harmony of the type we find in Moroccan Arabic: OA zawǧ > žūž “two”, OA zuǧāǧ > zžāž > žžāž > žāž “glass”. Regarding sdāž “glass”, it should also be noted that this word alternates with its cognate zāž, which might be due to dialect mixing. b) Metathesis may sometimes occur in the following words which have stems containing sibilant sequences: OA ʕaǧūza > ʕzūža “mother-in-law” (along with the most common ʕžūza), OA šams > səmš “sun” (along with the most usual šəms), OA ǧihāz > zhāž “trousseau” (along with the most frequent žhāz). This kind of metathesis process is one of the most salient features of Cantineau’s D group (Cantineau 1940: 226) to which Saïda Arabic (south east of Oran) belongs. In Doutté’s tale (1903: 347) there is also a similar case of alternation: OA ǧāza > ǧāz ~ zāǧ “he passed”. 1.5. /ġ/ > /ʔ/ More interestingly, the Oran dialect is characterized by a dominant trend towards the realization of /ġ/ as the laryngeal occlusive /ʔ/ in the verb bġa - yəbġi “to want, love”. The glottal stop /ʔ/ in turn can eventually be dropped. Examples: bġīt > bʔīt > bīt nʕīš “I want to live”, yəbġi yākŭlha > yəbʔi yākŭlha “he wants to eat it”, mānī-š bāġi > mānī-š bāʔi > mānī-š bāy “I do not want” 10. This trait could be related to what we find in other Bedouin-based urban dialects such as those of Tripoli and Benghazi in Libya or Marrakesh and Skoura in Morocco 11. 2. Vowels 2.1. As for the vowel system of Oran Arabic, there are five vowel phonemes, two short and three long: /ā/, /ī/, /ū/, /ə/, /ŭ/. Although this kind of vocalic system is characteristic of pre-Hilali urban dialects like Tangiers, Tlemcen or that of the Jews of Tunis (D. Cohen 2012: 31), it can also be found in Bedouin-based urban koinés such as Casablanca (Aguadé 2005: 60) or Marrakesh (Sánchez 2014: 6971). 2.2. A second aspect, also worth highlighting, is the existence of various allophones which are in free variation with /ə/: ă, ĭ and ŭ. Among them, the most frequent seems to be ŭ: ġŭššāš “cheat”, zŭnqa “street”, mŭġṛəf ~ mŭġṛŭf “spoon”, šṛŭb ~ šṛăb “drink!”, yədxŭl ~ yŭdxŭl “he enters”, yəktəl ~ yŭktəl 10 A similar dropping of /ġ/ was also recorded once for the future marker ġādi: ġādi > ādi > āʔi ngūl lək “I will tell you”. On the shift ġādi > ġa– > ʕa– > ha– > a– in the Moroccan dialect of Larache, see Guerrero 2015b: 120-121. 11 Tripoli: ba, yəbbi (Pereira 2010: 141-142); Benghazi: kān yibbi, yibbi (Benkato 2014: 78); Marrakesh: ba, ybi (Sánchez 2014: 135-136); Skoura: ba, --- (Aguadé & Elyaacoubi 1995: 86). According to the hypothesis put forward by some scholars, Libyan ba, yəbbi woud be related to OA ʔabā, cf. Pereira 2010: 142. 278 JAIRO GUERRERO “he kills”, ṛgəd ~ ṛgŭd “he slept”, l-Măġrib ~ l-Mŭgṛib “Morocco”, ġăṛfĭyya ~ ġŭṛfĭyya “bowl”, ḍăṛwək ~ ḍăṛwŭk “now”, mŭnkŭṛ “injustice”, mŭṛḍa “sick people”, dŭxxān “smoke”, fŭmm “mouth”, gŭṛgāʕ “walnut”, gŭṛnāʕ “artichoke”, kŭṛṛāya “rent” ṣbŭʕ “finger”, ŭṃṃa “mum”, b-əl-xŭff “quickly”, yḥăll “he opens”, yəfṭăṛ “he has lunch” 12. 2.3. Examples of minimal pairs for the short vowels are: ṭŭlba “teachers in a koranic school; healers” ≠ ṭălba “begging”, ṛbŭʕ “quarter” ≠ ṛbăʕ “four (fem.)”, ḥŭbb “love” ≠ ḥăbb “he wanted”. Furthermore, a close look at the data provided by the broadest informants shows that most speakers oppose /ə/ to /ŭ/ in order to differentiate between the perfective and imperfective of some verbs: gʕăd “he stayed” ≠ (ə)gʕŭd “stay!”, ḥăṭṭ “he put” ≠ ḥŭṭṭ “put!”, xlăṣ “he got paid” ≠ (ŭ)xlŭṣ “get paid!”, ḍṛăb “he hit” ≠ (ŭ)ḍṛŭb “hit!”, ṭăll(ʕla) “he visited” ≠ ṭŭll (ʕla) “visit!”. 2.4. Compared to pre-Hilali dialects such as Tetouan or Larache, Oran Arabic seems to display a lesser degree of short vowel deletion. Therefore, clusters with long strings of consonants are generally avoided. In the table below I compare utterances recorded in Larache (Morocco) with their counterparts in Oran. LARACHE nḍṛăb tqṛa tġṛăq nṭlăʕ ždi žṛu ORAN nŭḍṛŭb təqṛa tăġṛăq nəṭlăʕ žədi žəṛu GLOSS I will hit you will study you will drown I will go up kid puppy Concerning the latter two examples, it is important to mention that the CCV pattern is typically sedentary whereas the CVCV one is to be found in Bedouin dialects. 2.5. Diphthongs The short diphthongs *–aw and *–ay of Classical Arabic are generally monophthongized to ī and ū unless they appear in pharyngeal or uvular environments 13. Examples: šawk > šūk “thorns”, bayt > bīt “room”, fawqa > fūg “over”, ḥawš > ḥăwš “courtyard”, ʕayn > ʕăyn “eye”, xayma > xăyma “tent”, ṣayf > ṣăyf “summer”, *ḥawma > ḥăwma “neighbourhood”. 3. Phonetic phenomena 3.1. Metathesis: OA qabaḍa > gḍəb (along with gbəḍ) “he held”, OA ṣāra > ṣra “it happened”, *ablah > hbəl > măhbūl “mad”, OA al-warāʔ > l-lăwṛ > ṛ-ṛăwl “backwards”. 3.2. Labiovelarization: ġna > ġwna “singing”, mġāṛba > mwġāṛba “Moroccans”, qṛāya > qwṛāya “study”, tākli > tākwli “you (fem.) eat”, gbīla > gwbīla “a short while ago”. 12 In some instances, the occurrence of ŭ instead of ə may be due to the influence exerted by a labializing environment. Examples are: šṛŭb, mŭġṛŭf, yŭdxŭl, gŭṛgāʕ, ġŭṛfĭyya. 13 Interestingly enough, diphthongation may alternate with monophthongation in the prefix conjugation of verbs whose first letter is /w/: tăwzən ~ tūzən “you weigh”, tăwṣəl ~ tūṣəl “you arrive”. It should be noted that the monophthongized type is particularly common in pre-Hilali sedentary dialects of Algeria such as Tlemcen (W. Marçais, 1902: 66-67), Cherchell (Grand’Henry 1972: 50) or Jijel (Ph. Marçais 1952: 161). Some similar examples have been attested in Andalusi Arabic: nawʕid “I promise”, nawṯab “I jump” (Corriente 2013: 93). A PHONETICAL SKETCH OF THE ARABIC DIALECT SPOKEN IN ORAN (NORTH-WESTERN ALGERIA) 279 3.3. Occasional assimilation: wəžhi > wəžži “my face”, džāž > žāž “chicken”, mlīḥ > mnīḥ “good”, dəṛwŭk > dṛūk > dūk “now”, mnīn > mīn “from where?”, šŭft > šŭtt “I saw”, kŭnt > kŭtt “I was”, gŭlt > gŭtt “I said”, xālti > xātti “my maternal aunt”, təstənna > təssənna “you wait”, Nəḍṛūma > Məḍṛūma “the city of Nedroma”. 3.4. Occasional dissimilation: zəlzla > zənzla “earthquake”, səlsla > sənsla “chain”, l-ġănmi > l-ġălmi “mutton”, Mŭstġānəm > Mŭstġāləm “the city of Mostaganem”, msəmmən > msəmməl “a sort of pancake”. 3.5. Voicing: ḥəṛṛəs ṛūḥək > ḥəṛṛəz ṛūḥək “watch out!”, bəssəṭ > bəẓẓəṭ “he squashed” (< OA bassaṭa), ṣdəṛ > ẓdəṛ “breast”, ttăṛtəg > ttăṛdəg “it exploded”. 3.6. Occasional shift from /l/ to /r/: ṭāžīn māləḥ > ṭāžīn māṛəḥ “a salty stew”, ma ʕla bālī-š > ma ʕla bārī-š “I do not know” 14. 3.7. /h/-dropping: məṛtăh > məṛta “his wife”, ṣāḥbăh > ṣăḥba “his friend”, žīhtək > žītək “your side”, ša hŭwwa la > šāwāla “what”, ša hĭyya la > šāyāla “which one”, OA fākiha > fākya “fruit”, mənhna > mənna “over here”, OA hayyā > āya “let’s go; so, then”. 3.8. /r/-dropping in fast speech: ṛāni nākŭl > āni nākŭl “I am eating”, ša ṛāki tăhhăḍri? > šāk ităhhăḍri? “what are you talking (about)?”. 4. Syllabic structure A striking feature of the Arabic dialect of Oran as well as of other Algerian dialects (Tlemcen, Saïda, Cherchell, Algiers, Dellys 15) is the use of consonant gemination as a device to preserve short vowels when in non-final open syllable. In Oran dialect, this phenomenon of ressaut is particularly productive with the conjugation of regular verbs. The following examples come from my corpus: nəfhəm “I understand” → nəffəhmu “we understand”, təfhəm “you (masc.) understand” → təffəhmi “you (fem.) understand”, təfhəm “you (sing.) understand” → təffəhmu “you (pl.) understand”, yəfhəm “he understands” → yəffəhmu “they understand”. As shown above, gemination usually takes place in the 2nd feminine singular person and in the plural forms of the prefix conjugation of verbs in form I. In addition, gemination occurs in 3rd plural and 3rd feminine singular inflections of the suffix conjugation of quadriliteral verbs and regular verbs in form X: nəstăʕṛəf “I acknowledge” → nəstăʕʕăṛfu “we acknowledge”, stăʕqăl “he settled down” → stăʕʕăqlət “she settled down”, yətbəhdəl “he is dishonored” → yətbəhhədlu “they are dishonored”. Furthermore, this way of resolving triconsonantal clusters by gemination may also apply to nouns: OA maqbara>măqqăbṛa “graveyard”, OA madrasa>məddərsa “koranic school”, *miṣlaḥa>məṣṣəlḥa “broom”, wăḥd + –ha → wăḥḥədha “by herself”, Mʕăskăṛ + –i → mʕăssəkri “someone from Mascara”, *mikḥala>mkŭḥla ~ mŭkkŭḥla “shotgun”, răgba + –k → răggəbtək ~ răgbəttək “your neck”, măqla + –i → măqqălti ~ măqlətti “my pan”, hăḍṛa + –i → hăḍḍəṛti ~ hăḍṛətti “my speech” 16. Nevertheless, it must be noted that the occurrence of ressaut within nouns in Oran Arabic is not as common as in the Bedouin dialect of Saïda. 14 Regarding the verb gābəṛ, ygābəṛ “to chat up, to flirt”, one might as well assume a shift from /l/ to /r/ as gābəl, ygābəl means “to face, to take charge of”. However, gābəṛ, ygābəṛ may also be related to qāṛəb, yqāṛəb “to have a relationship with someone” (DAF 10/271) or ṛāqəb, yṛāqəb “to watch, to control” (DAF 5/173). 15 W. Marçais 1902: 61; W. Marçais 1908: 76; Grand’Henry 1972: 45; Souag 2005: 159. For further details on consonant gemination in Oran Arabic, see Doutté 1903: 392-395, and Guerrero 2015a: 225 & 227. 16 Consider that the type which geminates the old tāʔ marbūṭa is predominant among most informants. Examples: xăyma + – ăh → xăyməttăh “his tent”, ṣāḥba + –k → ṣāḥbəttək “your girlfriend”. 280 JAIRO GUERRERO 5. Conclusion To sum up, we have seen throughout this paper how Oran Arabic shares many of its phonetic features with other Bedouin-type dialects of the Maghreb. Likewise, we have highlighted how Oran Arabic has phonetically evolved in quite a similar way to that of other Bedouin-based urban vernaculars: loss of interdentals, /ġ/ > /ʔ/ > /º/ in the verb bġa, a vocalic system with two short vowels (/ə/ and /ŭ/). On the other hand we have pointed out some similarities which Oran Arabic has in common with other Algerian dialects: devoicing of /ʕ/, occurrence of sibilant sequences within the same stem, use of ressaut in the syllabic structure of some words. References Aguadé, Jordi. 2005. “El dialecto de Casablanca a comienzos del siglo XX”, Aguadé, Jordi; Vicente, Ángeles; Abu-Shams, Leila (eds.), Sacrum Arabo-semiticum. Homenaje al profesor Federico Corriente en su 65 aniversario. Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. 55-69. Aguadé, Jordi & El Yaacoubi, Mohammad. 1995. El dialecto árabe de Skūra (Marruecos).Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Benkato, Adam. 2014. “The Arabic Dialect of Benghazi (Libya): Historical and Comparative Notes”. Zeitschrift für Arabische Linguistik 59. 57-102. Boucherit, Aziza. 2002. L’arabe parlé à Alger. Aspects sociolinguistiques et énonciatifs. Paris-Louvain: Peeters. Bouhadiba, Farouk A.N. 1988. Aspects of Algerian Arabic Verb Phonology and Morphology. Unpublished Ph. D dissertation. University of Reading (UK). Cantineau, Jean. 1940. “Les parlers arabes du département d’Oran”, Revue Africaine 84. 220-231. Cantineau, Jean. 1960. Cours de phonétique arabe. Suivi de notions générales de phonétique et de phonologie. Paris: C. Klincksieck. Corriente, Federico. 2013. A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Andalusi Arabic. Leiden-Boston: Brill. Cohen, David. 2012. “Du chamito-sémitique aux dialectes arabes. Les systèmes vocaliques et les contraintes syllabiques”, Barontini, Alexandrine; Pereira, Christophe; Vicente, Ángeles; Ziamari, Karima (eds.), Dynamiques langagières en Arabophonie: variations, contacts, migrations et créations artistiques. Hommage offert à Dominique Caubet par ses élèves et collègues. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. 27-55. Doutté, Edmond. 1903. “Un texte arabe en dialecte oranais”, in Mémoires de la Société de linguistique de Paris XII, 335-370 & 373-496. Grand’Henry, Jacques. 1972. Le parler arabe de Cherchell (Algérie). Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain. Guerrero, Jairo. 2015a. “Preliminary Notes on the Current Arabic Dialect of Oran (Western Algeria)”, Romano Arabica 15. 219-233. Guerrero, Jairo. 2015b. El dialecto árabe hablado en la ciudad marroquí de Larache. Zaragoza: Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza. Labed, Zohra. 2014. Genealogical Koineisation in Oran Speech Community. The Case of Young University Oranees.Unpublished PhD dissertation.University of Es-senia-Oran. Marçais, Philippe. 1952. Le parler arabe de Djidjelli (Nord Constantinois, Algérie). Paris: Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient Adrien-Maisonneuve. Marçais, William. 1902. Le dialecte arabe parlé à Tlemcen: Grammaire, textes et glossaire. Paris: Leroux. Marçais, William. 1908. Le dialecte arabe des Ūlād Bṛāhîm de Saïda (Département d’Oran). Paris: E. Bertrand. Miller, Catherine. 2007. “Arabic Urban Vernaculars. Development and Change”, Miller, Chaterine; Al-Wer, Enam; Caubet, Dominique; Watson, Janet C.E. (eds.), Arabic in the City.Issues in Dialect Contact and Language Variation. OxonNew York: Routledge. Pereira, Christophe. 2010. Le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye). Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. Prémare, Alfred Louis de. 1993-1999. Dictionnaire arabe-français. (Etabli sur la base de fichiers, ouvrages, enquêtes, manuscrits, études et documents divers par A.L. de Prémare et collaborateurs. Vols. 1-12. Paris: L’Harmattan. Sánchez, Pablo. 2014. El árabe vernáculo de Marrakech. Análisis lingüístico de un corpus representativo. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Souag, Lameen. 2005. “Notes on the Algerian Arabic Dialect of Dellys”. Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 9. 151-180. BABY TALK IN THE MAGHREB EVGENIYA GUTOVA Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3, Lacito, CNRS Abstract: This article presents a descriptive study of baby talk (BT) in the Maghreb (including its phonology, morphology, and syntax). The majority of data comes from Morocco and Algeria; additional examples from Libya and Egypt are provided. Both Arabic and Berber languages are discussed. The study is based on a corpus of BT lexemes (1331 entries) collected through fieldwork and elicitation. A study of this scope (based on such amounts of data, covering the area from Morocco to Egypt and both Arabic and Berber) has not yet been conducted. Baby talk – a special speech register used when addressing babies – is common in North Africa, both among Arabs and Berbers. As in many languages, the structure of Maghrebian BT terms is simple, usually made up of two syllables consisting of a consonant and a vowel. Reduplication is also common in BT cross-linguistically. Gemination of C2 is frequent in Afro-Asiatic languages, including Arabic and Berber, e.g. Moroccan Arabic pappa ‘bread’, ninni ‘sleep’, fuffu ‘fire’. As is often the case around the world, Maghrebian BT is usually accompanied by an accented prosody. There are many similarities between BT terms throughout the Maghreb, whether the region is Arabic or Berber. Maghrebian BT lexicon is conventionalized and rich (the number of terms can reach 200 per dialect). Most typical semantic groups are: food, animals, body parts, basic actions and qualities, etc. BT terms are mostly nouns and verbs, but can often be used in different grammatical categories. Morphological markers are usually absent. Maghrebian BT differs radically from the standard (adult) speech on all language levels (phonology, morphosyntax, word roots). Hence, BT cannot be regarded as a distortion of adult speech. It is interesting to investigate, then, why adults teach infants a language so divergent from their own. Keywords: Maghreb, Arabic, Berber, Morocco, Algeria, baby talk, child-directed speech (CDS), nursery language. 1. Introduction This article deals with baby talk in the sense of “a special speech register used by adults when addressing babies”. 1 BT is also referred to as child- or infant-directed speech, caretaker speech, nursery language, or motherese. It is to be distinguished from infant speech – the language that babies speak. There is, of course, a connection between the two. Thus, infant speech or what adults perceive to be infant speech can be used by adults as BT. This article, however, is concerned only with BT (with a focus on BT lexicon). The aim of this study is to provide a descriptive analysis of Maghrebian BT in Arabic and Berber. The focus is on Morocco and Algeria; comparisons with Libya and Egypt are provided. The study of Arabic and Berber BT simultaneously is justified as these languages are (albeit very distantly) genealogically related (both belong to the Afro-Asiatic family), and more importantly, they have been in close contact for a long time and have exercised mutual influences on each other. Cross-linguistically, BT words often contain stops and nasals, have the structure CVC or CVC(C)V, are often reduplicated and have a special diminutive suffix (Ferguson 1956, 1964, 1978, 1983; Bynon 1968). Regarding semantics, BT usually covers kinship, food, animals, body and bodily functions, basic qualities and actions, and some everyday objects. It is also known that BT items often diffuse across unrelated languages. There exist studies of BT in general (Snow 1972, 1986; Snow & Ferguson 1977) and in specific languages, including Arabic (Ferguson 1956; Caubet 1986; Abu-Shams 2005; Lentin 2012) and 1 Definition following Ferguson (1964: 113): “Baby talk is a linguistic subsystem regarded by a speech community as being primarily appropriate for talking to young children; it consists of intonational features, patterned modifications of normal language, and a special set of lexical items”. 282 EVGENIYA GUTOVA Berber (Bynon 1968). Especially recently, literature on BT has developed extensively. However, some questions remain unanswered, and there remain issues to study on the subject, especially regarding Arabic and Berber BT. Some of the questions pertaining to Maghrebian BT include: - Is there unity or diversity? - Are there differences between Arabic and Berber speakers? - Where do BT terms come from and how old are they? - What are the usual patterns in BT formation? - Is there any relationship between BT and standard speech? - How does BT differ from standard speech on various levels? - Why BT: why teaching children BT which they will not need in the future? Due to space limitations, only some of these questions are addressed in this paper. 2 Furthermore, there are some questions and phenomena related to BT that fall beyond the “BT proper”. Thus, the use of diminutives might be associated with BT, but is not restricted to it. 3 There exist secondary uses of BT (when BT is used in other contexts than communication with babies), and some other speech registers might exhibit similar patterns. All these issues require further investigation and fall outside the scope of the present study. In order to study Maghrebian BT and to compare its different regional variants, a vast amount of data was gathered. The major sources include: - Fieldwork/observation (ethnographic data gathered by the author in a natural setting), either in situ (locally) or delocalized; - Elicitation (questionnaire/interviews, in situ or delocalized); - Literature (based on fieldwork, elicitation, or unspecified). The author conducted fieldwork in northern Morocco on Tarifiyt and Senhaja/Ketama Berber and in urban centers on Moroccan Arabic (Marrakesh, Casablanca, Rabat, Meknes, Fes). These data are complemented by questionnaires. Elicitation was used with speakers from Algeria (Arabic and Kabyle Berber) and Libya (Arabic, Zwara, Nafusi, and Awjila Berber). The third source of data is constituted by literature. Especially worth mentioning here are: 4 - Morocco: a) [Arabic] Caubet 1986; Colin 1999; Abu-Shams 2005; b) [Berber] Bynon 1968; - Egypt: a) [Arabic] Woidich 2003, 2005; b) [Siwa Berber] Souag 2015; - Syrian Arabic: Ferguson 1956, 1964; - Middle Eastern Arabic: Lentin 2012. On the basis of these sources, a digital corpus of BT lexemes was built. The corpus is available online (http://babytalk.barefootlinguist.com/). At present, it counts 1331 entries (the number is growing as new data are gathered). The structure of each entry is as follows. An overview includes: the BT lexeme; name of the language, country, and area; equivalent in adult speech; English translation; part of speech. If one clicks on an individual entry, additional information about the word appears, such as: comments pertaining to phonology, morphology, etymology, and so on; examples 2 A more thorough study of the subject is in preparation by the author and will appear in Études et Documents Berbères 34 (‘Baby Talk in Berber and Maghrebian Arabic’). I thank my friends and colleagues for their comments on both papers. Special thanks go to Romain Simenel for spurring my interest in baby talk. 3 In the Maghreb, both in Arabic and in Berber, adults often employ diminutive forms when addressing babies. In fact, this phenomenon is found in many languages. 4 These studies deal specifically with BT. Additionally, there are references to BT scattered in various sources. While BT is rarely treated in grammars, Woidich 2006 is an exception: a short section (p. 111) is devoted to Kindersprache (BT). Laoust (1924: 16) lists 29 BT terms for Tamazight (Middle Atlas Berber) and 25 terms for Siwa Berber (1932). Boulifa (1913) lists 40 terms for Kabyle and Biarnay (1924): 22 for Mzab. BABY TALK IN THE MAGHREB 283 (sentences containing the BT term); tags that facilitate searching for BT items in the same semantic category; source (name of the speaker or author, method and year of data collection). The corpus allows the viewer to perform various simple and more advanced searchers. Thus, one can search for a specific term and see in which languages, regions, and meanings it occurs, or search for a set of data for one specific language, country, or area. BT terms can be sorted by part of speech, tags (semantic fields), source (including method of data collection and year).5 The corpus presents a possibility to study Maghrebian BT in a variety of ways and from different perspectives. Some results are presented in the present study. The discussion covers: general characteristics of Maghrebian BT; phonology; syllable and word structure; morphology and syntax. Due to space constraints, only a few illustrative examples are provided; the reader is referred to the online corpus for additional examples and information. 2. Features of Maghrebian BT 2.1. General characteristics On the whole, Maghrebian BT is stable and conventionalized. There is a lot of consistency and overlap across a wide area. Thus, some BT terms are shared between Siwa Berber in Egypt and Middle Atlas Tamazight in Morocco. 6 The distance between Siwa and Central Morocco is around 3,000 kilometers, and speakers of these languages have not had contact for many centuries. Yet, they have BT terms in common. Such terms are probably very old. At the same time, Maghrebian BT is not entirely homogeneous. Some BT items do not enjoy a wide geographical distribution, but are region-specific. In many cases, it is difficult to make a distinction between Arabic and Berber BT, as many items are shared. The overlap is not 100%, and some BT lexemes are specific to Arabic or Berber. The degree of overlap and discrepancy varies according to the region. While some BT items are common to Arabic and Berber and others are language-specific, still others are common to a specific region rather than a language. Another question is: When does BT start and end? The use of BT in the Maghreb generally starts at the age of 0 (as soon as the child is born) and continues until four or five. However, this picture can be nuanced. Thus, some adults might “wait” to use BT. As the baby grows, around the 8th month, they will increase BT use, with a peak falling between years 1 and 3. After the third year, the second stage of BT starts, where more morphology and syntax appear. BT lexemes are mixed with standard words and are inserted in sentences with regular grammar. 7 This second stage of BT (“children talk”) is a step towards switching to the adult speech. The switch is gradual: after the age of five, children are expected to start using a more adult language, but it can still take a few years. The switch is usually complete by the age of seven or eight. BT lexicon, like any other lexicon of the language, has central and marginal members. Furthermore, BT lexemes can be used outside the baby-context. In this case we speak of “secondary uses of BT”. This phenomenon is quite common cross-linguistically. Typical examples are “animal/pet talk”, “lovers talk”, “elderly talk”, and so on. Secondary uses of BT have a shared goal to evoke a parent (adult/nurturer)-baby situation in some way. This implies feelings of affection and protectiveness. Generally, in the Maghreb, secondary uses of BT are rare. When BT items enter adult speech, it is usually in the context of irony or avoidance of taboo vocabulary. Adults can also use BT when imitating infant speech. 5 Additional features will be implemented in the future, such as a user-friendly interface that lets the visitor build and run complex SQL queries without the need to learn SQL. It will allow one to use regex (regular expressions) in searchers, which will enable one e.g. to retrieve words with a specific sound, affix, etc. 6 E.g. (Siwa/Tamazight) fuffu ‘fire/hot’, deddi/diddi ‘pain/it hurts’, kexx ‘leave it, dirty’, dadda/daddaš ‘walk’, ḅabu/bappa ‘bread’, (e)mbuwwa ‘water’. 7 Thus, the scheme of BT use can be represented as an (inverted) parabola: it starts from 0, gradually increases and reaches the peak when the baby is two to three years old, and gradually diminishes until it comes back to zero when the child is around five. Of course, there are differences between families. Generally, BT increases when the child shows some interest and reaction to adults’ social expressions. 284 EVGENIYA GUTOVA On the other hand, patterns used in BT formation (e.g. reduplication, consonant reduction) are also found outside the BT domain. There are some speech registers that exhibit characteristics similar to BT. Thus, animal calls can involve reduplication and the use of special phonemes. This makes these registers similar, while at the same time there is a distinction between them. Another context which exhibits certain similarities with BT, is the language of street vendors. 8 Onomatopoeia and interjections are often compared with BT as well. All of these are somehow “defective” words: they are used in a restricted context, often lack morphology and have no clear etymology, but are “symbolic” or “instinctive”. Some of these words are simplifications of standard equivalents, although this link is not always apparent. 2.2. Phonology 2.2.1. Phoneme quality On the level of phonology, the following features are characteristic of Maghrebian BT: existence of special phonemes, which are normally not encountered in adult speech, and high frequency of some phonemes. Some sounds found in BT are not part of the (central) phonemic system of the standard language. These are, first of all: p, v, and a voiced bilabial trill ʙ (all these sounds are labials). 9 The sound p is found, for example, in the following BT lexemes: - ‘bread’: Tarifiyt, Senhaja pap(p)a; Tashelhiyt, Tamazight and Moroccan Arabic pwappwa/ bappa/pappa; Kabyle p(w)app(w)a(š). In Libyan Arabic BT, pappa is ‘to hit’; - ‘pee’: Tarifiyt, Senhaja pšša, pippi; Tashelhiyt and Tamazight ppssi/a, pipi, ppspps; Moroccan and Libyan Arabic pipi. The term pipi is also encountered in BT in some European languages; - ‘car’: Tarifiyt, Senhaja, Moroccan Arabic pipi(p) (next to titit, ɛannɛann: all onomatopoeic); - ‘father’: Tarifiyt papas; - ‘cat’: Tashelhiyt psupsu (<animal call); with b elsewhere; 10 - ‘bull’: Kabyle pʷaɛppʷa; - ‘door’: Kabyle puppur (< adult tappurt, female pronunciation of tabburt < *tawwurt). In some of these words in some languages, p is interchangeable with b (e.g. Tashelhiyt bappa/ pappa ‘bread’), while in others, p remains always p (Tarifiyt and Senhaja pap(p)a). A voiced bilabial trill ʙ occurs in Tamazight ppʙya ‘cow’ (< animal call, ideophonic in origin), and the widespread (m)bbʙa ‘water’ (also spelled as mbbvva, mb(u)wwa, etc.). The sound v is also found (less ambiguously than in mbbvva) in Tamazight ṭṭavi ‘tajin/stew’, which comes from the adult ṭṭažin and represents adult imitation of a baby’s inability to pronounce ž. It has also been noted (Caubet 1986) that BT lexemes may contain clicks, which are not part of the phonological system of adult language. Examples are Moroccan Arabic ȻȻ, 77 ‘mule’ (alongside (ṛṛa)ṛṛa, (šša)šša). 11 Glottal stop ['], which is not a distinctive phoneme in dialectal Maghrebian Arabic, is occasionally found in BT, e.g. Moroccan Arabic mm'aḥa ‘kiss’ and mm7'aḥa ‘tea, sweet drink’. This pair also shows that an alveolar click can create contrast between words. Another difference between BT and adult phonological systems is illustrated by Kabyle. In Kabyle, stops are usually fricativized: d is pronounced as ḏ, b is pronounced as ḇ, etc. However, we find unfricativized stops in Kabyle BT, e.g. daddas ‘brother’ is pronounced with a plosive [d], and baɛɛa ‘sheep’ is pronounced with a plosive [b]. Hence, there may be discrepancies between BT and adult phonological systems. 8 Typically, they shout some special words in order to attract customers. Different shouts are used by sellers of fish, jewellery, and so on. There are special calls used by people who offer their services, collect stale bread, and so on. 9 The sound p is marginal in adult speech; it exists in special registers (e.g. animal calls), loanwords, and in female pronunciation in parts of Kabylia. 10 E.g. Tarifiyt šibši; Tashelhiyt bissa; Tamazight bišbiš; Moroccan Arabic bešbeš/bešš/bess(a); Kabyle šibši; Zwara/Nafusi bišša; Libyan Arabic bišša; Egyptian Arabic būsi. Other BT terms for ‘cat’ are onomatopoeic: Kabyle miɛu(š); Libyan Arabic/Tarifiyt/Tashelhiyt mmyaw. 11 Following notation in Caubet 1986; Ȼ stands for a lateral click (IPA ǃ) and 7 for an alveolar click (IPA ǁ). BABY TALK IN THE MAGHREB 285 Some sounds normally found in adult speech are rare in BT, e.g. some emphatics (ḷ, ṣ, ṣ̌, ḍ) 12 and labialized consonants (kw, gw, xw, ɣw/qqw ). Affricates č and ǧ are also rare. 13 However, these are rare in adult speech as well, so their absence from BT is not unexpected. Regarding phonemes l, r, z and ž (rare in BT), their absence can be explained by the fact that these phonemes are perceived by adults as posing difficulties for pronunciation. 2.2.2. Phoneme quantity and sound symbolism Some sounds are common to both BT and adult phonological systems, but are much more frequent in BT. Many BT lexemes contain uvulars and pharyngals such as ḥ, ɛ (especially in the final position where they may be suffixes). These sounds are “expressive”, which explains their frequency in BT despite the fact that they are believed to be learned by children later. Phoneme x is probably also frequent due to its expressivity. This sound often conveys, generally in the Maghreb (in both Arabic and Berber, adult speech and BT), the meaning of something bad, disgusting, or dirty. 14 It is often found in interjections (adult speech = BT), e.g. kxxxx, exxx ‘dirty, disgusting’. BT term for ‘dirt(y), leave it, do not touch’ in most languages of the Maghreb contains this sound: k(e)xx(i/a), exxx, (xi)xxi, xxa, etc. Another group of consonants which are more common in BT than in adult speech, is labial emphatics (ṃ, ḅ, f ̣). 15 On the whole, consonants that appear frequently in BT are: (back consonants) k, x, q, ḥ, ɛ; (bilabials) b, ḅ, m, ṃ; as well as s, š, n, and d. 2.3. Syllable and word structure Maghrebian BT favors open syllables, reduplication, and gemination of C2. The most frequent syllable structure is C(C)V and word structure – CVC(C)V. Indeed, CVC(C)V (two open syllables with a geminated C2) is a canonical structure of BT terms in the Maghreb. Most BT words end on a vowel – unless they end on one of the suffixes described below. 16 Syllabic structure in BT and adult speech differs, as adult Arabic and Berber do not favor open syllables. Vowels are thus more frequent in BT than in standard; a and u are more frequent than i. 17 Reduplication is often found in BT cross-linguistically. Both partial and complete reduplication occurs in Maghrebian BT, while it is not frequent in adult Arabic or Berber. At the same time, reduplication is not restricted to BT, but is also found in other speech registers (e.g. animal calls), ideophones (expressive words), and in the context of irony (e.g. Kabyle nickname for France, Faffa < standard Fṛansa). Gemination of C2 can be considered specific to the phonological system of the Afro-Asiatic languages, although it also occurs in BT in some European languages, e.g. Italian tètte ‘dog’, pappa ‘food’, ninne ‘sleep’, cacca ‘poop, dirty’, pappe ‘shoes’. Gemination of C1 is also possible, but is rarer Emphatics ḷ, ṣ and ṣ̌ are not encountered so far in the corpus; ž ̣ occurs in Tashelhiyt ž ̣už ̣ž ̣u ‘excrements, bad smell’, and Kabyle ž ̣iž ̣ž ̣ir ‘foot’ (< adult aqež ̣ž ̣ir). 13 Sound ǧ is encountered once in the corpus, in Moroccan Arabic (Tetouane) ǧawǧaw (džadžaw) ‘chicken’ (< adult džaža); č occurs in Kabyle in the words for ‘chicken/rooster’: čuč(č)u/čičču/čiwčiw (all onomatopoeic in origin). Tarifiyt, Tamazight, and Moroccan Arabic have čiwčiw (next to tiwtiw) ‘chicken’; č is also found in Senhaja pčuta (next to bčuta) ‘female genitals’, čaččaḥ ‘sit’ and ččuḥ ‘sleep’. 14 Examples from adult speech: Algerian Arabic xra ‘excrements’ (cf. Kabyle ixxran, Tashelhiyt/Tamazight ixxan), xmaǧ ‘dirt/to get dirty’, xameǧ ‘dirty’; xnuna ‘(nose) mucus/snot’ (cf. Kabyle axlul). 15 Labial emphatics are marginal in adult speech. Emphatic ḅ occurs in BT e.g. in Moroccan Arabic haḅu/haḅhaḅ ‘dog’; Egyptian Arabic ḅaḅḅa ‘stop’; Siwa ḅabu ‘bread’, aḅḅi ‘mouth’, ḅaḅen ‘shoes’, ḅaḅḅil ‘car’, eḅḅef ̣ ‘hold, catch’. Emphatic f ̣ also occurs in Siwa faf ̣f ̣a ‘hand’. 16 When a BT term does not end on a vowel, it often ends on a pharyngal (e.g. ḥ) or on sibilants (š or s). Closed syllables of other types do occur, but are rare. Examples of BT terms ending on a consonant: (widespread, onomatopoeic in origin) pipip, titit, ɛanɛan ‘car’, myaw ‘cat’; Moroccan Arabic ḅayḅay ‘bye-bye, hello’; Kabyle puppur ‘door’, tatay ‘tea’, babun ‘soap’, tittus ‘hand’, baεbuṭ ‘belly’ (all from adult speech); Siwa ḥaww ‘donkey’; Egyptian Arabic buɛbuɛ ‘boogeyman’. 17 Schwa (ə, noted here as e) also occurs, but is mostly an epenthetic vowel which bears no stress. 12 286 EVGENIYA GUTOVA and is sometimes optional, e.g. Moroccan Arabic (n)ninni ‘sleep’, (d)diddi ‘pain’. Gemination of C2 is more salient and can create contrasts, e.g. Tamazight mama ‘water’ vs. mamma (hypocoristic of Faḍma), bubu ‘lump of sugar’ vs. bubbu ‘breast’; Tarifiyt lulluš ‘nice object’ vs. luluš ‘donkey/mule’. Some words are monosyllabic, e.g. Zwara bba ‘hit’, Tarifiyt xxuš ‘sleep’, Kabyle bbiḥ ‘be good’. Some monosyllabic words can be reduplicated and become bisyllabic: Kabyle (xu)xxuš ‘sleep’, (mi)mmi ‘son’, (da)ddaš ‘walk’. Bisyllabic words have sub-classes depending on the length of the consonant: - CVCV: Tamazight mama ‘water’, ɣuɣu ‘milk’; - CVCCV: Tashelhiyt duddu ‘fat, butter’, diddi ‘pain’ (widespread, pan-Maghrebian), ninni ‘sleep’ (widespread, has variation in the vowel); - CCVCCV: (b)babba/(p)p(w)app(w)a ‘bread’, (q)qaqqa ‘sweets, cake, fruit’ (both widespread; C1 is not always geminated). Not all C(C)VC(C)V structures involve reduplication, e.g. baɛɛa ‘sheep/goat’, m(m)uhu ‘cow’, habbu/habba ‘dog’, m(m)aḥ(ḥ)a ‘kiss’ (all widespread and onomatopoeic in origin). Some bisyllabic lexemes become trisyllabic with the addition of an affix, e.g. Moroccan Arabic mummu(ya) ‘baby’; Kabyle (a)ṭuṭaḥ ‘(a) small (one)’, (a)minuš ‘cat’; Nafusi bexxi(ya) ‘not good(-looking)’. Others are always trisyllabic, e.g. (widespread, onomatopoeic) ququɛu ‘hen/rooster’; Moroccan Arabic simimmi ‘butter’; Algerian Arabic bururu ‘monster’ (cf. Moroccan Arabic bu xenša ‘Kidnapper’; Senhaja buɛerras ‘monster who cuts your fingers if you eat walnuts before they get ripe’). Consonant clusters are permitted in BT, e.g. (widespread) mnam mnam/mnamna/mnimni ‘food/eat’, mbuwa ‘water’, ngeɣɣa (and variants, said when you play with a baby to elicit a smile), bṛabu/brawu (a loan from European languages; also used in adult speech) ‘bravo, good, clap’; Moroccan Arabic bšiša/mšiša ‘cat’, bzaza/bziza ‘breast’, šṭiḥa/šṭeḥa ‘dance/clap’; Tarifiyt ɣlulu ‘donkey/mule’, qzuzu/kzuzu ‘dog’, qžižžiḥ (alongside žižži) ‘meat’, štiti ‘small birds’, pšša/bšša ‘pee’; Tashelhiyt psupsu ‘cat’; Tamazight ḥriri ‘soup’, leḵri ‘anything nice/tasty’; Kabyle mšibši ‘cat’, štašta ‘donkey’ (alongside šašša); Zwara aḥbu ‘hide’, blabla ‘egg’, ubbla (alongside ubba) ‘jump’; Nafusi mmta ‘sweet, tasty’, ḥlila ‘nice, good’. When a feminine circumix (t-...-t) is used in Berber BT lexemes, this can also result in the initial consonant cluster: Tarifiyt tququht ‘hen’, tbibit ‘turkey’, tšibšit ‘cat’. Some BT lexemes consist of consonants only (and the consonant can be prolonged), e.g. (widespread) šššš(t), ssss(t) ‘silence/shut up!’ (interjection, not restricted to BT), kxxxx ‘dirty, stop, leave it’, fff ‘hot/fire’, tššš ‘it burns’. BT differs from adult speech in that it allows consonantal groups of three and more consonants. 2.4. Morphology and syntax 2.4.1. BT affixes Although BT normally lacks morphology, some BT lexemes can take affixes. Many BT items end on specific phonemes: back consonants (x, ḥ, ɛ, q) and sibilants (s, š). In some cases, the final consonant is a suffix, and there are counterparts without it either in the same dialect or elsewhere. BT lexemes ending on -ḥ are numerous and are encountered all over the Maghreb. Examples: - (widespread) baḥḥ ‘(all) gone’, m(m)aḥ(ḥ) ‘kiss’; - Moroccan Arabic mammaḥ ‘sweet’, ṭiṭṭaḥ/taḥtaḥ/tattaḥ ‘hit’, ṭiṭuḥ ‘female genitals’; - Tarifiyt bbaḥ ‘(be) nice’, qaqqa(ḥ) ‘poo/dirty’, diddi(ḥ) ‘pain’, abaḥ ‘come’, bibiḥ ‘baby’, sas(s)aḥ ‘hand’, lalaḥ ‘leg’ (Iqeriyen lalaɛ); - Senhaja immaḥ ‘(it is) hot’, beddaḥ ‘hand’, čaččaḥ ‘sit’, ččuḥ ‘sleep’; - Kabyle (qe)žžuḥ/žižuḥ ‘dog’ (< adult aqžun), ffuḥ ‘(be) bad’; - Nafusi/Zwara dideḥ ‘clap’; - Egyptian Arabic daḥḥ ‘nice’. BABY TALK IN THE MAGHREB 287 In at least some of these lexemes, ḥ is probably an affix attached for “expressiveness”. This could be true for other uvulars and pharyngals as well, which explains their frequency in BT. Another phoneme frequently encountered in a final position, is -š. 18 Examples: - (widespread) dadduš/dedduš/diddeš ‘walk’ (but Siwa dadda); - Tarifiyt lulluš ‘any nice object’ (lullu elsewhere), luluš (alongside ɣlulu) ‘donkey/mule’, qemmuš (Ayt Said qemmut) ‘mouth’, bibbiš (Ayt Said bibbit) ‘breast’; - Senhaja lallaš ‘leg/foot’; - Tamazight maḥḥaš ‘kiss’ (maḥḥ(a) elsewhere), kukuɛɛu(š) ‘hen/rooster’ (also in Moroccan Arabic), bibbiš ‘breast’ (Ayt Merghad bubbu); - Kabyle mummu(š) ‘baby’/‘stranger’ depending on the area (-š is optional in some dialects, but is present in others); baɛaš ‘sheep’, baɛuš ‘insect’, pwappwaš ‘bread’, diddiš ‘pain’, qaqqa(š) ‘sweets, cakes’, xixxi(š) ‘dirt(y)’, ṭiṭṭuš/ṭuṭṭuš ‘eye’, (a)minuš/miɛuš ‘cat’, waɛuš/ɛuɛɛuš ‘milk’, baxxaš ‘house’, qim(m)aš ‘sit’, aɛmmaš ‘eat’; - Nafusi beḥešš (alongside beḥḥa) ‘all gone’ (baḥḥ elsewhere). In some of these examples, -š can be omitted without a change in meaning. Some words ending on -š do not have counterparts without it, but -š is probably a suffix in them as well. According to the intuition of native speakers (especially Kabyle), the function of this suffix is to derive diminutives or hypocorisms. 19 Diminutives are indeed frequently used in BT both in Arabic and in Berber. In Berber, to derive diminutives, the feminine circumfix t-...-t is normally used. 20 Suffix -š is thus not the only means to derive diminutives. Neither is it restricted to BT lexemes. 21 We find it e.g. in adult taḍaḍešt ‘pinky/small finger’ (< aḍaḍ) and taqerrušt ‘small head’ (< aqerru). Interestingly, in these examples, š is combined with the circumfix t-...-t. Besides deriving diminutives, š might be also used for expressive derivation, just as the suffix ḥ. Circumfix t-...-t is found in some Berber BT lexemes, especially those used with slightly older children (in the second stage of BT): Tarifiyt tabeḥḥat/tamaḥḥat ‘kiss’, tququht ‘hen/rooster’, tbibit ‘turkey’, tašibut ‘belly’; Kabyle tamummuts ‘doll’. Suffix -t also occurs alone: Tarifiyt ḥebbut ‘clothes’ (Ayt Said, alongside ḥebbu), bibbit ‘breast’ (Ayt Said, cf. Ayt Tuzin bibbiš), qemmut ‘mouth’ (Ayt Said, cf. Ayt Tuzin qemmuš); Tamazight (mi)mit ‘mouth’ (< adult imi). Just as in adult speech, we find BT items containing both š and the circumfix t-...-t: Tarifiyt tlullušt (alongside lullu) ‘any nice object’ (cf. Tashelhiyt talullut); Tamazight tabibbišt ‘male genitals’ (cf. Moroccan Arabic, Tamazight and Kabyle bubbu ‘breast’). Some lexemes lack the initial t- but end on -št, which is probably a combination of two morphemes: Tarifiyt ngeɣɣešt (alongside ngeɣɣa; said to the baby to elicit a smile); Tamazight maḥḥašt ‘kiss’. Many Berber BT lexemes that express kinship end on -s, originally a 3SG possessive suffix which became fossilized, e.g. Kabyle babas, mammas, daddas, nannas ‘father’, ‘mother’, ‘(elder) sister’, ‘(elder) brother’, respectively. Compare the use of 3MSG possessive -u in (Algerian) Arabic BT in εemmu ‘paternal uncle’ and xalu ‘maternal uncle’. Many BT lexemes end on a, which in some cases is a suffix: - aḥḥa ‘pain/be careful’ (Libyan Arabic/Zwara/Awjila; aḥḥ elsewhere); - baḥḥa ‘all gone’ (Libyan Arabic/Awjila/Tamazight; baḥḥ elsewhere); - maḥḥa ‘kiss’ (Moroccan Arabic/Tarifiyt/Senhaja/Tamazight; cf. maḥḥ elsewhere); - bišša ‘cat’ (Libyan Arabic/Zwara/Nafusi; cf. Moroccan Arabic/Tamazight bišbiš). 18 For an analysis of the phoneme/morpheme -š and its possible relation to the Latin -us, see Galand-Pernet 1983 and 1987. See also Colin 1939. The morpheme was signalled by Bynon (1968) and Caubet (1986). It is encountered more frequently in Berber, but is also present in Moroccan Arabic, e.g. dadduš ‘walk’, kekɛu(š) ‘rooster’. 19 Examples of hypocorisms: εmeṛ > εmiṛuš, ḥmeḏ > ḥmiduš, ḥemmu > ḥemmuš, muḥand (or muḥ) > muhuš. 20 E.g. Kabyle tilset < iles ‘tongue’; tafuset < afus ‘hand’, taserwalt < aserwal ‘pants’. 21 The same suffix is also found in adult speech, e.g. Kabyle aqmuš ‘mouth’ (alongside aqmu), abeɛɛuš ‘insect’ (BT baɛuš). Another word for ‘insect’ is abexxuš. Abexxuš might be a diminutive, because we also find Tuareg axxu ‘animal’. In some cases, the presence of š in adult speech indicates the BT origin of the word, e.g. Kabyle tabbušt ‘breast’ replacing standard iff. 288 EVGENIYA GUTOVA Final a is sometimes optional: Moroccan Arabic šṭiḥ(a) ‘dance/clap’, kexx(a) ‘dirty’, mummu(ya) ‘baby’, keɛɛuša (alongside keɛku) ‘hen/rooster’, bibbiša ‘male genitals’ (cf. Tarifiyt bibbiš ‘breast; male genitals’). 2.4.2. Nominal morphology Some BT terms allow for a derivation of F/DIM nouns: Kabyle (a)minuš ‘cat’ (M/unspecified) > taminušt. Other examples of this derivation were presented above under the discussion of the t-...-t circumfix. In Arabic, some BT lexemes ending on -a can be considered as F derivation. Some BT terms have a PL form (especially used with older children). Thus, Tarifiyt baɛɛ ‘sheep’ is used with babies and small children, while PL ibeɛɛšen is used in “children talk”. PL formation of BT lexemes generally follows the patterns of adult speech, e.g. Kabyle beɛɛu ‘insect’ > yibeɛɛuten; qaqqaḥ ‘poop’ (F taqaqqaḥt) > tiqaqqaḥin. 22 Arabic BT lexemes can also have PL counterparts, e.g. Moroccan Arabic dada > dadiyat ‘black nurse for babies’, bsala > bsalat (or bsayl) ‘bad behavior/actions done by a child’ (also used in adult speech); Libyan Arabic bišša > biššat ‘cat’, bušubbu > bušubbuwat ‘insect’ (also adult speech). In many cases, however, BT items both in Arabic and in Berber are invariable for gender and number. There are a few examples of BT compounds, e.g. Awjila mummu titi ‘egg’ (< mummu ‘baby’ + titi ‘chicken’), lullu n ṛebbi ‘moon’ (< lullu ‘toy, a nice/shining object’ + n ṛebbi (adult speech) ‘of God’). 2.4.3. Verbal morphology Most BT verbs are invariable. Thus, (widespread) dadduš/(da)ddaš ‘walk’ is used only in imperative. However, some verbs can be conjugated. Conjugation can be optional or obligatory, full or deficient. This is true both for Arabic and for Berber. Verbs that can be conjugated occur most often in Kabyle, but are also found in Tarifiyt, Senhaja, and dialectal Arabic: 23 - Kabyle xxuš ‘sleep’, mmux ‘die’, bbaḥ ‘be good’, ffuḥ ‘be bad’, mmaḥ ‘kiss’, qaqqaḥ ‘poop’; - Senhaja ččuḥ ‘sleep’, e.g. Aǧǧay a ččuḥa ‘Let me sleep’; - Libyan Arabic nanna ‘sleep’, mamma ‘eat’, pappa/babba ‘hit’. 2.4.4. Syntax To form a sentence, BT lexemes can be used alone or put together. They can also be inserted in an otherwise standard speech replacing the adult equivalent. As noted above, BT terms can often be used in different grammatical functions without any morphological change. Examples: - BT lexemes used on their own: (widespread) xixxi ‘dirt(y), don’t touch!’, ninni ‘sleep!’, diddi ‘(it's) pain(ful), it hurts!’; Libyan Arabic nanna (MSG) ‘sleep!’; - BT lexemes put together: Tarifiyt aḥḥ ḥḥa ‘be careful, (it’s) hot!’; Kabyle hemma xixxiš ‘attention, dirt(y)!’; hemma diddiš ‘attention, (it is) pain(ful)’; xixxi, beɛɛu ‘don't touch/dirty, insect!’; Zwara ḥem babut ‘eat bread’; Nafusi dadeš ḥemma baɛbeš ‘come eat bread’; - BT lexemes embedded in adult speech: Kabyle Hemma! Ur ttnal ara winna! Wayyi d beɛɛu ‘Stop! Don’t touch that! It is beɛɛu/(an) insect/dirty!’. There are also examples of short rhymes used with children, e.g. to encourage them to walk. 22 23 For examples with these nouns and additional comments, see the online BT corpus. For conjugation of these verbs, examples and additional comments, see the BT corpus. BABY TALK IN THE MAGHREB 289 3. Conclusions In BT (as in language in general), there might be some family variation. There is a continuum: some examples may be ad hoc inventions or be specific to the idiolect of the individual. Others are wellestablished and widespread terms. Comparison of the data gathered with various speakers allows us to make conclusions regarding this question. Some of the Maghrebian BT items stretch over 3,000 kilometers from Morocco to Egypt; some also have parallels in Middle Eastern Arabic. This is proof of their old age and stability. Many terms are shared between Arabic and Berber; at least some of them are Berber in origin. This demonstrates a Berber substratum in the Maghrebian Arabic BT. Canonical BT lexemes in the Maghreb have a CVC(C)V structure with reduplication and gemination of C2. There are certainly some universal tendencies: similar syllabic structure and reduplication are often found in BT cross-linguistically. This is probably due to the fact that adults consider such structures easy for children to recognize and reproduce. BT terms are either derived from adult speech or are unrelated to it. Many words involve onomatopoeia and sound symbolism. When a BT term is derived from the adult equivalent, one can often speak of “simplification” (e.g. consonant reduction). Same processes of simplification are found in morphology and syntax. BT items are mostly invariable, but some can take morphological affixes. At the level of syntax, BT is characterized by the use of words in different grammatical functions. Gradually, in the second stage of BT, more morphology and syntax appear. This is a step towards switching to adult speech. Eventually, when children grow up, they start using a purely adult language. It would be interesting to investigate how children sift what they hear and eliminate their language from BT elements. Another crucial question in BT research is this: why do adults use a different language when addressing infants? Does it really facilitate communication, as BT users themselves tend to think? If one looks at the selection of semantic fields in BT vocabulary, one may wonder: is BT always useful for communication? A part of BT vocabulary certainly is (e.g. commands/prohibitions such as ‘go’, ‘stop’, ‘don’t touch’, ‘sleep’, ‘eat’). But what about names of animals and household utensils? Although they are not strictly necessary for communication with babies, it might be handy for infants to know names of objects around them. BT is thus not only about communication, but also about (learning) language use. BT users themselves see BT as a teaching aid. They believe that the function of BT is “to teach children to talk”. It is important to keep in mind that learning to speak is not the same as learning the language. In conclusion, the study of BT is relevant to the understanding of the language-learning process and the study of language as a whole. References Abu-Shams, Leila. 2005. “El lenguaje infantil y de los bebés en dialecto árabe marroquí”, Al-Andalus Magreb 12. 9-18. Biarnay, S. 1924. Notes d’ethnographie et de linguistique nord-africaines. Paris: E. Leroux. Boulifa, Si Amar. 1913. Méthode de langue kabyle, cours de deuxième année. Alger: A. Jourdan. Bynon, James. 1968. “Berber Nursery Language”, Transactions of the Philological Society 67 (1). 107-161. Caubet, Dominique. 1986. “Langage bébé en marocain”, Comptes rendus du GLECS 29-30 (1984-86). 73-106. Colin, Georges S. 1939. “Observations étymologiques sur le vocabulaire kabyle”, Mélanges offerts à GaudefroyDemombynes par ses amis et anciens élèves [préf. de William Marçais]. 1 vol. Le Caire: Institut français d'archéologie orientale. 301-312. Colin, Georges S. 1999. “Les parlers enfantins de Rabat et de Tanger”, Caubet, Dominique, & Iraqui-Sinaceur, Zakia (eds.), Arabe Marocain : Inédits de Georges S. Colin. Edisud. 79-111. Ferguson, Charles. 1956. “Arabic baby talk”, Halle, Morris, Lunt, Horace, & McLean, Hugh (eds.), For Roman Jakobson: Essays on the Occasion of his 60th Birthday. The Hague: Mouton. 121-128. Ferguson, Charles. 1964. “Baby Talk in Six Languages”, Gumperz, J., & Hymes, D. (eds.). The Ethnography of Communication (American Anthropologist 66, No. 6, Part 2). Blackwell Publishing. 103-114. Ferguson, Charles. 1977. “Baby talk as a simplified register”, Snow, C.E., & Ferguson, Charles (eds.), Talking to Children: Language Input and Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 209-235. Ferguson, Charles. 1978. “Talking to Children: A search for Universals”, Greenberg, Joseph H., Ferguson, Charles, & Moravcsik, Edith (eds.), Universals of Human Language, vol. 1. Method and Theory. Stanford: Stanford University Press. 203-224. Ferguson, Charles. 1983. “Reduplication in Child Phonology”, Journal of Child Language 10. 239-243. 290 EVGENIYA GUTOVA Galand-Pernet, Paulette. 1983. “A propos des noms berbères en -us/-uš”, Comptes rendus du G.L.E.C.S. XVIII-XXIII (19731979). 643-659. Galand-Pernet, Paulette. 1987. “Š berbère, phonème, morphème”, Proceedings of the Fourth International Hamito-Semitic Congress. 382-394. Laoust, Emile. 1924. Cours de berbère marocain, dialectes du Maroc Central. Rabat: Direction du service des renseignements. Laoust, Emile. 1932. Siwa, I, Son parler. Paris: E. Leroux. Lentin, Jérôme. 2012. “Le lexique du langage bébé (baby-talk) dans les dialectes arabes”, Barontini, Alexandrine, Pereira, Christophe, Vicente, Ángeles, & Ziamari, Karima (eds.), Dynamiques langagières en Arabophonies : variations, contacts, migrations et créations artistiques. Hommage offert à Dominique Caubet par ses élèves et collègues. 91-140. Snow, Catherine E. 1972. “Mothers’ speech to children learning language”. Child Development 43. 549-565. Snow, Catherine E. 1986. “Conversations with children”, Fletcher, P. & Garman, M. (eds.), Language Acquisition, 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Snow, Catherine E., & Ferguson, Charles A. (eds.) 1977. Talking to children: Language input and acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Souag, Lameen. 2015. Siwi draft lexicon. Manuscript. Woidich, Manfred. 2003. “Baby-Talk form ilBašandi, Dakhla Oasis, Egypt”, Ferrando, Ignacio, & Sánchez Sandoval, Juan José (eds.), AIDA 5th Conference Proceedings, Cádiz, September 2002. Universidad de Cádiz. 571-581. Woidich, Manfred. 2006. Das Kairenisch-Arabische: eine Grammatik. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. Woidich. Manfred. 2005. “Kindersprache in ilBašandi”, Bauer, Thomas, & Stehli, Ulrike (eds.), Alltagsleben und materielle Kultur in der arabischen Sprache und Literatur. Festschrift für Heinz Grotzfeld. vol. 55 (1). Harrassowitz Verlag. 411-431. INTERJECTIONS: CASES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING IN NIGERIAN (SHUWA) ARABIC CODE SWITCHING JUMA’A JIDDA HASSAN University of Maiduguri, Borno State Abstract: Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic is spoken by a considerable minority in the northeastern part of the country. As a minority language in contact with many languages in the area, it has over the years, frequently borrowed linguistic elements specifically interjections- in interaction or conversations with other ethno-linguistic groups. These borrowed interjections are widespread among the different languages spoken in the area to such an extent that their origin is hardly identified as they appear belong to any of the languages they were found used in them. The work highlights the frequent occurrence of these elements in a language corpus recorded in different social setting i.e. monolingual village or city based, group discussion monolingual city based and a multilingual group discussion also based in the city of Maiduguri. The study found that some of these elements were particularly used in city setting whether in monolingual group discussion or multilingual. Some of these elements, i.e. interjections, were found in monolingual village-based setting and were also marginally used in group discussion whether monolingual or multilingual. The elements structure seems to be compatible with the structure of all the languages in which they were used and that makes it difficult for one to identify the elements with specific language and therefore no language can claim its origin as they are widely used in different languages. Keywords: Nigerian Arabic, Shuwa , borrowing, code switching, interjections. 1.0. Introduction Interjections are form of words that express a state of mind and do not enter into specific syntactic relations with other words e.g. “waw”, “yuk”, etc. It is also described as an utterance which expresses exclamation or an utterance that lacks grammatical connection as a word or phrase (Webster 1990) and (Mathews 2007). In Owens and Hassan (2010), interjections were classified within the larger discourse markers, a set which encompass wide range of grammatical categories including adverbs, interjections, exclamation, and conjunction and idiomatized chunks such as “you know”. They are sometimes called expressive interjections, on the assumption that they are purely used to express people’s emotion. Some may call it ‘emotive interjections’ with reference to a little word which constitute an utterance to simply convey the people’s emotion for example: ‘Gee why the mailing fee is so high?’ Expressive interjection can also convey disgust, surprise, pain, etc. Examples of this type are ‘gee’, ‘ah’ and ‘wow’. ‘Gee’ can show speaker’s reluctance, impatience and embarrassment as well. Phatic interjections are used to meet conversational goals and maintain the personal exchanges. These kind of vocal gestures express a speaker’s attitude towards the on-going discourse like ‘humm’ or ‘yeah’ are example of this type. The following are some examples of common interjections in English and their communicative functions show how would they occur or reason for their existence in language. ‘Ah’ is an expression of pleasure, realization and surprise for examples: ‘Ah that feel good, Ah now I understand, Ah I have won!’ ‘Humm’ expresses hesitation, doubt: ‘Humm I am not sure’, and Ouch expresses pain: ‘Ouch! That hurts!’. ‘Dear’ is an expression of pity: ‘Oh Dear! Does it hurt?’. ‘Well’ shows for expressing surprise and introducing a question: ‘Well I never’ and ‘Well what did he say’. ‘Er’ shows expressing for hesitation. ‘Oh’ is an expression of surprise: ‘Oh! You are here!’. The neglection of modern linguistics in the twentieth century of the interjection according to Hansen (1998) may have been as a result of linguistic focus on the referential function of the grammar. However, Ameka (1992a) review of literature as discussed in O’Connell et al (2007) indicates that grammatical, semantic as well as pragmatic aspects of interjections were studied by scholars in 292 JUMA’A JIDDA HASSAN different languages. A classification of interjections was also carried out by Ameka (1992b) in which he identified expressive, conative and phatic functions. Going by interjection occurrence in pre-and post-pause position and at different phrasal units in sentence structure, it indicates that the elements require thorough linguistic investigation and analysis coupled with the fact that these elements can belong to a grammatical class in some languages. Interjections generally fall within the adverbial word class, however as conversational markers, they have different roles and functions in a sentence structure especially that they are frequently featured in spoken languages. This was highlighted by Newman (2000:37-48) when he discussed adverbs in Hausa and claimed that the adverbial element sai (except or until) is frequently featured in Hausa. 1.1. Code switching Code switching as a concept popularly found among bilingual and multilingual society is defined as the juxtaposition within the same speech or exchange of passages of speech, belonging to two different grammatical systems or subsystems. It also means a switch from two different linguistic systems, varieties or style. However a switch between standard variety and its dialect is described variously as code switching, code fluctuation, or style shifting (Anna, 1995:48-9). These concepts individually explain switching between different languages and from the standard variety to different dialects, as both systems procedures involve alternating between different elements or forms in a clause or sentence. Code switching occurs at Intra-sentential and Inter sentential levels. Intra-sentential code switching occurs within a clause or a sentence with one or more than a word of inserted lexical items. The inter-sentential on the other hand occurs at the sentence or clause boundary with smaller or larger constituent insertions. The debate in the code switching literature is not so much on the level of switching; rather it is on the inserted elements, which constitute the central issue in code switching studies. In an effort to give a classificatory schema to these inserted elements, scholars like Haugen (1950), Poplack et al (1988) and Myers Scotton (1993) among others have used the terms borrowing, nonce borrowing and code switching in explaining this phenomenon The term loan/borrowing became popular in studies on languages in contact, where the issue involved is the receiving and appropriating of elements from one donor language to another recipient. Though sometimes used as two distinct terms, the processes involved in achieving both are the same. They may be used separately or interchangeably by scholars due to different research orientations or approaches. An articulate definition of the terms will require knowledge about the processes involved and the characteristics of both borrowing and loaning. To begin with, one can trace Haugen’s (1950:212) classic definition of Loanword ‘as the attempted reproduction in one language of a pattern previously found in another.’ This indicates that the element being reproduced in the system of one language out of another is either appropriated or maintained in the final process of usage. Borrowing is considered to be the process of establishing a notion in a new way that could involve the reintroduction of concepts through neologism, acronym, semantic extension and derivation. Nonce borrowing as used in Poplack et al (1988:50) on the other hand refers to the single occurrence of an element type in the text. Poplack also has what she called wide-spread or established loan which is the frequent use of an item by many speakers while recurrent loan refers to the many occurrences of an item in the text without necessarily being used by many speakers. The above definitions may not be clear enough in distinguishing borrowing/loan, nonce borrowing and code switching, as switched or borrowed elements can sometimes be free from the linguistic bondages of their recipient languages. This may well be the reason why scholars are still arguing over the suitable criteria for distinguishing loan\borrowing, nonce borrowing and code switching. It is therefore only a general characterisation of the process that can clearly show what these concepts actually stand for in language contact situations. Since code switching implies INTERJECTIONS: CASES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING IN NIGERIAN (SHUWA) ARABIC CODE SWITCHING 293 alternation between two or more language systems, a single word code switch may show little or no integration into another language system due to the infrequent usage in the text. Lexical borrowing on the other hand, refers to the incorporation of a lexical item from one language into another with only the recipient language system operative. We know that established loan words are integrated to some extent into a recipient language, but just what this entails at the moment of borrowing has never been clearly established. The presence of recipient language morphology and phonetic forms are the most frequently invoked indices of integration. When a donor language item does not display these indices, failure of integration is often assumed and the item is considered a code switch, albeit one which often appears to constitute an exception to borrowing and or code switching constraints (Poplack and Meecham 1998:127-38). The concept of code switching classify the interacting languages as matrix or the base language i.e. the one in charge of the frame-building, while the other participating language/s is the embedded language that provides the inserted elements. This notion has been variously used by Azuma (1993), Myers-Scotton (1992, 1993, and 2001) and Boumans (1998, 2000) among others. It explains that when two languages are interacting in a discourse, one of the two is in control of the frame-building constituent and the other provides the inserted elements. The language in charge of building-frame is called the matrix or base language, which controls the content morphemes and also supplier of system morphemes (functional) to the frame. The one that provides the inserted constituent (content) is the embedded language. An illustrative data from Myers-Scotton (1992:23), in Nairobi Swahil/English code switching exemplify the three types of constituents, in the sequence of ML+EL, ML islands and EL islands. 1. a wewe ulikuwa umeiji kunja kwa corner-u- namtime tu 2.SG. Prog. her time just “You had folded yourself in a corner (and) you were just timing her” b wewe, Ben, sik uile ulisosika-plates-tatu-safari -moja plates-three-journey-one “you Ben, you really ate a lot that day three plates at a go” According to the MLF model, the constituent corner -u-na-m-time tu in sentence (1-a) comprises the functional Swahili element u representing second person, na tense marker, m 3rd person pronoun marker, while corner and time are the content English morphemes. The constituent is thus governed by the Swahili matrix which provided the functional elements and English is the embedded language and provided the content morphemes. The constituent “platestatu safari moja” in sentence (1b) is marked by the use of the functional morpheme plural s of English and Swahili tatu (three). The functional elements in this constituent are from both English and Swahili, going by the morpheme sequence, Swahili is the matrix language plates tatu (three plates) while English is the embedded language with the content morpheme ‘plates’. 2. nyumbani imezidi hapa. Inaanza usika na kuendelea throughout the day… ‘And at home it exceeds (the rains of) here. It begins at night and continues throughout the day’ The matrix language island in the above example is illustrated by the constituent inaanzausika (begins at night) while the embedded language island is by the English constituent ‘throughout the day’. The difference between the two is that the matrix language island is preceded by the Swahili constituent and followed by the English one, while the embedded language island is preceded and followed by Swahili constituents. To identify matrix and embedded language constituent structure a single inserted element from an embedded language can justify ML+EL structure. The matrix language island on the other hand consists of the matrix language morphemes, well-formed according to the matrix language grammar, while the embedded language island should also be composed of the embedded language morpheme grammatically well-formed according to the embedded language constraints. 294 JUMA’A JIDDA HASSAN 2.0. Community and the Research Area Historical linguists classify Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic as Semitic language living in Nigeria (Abubakre 1988 and (Kaye 1982, 1986 and 1993). The Shuwa Arabs speakers of this language have been in the area of Lake Chad for a fairly long time, approximately since the 15th century (Owens 1993, 1995). They constitute a significant portion of the population of the former Kanem-Borno Empire and were instrumental in defending the Kanem-Borno Empire from the invasion of neighboring Empires of Fulani, Bulala, Bagirmi and Wadai. Traditionally they are allies of the Kanuri. Nigerian Arabs are nomads who were socio-culturally described as ‘Baggara’ (Braukamper 1990 and 1993). Their movement from one place to another is necessitated by their cattle’s constant need for grazing land. The cattle breeding Shuwa Arabs reside in temporary settlements, while sedentary farmers among them whose cattle migrate along with the nomads for purposes of grazing have permanent settlements. They spread well over the state of Borno with significant numbers in Bama, Dikwa, Damboa, Konduga, Mafa, Monguno, Marte, Ngala, Kala, Kukawa, Gubio, Jere and Maiduguri Local Government Areas. Compared to the Kanuri, the Shuwa Arabs are however a minority. Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic in Borno as an ethnic group language is restricted to its native speakers. It has in the last few decades show relatively tremendous spread. This is because apart from intra group communication, it is also used in the local radio programs of Borno Radio Television. According to Owens (1998) there are limited amount of radio time allotted to Nigerian Arabic. This consist of three programs, one short news broadcast, read once in the morning and in the evening; another is a program of Islamic exegesis and the third a popular general program alwajiblennaasalyoom (what people need today.) These programs have helped in the spread of Nigerian Arabic at least among its native speakers. Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic speakers were either monolingual, bilingual in Shuwa/Kanuri or Kanuri and English and are either multilingual in Shuwa Arabic, Kanuri, Hausa and or English for the educated ones. However, in the recent past when Hausa took over from Kanuri as the language of wider communication, that marks the beginning of Shuwa Arabs multilingualism, with the uneducated native Shuwa using Arabic, Kanuri and Hausa, while the educated use Arabic, Hausa, Kanuri and English. Presently Shuwa Arabs in Nigerian cities are mostly multilingual and find it easy to alternate between the different codes used in cities irrespective of their education or lack of it. It is not unusual with multilingual or bilingual communities to process language through different available sociolinguistic means, to achieve certain communication goals (Hudson 1996). It is because of these desired objectives that contact between them follow different pattern that could be defined by the language, person or group of persons and setting or situation. Language therefore, may base on status classified into minority, majority or that of emigrants which will be socially challenged to fit into the different languages used, the result of which may have far-reaching implication for all the interacting languages. The speakers, who were the ultimate users of these languages, may in the process become bilingual or multilingual depending on their mobility or stability in the society, a situation which will in the long-run lead to language maintenance or shift. This is because the maintenance of the L 1 group may lead to the disappearance of L 2 that is to say non maintenance of L 1 may lead to the shift of L 2 . The consequences of bilingualism/multilingual can be observed through the code switching features of borrowing and interference; which are so often than not practiced by many communities across the world. In this study we intend to investigate the spread of interjections among Shuwa Arabs in Borno State with the hope of achieving the following objectives: i- Identify the frequency of interjection used in different types of text, ii- identify the relationship between types of interjection and language and iii-the relationship between interjections and the matrix language in the texts. 295 INTERJECTIONS: CASES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING IN NIGERIAN (SHUWA) ARABIC CODE SWITCHING 2.1.Research sample and the linguistic data The data was an extract from Nigerian Arabic data collection that was gathered over the last two decades of collaborative research between University of Maiduguri and Bayreuth University in Germany. The data is currently undergoing update through digitalized recording, further detailed transcription translation and launching on website sponsored by German Research foundation (DFG). It was initially collected via tape recording from villages, nomadic camps and in the city of Maiduguri. The tape recording was made through interviews and group discussions. The interviews were made with individuals over a period of 30-45 munities. The group discussions are of two types: type one group discussion was made up of pure Nigerian Arabic conversations with an average of three speakers lasting between 45-60-munites. Type two is made up of mixed speech involving English, Hausa, Arabic and Kanuri also with an average of 3 speakers lasting between 45- 60 munities. The total number of informants used in this recording stands thus: 1x5=5 monolingual informants (pure Arabic speech) 3x5=15 group discussion informants (pure Arabic speech) 3x10=30 codeswitching group informants (mixed speech) 5+15+30=50 total informants 2.3.The corpus The data extracted from the main collection (data bank) is made up of a total of 140,000 words which were selected from five monolingual tapes, five group discussion tapes and ten tapes of the code switching text type. The total words in the different tapes can be distributed thus where monolingual has an average of 20,000 words, group discussion 40,000 words and code switching 80,000 words. Out of these total word text, 595 instances of interjection were found according to the following schedule: Table 1 Frequency of interjections in different settings interjection Yo TVmono. % 56 40.3 TG group % 64 46 Iyo - Yawa Sai kai Total 31 - 5 13.2 28 3 3 15 13.5 5 2 TCS 19 13.7 33 86.8 148 56 149 % 71.5 95 98 Total 139 % 23 38 6 207 59 152 595 35 10 26 3.0. Analysis and Discussion The texts described here comprise tape recording of oral Nigerian Arabic natural speech made in villages across Borno State and in the city of Maiduguri Metropolitan. The texts include interviews in the villages, (TV mono.) i.e. monolingual village tapes, group discussion (TG group) of purely Shuwa Arab speech and another mixed (TCS) where Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic, Hausa, English, Standard Arabic and Kanuri are featured in the discussion. Some of the interjections appeared to be common to both villagers and Maiduguri settlers i.e. (yo, iyo and yawa), while (sai and kai) is peculiar to city settlers only. 296 JUMA’A JIDDA HASSAN These interjections are prevalent in the Nigerian Arabic oral text; their origin could not yet be established due to their common occurrence in many of the languages found in the geographical area of the Lake Chad. We described below the communicative and the grammatical class/function of the interjections as follows: Iyo appeared in two different forms iyo and iyoo in the different discourse text types. The element expresses graded affirmation, it is also functioning like yes adverb in a sentence structure. Yo appeared in two different forms yo and yoo in the different discourse text type. The element expresses affirmation to a statement and functions like the former iyo that is yes adverb. Yawa appeared in four different forms yawa, yawwa, yowa and yowwa in the different discourse text type. The element grammatically functions like adverb and subordinating conjunction. Sai appeared in three different forms sai, sayi and seyi in the different discourse text type. The element, generally expresses reconfirmation of a statement and exception sometimes and function like conditional adverb. Kai as interjection investigated in this research appeared in three different forms in different text types which include kai, kay and kaay. The element is communication – wise expresses amusement, amazement or disapproval to a statement or action in other words it function like a negation adverb in sentence structure sometimes. 3.1. The structure of interjection in the text Since the interjections were used in different languages, in pure Arabic and mixed recorded text and in similar constituent structure, our analysis will be based on the constituent used in Nigerian Arabic structure. The frequency table will consider instances in other languages and in the mixed speech tape. Essentially the language from which Nigerian Arabic borrowed these elements we believe is Kanuri in the absence of any opposite opinion, especially the structure in which they were used in Nigerian Arabic is to a large extend similar to that of Kanuri. This may be true for the items (yo, iyo and yawa). It is however difficult to establish the same for the element sai which we found in a validity test (and in other relevant works) to be common among Fulfulde and Hausa speakers. Iyo appeared clause initial or final, it is functionally an adverb used in the affirmation of apparent statement having an underlying one carrying equal weight eg: 1) iyo am ki wa “oh she is your mother” Ok mother your (f) interr. 2) iyo aarf a a “oh do you know him” Ok know (you) him interr. 3) iyo da barka le-ya “well that’s better for him” well that good for him The clauses which followed the interjection iyo above are made of NP and VP represented respectively by amki ‘your mother’, aarfa “you know him” and da… ‘that’. The second interjection yo like iyo also occurs in response to statement or action. The element can occur before noun, verb, possessive, conjunct, negation and followed by another clause. They may function or used as coordinating conjunction, conditional or optional element moderating between two clauses in the sentence structure. E.g.: 4) Yo ha inta t ta’arf-a ‘fine, what about the one you know’ Ok conj. You det. Know-it 5) Yo kan tigdar tiduugasei ‘yes, if you can taste it’ Yes if you can taste it 6) Yo arradda haadi s safi sei ‘the one who came back is the fool’ Yes det.came back that det. fool is it 297 INTERJECTIONS: CASES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING IN NIGERIAN (SHUWA) ARABIC CODE SWITCHING The yawa, interjection used as adverbial element in sentence structure appeared in medial, initial and final position of the structure. The item may function as subordinating conjunction used in comparative, affirmative, appellative and conditional clause structures e.g.: 7) ha yawa ‘and yes ( there you are)’ Yes ok 8) yawa yaatu fiihum as safi ‘who among them is the fool’ Yes, who among them det. fool 9) azzoxar jay yawa yawa mista joon ‘move closer Mr. Jonathan, yes that is it’ that is it Mister Jonathan 10) yawa ha ke tigdar tiwassif leena ‘fine, but can you describe it for us’ Yes but you can describe for us The interjection yawa in the above constituent structure occur as NP, VP, Adv. conjunct etc. in the structure. Sai like other interjections also function as temporal but conditional adverb. The item is used like subordinating conjunction and in conditional constituent structures eg: 11) Sai gaal harragna haadi “but he said we burnt it” But said burn we it also 12) Sai buwassufo leek ‘until it is shown to you’ Until describe they for you 13) Maa indi sai asharatineen ‘I have twelve only’ Not have except ten two Kai expresses amusement, amazement or disapproval to a statement or action in other words it function like a negation adverb in sentence structure sometimes. 14) Taa yiauree nee, kailissa ‘did she marry, not yet’ She did marry no, not yet 15) Kai yau da saafekoo ‘oh is it today in the morning’ Oh today in morning 16) Kai wajanana rageewa ‘wow the place is reduced down’ Wow place modal reduce Table 2 Frequency of interjection used by speakers in different social setting Interjection TV freq. Yo 56 Iyo Yawa 31 Sai Kai - % 40 14.9 - TG freq. 64 05 28 03 03 % 46 13 23.5 5 2 TCS freq. 19 33 148 56 149 % 13.7 86.8 71.5 95 98 Total freq. 139 38 207 59 152 The above table shows the frequency and percentage scores of interjections in different social setting. The top squares in the table show interjections at TG, TV and TCS frequency with percentages. The item marked TV stands for (village tape), TG (group tape) and TCS (code switching tape). These represent the social setting of our recording where TV refers to natural speech made in village settlement across Borno. TG stands for natural speech made with groups within Maiduguri, while TCS are natural speech made with groups mixing different languages also within Maiduguri. The frequency in the table shows that yo and yawa are used by speakers in different social setting with yo showing close scores between TV and TG. The interjection iyo, sai and kai are found used in TG and TCS setting. The highest percentages recorded was in TCS with 95 and 98% respectively for sai 298 JUMA’A JIDDA HASSAN and kai. This can be explained by the fact that TCS text consist of languages like Kanuri and Hausa where kai and sai interjection are commonly used since most of them were used in Hausa matrix that might extend to languages with closer proximity. However the highest score of 86% for the iyo interjection in TCS setting is explained by its prevalence among the youth. Table 3 Total frequency and percentage of interjections as used by speakers Interjections Yo Iyo Yawa Sai Kai Total frequency 139 38 207 59 152 % 23.4 6.4 34.8 9.9 25.5 The above table shows the percentage score of interjections by speakers. The interjection yawa, kai and yo in this order are the ones used with high frequency and percentages by speakers, while iyo and sai have lower frequency. The interjections attested with high score appear to be the one mostly used by Kanuri. The ones attested with lower percentage score appeared to be the ones commonly used by Hausa or Fulfulde speakers. This may be attributed to Shuwa Arabs proximity/affinity with the Kanuri, where interjections popular to Kanuri show relatively higher frequency compared to others. The next table shows interjection frequency in relation to the matrix language. Table 4 Frequency of interjection in TCS matrix language Interjection NA Matrix % freq. Yo 11 58 Iyo 33 100 Yawa 64 43.2 Sai 29 51.8 Kai 29 19.5 H matrix % freq. 8 42 84 56.8 27 48.2 120 80.5 Total TCS freq. 19 33 148 56 149 This table shows frequency and percentage score of interjections according to the matrix language structure. For example the interjections iyo, yo and sai have higher score in a Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic matrix language (cf Myers Scotton et al: 2000 and Myers Scotton, 2001). For a Hausa matrix language however, kai and yawa had higher score in the structure. Sai interjection which we claim to be common to Fulfulde and Hausa appeared to have a high score in a Nigerian Arabic matrix language. This can be speculatively considered a gradual shift of the element from an original base to a new one resulting from intense contact between Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic and Hausa. 4.0. Conclusion In terms of their social setting interjections such as iyo, yo and yawa were common to village settlement, while sai and kai are common to city settlement. These elements were structurally functioning like adverbs and subordinating conjunction and mostly express amusement, disapproval affirmation and exception. For the frequent occurrence of the different interjections used by speakers, it was yawa, followed by kai and yo. However, for the occurrence of interjection at the matrix language, yo, sai and INTERJECTIONS: CASES OF LINGUISTIC BORROWING IN NIGERIAN (SHUWA) ARABIC CODE SWITCHING 299 iyo in this order were used in a Nigerian Arabic Matrix. In the case of a Hausa matrix language, the elements kai and yawa have the highest occurrence in the structure. The frequent occurrence of the items iyo, yo and yawa in rural settlement might suggest their length of contact with Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic probably symbiosis with Kanuri. The elements sai and kai which were attested with high frequency in TCS (code switching tapes) text in city settlement suggest that they are recent phenomenon in Nigerian (Shuwa) Arabic and may probably be the result of contact with Hausa and Fulani as suggested by Newman (2000) that the adverbial element sai (except or until) is frequently featured in Hausa. References Abubakre, Deremi R. 1988. “Aspects of Variation in the Nigerian Arabic Dialect”, Annals of Borno.Vol. V, University of Maiduguri. 185-96. Ameka, F. (ed.). 1992 a.“Interjections”, Journal of Pragmatics Special Issue 18: ix-301. Ameka, F. 1992 b. “Interjections: The universal yet neglected part of speech”, Journal of Pragmatics 18. 101-108. Anna, Giacalone R. 1995. “Code switching in the context of Dialect/Standard language relation”, Milroy, L. and Muysken, P. (eds), One speaker two Languages; Cross disciplinary perspective on Code switching. Cambridge: CUP. 45-67. Azuma, S. 1993. “The Frame-content hypothesis in speech Production: Evidence from inter-sentential code switching”. Linguistics 31. 1071- 1093. Bouman, L 1998. The Syntax of Code switching Analyzing Moroccan Arabic / Dutch Conversations. Tilburg: Tilburg University press. Bouman, L. and Caubet D. 2000. “Modeling intra-sentential code switching: a comparative study”, Owens (ed) Arabic as a Minority Language. Berlin : Mouton de gruyter. 113-180. Braukamper Ulrich. 1990. “Ecological constraints and strategies of adaptation of Agro-pastoral Shuwa Arab in the Chad basin”, Paper presented to the International workshop on the ecology and society in the History of Africa and savanna, University of Maiduguri. Braukamper, Ulrich. 1993. “Notes on the origin of the Baggara Arab Culture with special reference to Shuwa”, Sprach und Geschichte in Afrika.14. 13-46. Haugen, Einer. 1950. “The analysis of linguistic borrowing”, Language. 26. 210-31. Hudson, R. A. 1996. Sociolinguistics. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Kaye, A. 1982. Dictionary of Nigerian Arabic. Vol. 1 Malibu: Udena publication. Kaye, A. 1986. Dictionary of Nigerian Arabic. Vol. 2 Malibu: Udena publication. Kaye, A. 1993. “A Tribute to philological Linguistics Nigerian Arabic”, Zeitschrift fur Arabisch Linguistik 25. 179-201. Mathews, P. H. 2007. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Linguistics. Oxford; OUP. Myers-Scotton, C. 1992 “Code switching in Africa; A model of the social functions of code selection”, Robert, K. Herbert (ed), Language and Society in Africa; The Theory and Practice of Sociolinguistics. Capetown: Witwaterstrand. Myers-Scotton, C. 1993. Dueling Languages; Grammatical Structure in code switching. Oxford: Clarendon. Myers-Scotton, C. 2001. “The Matrix Language Frame Model: Development and Responses”. Rudolf Jacobson ED Trends in Code switching worldwide (II). Myers-Scotton, C. and Jake, L. J. 2000 “Four Types of Morphemes: evidence from aphasia, Code switching and Secondlanguage acquisition”. Linguistics 38- 6. Newman, P. 2000. The Hausa Language Reference Grammar. New Haven London: Yale University Press. O’Connell, Daniel C.; Kowal, Sabine and King, Scott P.. 2007. “Interjections in Literary Readings and artistic Performance”. Pragmatics. 17:3. 417-438. Owens J. 1995. “Minority Language and Urban Norms: a case study”, Linguistics.31. 305-358. Owens, J. 1993. A grammar of Nigerian Arabic. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Owens, J. 1998. Neighborhood and Ancestry: Variation in the spoken Arabic ofMaiduguri Nigeria. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Owens, J. and Hassan, Jidda. 2010. “Conversational markers in Arabic-Hausa code switching: Saliency and language hierarchies”, Jonathan Owens and AlaaElgibali EDS. Information structure in spoken Arabic. London: Routledge. 207-242. Poplack , S. and Meecham, M. 1995.“Pattern of Language mixture: nominal structure in Wolof-French and Fongbe-French bilingual discourse”, Milroy, L. and Muysken, P. (eds.). One speaker two Languages; Cross disciplinary perspective on code switching. Cambridge: CUP. 199-232. Poplack S., Sankoff D. and Miller C. 1988. “The Social Correlates and Linguistic processes of Lexical Borrowing and Assimilation”, Linguistics 26. 47-104. Thomason, G. Sara. 2001. Language Contact. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Webster, Merriam. 1990. Webster’s’ Ninth Collegiate Dictionary. Massachusetts: Springfield. Zima, P. 2010. “Sprachbund and Lingua franca as Dynamic features”, Ziegelmeyer, G. and Cyffer, N. (eds.), Aspects of Coand Subordination cases from African, Slavonic and Turkic Languages. Koln: Koppe Verlag. CONCERNING SOME NEGATIVE MARKERS IN SOUTH IRAQI ARABIC QASIM HASSAN University of Basra Abstract: The study of negation in South Iraqi Arabic has sadly been an uncharted territory in cross-dialectal studies. In contrast with the thoroughly documented written language of Modern Standard Arabic and Classical Arabic, describing the negative morphemes in the spoken South Iraqi Arabic presupposes an extensive data of natural speech as a source. However, Abu Haidar (2002) has recently provided the most serious work in this respect. She starts describing some negative particles in South Iraqi Arabic, discussing them separately, and then citing examples given by her respondents. The purpose of the current study is to show that the lack of accurate written sources for the negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic led Abu Haidar to arrive at negative conclusions in this respect. I would like to start with some remarks on the instances Abu Haidar cited for South Iraqi Arabic; I will show that these instances are misleading and inadequate. Some forms of the negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic, that she never introduced in her study, will be discussed in detail. The source material for this study comes from the typical folk poetry and spontaneous speech from this region, where certain types of negative markers have become stereotype, but little attention has been paid to. Keywords: Iraqi Arabic; South Iraqi Arabic; Baghdadi Arabic; gilit dialects; negation; negative markers. Theoretical Background and previous research The number of the published studies on Iraqi Arabic has recently remarkably increased, but at the same time little attention has been paid to the spoken South Iraqi Arabic. Most of the early dialectal studies focused mainly on the spoken varieties of Baghdadi Arabic and the northern language area (Van Ess 1939, Van Wagoner 1949, Blanc 1964, McCarthy & Raffouli 1965, Jastrow 1979 & 2004, among many others). In recent years there have been many studies that dealt with Iraqi Arabic dialects, where the spoken South Iraqi Arabic was again totally neglected (Al-Khalesi 2001, Al- Bazi 2006, Murphy 2014, Ridha 2014, among others). One of the most neglected linguistic features of the gilit dialects in general is the subject of negation (Watson 2011: 871). Both in early and recent dialectal frameworks mentioned above, the subject of negation in the gilit area of dialects has been treated either peripherally or not at all. The scope of this parer will be limited to investigate the gilit variety of South Iraqi Arabic. The material I used was from public poetry and recordings of spontaneous speech with informants in the southern gilit dialect area. Some remarks on Abu Haidar´s work In her paper Negation in Iraqi Arabic Abu Haidar used six informants from several dialect areas in Iraq. The gilit dialect of Nasiriya (southern Iraq) stands for South Iraqi Arabic. As we will see later, there are no universal negative markers for the gilit dialects of this region but a number of negative markers and compounds, which might be found in the one southern gilit dialect, but not in the other. It is, therefore, inadequate to use the gilit dialect of Nassiriya to represent the whole dialect group of South Iraqi Arabic. 302 QASIM HASSAN On the basis of text analysis I will first of all discuss some points in her paper with which I do not agree. The most critical point derives from the examples Abu Haidar gives for the negative morpheme mākuš in paragraph (3.1.1) on page 10, repeated here as (1, 2, and 3): 1 1) mākuš čāra iḥna ahl il-irāq maḥḥad yrīd-na. NEG solution 3PL people DET.-Iraq nobody wantPRS.-3PL.ACC “There is no solution. No one wants us, the people of Iraq.” 2) mā adrī šbī-hin umm-ī w ḫawāt-ī NEG knowPRS.1SG WHQ-3PL.F. mother-POSS.1SG and sister-POSS.1SG mākuš ḫabar min-hin. NEG news PREP.-3PL.F. “I do not know what is wrong with my mother and sisters. There is no news from them.” 3) aku benāt ib madrasat-kum? lā mākuš. EXIST girlPL. PREP school-POSS.3PL no NEG “Are there girls in your school? No, there are not any.” The negative morpheme mākuš in (1-3) is unheard of in South Iraqi Arabic since makuš is generally not idiosyncratic for this region of the gilit dialects. It is rather an indicator of a prestige influence of the well-established negative morpheme mākuš of the Baghdadi Arabic. Such a prestige influence is particularly observable in the most part of Abu Haider´s instances on South Iraqi Arabic. Let us pursue these instances to detect the Baghdadi prestigious morphemes she inaccurately ascribed to South Iraqi Arabic. Consider the following example on the negative compound maḥḥad mentioned in paragraph (3.2.) on page (11) of her paper, repeated here as (4): 4) hāy wēn ašu maḥḥad da- yšūf-kum hal- ayyām this where WHQ nobody TENSE-seePRS-3PL these-dayPL. “Where have you been, no one has seen you recently” Again, the highlighted present Tense morpheme da in example (4) is one of the striking characteristics of the prestigious Baghdadi Arabic (Erwin 2004: 338–9), and it has no cognates in South Iraqi Arabic. It is actually limited to the Baghdadi speaking populations and is considered to be of high prestige. Similar considerations hold for the preposition li, which is widespread in Baghdadi Arabic, but unknown in South Iraqi Arabic. The preposition li is given prestige based upon some social factors such as nobility and beauty, among others. 2 Consider the following example she cites in paragraph (2.2.3) about the negative marker mū, on page (8): 5) mū šarab-ha li-l-gahwa šaffilla šaffa bass NEG drinkPST-ACC.F. PREP.-DET-Cofee takePST.3SG.M. sip only “He did not drink the coffee, he merely took a sip”. In Iraqi Arabic, the adpositional case marker li functions twofold. It either assigns the features [+ Obj., - Dat.] to a direct object, or the features [+ Obj., + Dat.] to an indirect object. See examples (6) and (7) respectively: 6) il-rijjal kitab-ha li-l-risalah DET.- man write3SG.M.-ACC.F. PREP.-DET-letter “The man wrote the letter.” 7) 1 2 il-walad wadda kitab li-l-madrassah DET.-boy sendPST.3SG.M. book PREP.-DET.-school “The boy has sent a book to the school.” The transliteration system of Hans Wehr`s Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic will be employed throughout this paper. The consideration of such social factors goes beyond the scope of this paper, therefore I will abstract away from them. CONCERNING SOME NEGATIVE MARKERS IN SOUTH IRAQI ARABIC 303 In both cases, li is a common strategy of disambiguation in Iraqi Arabic. However, the use of li as an oblique case marker in example (5) is common in Baghdadi Arabic, and it has no counterpart in South Iraqi Arabic. It seems, thus, that the informants Abu Haidar uses are unfamiliar with South Iraqi Arabic and are highly influenced by the prestigious Baghdadi dialect. That is because the most culturally prestigious Baghdadi dialect exerts a much greater influence on the lower prestigious South Iraqi Arabic, therefore the influence seems to be asymmetrical. Some negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic As previously indicated, the use of the gilit dialect of Nassiriya to represent the whole southern dialects seems to be inadequate since there is evidence for differences between the gilit dialects in this region when it comes to the expression of negation. This is because there are no universal negative markers for all these southern gilit dialects but a group of markers which might be found in the one variety but not in the others. Indeed, the spoken South Iraqi Arabic exhibits a range of negative morphemes that still require further study. Source materials such as folk poetry and songs will be a good starting point to systematically describe the common negative markers in this dialect region. For this purpose, I will firstly demonstrate some poems from this region, and I will then highlight the negative morphemes used therein. Consider the following parts of poems and songs, where the negative markers mūš, māmiš,ʻīb and the negative verbal circumfix mā-...-š are widely used: The negative marker mūš: 8) mūš āna il-buajh-a il-bāb yinsad NEG 1SG Det.-face-3SG.M. DET.-door closePRS. “Not me, in whose face the door is closed.” 9) liʼn dār-ak dilīl-ī w mūš iliy-a because house-2SG.M. guide-POSS.1SG. and NEG PREP.-1SG. “…, because your home is just a guide for me, but not my own.” 10) ṣuḥbat maṣlaḥa mūš il-ḫawiya friendship interest NEG DET.-brotherhood “A friendship for interest, not for brotherhood.” In example (8), the negative marker mūš negates a free-standing personal pronoun, in example (9) a cliticized personal pronoun, and in (10) it negates a noun; in all these cases, the neutral position of the negative marker mūš is immediately before the negated elements.3 3 Often enough, we find the negative morpheme mūš in each line of a poem. The following is an example: mūš inte il-gilit aḥibbak yahwāy “Weren't you the one who said I love you?” mūš inte ili-nabḍak wiya nabḍi “Weren't you the one who said your heartbeat is mine?” mūš inte il-daggtak daggat ḥizin “Wasn't your deed with me a sad one? ” mūš inte kānūn il-maḥabba ‘Weren’t you the light of love?’ 304 QASIM HASSAN The negative marker māmiš: The negative marker māmiš negates predominantly nouns and it occurs both postnominal (11 & 12) and prenominal (13, 14 & 15). 11) w adawir b-il-jyūb w filis māmiš and lookPRS.1SG in-DET-pocketPL and penny NEG “And I am looking in my pockets, but nothing is therein.” 12) ridit aṭbaḫ bas miliḥ māmiš wantPST.1SG cookPRS.1SG but salt NEG “I wanted to cook, but I hadn't salt.” 13) ṣāḥ-aw māmiš aḥḥad min ahl-a yiḥiḍr-a shoutPST-3SG.M NEG someone PREP. family-3SG. helpPRS.-3SG.M “They shouted: no one of his family comes (to help him).” 14) ʻyūn il-yiḥib imsahira w māmiš ḫabar eyePL. DET.-lover awake and NEG news “The eyes of those who love do not sleep… and there are no news.” dam‘a min ‘ēn-i 15) nizl-at come downPST.-3SG. tear from eye-POSS.1SG. “I shed tear drops, but I have no cheek.” w and māmiš ḫdūd NEG cheekPL. The negative marker māmiš seems to be functionally similar to the generalized negative marker māku of Iraqi Arabic as it usually negates nouns. The negative marker ʻīb : This negative marker is the most prevalent one in the gilit-dialect of Imara (southern Iraq). As shown in the following examples, this morpheme negates only verbs and stands immediately before the negated element. The following is a line of a folk poem from this city: 16) tilūb il-rūḥ ʻīb adrī šamal-ha worryPRS.3SG DET.-soul NEG knowPRS.1SG. WH.Q-3SG.F. “I do not know why my soul does not feel well.” The negative verbal circumfix mā-...-š: One characteristic of the South Iraqi Arabic, which it does not share with the other Iraqi Arabic varieties, is the two-part negative circumfix mā-...-š. 4 Two examples of this discontinuous affixal negation are seen below: 17) mā-hū-š ihnā NEG-3SG-NEG here “He is not here.” 18) mā-ākil-hū-š NEG-eatPRS.1SG.-Acc.-NEG “I do not eat it.” 4 This negation strategy is common in the north African Arabic dialects and in Egyptian, Lebanese, Yemeni (Aoun, Benmamoun, and Choureiri, 2010; Benmamoun 2000). CONCERNING SOME NEGATIVE MARKERS IN SOUTH IRAQI ARABIC 305 In example (17), the negative circumfix mā-...-š surrounds a pronoun; in example (18), the proclitic mā and the enclitic š surround the entire verb including its direct object. In addition to the negative markers mūš, māmiš,ʻīb and the discontinuous verbal circumfix mā...-š, South Iraqi Arabic has further negative morphemes such as māku, maḥḥad, mū, mā etc. See examples (19), (20), (21), and (22) respectively: 19) w kilha gālat mākū ġēr-ak rāqī and all (of them) sayPST.3SG.F. NEG than-2SG. gentle “All of them say there is no one more gentle than you.” 20) iblaya āna maḥḥad inṣīr without 1SG NEG becomePRS.3PL. “We can not exist without me.” 21) mū ḥazzūra hāi itrīd tafsīr NEG puzzle this wantPRS.3SG. interpretation “That is not a puzzle which needs an interpretation.” 22) mā arīd ašūf-ak ihnā NEG. wantPRS.1SG. seePRS.1SG-2SG. here “I do not want to see you here.” The acceptability of such negative morphemes does not appear to be restricted to South Iraqi Arabic, but they are common in all Iraqi Arabic dialects. Furthermore, it is noteworthy to say that the use of all above mentioned negative markers is not restricted to poetry and literary prose but they also used in normal speech of daily life. The following is an online-debate between two Iraqi politicians, in which the negative markers muš, māmiš, mū, māku, maḥḥad are used: āna mūš gilitlak tiskit lā tiġlaṭ tara wallah aṭaliʻ fasādkum killa ya fasdīn bīkam māmiš minkam maḥḥad tgūl kilha nās-ši lā il-bass āna agūl hāḏa il mū amāna mākū šarīf w .ēnz “Didn't I tell you to keep silent? Do not curse. I will otherwise uncover your corruption; you are corrupters. There are no a honest one among you all. You are unreliable. I am not the only one who says that. No, all people say that no one among you is good.“ Conclusion In the above, I have shown that the spoken South Iraqi Arabic has a range of negative morphemes and compounds which have so far been given a relatively little attention in the cross-dialectal negation research. It seems, moreover, that the study of the negative markers in South Iraqi Arabic is often hampered by the unavailability of detailed information that is essential as a basis for a systematic analysis. The basic difficulty derives most probably from the fact that the study of the southern dialects requires a well-documented natural speech, which could avoid any misleading or inaccurate conclusions in this respect. To solve this data gathering problem, and hence to avoid any inaccurate conclusions, this paper paid a special attention to the data collection which has been mainly observed in the deeply rooted folk poetry of the spoken South Iraqi Arabic. 306 QASIM HASSAN References Abu-Haidar, Farida. 2002. “Negation in Iraqi Arabic”, Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramäisch, wir verstehen es. 1-13. Al-Bazi, Matti Phillips Khoshaba. 2006. Iraqi Dialect versus Standard Arabic. Library of Congress. Al-Khalesi, Yasin. 2001. Modern Iraqi Arabic. Georgetown: Georgetown University Press. Bergman, Elizabeth M. & Dickinson Eerik. 2005. Sketch Grammar of Spoken Iraqi Arabic. Michigan: Dunwoody Press. Aoun, Joseph E., Benmamoun, Elabbas, & Choueiri, Lina. 2010. The Syntax of Arabic. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. Benmamoun, Elabbas. 2000. The feature structure of functional categories: a comparative study of Arabic dialects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal Dialects in Bahgdad. Harvard: Harvard University Press. Erwin, Wallace. 2004. A Short Reference Grammar of Iraqi Arabic. Georgetown: Georgetown University Press. Jastrow, Otto. 1979. “Zur arabischen Mundart von Mossul”, Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik 2, 36-75. Jastrow, Otto. 2004. “Jüdisches, christliches und muslimisches Arabisch in Mosul”, Haak et al. (eds), Approaches to Arabic dialects 135-150. McCarthy, Robert J. and Raffouli, Faraj. (1965). Spoken Arabic of Baghdad: Part two (A), Anthology of texts. (Linguistics series 2). Beirut: Librairie Orientale. Murphy, Isa Wayne. 2014. The Realization of Negation in the Syrian Arabic Clause, Phrase, and Word. Dublin: Dublin University Press. Ridha, Mohaned. 2014. The negation in Muslim Baghdad Arabic. Uppsala: Uppsala University Press. Van Ess, John. 1938. The spoken Arabic of Iraq. London: Oxford University Press. Van Wagoner, Merrill Y. 1949. Spoken Arabic (Iraqi). Indiana: Indiana University Press. Watson, Janet C. E. (2011).“Arabic Dialects (general article)”, Weninger, Stefan (ed.), The Semitic Languages: An International Handbook. Berlin: De Gruyter. 851-896. Wehr, Hans. 1961. Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic. Wiesbaden : O. Harrassowitz. FOUR TYPES OF PHONOLOGICAL LENITION IN PALESTINIAN ARABIC URI HORESH Unaffiliated Researcher, Palestine Abstract: Palestinian Arabic has been in contact with Modern Hebrew at least since the 1948 Nakba (‘Catastrophe’). As a result, various features in the dialect have been undergoing contact-induce change, such that the outcome resembles features of Modern Hebrew. This paper briefly introduces four such changes in the domain of phonology, which as a group can be characterized as “lenition.” These four features are weakening of the voiced pharyngealized fricative /ʿ/, depharyngealization of the “emphatic” coronals /ḍ/, /ṣ/ and /ṭ/, a loss of phonemic vocalic length distinction, and degemination. Presented in the paper are definitions, descriptions of the four features, and three transcribed and translated texts that illustrate the outcomes of these phonological processes. Keywords: Palestine, contact, lenition, phonology, pharyngeal, length, gemination Introduction In historical phonology (as well as in more recent theories of language change under the variationist paradigm), the term “lenition” is used in the following sense: “Lenition is a reasonably loose notion applied to a variety of kinds of changes in which the resulting sound after the change is conceived of as somehow weaker in articulation than the original sounds” (Campbell 1998:41). Curiously, in his list of examples of changes that may fall under the larger category of lenition, Campbell lists neither “degemination” nor “shortening,” each of which receives its own, separate definition (1998:42-43). Hock, however, lists at least degemination as one of the types of “changes which have been referred to as weakening” (1991:81; Hock uses “lenition” and “weakening” interchangeably). More suitable perhaps is the notion that lenition may be a by-product of the Principle of Least Effort. Labov (2001:16-18) reexamines Bloomfield’s proposal that “…we speak as rapidly and with little effort as possible, approaching always the limit where our interlocutors ask us to repeat our utterance…” and posits three rephrased versions of the principle. From principle of least effort I, whereby effort reduction in speech is restricted by the need to satisfy one’s addressees’ need to understand, through principle of least effort II, which recognizes some loss of meaning, and culminating in principle of least effort III: “Under the influence of factors a 1 , a 2 … a n , we reduce the phonetic information that we convey to our addressees, sometimes to the point that they do not understand us.”(Labov 2001:17). The processes of sound change in Palestinian Arabic that I am grouping together as “lenition” are the following: 1. 2. 3. 4. 1 Shortening of long vowels Degemination of consonants Depharyngealization of the voiced pharyngeal fricative Depharyngealization of emphatic consonants 2 V 1 ː→V 1 1 C 1 C 1 →C 1 ʿ→ʾ~V~ ∅ ḍ→d; ṣ→s; ṭ→t In the formal representation of these processes I am using the synchronic arrow (→) rather than the diachronic angled bracket (>), as for now I am only treating these processes as variable rules, which do not necessarily affect the underlying phonological value of the features involved. At a later stage it may be the case that some of these processes will turn out to be cases of regular sound change with little or no residual evidence of the old forms. If this proves to be the case, such changes will warrant an angled bracket rather than an arrow. 308 URI HORESH I am using “lenition” as a characterization of both types of features (those involving loss of pharyngeal articulation and those involving loss of length distinction), mainly because the end result of each of these processes is a less complex system, insofar as it includes fewer features from which the speaker needs to choose, and the features that take over are of simpler articulatory nature. Previous work on the variables The four features (1) through (4), which are subject according to my hypothesis to variable rules, have received treatment in at least some dialect of Arabic, in at least one framework of descriptive, theoretical or variationist linguistics. They are renumbered here as (1') through (4') with brief summaries of the literature for each. (1') Shortening of long vowels In his 1994 grammar of Jerusalem Arabic, a dialect closely related to Jaffa Arabic, Levin writes (in Hebrew; my translation – UH): “In Jerusalem Arabic, long vowels cannot exist in unstressed syllables. Therefore, any vowel which is a long vowel in Literary (i.e., Standard/Classical – UH) Arabic changes to a short vowel in Jerusalem Arabic, when it is contained in an unstressed syllable. Examples: mafātī́ ḥ > mafatī́ ḥ (‘keys’ – UH) […] sāfárna > safárna ‘we traveled.’” (Levin 1994:27). Raz (1996) is of the view that in pausal stressed syllables, historically long vowels in Jerusalem Arabic are only “potentially long vowels” (1996:196), unlike Damascus Arabic, in which vowel shortening does not occur. Raz questions the phonemic value of long vowels, but provides no further account of any factors which may govern variation other than stress, pause, and “vowel prominence”. (2') Degemination of consonants I have not found much about this phenomenon in the literature about Arabic. Rosenhouse (2002:601) cites two environments in “colloquial Arabic in Israel” in which “[w]eakening or complete loss of gemination” may occur: in cases where there is underlying cluster of the type C 1 C 1 C 2 (e.g., mʿallme→mʿalme ‘teacher-F’); and in word final position (e.g., ṣaff→ṣaf). McCarthy (1994) mentions Semitic degemination in the known cases of Hebrew and Tigre (an Ethio-Semitic language), but only in the context of “guttural” consonants, and in any case, not in Arabic. (3') Depharyngealization of the voiced pharyngeal fricative Again, Rosenhouse (2002) shows some evidence of this phenomenon in Palestinian Arabic, which she co-classifies with the “weakening of the emphatics” McCarthy (1994) and Shahin (1996) make the case that the fricatives /ḥ/ and /ʿ/, which have primary pharyngeal articulation, share the feature [PHAR] with the emphatics, whose primary articulation is coronal, despite their assertion that a more precise characterization of their phonetic nature is as uvularized, not pharyngealized. Shahin (1995) provides some evidence from acquisition of Palestinian Arabic by her own son. While at first glance it seems as if the child, Hosam, acquired both the glottal stop /ʾ/ and the voiced 2 I am already taking into account that Jaffa Arabic, being an urban variety of Palestinian Arabic, has merged the two voiced pharyngealized alveolars: ḏ>ḍ. ̣ See Al-Wer (2004) for a more nuanced account of this “merger”. FOUR TYPES OF PHONOLOGICAL LENITION IN PALESTINIAN ARABIC 309 pharyngeal fricative /ʿ/ by age 1;11, it is mentioned in a footnote (Shahin 1995:115) that the two phones “have an identical U[nderlying] R[epresentation] for Hosam”. Puzzled by that, I contacted the author via e-mail and her response (dated 25 November 2003) was that “Hosam – in the corpus, which was from 1;11 – 2;8.5 – always produced a glottal stop for a target voiced pharyngeal /ʿ/ (except postvocalically, where he omitted the target pharyngeal).” My understanding of this is that by the end of the data collection period he had not actually produced the voiced pharyngeal. This finding is consistent with Omar’s (1970) study of the acquisition of Egyptian Arabic. Omar shows that /ʿ/ is the fourth-to-last consonantal phoneme acquired by Egyptian children, at an average age of 4;6. (Omar 1970:158). Furthermore, it has not been found among Omar’s sample before the age of 4, and is “continued to be mispronounced as [ʾ] or ∅ in isolated cases long after its acquisition as a phoneme.” (1970:153). These data support the general hypothesis that the voiced pharyngeal is a segment prone to change or even elimination, but its vulnerability in dialects that cannot be suspect of being influenced by Hebrew seems, at least tentatively, to counter the hypothesis that contact with Hebrew is a necessary contributor to such a change. However, such general vulnerability might entail that situations such as contact with a language like Modern Hebrew could easily trigger or promote such a change. (4') Depharyngealization of emphatic consonants As part of her study of palatalization of alveolar stops in Cairene Arabic, Haeri (1996: Ch. 3) has found that the probability of palatalization for /ṭ/ (0.53) is higher than that of /d/ (0.43), even though the [+back] feature of pharyngealization is inconsistent with the [-back] feature of palatalization. Citing previous studies by Royal (1985) and Kahn (1975), Haeri concludes (1996:57) that the pharyngealized voiceless alveolar stop “loses its pharyngealization variably and becomes a plain [t] […] Probably some of the pharyngeal[ized] phonemes are merging with the pharyngeal[ized] phonemes.” Once again, Egyptian Arabic exhibits processes similar to those observed in Palestinian Arabic. For this reason, the contact hypothesis must be scrutinized and tested using acoustic measures followed by multivariate analysis, with intensity of contact as a category of factor groups to be examined. The lenition variables outlined above may be classified as belonging to two groups. The first pertains to segment length, and the second has to do with primary and secondary pharyngeal place of articulation. The data Fieldwork for this project was conducted by means of sociolinguistic interviews, primarily in 20042005, with a small number of interviews having taken place in a pilot study in 1999. Most of the speakers were interviewed in their homes or places of employment in Jaffa, or in other locations in the city. The main pool of subjects consisted of 24 people aged 16 and up, who have lived all or most of their lives, since childhood, in Jaffa. These speakers have typically been in contact with Hebrew speakers at least for some period of time, during their time as students of secondary or tertiary education, as virtually all post-secondary schooling in the Israeli educational system is conducted in Hebrew, and many parents in Jaffa send their children to Hebrew-dominant schools around Tel Aviv-Jaffa. Some of them, however, have studied abroad, in which case they have had a prolonged exposure to other languages. The age categories were chosen in the following manner. All speakers up to age 60 were expected to have been taught Hebrew in school as a second language, as they have had all begun their primary schooling after the Israeli Ministry of Education had taken over in 1948. The older speakers (61 and up) may or may not have had a full curriculum of Hebrew, and for that reason I have chosen to include fewer of them in the sample. The 35/36 cutoff line between the two younger groups roughly corresponds to the 1966 ending of martial law for most 1948 Palestinians (see White 2012:73-76 on 310 URI HORESH “military regime”). This had not affected Palestinian citizens of Israel in a mixed town like Jaffa as much as it had in other locales, but it was expected to have some impact on attitude toward the state nonetheless. I chose to include speakers as young as 16 years old to enable a glimpse into the high school community, which is in itself quite diverse. Teenagers in Jaffa (or in many cases, their parents) have more choice nowadays. Some go to the local municipal Arab high school, where Arabic is the language of instruction; others go to Jewish schools (some of which are by now mixed Jewish/Arab), where Hebrew is used as the primary language; and some go to church-run schools, where interesting, and seemingly not carefully planned combinations of Arabic, French, English and even Russian are used in the curriculum and among the student populace. A smaller sample of speakers was interviewed from within a predominantly monolingual Palestinian speech community that is not in close contact with Hebrew speakers. I interviewed 12 speakers, 6 of whom entered the quantitative analysis. The interviews were conducted on two occasions. The first was a professional seminar held in Jerusalem, in which the participants were all middle class economists and members of their families. They were all natives of Jerusalem, Ramallah, and their environs, roughly 60 km southeast of Jaffa. Some of these speakers attested to have originated in more rural locales in the vicinity, but they have all adopted an urbanite-type dialect. On a second occasion, I traveled to Ramallah and spent the day at a local government office and interviewed several employees. Some of them were middle-class professionals (mostly economists and lawyers), and others were clerical staff and menial laborers. They, too, were all from the RamallahJerusalem urban cluster. These interviews were conducted in late 2004 and early 2005. Table 1 Number of speakers sampled by age and socioeconomic status Age | Sex 14-35 36-60 61+ Total Grand total F 9 3 3 15 24 M 7 1 1 9 F 0 5 0 5 12 M 3 4 0 7 The interviews In addition to some of the standard urban topics of discussion that sociolinguists use to elicit vernacular forms (danger of death, premonitions, childhood games, etc.), I saw the need to construct a number of modules that would address questions of language contact and language attitude. Examples of questions of this sort can be found in the interview excerpts in a study of Anglophones in Quebec, by Nagy, Moisset & Sankoff (1996). In the Jaffa case, similar modules were adapted to fit the local setting. Part of my strategy was to conduct the interview with a short Hebrew component, leading to a longer portion in Arabic. It had been my experience that as a non-Arab who happens to speak Arabic, I am often identified as an “other” (more specifically, a Jewish Israeli, regardless of my own personal views of my identity). Oftentimes, when I initiate a dialogue in Arabic with Palestinians, my interlocutors reply in Hebrew and impose a switch in the language of the interaction. Since I wanted to gather some information not only about the speakers’ own assessment of their Hebrew and their level of contact with Hebrew speakers, but also about their actual level of proficiency in Hebrew and the degree to which their Hebrew resembled that of native speakers, it seemed like a good idea to commence each interview with the Hebrew component, including, inter alia, an explicit language-centered module of questions and a short reading passage, and then introducing Arabic through an abrupt shift on my part in the form of “okay, now in Arabic!” (uttered in Arabic: ṭayyib, hallaʾ bi-l-ʿarabi!). FOUR TYPES OF PHONOLOGICAL LENITION IN PALESTINIAN ARABIC 311 A detailed analysis of the two variables (ʿ) and (EMPHATIC) has been published as Horesh (2015). As hypothesized, the lenition of the two groups of consonants is correlated with the degree of contact speakers have with Hebrew. What I wish to present henceforth are a few sample texts from the corpus, which demonstrate the four types of lenition described above. Some of the texts below may seem as if they include egregious errors in transcription on my part: you will see short vowels where long vowels are expected, single consonants where gemination is expected, the phoneme /ʿ/ rendered as a (usually long) vowel or glottal stop, and emphatic consonants transcribed as their non-emphatic counterparts. These, however, are not erroneous transcriptions, but merely graphic representations of the changes in progress described earlier in this paper. In parts of these texts, loanwords from Hebrew or instances of code-switching/mixing between Arabic and Hebrew are also present. Hebrew words and their translations are transcribed in italics. In order to capture the subtleties of pronunciation, the texts are transcribed using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). Excerpt 1: Jamil, 23 years old, gay male, student/activist, Jaffa ba.araf-ʃ bi-zabet leːʃ jaːni bas hij wislat il-muʒtamaʕ il-jafawi wisil laː la-daraʒe nno batal jiʔamin bit-taɣjiːr. jaːniː. fiʃ ʃi jaːniː eːm. kaman ille kul il-mumasilin ʃet-nu-na bi-l-e, bi-l-bal, bi-l-baladija wʔaʃja min ha-n-noːʕ illi hume bisaːʔidu jxal il-wadeʕ heːk had. iza minʃuf matlan inno kəʔiluː bisawu bə-jafaː haj minsawi lajafa e fi firʔat kadureːgel ʃet ʕarab u-jahud, fi ʕanna firʔet baʕrafeʃ e ʃu. sawu ʒanaːjen iʒdiːde, fi anna maraʒiːħ hoːn u-ɣaːd. ana bitʃuf ʔa haj nno maʃkiʕiːm b-jaːfa. minzˤabbit, minsawi ʃawaːriʕ, min min minsawiha jaʕni aħsan. bass e tisʔal e nafs-ak haj ile ʒanajin wi-l-e kaduregel bitʒib ʃuɣel la-ħada? eː bitsˤalleħ il ilwade ʃet is-sakan u-t-taʕliːm. kul il-maʃakil il-ʔasasije bisibuha ʕala ʃaʔʔa ubisaːwu fejsiŋg jaʕni. ‘I don’t exactly know why, like, but it’s come to the point, the Jaffa community has reached a point where it no longer believes in change. Like, there’s nothing, like, um. Also, the, all of our delegates in the, in the muni-, in the Municipality and things like that, which help keep the situation as it is. If we look, for example, as if they do [things] in Jaffa. We do for Jaffa, um, there’s a soccer team of Arabs and Jews, we have a team of I dunno what. They’ve made new gardens, we have new seesaws here and there. I, you see that like, they invest in Jaffa. We fix, we pave roads, we, we, we make it, like, better. But, um, ask yourself: those new gardens and the soccer – do they provide jobs for anyone? Um, do they fix the situation of housing and education? All of the fundamental problems – they dump them on one apartment [building] and, like, create a façade.’ Excerpt 2: Salim, 56 years old, straight male, blue collar municipal worker, Jaffa ʕaːʔilat {proper noun} ʕariqa bi-jaːfa, ʔaː, ʕariːqa, jaʕni doroːt. ʔaː doroːt. mʃan hek ʔiħna wlaːd ilmanʃijje. illi biʔullak, illi biʔullak ʔibn il-manʃijje ʔaː ʔiħna barra hallaʔ ha-kviʃ mamaʃ ʕover ʕaleːha. fhimet kiːf? ʔaː. ‘The {proper noun} family is deep-rooted, yeah, deep-rooted, I mean generations. Yeah, generations. Therefore, we’re the children of al-Manshiyye. Whoever tells you “child of al-Manshiyye”, yeah, we’re outside [of Jaffa] nowadays, the road actually passes on it. Y’know? Yeah.’ […] xallina nibtadiʔ min əʒ-ʒanuːb. min əʒ-ʒanuːb minsammiː gvul bat jaːm, gvul bat jaːm. […] ‘Let’s start from the south. From the south, we call [that area] “the Bat-Yam boundary”, “the Bat-Yam boundary”. […] ʔaː binsmamiː gvul bat jaːm. heːka. ‘Yep, we call it “the Bat-Yam boundary”. Just like that.’ 312 URI HORESH […] bi-l-ʕibraːni, ʔaː, bi-l-ʕibraːni. xamis miːt miter joter hala, ʒamb bijaaret dakke, ʒamb bijaːret dakke. ze jaʕni hada l-ħaki hada ʔahl il-balad kull-ha, bidd-ak tiwsˤaf ʔiʃi, btiwsˤaf heːka. xamis miːt miter ʔabel, ħajj iʒ-ʒabalijje. xamis miːt miter ʔabel, ħajj gan tamaːr. diːr baːl-ak. ʔaː, diːr baːl-ak. xamis miːt miter ʔabel, bass, jaʕni, ħkajt bass xamis miːt, teritoːrja xamis miːt miter, ʔabel, ħajj il-ʕaʒami. ħajj ilʕaʒami haj ʔakbar ħajj. haːda ħajj il-ʔaʒami jabtadiʔ min ʕənd gan tamaːr, li-ɣaːːjeˑt, ja siːdi l-ʕaziːz, il-balad il-ʔadiːme. haːda kull-o, la-ʕind il-balad il-ʔadiːme, ʕiːr ʕatika jaːni, binʔul il-ʕir a-ʕatika. bib-balad il-ʔadiːme. ʒamb is-seːʕa, ħajj is-seːʕa. ʒdirot iruʃalaːjim, ħajj in-nizha. […] ħajj in-nuzha, kull-ha, min ʕənd, min ʕənd ge.uliːm, min ʕənd kupat xolim geʔulim, il-arbaʔesre komoːt, be-bat jam, baʔedha minʔul bat jaːm. min ʕənd-ha la-ʔeːːnd busˤtˤrusˤ. la-ʕend eː ʒdero, la-ʕend kolnoʔa noga. ħajj in-nuzha. baʕed kolnoʔa noga, il-manʃijje, minsammiː-ha. eː ʃamaːl, ʃmaːl kolnoa noga, ħajj iʃluːʃ, ħajj iʃluːʃ. neve ͡tsedek. la-hala jaʕni kull it-taʕriːf haːda ʔibn il-balad, ʔibn il-balad biʕraf. bas bitʔul-lo lħajj, bitʔarreb ʕala biʕraf weːn. eː ʔənd migraʃ makabi jafo, ʕənd migraʃ makabi jafo, me-ʕeːver la-lmanʃijje, bitʔul ʕənd migraʃ makabi jafo. hek ʔism iʃ-ʃaʔʔa hadiːke. fi kanat bijaːra kbiːre hinaːket, bijaːra kbiːre, ijam li-blad kan bijaraːt, sˤaːħib-ha ʔism-o barakaːt. ʔiħna li-kbaːr, iʒʒiːl il-ikbiːr minʔullo ʒamb bijarat barak, mniʕraf, ʕən makabi jafo. ifhimet kiːf? ‘In Hebrew, yeah, in Hebrew. 500 meters further ahead, near the Dakke citrus grove, near the Dakke citrus grove. That’s, like, that’s the way we talk, that’s all the people in town, you wanna describe something, that’s how you describe it. 500 meters beforehand, al-Jabaliyye neighborhood. 500 meters beforehand, the Tamar Garden neighborhood. Watch out! Yeah, watch out! just 500 meters beforehand. I mean, it’s a matter of just 500 [meters], a territory of 500 meters, beforehand, al-‘Ajami neighborhood. Al-‘Ajami neighborhood is the largest neighborhood. This neighborhood of al-‘Ajami begins at Tamar Garden, all the way, my dear sir, to the Old City, Old City that is, we say the Old (the) City. In the Old City. Near the Clock [Tower], the Clock neighborhood. Jerusalem Boulevard – al-Nuzha [=the Promenade] neighborhood. […] al-Nuzha neighborhood, all of it, from, from Geulim, from Geulim Medical Center, the fourteen storey, in Bat-Yam, after that we say Bat-Yam. From there to Bustrus, to, um, Bouleva-, to Cinema Noga. Al-Nuzha neighborhood. After Cinema Noga, alManshiyya, we call it. Um, north, north of Cinema Noga, the Shlush neighborhood, the Shlush neighborhood. Neve Tsedek. To this day, all these definitions, a child of the town, a child of the town will recognize. Just tell him the neighborhood, [tell him] what’s nearby, and he’ll tell you where. Um, by Maccabee Jaffa [soccer] field, beyond al-Manshiyye, you say “by Maccabee Jaffa field”. That’s the name of that area. There used to be a big citrus grove there, a big grove, back in the day when there were groves here. It was owned by someone named Barakat. We, the older ones, the older generation, we call it “by Barak[at’s] grove”, [but] we know [it also as] “by Maccabee Jaffa”. You get it?’ Excerpt 3: Nevin, 33 years old, straight female, educator, Jaffa ana baħki kif ma ana baħki daːjman ‘I’m (gonna) speak the way I always speak.’ […] hallaʔ mesubax, hallaʔ mesubax. paʃut meod, ana min noʕ el-naːs illi biʔamnu-ʃ bi-l-itkasim. ana biʔamin aktar bi-l-waħad eː mjaːmil imniːħ min duːn ma istanna ramadˤaːn ujsˤuːm miʃʃaːn ramadan. fiː ktiːr illi bʔuluː-li ana lo ͡tsodeket, ze lo naxon laxʃov kaxa, aval hada al-ʔani ha-pnimi ʃeːt-i. iħna bil-ʕele nitʕad keʔilu xiloni-im, inno mindir-bal-naː-ʃ ʔaval e lo. anaː bastakfi ino ʔiħna meʔod jeʃar-im u-meʔod mesur-im u-ʔana geʔa b-hada l-ʔiʃi jaːni. nno, u-derex ʔagav ʔana neged ze nno le-maʃal nno j b-ʕid xag ha-korban COMP and-way btw I against DEM COMP for-example COMP PREP-holiday holiday DEF-sacrifice ʕecem ha-ʃem χag ha-korban, id il-ʔadˤħa, ʔose li ʔanti, le-maʃal liʃxot keːves, lama liʃxot keːves? veː ʔaz ani lo mitxaberet l-a-dvarim ha-ʔele. FOUR TYPES OF PHONOLOGICAL LENITION IN PALESTINIAN ARABIC 313 ‘Now, [it’s] complicated, now, complicated. Very simply, I’m one of those people who don’t believe in (the) rituals. I believe more in someone, um, [who] does good [deeds] without waiting for Ramadan and [without] fasting for Ramadan. There are many [people] who tell me I’m not right, it’s not right to think like that, but that’s (the) my internal “me”.’ ‘We, in the family, behave, like, secular, in that we don’t “watch out”, but, um, no. [For] me, it’s enough that we’re very honest and very devoted, and I’m, like, proud of this thing. That, and by the way, I’m against that that for example that in the holiday [of] The Sacrifice Holiday, the mere name “The Sacrifice Holiday”, “The Sacrifice Holiday”, antagonizes me, for example the slaying of a ram; why slay a ram? And so I don’t connect to these things.’ References Al-Wer, Enam. 2004. 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Principles of Linguistic Change; Volume 2: Social Factors. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell. Levin, Aryeh. 1994. A Grammar of the Arabic Dialect of Jerusalem. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, the Hebrew University. [in Hebrew]. McCarthy, John J. 1994. “The Phonetics and Phonology of Semitic Pharyngeals”, Keating, Patricia A. (ed.). Phonological Structure and Phonetic Form: Papers in Laboratory Phonology III. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 191233. Nagy, Naomi, Moisset, Christine, & Sankoff, Gillian. 1994. “On the Acquisition of Variable Phonology in L2”, University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 3.1. 111-126. Omar, Margaret Kleffner. 1970. The Acquisition of Egyptian Arabic as a Native Language. Georgetown University doctoral dissertation. Raz, Shlomo. 1996. “Prominence and vowel duration in some spoken Arabic dialects”, Israel Oriental Studies 16. 193-199. Rosenhouse, Judith. 2002. “Phonetic Trends of Colloquial Arabic Dialects in Israel”, Arnold, Werner, & Bobzin, Hartmut (eds.), “Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramäisch, wir verstehen es!”: 60 Beiträge zur Semitistik: Festschrift für Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. 599-611. Royal, Anne Marie. 1985. Male/female Pharyngealization Patterns in Cairo Arabic: A Sociolinguistic Study of Two Neighborhoods. University of Texas at Austin doctoral dissertation. Shahin, Kimary N. 1995. “Child language evidence on Palestinian Arabic phonology”, Clark, Eve V. (ed.), The Proceedings of the Twenty-sixth Annual Child Language Research Forum. Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and Information. 104-116. Shahin, Kimary N. 1996. “Assessing pharyngeal place in Palestinian Arabic”, Eid, Mushira, & Parkinson, Dilworth (eds.), Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics IX: Papers from the Ninth Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.. 131-149. White, Ben. 2012. Palestinians in Israel: Segregation, Discrimination and Democracy. London: Pluto Press. VOICES AND REGISTERS IN THE [DIALECT] POETRY OF FUAD HADDAD BOHDAN HORVAT Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv Abstract: The paper aims to attract attention of dialectologists to modern dialect poetry as linguistic material, suggesting that study of Haddad’s exploitation of registers of Egyptian Arabic for literary production contributes to better understanding of the living, ‘ordinary’ language, and helps to discover new horizons for research. Are units of this ordinary language capable of acquiring new meanings in poetry? How linguistic information helps the reader identify voices of various characters in a poem? The questions raised here relate to register and voice as applied to poetry, when seen as an act of communication. Yet, the question remains open, while the proposed discussion of Haddad’s verse offers some intimations for such experience. Keywords: Egyptian Arabic, Fuad Haddad, register, voice, ši‘r al-‘ āmmiyya, dialect poetry. As I look through the Book of Abstracts of the 11th AIDA Conference, I notice that Arabic dialectology is witnessing a shift in studying Egyptian ‘Arabics’. More and more Arabists pay attention to the development of written Egyptian Arabic. While there are varieties of Arabic in modern Egypt that should be recorded, described and analyzed, the processes that take place in its prestigious variety (based mainly on Cairene Arabic) lead to the establishing of its literary form. This attracts much interest. While studies of particular Arabic varieties in other regions focus on different aspects of phonology, vocabulary, grammar, and syntax, researchers of Egyptian Arabic show much interest in its functioning as a written language that tends to become literary. For example, at the last AIDA Conference, Avalone discussed spelling in literary texts of Egyptian Arabic (Avalone 2015), Silagadze and Ejibadze presented a model for a history of “Egyptian fiction in the vernacular” (Silagadze & Ejibadze 2015), De Angelis studied ideological aspects of using dialect for literary production in Egypt (De Angelis 2015). In his discussion of the expansion of Egyptian Arabic as a literary language, Rosenbaum asserts that “its central position in Egyptian writing has become a fact” (Rosenbaum 2011: 337). While nonfiction, academic writing and religious texts remain ‘the last fort post’ of the fuṣḥā language, ‘āmmiyya is said to take first place in poetry production nowadays, moving Egyptian dialect literature from the margins of literature toward its center (Rosenbaum 2011: 330). In the history of modern literary languages, written poetry usually played an important role in their formation. Considering this, we may attempt to trace the emergence of Egyptian Arabic as a literary language (a still ongoing process) in its poetry. The expansion of Egyptian Arabic as a literary language is a process of accelerated development. For example, in 1996 it was fair to say that poets like Haddad are “accepted in media and academy only to the extent that they can be seen as speaking ‘eloquent colloquial’ (‘āmmiyya fuṣḥā)” (Ambrust 1996: 55), but they “remain outside the institutional mainstream” (Ambrust 1996: 175). Today, and especially with the liberalization processes in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, media in Egypt produce numerous articles and programs in this ‘eloquent colloquial’, and recognize not only renown authorities of ši‘r al-‘āmmiyya, but praise young poets as well. Among them there are many young voices writing or performing in Egyptian Arabic, differing in language and imagery, from Hisham al-Gakh to Ahmad an-Naggar. Meanwhile, academics in Egypt have finally reached the shelf of their poetical legacy in dialect. As an example of a somewhat starting point, I would like to mention Seyyid Deif Allah’s monograph “Ṣūrat aš-ša‘b bayna aš-šā‘ir wa ar-ra’īs (dirāsa fī an-naqd aṯ-ṯaqāfiyy bi-at-taṭbīq ‘alā ḫiṭāb fu’ād ḥaddād aš-ši‘riyy wa al-ḫiṭābāt al siyāsiyya li ru’asā’i miṣr: nāṣir, sādāt, mubārak)” (Ḍayf Allāh 2015). 316 BOHDAN HORVAT Historians of literature tend to refer to ši‘r al-‘āmmiyya as a movement that emerged in Egypt in the 1950s (Radwan 2012). While writers often used dialect forms to produce plays, poems, and dialogues in prose long before this date, it was in the beginning of the second half of the twentieth century when Haddad, Jahin, al-Abnudi and Nigm, the pillars of ši‘r al-‘āmmiyya, published their first collections. If we wanted to choose a date to create a historical category or period, 1952 might be the best choice, as it is important not only for Egypt’s political history, but a symbolic date for the history of its literature as well, because this is the year when Haddad had published his first dīwān of dialect poetry. Since it was a movement, why should we study Fuad Haddad’s oeuvre firsthand? Well, one reason I want to point at is his background (an Arabic-French bilingual of upper-middle class who got French education, a man of encyclopedic knowledge of both classical Arabic and modern European poetry) and his choice of identity (a bourgeois adopting communism as ideology, and a Christian adopting Islam as religion). He made this choice for he wanted to be with the oppressed and the poor, to be one hundred percent maṣrī, and indeed, poverty and oppression have accompanied his adult life. Second, as a poet, Haddad, who had probably began writing in the forties, was active until his death in 1985 (excluding a period of ‘silence’ in his writing career) and produced supposedly the largest corpus of poetry in Egyptian Arabic by now. Thus, it would be fair to say that Haddad documented the same language that Badawi and Hinds did, but in a different way. Third, as I have not met evidence of him starting to write in fuṣḥā, like most of ‘āmmiyya poets of his time did, I tend to suggest that Haddad clearly apprehended his choice of language in the first place. An amateur of Aragon and Eluard, he must have adopted to a certain extant their understanding of poetical language, as features of automatic writing or linguistic dislocation are present in his poetry. Finally, I would like to stress that his writings are polygenre and highly polyphonic, often combine seemingly dissonant genres in one text, exhilarating in its range of voices and registers. This is truer about poems written after Haddad’s second imprisonment, a period when poetry cycles Misaḥḥarātī and Raqṣ wa maġnā were created. Commenting on Raqṣ wa maġnā, Radwan stated that poems written in this period show “true mastery of his craft”, but mostly “do not carry complex thoughts” (Radwan 2012: 85). Radwan singles out some of his collections “because of their lack of social or political message”, but they “reflect a command of the verbal arts and the music of folkloric verse” (Radwan 2102: 85). Exploiting the capabilities of formal verse components the ’imām of ʻāmmiyya poets created such characters as the misaḥḥarātī and the ’arāgūz each having his own identifiable voice. Human beings of all ages are not the only ones who speak in Haddad’s poetry, for one may recognize in it voices of puppets, animals or even household items. While on one hand Haddad‘s poetry leans on the oral tradition as means of unmediated approach to an audience and implies synthetical arts, such as theatre and performance, on the other hand its language argues the boundless potentiality of the written dialect to produce senses and meanings. Understanding Fuad Haddad's verse, full of vernacular wit, humor, wordplay, puns and allusions, requires native or native-like speaker competence. However, not all native speakers of Egyptian Arabic show full understanding of poems or particular lines, when asked to comment on them, which certainly is a normal reception for an average reader in any language. What is interesting, though, is that this average reader usually knows some of Haddad’s work as well as expresses admiration and appreciation of the poet’s use of language. Haddad’s poems were never translated on a large scale into any language. I have only met Russian translations in collections of African communist poets published in the Soviet Union and some English translations on the Web, which are generally translations of parts of his poems or simply short citations, largely done after January 2011. A general belief is that Egyptian dialect poetry is very resistant to translation because of its language. I will adhere to this idea in the present paper and will not provide translations of poems. An amateur translation and an interesting example of such belief is to be found on the Web. Blogger Ghawayesh (“an Egyptian living in Europe but her heart stayed back home”) posted a translation of Haddad's poem Dī saḥālī (translated “I’m free”). The post is actually a translation of its first part (about one third of the poem). It ends with an excuse from the blogger who failed to finish it: “I’ve just realized that the genius of poem is totally lost in translation from Egyptian slang to English! So I'll stop here, sorry Fouad. Hehe.” (Ghawayesh 2011). VOICES AND REGISTERS IN THE [DIALECT] POETRY OF FUAD HADDAD 317 Essam and Mustafa demonstrate an academic approach to the issue of translating dialect poetry. For the analyses they took a poem by Hisham al-Gakh consisting of parts in four identifiable registers that was described as follows: “The colloquial varieties are used dynamically in poetry to reflect certain ideologies and poetics which are usually lost or dwindled within the English translation” (Essam & Mustafa 2014: 14). In this case, the translators were aware of the challenges they were facing in translating a poem that they have chosen for a specific purpose. “The purpose was to demonstrate usage of metaphors and its relation to the register, highlighting the translation challenge of rendering culture-specific and register-specific metaphors into English. It is evident that both the register and the metaphors carry an essential weight of both the semantic and effective meaning, which is lost to a great extent in the translation” (Essam & Mustafa 2014: 14). I want to stress on distinction between Haddad’s Dī saḥālī and al-Gakh’s poem al-Mukālma. The later used difference in registers to help the reader/listener identify representatives of different classes of society, while Haddad adopted an established form of linguistic representation, but made a lizard speak this form of human language in his poem. Now I would like to dwell upon the notions of register and voice when applying these terms to Egyptian dialect poetry. Generally, register defines any language variety. Native speakers of any language choose among different words and grammatical structures depending on the communicative situation (Biber 2006: 476) and switch among registers which is “as natural as human language itself” (Biber 2006: 481). Native speakers of Arabic also choose between words and structures, but roughly speaking the languages are two (the dichotomy of fuṣḥā/‘āmmiyya or official/unofficial). The communicative situation, in its turn, determines which of the two dominates in a certain case. Therefore, in a complex text that uses both ‘āmmiyya and fuṣḥā, with one of them being dominant, we may expect to find a number of varieties, which is registers, in both. A dialect poem is dialect because it normally does not contain words or structures of literary language, if not applied on purpose. When fuṣḥā enters the text of a dialect poem, it is either by mistake (and then it must be fixed and replaced by a corresponding ‘āmmiyya unit), or on purpose. In this case, I argue, it is not an example of fuṣḥā in a ‘āmmiyya poem, but a use of a certain register of Arabic. When speaking of poetry or literature in general we inevitably assume that this is a different form of language. Let us then start with asking what is the language of poetry and does poetical language differ from ordinary language? In a discussion of two contrary views on the interrelation of ‘poetical’ and ‘ordinary’ language, Most suggests an understanding of poetry as “a way of experimenting with ordinary language and thereby coming to an understanding of its mechanisms” (Most 1993: 559). He then continues that “it may even be suggested that it is poetry which first makes it possible to conceive the category of ordinary language: for without poetry (were that possible), the ordinariness of ordinary language could not be appreciated” (Most 1993: 559). Registers provide one of the fields for experimenting with language. A sudden shift between stratified forms of language is an example of such experimenting. This method was already largely used by Beyram at-Tunisi, who felt it was important in his text production to define “a compass of linguistic registers” (Booth 1990: 6). It drew Booth’s attention as she analyzed narrative strategies in his poetry and prose, and gave her suggestion to define register as follows: “By ‘registers’, I mean identifiable ‘levels’ of linguistic usage which are acknowledged in the society as distinguished from each other with regards to communications context, user/listener and/or function” (Booth 1990: 6). It is hardly possible to comment on phonetical features peculiar to a certain register transmitted through Arabic script (except for cases like hamza or ğīm instead of qāf, or usage of dāl and ḏāl, etc.). When dealing with poetry, where words are used very thriftily, it is mostly hard to comment on syntax too (with the exclusion of prose poems), but on the lexical and grammatical levels poetry gives place for many observations. On the lexical level communications context helps to spot the meaning of words or phrases, as the wide possibilities of these words or phrases to denote phenomena, qualities and attitudes cannot be covered in a dictionary for obvious reasons. Literature, if understood as communication, implies the writer (an addresser), who sends a message – the writing – to the reader (an addressee). The idea to restate Jakobson’s diagram of linguistic communication for discussing literature belongs to Selden and goes as follows: writer – 318 BOHDAN HORVAT context/writing/code – reader (he felt that it might be acceptable to omit contact, for it is mostly the printed word) (Selden 1989: 3). Literature and, in particular, poetry is then a special type of communication. It is not immediate; therefore, it may be planned to a greater extent, revised and edited. The author’s knowledge about the addressee, if any, is vague and limited, but the question remains whether it has connection with his choice of code. As for context, it is important to the reader, as it is not given, nor obvious, but it shapes his understanding of the message. When put this way, the text of a particular poem illustrates the language of only one user, which is the poet, who possesses a command of a limited range of registers (in some cases we must keep in mind other users, like editors or/and censors). Moreover, his use of language is not ordinary, but creative. Notwithstanding, one may find other cases of communication acts in poetry, I mean such acts as presented inside a particular text. A poem being in monologue form is to be perceived as addressed to the reader. In this case, it is often the ‘authorial voice’ (obvious or disguised). However, it may be a voice of a character or persona, when stylized as such. When being or having elements of dialogue or polylogue, there is room for more voices. But in any case, the author’s voice is always present, more or less. Therefore, when recognizing other voices in a poem, we are dealing with reregistration of language. Voice is something we here. Though one cannot hear a voice physically while reading, if it is not the reader’s own voice as he reads aloud. That means we are dealing with an imaginative voice. And in this paper I discuss this imaginative voice in silent reading. This heavily depends on the reader, his imagination and other nonverbal factors, like attention: while reading one may identify voices of various characters, imagine the author speaking in different voices or mocking them, or he may even find himself hearing his own inner voice, feeling that what is being read is being his own words. This being said, let us think of what it takes to identify voices and written registers. First, there are certain markers that tell us that the text implies one or more characters. In Haddad’s ’Abū bundīra we know that the character is a taxi driver because it is the name of the poem. Second, there are language markers that identify direct and indirect speech, like ’āl and ’āl ’innu, as well as the vocative particle yā. For example, in Haddad’s Muwāṣla a man addresses a young woman with yā ’ammūra and yā šaṭra. Finally, we may find a dialogue in the poem, indicated with punctuation, like in prose, or turns, like in drama. In this case, we are at least aware of the text not being a monologue. Still, these markers are only hints. Paradoxically it may seem, until recently one could not have found much about Haddad’s poetry written by native speakers of Egyptian Arabic, despite the meaning of his poetry for the Egyptian nation. Gaining a native like speaker competence in Egyptian Arabic may be a mission impossible for foreigners outside Egypt. Textbooks, dictionaries and media cover a deficient number of registers. In other words, educational materials we normally use in an Arabic language class are not always able to fulfill the needs of students of AFL who “not only need to deal with different registers of spoken Arabic they want to” (al-Batal & Belnap 2006: 396). This is just one of the purposes for looking at Egyptian Arabic poetry from a sociolinguistic perspective. It may also give way to compare between a range of registers and describe their linguistic features. Furthermore, one can exploit the poet’s genius and his high-level competence to grasp the most important peculiar markers of a register put in a single line or in a single word. This idea, of course, may easily encounter criticism, but if a word or feature that apparently represents a certain register may in fact have marginal place in it, then, in any case, it shows a belief about it. These beliefs are shared by other Egyptians. They were one of the main ideas in a radio production about Haddad’s poetry, in a program entitled “Ṣawt al-wuğdān al-‘arabiyy” (Ṣawt): ‫ أﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﮭﺎ‬.‫أﺻﺒﺤﺖ دواوﯾﻦ اﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﻓﺆاد ﺣﺪاد ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ دﯾﻮان ﻟﻠﻤﻼﻣﺢ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﯿﺔ اﻷﺻﯿﻠﺔ ﻟﺸﺨﺼﯿﺔ ﻣﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫ وأﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﻧﮭﺎ ﺷﻌﺮا ﻋﺎﻟﻲ اﻟﻤﻘﺎم رﻓﯿﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮي ﻓﮭﺬا ﻣﺎ ﺗﺆﻛﺪه اﻷﺷﻌﺎر ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﯿﺪة إﻟﻲ‬،‫ﺷﻌﺮا ﺧﺎﻟﺼﺎ ﻓﮭﺬا أﻣﺮ ﻣﻔﺮوغ ﻣﻨﮫ‬ .‫أﺧﺮي ﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ إﻟﻲ أﺧﺮي‬ ’aṣbaḥat dawāwīn aš-šā‘ir Fu’ād Ḥaddād bi-maṯābat dīwān li-l-malāmiḥ al-qawmiyya al’aṣīla li-šaḫṣiyya-t miṣr al-‘arabiyya. ’ammā kawnuha ši‘r-an ḫāliṣ-an fa-haḏā ’amr mafrūġ minhu, wa ’ammā kawnuha ši‘r-an ‘āliyy al-maqām rafī‘ al-mustawā fa-haḏā mā tu’akkiduhu al’aš‘ār min qaṣīda ’ilā ’uḫrā bal min kalima ’ilā ’uḫrā 319 VOICES AND REGISTERS IN THE [DIALECT] POETRY OF FUAD HADDAD (Haddad’s poetry collections became something like a collection for original features of the national Egyptian Arabic character. As for its true poetical nature, it is a foregone conclusion. As for this poetry being of high level and high standard, it is confirmed by poetry itself from a poem to another, moreover from a word to another) The program largely discusses poems written in his second period, that I have mentioned earlier here, paying close attention to his collections Misaḥḥarātī and Raqṣ wa maġnā, and Haddad’s use of language to create recognizable personalities, for instance the taxi driver, ’abū bundīra, who says: rāyiḥ fīn miš rāyiḥ fīn ’aywa yā bēh in-nās ṣanfīn illī b-yuškur bi-l-ḥalawānī wi-llī b-yušḫur bi-l-ḥayawānī ‫راﯾﺢ ﻓﯿﻦ ﻣﺶ راﯾﺢ ﻓﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻔﯿﻦ‬ َ ‫اﯾﻮه ﯾﺎ ﺑﯿﮫ اﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻰ ﺑﯿُ ْﺸ ُﻜﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻠﻮاﻧﻰ‬ ‫و اﻟﻠﻰ ﺑﯿُ ْﺸ ُﺨﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﯿﻮاﻧﻰ‬ Here, the driver addresses the passenger with yā bey and, naturally, the reader may imagine himself in a taxi car talking with or just listening to the driver. This social situation prompts use of certain language variety. A general belief is that taxi drivers not only have a special manner of talking, but also show specific outlook. Therefore, ’abū bundīra is used to evaluate people, and he is aware of at least two types of passengers. The poem is interesting because it depicts a type of character, who talks about types of people. In the next lines, we will find a case of such reregistration, when the driver tells a story about a passenger, a type he calls muhandis: marra yā bēh rakkibt muhandis kān ’umda-t maṭārāt il-biznis rāḥ tiftakir ddā-nī ktīr iddā-nī šīkūlāta b-tirmis ‫ﻣﺮه ﯾﺎ ﺑﯿﮫ رﻛﺒﺖ ﻣﮭﻨﺪس‬ ‫ﻛﺎن ﻋﻤﺪة ﻣﻄﺎرات اﻟﺒﺰﻧﺲ‬ ‫راح ﺗﻔﺘﻜﺮ داﻧﻲ ﻛﺘﯿﺮ‬ ‫اداﻧﻲ ﺷﯿﻜﻮﻻﺗﮫ ﺑﺘﺮﻣﺲ‬ The driver uses the word muhandis to show that his passenger is a businessperson, someone from the upper class, but not necessarily an engineer, rather a man with a degree and a position in an international business company. We do not know how he made such observations, but ’abū bundīra is sure that his passenger is ‘umda – the most important person in his professional milieu. None of these meanings of muhandis and ‘umda are to be found in the Badawi and Hinds dictionary, but they become quite obvious, when reading the poem. In Haddad’s Muwāṣla the author’s voice depicts a scene in a tram. Through it, another voice is transmitted in direct speech: ‫ ﻛﺎن ﻓﯿﮫ ﺑﻨﺖ ﺑﺘﻄﻠﻊ اﻟﺘﺮﻣﻮاى و ﻣﻌﺎھﺎ ﺗﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺮه ﺳﺘّﮫ ﻣﻠﯿﻢ ﺗﻤﺎﻧﯿﮫ‬.‫اﻷﺑﻌﺪ ﯾﻨﺎدﯾﮭﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ اﻷﺳﺎﻣﻰ اﻟﻠﻰ ﺗﺨﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﮫ‬ .‫ﻣﻠﯿﻢ ﺧﻤﺴﮫ ﺻﺎغ اﻟﻨﮭﺎردا ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻘﻌﺪش‬ .‫ﻣﻌﺎھﺎ ﺗﻤﻦ اﻟﺘﺬﻛﺮه ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻘﻌﺪش‬ .‫ ﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﺒﻨﺖ اﻟﺸﺎطﺮه اﻷﻣﻮره ﻣﺎ ﺑﺘﻘﻌﺪش‬،‫ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ اﻗﻌﺪى ﯾﺎ أ ّﻣﻮره ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﯾﺎ ﺷﺎطﺮه‬،‫ اﺗﺎﺧﺮى ﻟﮭﺎ ﯾﺎ ﺣﺎﺟﮫ‬،‫ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﷲ! اﻧﺘﻰ ﺣﺎﻓﯿﮫ‬ .‫ ﻣﺎھﯿﺶ ﻋﺠﻮزه‬،‫ و اﻟﺸَﻌﺮ اﻻﺑﯿﺾ ﻣﺶ ﺷﺎﯾﺐ‬.‫ﯾﺎ ﺿﻨﺎﯾﺎ! إﯾﮫ اﻟﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﻗﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺪھﺐ ﻛﺪا! ﻣﺎھﯿﺶ طﻔﻠﮫ‬ ’il-’ab‘ad yinādī-hā b-kull il-’asāmī llī tuḫṭur ‘alā bāl-u. kān fī bint btiṭla‘ it-turumwāy wi ma‘āhā taman it-tazkara sitta millīm tamānya millīm ḫamsa ṣāġ in-nahārda lakin mā tu’‘udš. ma‘āhā taman it-tazkara lakin mā tu’‘udš. ta‘ālī yā bintī, ’it’aḫḫarī lahā yā ḥāgga, ta‘ālī ’u’‘udī yā ’ammūra ta‘ālī yā šaṭra, lakin il-bint iš-šaṭra l-’ammūra mā tu’‘udš. ’alla! ’intī ḥāfya. yā ḍanāyā! ’ēh ’illī ġarra’-ik bid-dahab kidā! Māhīš ṭifla wi š-ša‘r il-’abyaḍ miš šāyib, māhīš ‘agūza. 320 BOHDAN HORVAT ’Il-’ab‘ad is probably one of the passengers. He addresses a young woman with yā bintī, yā ’ammūra, yā šaṭra, but stays rather polite with the older woman, choosing yā ḥagga among ‘all the names that come to his mind’. In ’Abū bundīra, we have found a character as depicted by the poet. The driver is in the poem’s center, it is all about him and his world. His portrait is made with his manner of speech, his attitude to the world around him, and words and phrases he uses. While in Muwāṣla, there is no character as such. The poem, if read a whole, is surrealistic in diction and imagery; it portrays no characters, rather tries to recover their images from memory. Here, ’il-’ab‘ad is only a stranger’s voice, whose words, once casually heard, remain captured in memory. In iš-Ša‘ša‘a, we may observe an interesting case of the authorial voice, when we find the poet reflecting on matters of literary art and power, of the collective an individual – from inside the language, as if the language itself triggers his thoughts: ‫ﻋﻤﺮى ﺑﯿﺠﺮى ﻗﺪاﻣﻰ ﻣﻦ ورا ظَﮭْﺮى‬ ‫واﻟﻔﺮﯾﺮه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠ ّﻮ ﻟﮭﺎ ﺻﻮت ﻏﺮﯾﺐ ﻋﺠﺒﺎن‬ ‘umr-ī b-yīgrī ’uddām-ī min warā ḍahr-ī wi-l-furrēra fī-l-gaww lahā ṣōt ġarīb ‘agbān The poem starts as follows: su’ila l-faṣīḥu l-mutakallim ‘an al-fann kayfa yarāhu qāla al-fannu badalu kā’in fa-huwa ka’ann b-a‘mal kamā l-’arāgōz ’ab’ā ma‘-ā w-ab’ā ḍidd-u mā-fī-š ’ ōla misla mā yzīdš ‘an ḥadd-u widnak minīn yā guḥā ’āl iš-šāri‘ ’illī ’anā fī gāy l-ī iš-šāri‘ ’illī ’anā wā’if fī gāy l-ī wi-llī rāyiḥ l-u gāy l-ī kull il-ḥagar muštā’ yā-bā salāma w y-ammā nadāma w yā-sittī na‘āma w y-aḫūyā karāma ’aḥyān-an ši‘r il-ḥaddād mā-lū-š sindān w-’aḥyān-an mā-lū-š miṭra’a hal fī maṭar mā ra’ā ’arḍ-an w-mā waṣal la-hā-š ‘aks il-wā’i‘ mā-fī-š ’abad-an ’abad-an ’abad-an ’abad-an kalām-ī ‘āwiz yibakkī l-falsafa wi-ṭ-ṭūb ّ ‫ُﺳﺌِ َﻞ اﻟﻔﺼﯿ ُﺢ اﻟ ُﻤﺘَ َﻜﻠﱢﻢ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻦ ﻛﯿﻒ‬ ّ ‫ﯾﺮاهُ ﻗﺎل اﻟﻔﻦ ﺑَﺪَل ﻛﺎﺋﻦ ﻓﮭ َﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺄن‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ اﻷراﺟﻮز‬ ‫أﺑﻘﻰ ﻣﻌﺎه و اﺑﻘﻰ ﺿﺪه‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓﯿﺶ ﻗﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺰﯾﺪش ﻋﻦ ﺣ ّﺪه‬ ‫ودﻧﻚ ﻣﻨﯿﻦ ﯾﺎ ُﺟ َﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎل اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻠﻰ اﻧﺎ ﻓﯿﮫ ﺟﺎى ﻟﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺎرع اﻟﻠﻰ اﻧﺎ واﻗﻒ ﻓﯿﮫ ﺟﺎى ﻟﻰ‬ ‫و اﻟﻠﻰ راﯾﺢ ﻟﮫ ﺟﺎى ﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ اﻟﺤﺠﺮ ﻣﺸﺘﺎق ﯾﺎﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻣﮫ‬ ‫و ﯾﺎ ا ّﻣﺎ ﻧﺪاﻣﮫ‬ ‫و ﯾﺎ ﺳﺘّﻰ ﻧﻌﺎﻣﮫ‬ ‫ى ﻛﺮاﻣﮫ‬ َ ‫و ﯾﺎ اﺧﻮ‬ ‫أﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ً ﺷﻌﺮ اﻟﺤ ّﺪاد ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮش ﺳﻨﺪان‬ ‫وأﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ً ﻣﺎ ﻟﻮش ﻣﻄﺮﻗﮫ‬ ‫ھﻞ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻣﻄﺮ ﻣﺎ رأى أرﺿﺎ ً و ﻣﺎ وﺻﻞ ﻟﮭﺎش‬ ‫ﻋﻜﺲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻓﯿﺶ‬ ‫أﺑﺪاً أﺑﺪا أﺑﺪاً أﺑﺪا‬ ّ ‫ﻛﻼﻣﻰ ﻋﺎوز ﯾﺒﻜﻰ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﮫ و اﻟﻄﻮب‬ The reader may receive the first line, written in fuṣḥā as an example of mocking style. The line has two parts. The beginning reminds an introduction to an anecdote presented in direct speech. Its final part is a wordplay, where the mockery is actually located. Indeed, in the second line, where the speaker switches to ‘āmmiyya, he presents himself as an aragūz, for whom wordplay is essential, and for whom there is no saying that ‘goes too far’ (actually, Haddad is being ironical about poets of the official literature and their relations with the authorities). Line five contains a popular idiomatic expression, translated in the dictionary ‘why do you make simple matters complicated’ (Badawi & Hinds 1986: 930). The expression widnak minīn yā guhā takes origin from a popular story about this folk hero. The next lines (6, 7 and 8) are written in style that reminds of such stories. In its message, though, the addresser may be Goha, or the street. Every stone of it is longing for safety and dignity, finding shame and spinelessness (9-12). Contrary to the official literature of the ’arāgīz is the smith’s poetry (and now Haddad is being self-ironic), which unfortunately lacks either anvil, either hammer. However, the poet is to be in constant search and experiment, if he wants his words to touch the most persistent (‘philosophers and bricks’). 321 VOICES AND REGISTERS IN THE [DIALECT] POETRY OF FUAD HADDAD At first glance, these lines lack cohesion, as though they were taken from various texts of different registers. This impression fades away with further reading, when the many voices inside him take turns, and eventually combine in one, as the poet’s voice compares itself with thousands and millions of others. Fuṣḥā is part and parcel of the poet’s language even though he is aflaḥ min fallāḥ: w-inta f-’alb il-furga sarḥān miš mitābi‘ w-lā ‘umr-ak rāga‘t il-badalāt wād faṣīḥ il-mutakallim wād guḥā wād furrēra wād kūra wād madanī wād ‘alā rās-ak hamza: fu’ād […] šā‘ir ’aflaḥ min fallāḥ ‫واﻧﺖ ﻓﻰ ﻗﻠﺐ اﻟﻔﺮﺟﮫ ﺳﺮﺣﺎن ﻣﺶ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫وﻻ ﻋﻤﺮك راﺟﻌﺖ اﻟﺒﺪﻻت‬ ‫واد ﻓﺼﯿﺢ ﻣﺘﻜﻠّﻢ‬ ‫واد ﺟﺤﺎ‬ ‫واد ﻓﺮّﯾﺮه‬ ‫واد ﻛﻮره‬ ‫واد ﻣﺪَﻧﻰ‬ ‫ ﻓﺆاد‬:‫واد ﻋﻠﻰ راﺳﻚ ھﻤﺰه‬ […] ‫ﺷﺎﻋﺮ أﻓﻠﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻼح‬ The above discussion is but a preliminary investigation of the poet’s use of Egyptian Arabic. Through experimenting with the raw material of ‘ordinary’ language, Fuad Haddad had contributed to the evolution of a rich language of literature. In its turn, this language is shaping a segment of the literary language. My suggestion for further research includes both: analyzing the language of dialect literature on particular levels (lexis, grammar, and syntax where it is possible), and comparing it with other segments of Egyptian Arabic as a literary language, e.g. non-fiction, academic writing and media. References al-Batal, M., & Belnap, R.K. 2006. “The Teaching and Learning of Arabic in the United States: Realities, Needs and Future Directions”, Wahba, K., & Taha Z. K., & England, L. (eds.), Handbook for Arabic Teaching Professionals in the 21st Century. Routledge. 389-401. Ambrust, W. 1996. Mass Culture and Modernism in Egypt. Cambridge University Press. Avalone, L. 2015. “Spelling Variants in Writing Egyptian Arabic, a Study on Literary Texts”, Grigore, G., & Bițună, G. (eds.) Abstracts of the 11th Conference of AIDA. Bucharest. 18. Badawi, S., & Hinds, M. 1986. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic. Beirut: Librairie du Liban. Biber, D. 2006. “Register: Overview”, Brown E.K., & Asher, R.E., & Simpson, J.M.Y. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics (Second Edition). Elsevier. 476-482. Booth, Marilyn. 1990. Bayram al-Tunisi’s Egypt: Social Criticism and Narrative Strategies. Exeter: Ithaca Press. Ḍayf Allāh, S. 2015. Ṣūrat aš-ša‘b bayna aš-šā‘ir wa ar-ra’īs (dirāsa fī an-naqd aṯ-ṯaqāfiyy bi-at-taṭbīq ‘alā ḫiṭāb fu’ād ḥaddād aš-ši‘riyy wa al-ḫiṭābāt al siyāsiyya li ru’asā’i miṣr: nāṣir, sādāt, mubārak). al-Kutub Ḫān. De Angelis, F. 2015. “Egyptian Dialect for a Democratic Form of Literature”, Grigore, G., & Bițună, G. (eds.), Abstracts of the 11th Conference of AIDA. Bucharest. 3536. Essam, B. A. & Mustafa, E. 2014. “Challenges in Translating Colloquial Egyptian Arabic Poetry into English: The Case of Register and Metaphors-A Contrastive Study”, International Journal of English Language & Translation Studies. 2(3). 14-22. Ghawayesh. 2011. I’m free by Fouad Haddad. http://ghawayesh.blogspot.com/2011/06/im-free-fouad-haddad-mytranslation.html. Ḥaddād, F. 2006. Al-’a‘māl al-kāmila. Al-ğuz’ as-sādis. Al-Qāhira: al-hay’a al-‘āmma li-quṣūr aṯ-ṯaqāfa. Most, G.W. 1993. “The Languages of Poetry”, New Literary History. Vol. 24, No. 3, Textual Interrelations. 545-562. Radwan, N.M. 2012. Egyptian Colloquial Poetry in the Modern Arabic Canon. New Readings of Shiʻr Al-ʻāmmiyya. Routledge. Rosenbaum, G.M. 2011. “The Rise and Expansion of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic as a Literary Language”, Sela-Sheffy R. & Toury, G. (eds.), Culture Contacts and the Making of Cultures: Papers in Homage to Itamar Even-Zohar. Tel Aviv University. Ṣawt al-wuğdān al-‘arabiyy. Ta’līf: Ḫairī Šalabī, ’iḫrāğ: ’Ibrāhīm ad-Dasūqī. Iḏā‘at al-barnāmağ aṯ-ṯaqāfī min al-Qāhira, https://archive.org/details/FM2-SP-FxdHdd Selden, R 1989. A Reader’s Guide to Contemporary Literary Theory. Second Edition. Harvester. Silagadze, A., & Ejibadze, N. 2015. “On Arabic (Egyptian) Fiction Created in the Vernacular”, Grigore, G., & Bițună, G. (eds.) Abstracts of the 11th Conference of AIDA. Bucharest. 88. SOME FEATURES OF ARABIC SPOKEN IN HASKÖY ȘTEFAN IONETE University of Bucharest Abstract: The current study is based on the material that I gathered during a fieldwork visit in Muș and Hasköy in the summer of 2014. My informers were exclusively men, aged between 35 and 80. The main source for this article is a local version of the story of Mem and Zīn, as told by an 80 years old man, speaker of Arabic, Kurdish and Turkish. Throughout this research I will analyse a series of features of the Arabic dialect spoken in Hasköy regarding its phonetics and morphosyntax as well as making a short comparison with other Arabic varieties spoken in Turkey, where I consider it to be relevant. The aim of this article is to contribute to the studies already made by well-renowned scholars on the linguistic situation of this particular area of Turkey. Keywords: Hasköy, Turkey, Anatolian Arabic, Mem and Zīn. 1. Introduction Hasköy is a small town of Eastern Anatolia, located 35 km from Muș, heading towards Tatvan with a population of approximatively 17000, as one can read when entering the settlement. Its inhabitants are speakers of the northernmost Anatolian Arabic dialect which is heavily influenced by Turkish and Kurdish, as described by Isaksson & Lahdo (2005: 112, 113). Acording to Otto Jastrow, this dialect falls into the Kozluk-Sason-Muș group of Anatolian Arabic (2011: 87-88). The first research on this Arabic variety was conducted by Shabo Talay in 2003. The dictionaries used for writing this paper are the following: for Kurdish: Torî Ferheng (2004), for Turkish: Sözlük Türkçe – Fransizca (2004), for Arabic: Wehr (1990). 2. Phonetics 2.1. The minimal differentiation The phonetic system of the Hasköy Arabic HA 1 is directly influenced by both Turkish and Kurdish through minimal differentiation. In the case of the voiceless, denti-alveolar, pharyngealized /ṭ/, which stands opposite of the voiceless, denti-alveolar /t/, the HA speakers, most of them bilingual or trilingual, tend to make a minimal differentiation of the two consonants, only when the word that contain them form a minimal pair (their meaning differs only through these consonants) as in tīn – fig, and ṭīn – mud, clay, earth. Otherwise, the pharyngealized consonants: /ṭ/, /ṣ/, /ẓ/ tend to be replaced by their unpharyngealized pairs, thus leveling the phonetic systems of the three mentioned linguistic codes, as a result of minimizing the pronunciation effort. Thus: CA 2 HA ṣabāḥ → sbāḥ morning ṭarīq → terīḫ road ṣabī → sebi boy ḍaraba → zarab he hit (ST 3, 120) ḍaḥiktu → səᶜəktu I laughed (ST, 121) 1 HA stands for Hasköy Arabic. CA stands for Classical Arabic. 3 ST stands for Shabo Talay (2003: 119-129). 2 324 ȘTEFAN IONETE 2.2. The shift of some voiced consonants to their voiceless pairs in final position In final position, the voiced/voiceless alternation is canceled in the cases of certain consonants. This phenomenon appears in other Arabic varieties, especially in the Anatolian dialects, where it can have either internal or external causes, due to the influence of Turkish where the voiced/voiceless alternation in final position – either syllable-finally or before a syllable that starts with a consonant – is a rule for certain consonants (Grigore 2007: 45). In Turkish, there are a few pairs of consonants, built on this alternation, that are engaged in such transformations (Thomas 1967:26). These are: /t/ – /d/; /p/ – /b/; /č/ – /ǧ/; /k/ – /g/; /s/ – /z/ As in Turkish, in HA we find the exactly the same changes of the aforementioned pairs. I stopped on the following examples: māt / māde – he died / she died adāš / yǝttiš – he saw / he sees širip / širibe – drink! / drink! (imperative: 2 pers., sg. m/f) frešādi / frešāt – my bed / bed Besides these consonants, that are common with Turkish, there are other specifically Arabic ones that present this voiced/voiceless alternation depending on their context. For example, the voiceless, fricative, pharyngeal /ḥ/ shifts to its voiced pair, /ᶜ/ in an internal position, as shown below: A.C. A.H. naḥnu → naᶜna we (ST, 121) ṣāḥib → səᶜeb owner (ST, 121) faraḥtu → fəṛaᶜdu I enjoyed (ST, 121) ḍaḥiktu → səᶜəktu I laughed (ST, 121) 2.3. The shift of the old interdentals to sibilants In the North Anatolian Arabic dialects, there are a series of transformations suffered by the interdentals /ṯ/, /ḏ/ and /ḏ/ (the latter being the joint reflex of CA ḍād and ḏā). In the majority of the dialects of the Mardin group they are retained as such, in the Diyarbakir group, they have shifted to denti-alveolars /t/, /d/ and /ḍ/, in the Siirt group to the fricatives /f/, /v/ and /ṿ/, and, in the KozlukSason-Muș group, as in the dialect of Āzəḫ (Mardin group), the interdentals shifted to the sibilants /s/, /z/ and /ẓ/, as Jastrow noted (2011: 88). To defend the aforementioned statement, I give the following examples: the CA ṯūm – garlic – becomes, in Hasköy: sūm[e] (ST, 120), in Mardin: ṯūm, in Azeḫ: sūm, in Siirt: fūm (Grigore & Bițună 2012: 546). The interdental /ḏ/ shifts to /z/, as in: zəbbēn – flies, zahab – gold (ST, 120), and, finally, the interdental /ḏ/ shifts to the pharyngealized sibilant /ẓ/, as in: fəẓẓa – silver, aẓam – bone. Also, the pharyngealized sibilant /ẓ/ shifts to its unpharyngealized pair /z/ as in: bayza – white, zēq – narrow, zaḥr – back (ST, 120). Sometimes, it proves to be unstable, as it is pronounced either /z/ or /ẓ/, as in mōẓa/ mōzaḥ (ST, 120) – place. SOME FEATURES OF ARABIC SPOKEN IN HASKÖY 325 3. Morphosyntax 3.1. The verbal system 3.1.1. The general perfect and imperfect inflection of the verbs The perfect inflection suffixes are, generally, the following: Pers. Sg. Pl. 1. -tu/-u -na 2.m. -t -tō 2.f. -te/e 3.m. --ō 3.f. -e agal- yagel “to eat” Pers. Sg. Pl. 1. agaltu agalna 2.m. agalt agalto 2.f. agalte 3.m. agal agalo 3.f. agale Observations: 1. The lack of the masculine/feminine opposition in plural leads to the general use of the masculine form for the 2nd and 3rd pers. in plural (-tō și -ō) for both feminine and masculine. This means that the masculine/feminine opposition is only valid in the 2nd and 3rd pers. for the singular forms: Pers. Sg. Pl. 2.m. šrəbt šrəbto 2.f. šrəbte 3.m. šərəb šərbo 3.f. šərbe 2. The 3rd pers. plural, perfect in Hasköy shows a different characteristic than in the other Anatolian dialects because of the suffix -ō. It is possible that this form has resulted from the contraction of the diphthong -aw, present in the Baghdadi dialect as suffix for the 3rd pers. plural, into ō. I suppose that the suffix -tō for the 2nd pers. plural, perfect shaped its current form through analogy with the 3rd pers. plural. Perfect Pers. Bagdad (Blanc, 1964: 98, 108) Hasköy 3.pl. ketbaw šərbo 3.pl. kuḅraw aġzo 3.pl. saddaw agalo It is important to note that I found the diphtong -aw as suffix for the 3rd pers. plural, perfect in the Mem and Zīn story, such as: k-yənǧimᵓaw -they gathered. 3. The most surprising feature of the verbal inflection is to be found in the 3rd pers. feminine, perfect, where the suffix is -e. The ending -t, which in other dialects, as well as in Standard Arabic, is the feminine mark, in HA it disappears. Hasköy šərbe she drank agale she ate ištaġale she talked miše she walked 326 ȘTEFAN IONETE I suppose that this phenomenon occurred due to an analogy between this verbal form and the feminine, singular nouns, which usually end in I-at, but in final position, the ending –at is reduced and pronounced as –a, or –e. Thus, due to this analogy, the 3rd pers. feminine, singular, perfect verb loses the –t, and ends in either –a or –e: CA HA ḥinṭat → ḥanta flour (ST, 120) kānat → kāne she was kaḏbat/kiḏbat → gəzbe lie (ST, 120) šarabat → šərbe she drank fiḍḍa → fəẓẓa silver (ST, 120) ’akalat → agale she ate ᵓā’ilat → āyla family (ST, 120) When followed by an affix pronoun, the ending –t is surfaced and it turns into the voiced /d/. This phenomenon also occurs in the cases where the inflectional suffix ends in /t/, (ST: 126): Pers. Sg. Pl. 2.m. qadaᵓdu qadaᵓdūn 2.f. qadaᵓdiyu 3.f. The imperfect inflection suffixes are, generally, the following: Pers. Sg. Pl. 1. an2.m. tt-….-ō 2.f. t-….-ē 3.m. ī-/yaī-….-ō 3.f. t- ō: Observations: 1. As for perfect, the forms for 2nd and 3rd pers. plural are the masculine ones: t-….-ō and ī-….- 2.pl. tāḫzo - (you) take taglo - (you) eat təšribo - (you) drink taštiġlo - (you) speak Hasköy 3.pl. yāḫzo - (they) take yaglo - (they) eat īšribo - (they) drink yaštiġlo - (they) speak (ST: 127) 2. The same remark regarding the suffix –ō is, that I made for the perfect forms of 2nd and 3rd pers. plural, perfect are also valid for the imperfect. 3.1.2. Discovered stems Besides Stem I, I have discovered the existence of 2 other stems, given the gathered material. These are: Stem VII and Stem VIII. While Stem VII is only represented, in my material, by the 3rd, pers. plural, perfect of the verb „to get together”/”gather”, k-yənǧimᵓaw, Stem VIII is fully covered and it has the following forms, as infered form the verb ištaġal-yaštiġəl – to talk: Perfect: iC1taC2aC3 Imperfect: yaC1tiC2əC3 Imperative: iC1taC2C3 SOME FEATURES OF ARABIC SPOKEN IN HASKÖY 327 The full inflectional forms of the verb Pers. Perfect Imperfect Imperativ 1.sg. ištaġaltu aštiġəl 2.sg.m. ištaġalt taštiġəl ištaġl 2.sg.f. ištaġalte taštiġle ištaġle 3.sg.m. ištaġal yaštiġəl 3.sg.f. ištaġaltu taštiġəl 1.pl. ištaġalna naštiġəl 2.pl. ištaġalto taštiġlo ištaġlo 3.pl. ištaġalo yaštiġlo 3.2. The genitive particle zəl As Talay shows, there are two genitive particles in HA: zəl and lē. The etymology of lē is transparent, the Classic Arabic ‘ilā. With regards to zəl, I have a proposal concerning its etymology, which might seems a little hazardous, but not quite, and this is the genitival particle ḏil, of the Syriac dialect of Aramaic (Muraoka preface pg. XV), which receives suffixed pronouns as Takamitsu Muraoka shows in Classical Syriac, pg. 21 and gives the following example: malka ḏilan – our king. Ḏil shifts, in HA to zəl, following the shift rule of the interdental /ḏ/ into the sibilant /z/, as I have shown earlier. zəl with suffixed pronouns, (ST: 123): Pers. 1. 2.m. 2.f. 3.m. 3.f. sg. zəli, īzəli zələk, īzələk zəki, īzəki zəlu, īzəlu zəla, īzəlu pl. zənna, īzənna zəkken, īzəkken zəllen, īzəllen Examples: dubər zənna – our wood, (ST: 123) sūlāla īzənna – our family, (ST: 123) Pers. 1. 2.m. 2.f. 3.m. 3.f. After analyzing the newly found corpus, I forward the following forms for zəl: sg. pl. zəli, əzəli zənna, əzənna zələk, əzələk zəkken, əzəkken zəki, əzəki zəlu, əzəlu zəllen, əzəllen zəla, əzəlu Examples: ᶜašīre zənna – our clan ṣuᶜubāt əzənna – our hardships gečim əzəlu – his living duṛūm əzəli – my situation bārəš əzəla – her peace (i.e. the area’s peace) baz əzənna – some of our own qaḥwāt əzənna – our coffeehouses aṃṃa zənna – but ours memlakat əzənna – our land gbāṛ lē bde zənna – our old ones that initiated ᶜarabe Dər Ḫase dawet zəle ksīr – the Hasköy arabs have many weddings 328 ȘTEFAN IONETE 3.3. The disappearance of the definite article /l/ Under the influence of Kurdish and Turkish that don’t present the definite article, HA lost it, in its turn: qaḥwāt the coffee houses aġa the gentleman qafa the backhead zəndan the prison ġulmēn the attendants The definite article is only kept in some lexicalized expressions or those susceptible of being loaned from other Arabic dialects, spoken in the region, which kept the definite article: aččāḫ now billēl <*bi-llayl during the night time A similar situation is signaled by Bo Isaksson when referring to the Arabic dialects spoken in Uzbekistan which, under the influence of the Turkic and Iranian languages that are dominant in the region, as it happened in Afghanistan, lost the definite article. As in HA, it is only being kept in some lexicalized expressions such as: balbēt = bāb il-bēt - door (lit.: the door of the house) (Isaksson, 1998: 204). 4. The Story Of Mem and Zīn 4.1. The HA Version saᵓnne ḥakuwāt ġədēmiye. qaḥwāt me-k-fi. kell-ən gbāṛ k-yənǧimᵓaw mōẓa-ma k-yġannu k-yqūlu ḥakuwāt. k-yqᵓadu ḥatta sāᵓat ᵓašra-ntēn wāḥe[d] ḥakuwāt k-yqūlu. ḥakōye yəǧe Mēm u Zīne. Mēmo ᵓAlān, f-ᵓAlān kān. Zīne v-Ǧezīre kāne. Mēmo itteš nūm-u yǧību Zīne ūnek ittišu bāz-ēn. ygu: inte ǧīde vo frešādi. iya tgu: in (<inte) ǧīd vo frešadi. qāmu zaġlu le ġulmēn le ġdām idden-ēn. zaġlu enǧo: gāva le Mēz (Mēm)o Zīne ǧābu-wa? gde mekēni ǧabu-wa? melegāt ǧabuw-ēn. ᵓande ǧabuw-ēn, gde ǧabuw-ēn, saw-ēn bād-ēn. Mēmo b-senīn qām daḫal terīḫ miši Ǧezīr, Ǧezīre Botan. Zīne ūne kāne. Zīne bənt aġa zəll-ən gebīre zəll-ēn kāne. ūne baġa qalēle-ma. Beko ᵓAywāni k-fi. Beko ᵓAywāni adāšēn. yōm ha mišu nečīr gāva le ǧu Zīne daḫale qafa Mēmo. qaṗuṭe zəllu v vəṛṛa fōġ-a. le vəṛṛa foġ-a Beko adāš-a. le adāš-a qām k-yqūl, qām b-šāne k-yqūl. miši aġa. ḥarag bē rūḥ-u. ḥarag bē rūḥ-u ṣāre ḥawari qālu: ḥatara bē mīr Zeydīn? ḥatara bē mīr Zeydīn? ṣāre ḥawarīye mišu. Beko qām sa-ffasdiye (< sawa fazdiye) le aġa vəṛṛu v-zəndan. kəm sene baqa v-zəndan baqa ma-miši. Zīne miše v-zəndan zaġlədu [...]. le waḫat lə ġaṣṣat, aġa māt. Mēmoy-ᵓAlān māt. le māt ǧabuw-ēn tammuw-ēn. Zīne māde, tammuw-ēn fōġ-u. Beko ǧa fōġ-u zarab-o qrāle Beko qadaᵓ-a. saᵓnne qūlu ṣāre šōg-ek beynād-ēn. 4.2. The English Translation Now, there are old tales. There were no coffee houses. All the old ones used to gather in one place, to sing, to tell stories. They would stay until 12-1, telling folk stories. They were recounting a story about Mem and Zīn. Mem was in ᶜAllan, in ᶜAllan he was. Zīn was in Ǧezīre. Mem saw in his sleep that they were bringing Zīn there and they both saw each other. He says: You came beside my sheets. She says: You came beside my sheets. They woke up and asked the servants in front of them. They asked and they answered: When did they bring Mem and Zīn together? Where did they bring her from? The angels brought them [together]. They are the ones that brought them, somehow they brought them, they put them together. Mem, years later, entered the road that was leading to Ǧezīr, Ǧezīre Botan. Zīn was here. She was the daughter of the landlord, their [family] was big. He remained here for a little while. Beko ᶜAywāni was there. Beko ᶜAywāni saw them. One day, well, they went hunting, and, in that time, Zīn entered after Mem. She closed it [the door] and he threw her upwards. When he threw her upwards, Beko saw her. When he saw her, he started saying, he rose to say: The landlord left. He SOME FEATURES OF ARABIC SPOKEN IN HASKÖY 329 put fire to the house by himself. He put fire to the house by himself. Aids came and they said: Look! Is it the house of Zeydin, the prince? Look! Is it the house of Zeydin, the prince? The aids left. Beko forged a rumour and the landlord put him [Mem] in prison. He remained in prison for a few years and he didn’t leave. Zīn came to the prison and asked him: […]. In that time of tribulation, the landlord died. Mem of ᶜAllān died. When they died, they brought them to bury them. Zīn died and they buried her besides. Beko came alongside, the king hit him and cut [his head]. Now you tell that he [Beko] became a thorn between them. References: Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal Dialects in Baghdad. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Grigore, George & Bițună, Gabriel. 2012. “Common Features of North Mesopotamian Arabic Dialects Spoken in Turkey (Şırnak, Mardin, Siirt)”, în M. Nesim Doru (ed.), Bilim Düşünce ve Sanatta Cizre(Uluslararası Bilim Düşünce ve Sanatta Cizre Sempozyumu Bildirileri). Istanbul: Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi Yayınları: 545-555. Grigore, George. 2007. L’arabe parlé à Mardin, monographie d’un parler arabe «périphérique». București: Editura Universităţii Din Bucureşti. Isaksson, Bo & Lahdo, Ablahad. 2005. “Reflections on the Linguistic Situation in Anatolia and Northern Syria from a Semitist’s Perspective”. 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London: MacDonald & Evans Ltd. ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ورد ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﺮﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎء أﺑﻮ ﺷﮭﻼ ﺟﺒﺮان ‪SAFA ABOU CHAHLA JUBRAN‬‬ ‫ﻓﯿﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﯿﺴﻜﻮ ‪FELIPE BENJAMIN FRANCISCO‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﺎو ﺑﺎوﻟﻮ – اﻟﺒﺮازﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﻘﺎﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸ ِﺔ إﺷﻜﺎﻟﯿ ِﺔ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﻠﺮواﺋﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‬ ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎداً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر أﻧﻄﻮان ﺑﺮﻣﺎن وﻣﻔﮭﻮم "اﻟﺤﺮف"‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪا ّل ﻟﻠﻨﺺ‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﯾﺸﻤﻞ ظﮭﻮر اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ واﻟﺘﺮاﻛﺒﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺜﺮ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﯾﻠﯿﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰة ﻋﺮﻗﯿﺎً ﻓﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﮭﺪﻣﺎن ﺣﺮف اﻟﻨﺺ ھﺬا‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺗ ّﻢ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ"‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﺄﺛﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻔﺎھﯿﺔ واﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﺑﮭﺪف إﺛﺒﺎت طﺮق إﻟﻐﺎء ھﺬه اﻟﻘﻮى اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ إﺧﻀﺎع ﻗﺮارات ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﮭﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ‪ .‬أﺧﯿﺮاً‪ ،‬رﻏﻢ ﻋﺪم ﺗﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﺮر ﻛﻠﯿﺎً ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﻼﺷﻌﻮرﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺒﺮھﻦ اﺟﺘﮭﺎد اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦ واﻋﺘﺮاﻓﮭﻢ ﺑﺄھﻤﯿﺔ ﻋﺪم ﻣﺤﻮ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻗﺮاراﺗﮭﻢ ﻣﺮاﻋﯿﻦ دور‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ وأﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺣﯿﺔ‪ :‬أﻧﻄﻮان ﺑﺮﻣﺎن؛ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ؛ ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ؛ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ؛ اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ؛ أﺧﻼﻗﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺘﺮﻛﺰ ھﺬا اﻟﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ إﺣﺪى إﺷﻜﺎﻟﯿﺎت ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ )‪ (la traductologie‬وﻟﻌﻠّﮭﺎ اﻷھﻢ‪ ،‬وھﻲ طﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﺎ ُﻣﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺺ و"ﺟﺴﺪﯾﺘﮫ" )‪ ،(corporéité‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل أﺷﻜﺎل ﻋﺪﯾﺪة‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﮭﺎ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﯾﺶ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ)‪ (vernaculaire‬واﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﺔ )‪ .(koinè‬إن ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻔَﺮق ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ واﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺻﺪد اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻣﻌﺘﺒَﺮةٌ ﻛﻤﮭﻤ ٍﺔ ﺷﺒﮫ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﯿﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ إﻟﯿﺎس ﺧﻮري ‪:1‬‬ ‫"ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷدب ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺔ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﯾَﻌﺠﺰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﻮن ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ إﺣﺪاھﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺠﺎز‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼً‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗَﻘِﻞﱡ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﮭﺎﯾﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ أن ﺗﻘﺪم ﺳﻮى ﺻﻮرة ﻧﺎﻗﺼﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ رﻏﻢ ﻧُﻘﺼﺎﻧﮭﺎ ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﺿﺮورﯾﺔ وﻻ ِﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﮭﺎ‪".‬‬ ‫وھﻨﺎ ﯾُﻄﺮح اﻟﺴﺆال‪ :‬ھﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻗﺎدر ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ اﺧﺘﻼف ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺷﺎر إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﺧﻮري؟ أﻣﺎ اﻟﺠﻮاب ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬا اﻟﺴﺆال‬ ‫ﻓﮭﻮ ھﺪف دراﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﻠﺮواﺋﻲ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ ھﻮ اﻷﺳﻠﻮب ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺻﺮة طﻮال اﻟﺴﺮد‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﺒﺴّﻄﺔ وﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮة وواﺿﺤﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺮاﻓﻘﮭﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮة ﺑﺸﻔﺎھﯿﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﺘﺴﻠﯿﻂ اﻷﺿﻮاء ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺴﺄﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﺠﺄﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ أﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ أﻧﻄﻮان ﺑﺮﻣﺎن‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﮫ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮاً ﻣﻦ أﺑﺮز اﻟﻤﻔﻜﺮﯾﻦ ﺑﺸﺄن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ وﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺮن اﻟﻌﺸﺮﯾﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺎن )‪ (2010:35‬ﯾﺤﺪد ﻣﻨﻈﻮره اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻟﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻜ"ﺗﺄ ﱡﻣﻞ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ذاﺗﮭﺎ‪ ،‬إﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ ً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ طﺒﯿﻌﺔ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘﮭﺎ" ‪ .2‬وﻻ ﯾﮭﺪف ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻧﻈﺮﯾﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷن ﻟﻜﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻮﺿﺢ‪" :‬ﻓﻀﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺧﺎﺿﻊ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬أي ﯾﺮﻓﺾ اﻟﻜﻠﯿﺔ" )ص‪.(38.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ وﺟﮭﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن أن ﻋﻠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ھﻮ ﺗﺄ ّﻣﻞ ﯾﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺪﯾﺪُه ﺑﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﺎور‪ :‬ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ؛ أﺧﻼﻗﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ؛ وﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷدﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ھﯿﻤﻨﺖ ﺻﯿﻐﺘﺎن ﺗﻘﻠﯿﺪﯾﺘﺎن ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺮب وھﻤﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰة ﻋﺮﻗﯿﺎً؛‬ ‫‪ (2‬واﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﯾﻠﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻷوﻟﻰ ھﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ اﻟﺬي ﯾﻌﻨﻲ "إرﺟﺎع ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲء إﻟﻰ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ )اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ( اﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ وإﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﺎﯾﯿﺮھﺎ وﻗﯿ ِﻤﮭﺎ‬ ‫واﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ھﻮ ﺧﺎرج ﻋﻦ إطﺎرھﺎ‪ ،‬أي‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ھﻮ ﻏﺮﯾﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﺒﯿﺎً")ص‪ .(47.‬إن ھﺬه اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻲ ﻏﺮاﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ اﻟﻤﺘﺮ َﺟﻢ ﺑﺤﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﯿﺴﻌﻰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ إﻟﻰ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﺛﻔﺎﻓﺘُﮫ ﻣﻜﺘﻔﯿﺔً ﺑﺬاﺗﮭﺎ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﯾﻠﯿﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﺮاھﺎ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ "ﺗُﺤﯿﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺺ ﻣﺘﻮﻟّﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﯿﺪ واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﺎة اﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮة وﺗﻘﻠﯿﺪ اﻷﺳﻠﻮب واﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺒﺎس واﻻﻧﺘﺤﺎل‪ ،‬أو ﻛﻞ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﺸﻜﻠﻲ‪ ،‬اﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻧﺺ آﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮد َﺳﻠَﻔﺎً")ص‪.(48.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬا اﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﯾﺪﻓﻊ ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﯿﺪ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟ َﻢ ﻟﻠﻘﯿﺎم ﺑﺘﺮﺟﻤ ِﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ أﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻘ ٍﺔ ﻻ "ﻧﺴﺘﺸﻌﺮ" ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﺄن ھﻨﺎك ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﻠﻐ ِﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ .‬إذ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺿﺮورة إﺧﻔﺎء ﻛﻞ أﺛﺮ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﺻﻠﯿﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﯾﺠﺐ أن ﯾُﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫وطﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ اﻻﻧﻄﺒﺎع ﺑﺄن ُﻛﺘِ َ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ ﺗﺘﻔﺎدى ﺻﺪم اﻟﻘﺎرئ ﺑﺼﯿﻎ ﻏﺮﯾﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻤﯿﺔ أو اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺒﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾُﺤ ّﺬر ﺑﺮﻣﺎن ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪة ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ أن ھﺪف اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﺤﺪداً ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ وﺗﺒﻠﯿﻎ اﻟﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻷن اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‬ ‫أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﮭﻲ ﺗﺒﯿّﻦ اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‪ .‬واﻟﮭﺪف اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ھﻮ أﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ أﻧﮭﺎ "ﺗَﺮﻏﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺮ ﻣﺎھﯿﺘﮭﺎ ذاﺗﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺟﻌﻞ اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫‪ 1‬اﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻹﻟﯿﺎس ﺧﻮري ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﺻﻢ ﺑﺪر اﻟﺪﯾﻦ‪" :‬اﻟﺤﻮار ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎ ّﻣﯿﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﺤ ّﺪي اﻟﺮواﺋﯿﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب؟" ‪http://www.almodon.com/culture/e9a91ea6- 2014/05/26‬‬ ‫‪.d0dd-4073-a58b-22d7243d48bf‬‬ ‫‪ 2‬اﻋﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﺰ اﻟﺪﯾﻦ اﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﻤﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎت ﺑﺮﻣﺎن إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎء أﺑﻮ ﺷﮭﻼ ﺟﺒﺮان؛ ﻓﯿﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﯿﺴﻜﻮ ‪SAFA ABOU CHAHLA JUBRAN; FELIPE BENJAMIN FRANCISCO‬‬ ‫‪332‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺘﺤﺎ ً ﻛﻐﺮﯾﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﮫ اﻟﻠﺴﺎﻧﻲ اﻟﺨﺎص")ص‪ .(103.‬ﻟﮭﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎل ﺑﺮﻣﺎن ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻣﻘﺘﺒﺴﺔ ﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺟﻮّال )‪ :(troubadour‬إن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ھﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎھﯿﺘﮭﺎ "ﻣﻘﺎم اﻟﺒُﻌﺪ")ص‪.(103.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮭﺪف ﺗﺤﻘﯿﻖ ھﺬه اﻟﻐﺎﯾﺔ اﻷﺧﻼﻗﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﯾﻘﺘﺮح ﺑﺮﻣﺎن ﺗﻔﺤﱡ ﺺ ﻧَ َﺴﻖ ﺗﺤﺮﯾﻒ اﻟﻨﺼﻮص اﻟﺬي ﯾﺴﻤﯿﮫ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺴﻌﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ ھﺬا اﻟﻨﺴﻖ اﻟﻼﺷﻌﻮري ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ وھﻮ ﻣﺘﻌﺮّض ﻟﻠﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﮭﻚ "اﻟﺤﺮف" )‪ (la lettre‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ واﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﻟﺠﻤﯿﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ّ‬ ‫أن ﻣﻔﮭﻮم "اﻟﺤﺮف"‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن‪ ،‬ﯾ ُﺪ ّل ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ" اﻟﺬي ﯾﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺪا ّل ﻟﻠﻨﺺ‪ .‬وھﻮ‬ ‫ﯾﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﮭ ِﺪم "ﺣﺮف" اﻟﻨﺺّ وھﻲ‪ :‬اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻨﺔ )‪(rationalisation‬؛ اﻟﺘﻮﺿﯿﺢ‬ ‫)‪(clarification‬؛ اﻟﺘﻄﻮﯾﻞ )‪(allongement‬؛ اﻟﺘﻔﺨﯿﻢ )‪(ennoblissement‬؛ اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻟﻜﯿﻔﻲ )‪appauvrissement‬‬ ‫‪(qualitatif‬؛ اﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎر اﻟﻜ ّﻤﻲ )‪(appauvrissement quantitatif‬؛ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ )‪(homogénéisation‬؛ ھﺪم اﻹﯾﻘﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫)‪(destruction des rythmes‬؛ ھﺪم اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﺪاﻟّﺔ واﻟﻀﻤﻨﯿﺔ )‪(destruction des réseaux signifiants sous-jacents‬؛ ھﺪم‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﺴﯿﻘﺎت )‪(destruction des systématismes‬؛ ھﺪم اﻟﻌﺒﺎرات )‪(destruction des locutions et idiostismes‬؛ ﻣﺤﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮاﻛﺒﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ )‪(effacement des superpositions de langues‬؛ ھﺪم أو ﺗﻐﺮﯾﺐ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ ) ‪destruction‬‬ ‫‪ .(ou l’exotisation des réseaux langagiers vernaculaire‬أﻣﺎ ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻓﺘﮭﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻹﺛﻨﯿﻦ اﻷﺧﯿﺮﯾﻦ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺮاﻛﺒﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪ -‬ﻓﮭﻮ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﺧﻔﺎء ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎن ﺑﯿﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﯿﻦ أو ﺑﯿﻦ ﻟﻐﺔ وﻟﮭﺠﺔ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﮭﺬه اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻧﺴﯿﺞ ﻧﺼﮭﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻋﺪا ﻋﻦ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ واﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ أن ﯾﺄﺧﺪ‬ ‫ھﺬه اﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﯿﺔ ﺑﻌﯿﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر وھﻲ أﺳﺎﺳﯿﺔ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻌﺒّﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ راھﻨﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ‪ ،‬وﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮاﺿﯿﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎوﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ وﺗﺼﺎدم اﻟﺤﺪاﺛﺔ واﻟﺘﻘﻠﯿﺪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ واﻟﻤﺮأة‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺮى ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻘﻄﻊ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺼﺪد‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ واﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﺳـﺄﻟﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﺮّة ﻛﯿﻒ ﻧﻘﻮل ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ Remplis-moi :‬ﻗﻠﺖ ﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻧﻘﻮل‪" :‬اﻣﻸﻧﻲ" ! وھﻲ اﻷﻣﺮ ِﻣﻦ ﻣﻸ ﯾﻤﻸ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟﺖ "ﻻ!‬ ‫ﺑﻞ أرﯾﺪھﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿّﺔ‪ "،‬ﻗﻠﺖ ﻋﺎدة ﻧﻘﻮل‪" :‬ﻣﻠﯿﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬واﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﯾﻘﻮل "ﺗﻠﯿﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻤﺘﻜﻠّﻢ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ وﺣﺴﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ھﻮ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻟﺖ أﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺮادﻓﺎت؟ ﻗﻠﺖ ﺑﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﻋﺒّﯿﻨﻲ! ﺣﺸﯿﻨﻲ! ﻋ ّﻮﻣﻨﻲ! ﻓﺎﺷﺘﻌﻞ اﻟﻨﻮر ﻓﻲ ﻋﯿﻨﯿﮭﺎ وھﻲ ﺗﺴﻤﻊ ھﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻔﺮدات ]‪)[...‬ص‪.(17.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻘﺪر ﯾﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺸﮭﺪ ﻣﻔﺮدات إﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺮف اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ وﺳﻂَ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ "‪ "Chaos‬أو"‪"I love you‬‬ ‫أو"‪ "pregnant‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أﺣﺐّ‬ ‫أن أﺣﺒﻞ ﻣﻨﻚ ﻗﺮﯾﺒﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺖ أﺗﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ أن‬ ‫أﺣﺒﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ أن ﺗﻨﺎدﯾﻨﻲ زوﺟﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وﻧﺤﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺘﺰوّج ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺖ أﺣﻠﻢ أن ﺗﻘﻮل ﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮل ﻟﻲ ذﻟﻚ ﻗﺒﻞ زواﺟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﺑﻌﺪه ﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أن ﺗﺤﺒﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛﻨﺖ أﺣﺐّ وأﺗﻮﻗّﻊ أن ﺗﻘﻮﻟﮭﺎ ﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﻜﻠﯿﺰﯾّﺔ ‪ Pregnant‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎدﺗﮭﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻜﻠّﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺴﺘﺪﻋﻲ اﻟﺤﯿﺎء‪ ،‬وھﺬه ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﻌﻠّﻤﺘﮭﺎ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻟﮭﺎ داﺋﻤﺎ ً ﺑﺪل أن ﺗﻘﻮل ﺣﺒﻠﻰ‪) .‬ص‪(50.‬‬ ‫وھﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﺴﺎءل‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ھﻲ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮاﺟﮭﺘﮭﻢ ﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﯿﺔ ﻧﺺ ﻛﮭﺬا؟ ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﯿﻞ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ھﺪم أو ﺗﻐﺮﯾﺐ اﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﺘﻘﺎطﻊ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺮاﻛﺒﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪ .‬وﯾﺴﺘﮭﺪف ﺗﻌﺪ ﱡدﯾﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬أي‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬وھﻲ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﺴﺪﯾﺔ وإﯾﻘﻮﻧﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺜﻘﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺤﺘﻮي ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﺎھﯿﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺜﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺸﮭﺪ اﻧﺪﺛﺎرھﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﺬف أﺳﻤﺎء اﻟﺘﺼﻐﯿﺮ أو اﻟﺘﻌﺎﺑﯿﺮ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ أو ﺣﺘﻰ اﻷﻓﻌﺎل‪ .‬إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﯾﺘﺴﻨّﻰ اﺧﻀﺎع اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﺮﯾﺐ اﻟﺬي ﯾﺤﺼﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪ ،‬أي‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘ ٍﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﺆدي‬ ‫ﺣﯿﺚ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻣﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ ﺑﻌﺒﺎرة ﻣﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫إﻟﻰ ﻧﺺ ﯾُﺴﺨﺮ ﻣﻨﮫ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﮭﻢ أن ﻧﻔﺤﺺ طﺮﯾﻘﺔ ظﮭﻮر اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺼﻨﯿﻔﮭﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﺗﻈﮭﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ وﺟﻮد أﻟﻔﺎظ وﻋﺒﺎرات ﻣﻨﻔﺮدة ﻣﺘﺪاﺧﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬إﻣﺎ ﺑﺄﺳﻤﺎء اﻷﻏﺮاض اﻟﻌﺎدﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﯿﻮﻣﯿﺔ )ﺑﺎرات‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺒﺎت‪ ،‬اﻟﻐﺎز‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﯿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﯿﺒﺮوﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮّادي‪ ،‬اﻟﻠﻤﺒﺔ(‪ ،‬إﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺒﺎرات وأﻓﻌﺎل ﺗ ّﻢ ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰھﺎ ﺑﻌﻼﻣﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻣﺜﻞ‪" :‬ﻧﯿّﺎﻟﻚ!"‪،‬‬ ‫ْ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻼﺣﻆ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة "وﻟﻮّ!" ‪:‬‬ ‫"اﻟﻌﻤﻰ!"‪" ،‬ﺑﺘﺠﻨّﻦ"‪" ،‬اﻧﺴﻤﯿﺖ"‪" ،‬زھﻘﺖ"‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫ھﻞ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن أﻛﻮن ﺿﺤﯿّﺔ اﺳﺘﺮاﺗﯿﺠﯿﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﻤﺪروﺳﺔ؟ وﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ؟ ﻣﺎ دور ﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮع؟ ﻻ ﺑ ّﺪ أن ﯾﻜﻮن ﻛ ّﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺮى ﻣﺆاﻣﺮة‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻋﻠ ّﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺑّﺮة‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ دوراً أﺳﺎﺳﯿّﺎً‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﺬ أﺳﺒﻮع واﻷزﻣﺔ ﻣﺸﺘ ّﺪة وﺧﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﺼﻞ ﺑﻲ ﻟﺘﺴﺄﻟﻨﻲ ﻋ ّﻤﺎ ﺟﺮى‪ ،‬أو‬ ‫وﻟﻮ! )ص‪(100.‬‬ ‫اﻷﻗﻞّ ‪ّ .‬‬ ‫‪Serais-je victime d’une stratégie qu’elle a savamment mise au point ? Et ma tante ? Quel rôle joue‬‬‫‪t-elle dans cette affaire ? A tous les coups, tout ce qui est arrivé était un complot bien organisé‬‬ ‫‪dans lequel ma tante joua un rôle essentiel. Depuis des mois que la crise gronde, ma tante ne m’a‬‬ ‫‪plus jamais appelé pour me demander ce qui se passe ou tout simplement pour avoir de mes‬‬ ‫)ص‪nouvelles. Et pourquoi ? (112 .‬‬ ‫‪Could I have been the victim of her carefully studied strategy? What about my aunt? What was her‬‬ ‫‪role in all of it? There was no doubt it had all been a conspiracy in which my aunt played a vital‬‬ ‫‪role. A whole week had passed since the crisis exploded and my aunt had not called to ask me‬‬ ‫)ص‪what happened or even to check to see if I was all right. What the heck? (70.‬‬ ‫‪ 3‬أﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻨﺺ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻂ اﻟﻌﺮﯾﺾ ھﻮ ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﮫ ﻧﺤﻦ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻘﻮﺳﯿﻦ وﻋﻼﻣﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻓﮭﻲ ﻣﻦ وﺿﻊ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺼﮫ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ورد ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﺮﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‬ ‫‪333‬‬ ‫ﯾﺪ ّل اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺎرة "وﻟﻮّ!" أﻋﻼه ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻦ أﺳﺒﺎب رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ ﻟﺘﺒّﻨﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ وﺳﻂ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﮭﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒﯿﺮﻋﻦ ظﻨﻮن اﻟﺒﻄﻞ وﺳﺨﻄﮫ ﺧﻼل ﺳﺮد اﻷﺣﺪاث ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺼﺔ وذﻟﻚ أﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺒﯿﯿﻨﺎ ً ﻓﻲ طﺮﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ‪.‬‬ ‫ث‬ ‫‪ (2‬ھﻨﺎ ﺗﻈﮭﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﻜﻼم ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﺒَﺲ أو ﺑﯿﻦ ﻗﻮﺳﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ أن ﯾﻀﯿﻒ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻘﺎت وآراء واﻧﻄﺒﺎﻋﺎت ﻟﮫ ﺗﺠﺎه ﺣﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ .‬وﻛﺜﯿﺮا ﻣﺎ ﯾﺮاﻓﻖ اﻟﺘﻔﺴﯿ ُﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ اﻟﻜﻼ َم ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ أو ﯾﺘﻢ ﻓﮭﻤﮫ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ اﻟﺴﯿﺎق‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﺷﺎرﻓﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺜﻼﺛﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮھﺎ‪ ،‬وﻛﺎدت ﺗﯿﺄس ﻣﻦ اﻟﺰواج ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗَﺒﻐﻲ أﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮاھﺎ‪) ،‬ﺑﺘﻀﺮب ﻋﺎﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ(‪،‬‬ ‫وأﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﺸﺨﺺ أﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻮ؟( وﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻲ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﯾﺌﺴﺖ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﻠﻊ إﻟﻰ ﻓﻮق‪ ،‬وﻷﻧّﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪).‬ص‪.(15.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺒﻄ ُﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﯿﻦ أن ﯾﻘﺘﺒﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻤﻌﮫ أو ﻗﺎﻟﮫ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻼم اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻮار ﻣﻊ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﯿﺎت ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻋﻼﻣﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺒﺎس أم اﻟﻘﻮﺳﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮى ﻓﻲ اﻗﺘﺒﺎس ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺣﻤﺎة اﻟﺒﻄﻞ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻻ أدري ﻣﺎ اﻟﺬي ﺟﻌﻞ واﻟﺪة زوﺟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮل ﻟﻲ‪":‬ھﯿﺌﺘﻚ ﺑﺘﺤﺐ اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﯾﻮن ﯾﺎ رﺷّﻮد!" )ص‪.(7.‬‬ ‫‪J’ignore ce qui poussa ma belle-mère à me dire : "Mon Dieu, comme tu aimes la télévision mon‬‬ ‫)ص‪petit Rachid !" (9.‬‬ ‫‪I have no idea why my mother-in-law once said to me, “You really like TV, Rashoud, don’t‬‬ ‫)ص‪you?” (2.‬‬ ‫وھﻨﺎ ﺗﺒﻮح ﻟﻨﺎ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ أﺳﻠﻮب رﺷﯿﺪ وھﻮ ﯾﻘﺪﻣﮫ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ‪" :‬ﺣﻠﻤﻲ أن أُﻗﺮأ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﻲ واﻟﻌﺎﻣﻞ واﻟﻔﯿﻠﺴﻮف‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ أﺑﻨﻲ ﻋﺒﺎرﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺴﺎطﺔ ﻣﺎ أﻣﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻ أﻗﺼﺪ اﻟﺴﻄﺤﯿﺔ ﺑﻞ اﻟﺒﺴﺎطﺔ اﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻜﺸﻒ اﻷﻋﻤﺎق" ‪ .4‬ھﻜﺬا ﯾﻘﻮم اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﯾﺮ اﻟﻨﺴﯿﺞ اﻟﺪا ّل ﻟﻠﻨﺺّ ﺑﻠﻐﺔ ﻋﺎدﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﯾﻮﻣﯿﺔ ﻟﺪﯾﮭﺎ ﻗﺪرة ﺗﻌﺒﯿﺮ ﻋﻔﻮي ﻟﻠﻐﺎﯾﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﮭﺬا اﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ أﻟﻔﺎظ ﻛﺜﯿﺮة اﻹﯾﻘﻮﻧﯿﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ "ر ّﺷﻮد" وھﺬه ﻣﻮاﺻﻔﺔ أﺳﻠﻮب‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫وﯾﻈﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ اﻟﺬي ﻋﺎدةً ﯾﻠﻘﺐ أﺑﻄﺎﻟﮫ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﮫ ‪ 5‬ﺳﻌﯿﺎ ً ﻟﺨﻠﻖ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺗﺒﺪو ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯿﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻔﺴﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ‪" :‬أن ﻣﺘﻌﺔ اﻟﻘﺎرئ ﺗﺘﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺣﯿﻦ ﯾﻘﺮأ رواﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ أﻧّﮫ ﯾﻘﺮأ ﺣﯿﺎة ﺻﺎﺣﺒﮭﺎ )‪ (...‬اﻹﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﻄﺒﻌﮫ ﯾﺤﺐ اﻟﺒَﺼْ ﺒَﺼﺔ" ‪ .6‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ أﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻟﺪﯾﮫ أھﻤﯿﺔ ﻛﺒﯿﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻗﺮارات‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺟﺪ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎن إﻟﻰ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ واﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﺣﻠﯿﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﯿﻦ ﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻤﻘﻄﻊ أﻋﻼه ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﻟﺘﺼﻐﯿﺮ "رﺷﻮد" وھﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻟﯿﻞ اﻟﻮﺣﯿﺪ إﻟﻰ اﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ ﻛﻠﮫ‪ .‬وﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﮭﻤﺎ ﻧﺤﻮ اﺷﻜﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺗﺒﯿﯿﻦ اﺳﻢ "رﺷﯿﺪ" إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "‪) "petit‬ﺻﻐﯿﺮ( اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻋﻦ اﻻﺳﻢ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﻞ ﺳﻌﯿﺎ ً ﻹﺑﺮاز‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺨﺮﯾﺔ ﺑﻜﻼم ﺣﻤﺎﺗﮫ‪ .‬أ ّﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻟﻺﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ اﻷﺻﻠﯿﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾُﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﮭﺎ "‪ "Rashoud‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮭﺎ ﺑﯿﻦ أﻓﺮاد اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎب اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ إﯾﻘﻮﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﯿﺮ ّ‬ ‫أن ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ ﯾﻮﺟﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ ﻻﺳﻢ اﻟﺘﺼﻐﯿﺮ ھﺬا وإﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﺳﻢ ﺑﻄﻞ اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ اﻟﺘﺤﺬﯾﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ إذا ﺗ ّﻢ ھﺪم "اﻟﺤﺮف" ﺑﻤﺤﻮ اﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل أﻋﻼه‪ ،‬ﯾﺠﺐ اﻟﻘﻮل إن ﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﮭﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺘﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻞ إطﻼﻗﺎً‪ ،‬إذ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎل ﺗﻨﺒﮭّﺎن اﻟﻘﺎرئ ﺑﺄﻧﮫ أﻣﺎم ﻧﺺ أﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ أن ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺘﻮﺿﯿﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﺎة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫)‪ (calque‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ‪ ،‬أي اﺳﺘﻨﺴﺎخ اﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ "رﺷﻮد"‪ .‬ﻓﻼ ﺑﺪ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺄن اﻟﻘﺮار اﻟﺬي اﺗﺨﺬه اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎن ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ أﯾﻀﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﮭﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻮارد ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺔ اﻷم‪ .‬وﯾﻔﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن أن اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ اﻟﺘﺤﺮر ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻤﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﯿﺎ ً وأدﺑﯿﺎ ً‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‪ ،‬وﯾﻀﯿﻒ أﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻻﺷﻌﻮري‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ أن ﯾﻠﺠﺄ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻹدراك ﺑﮭﺬه اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت‪ ،‬ﯾﻜﻮن اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻗﺎدراً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻘﯿﺎم ﺑﺘﺮﺟﻤ ٍﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ "ﺣﺮﻓﯿﺔً"‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻼف اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﻮﯾﻠﯿﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻤﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰة ﻋﺮﻗﯿﺎ‪ .‬وﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻻ ﯾﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن ﻓِﻌﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤ ٍﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺴﺨﺔ واﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﺎة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ طﻮال اﻟﻨﺺ ﺟﺰءاً ﺟﺰءاً‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺗﺒﯿّﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺴﻖ "اﻟﺤﺮف" ﻟﻠﻨﺺ اﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﻟﻨﻘﺎط اﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮة ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻌﯿﺎرﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺮ ِﺟﻤﺔ ﺣﻔﺎظﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ اﻟﻨﺺ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ"‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺧﺘﺮﻧﺎ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ھﺬه اﻻﺷﻜﺎﻟﯿﺔ أﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﺪوره اﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰي ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺮد و"ﺣﺮف" اﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺣﯿﺚ أن ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﯿﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺘﮫ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر اﻟﺴﯿﺎق ﺣﻮﻟﮫ وﺧﺼﻮﺻﯿﺘﮫ اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻛﻠﻔﻈ ٍﺔ ﻟﮭﺠﯿﺔ‪ .‬وزد ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ ظﮭﻮره ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﺮﺗﯿﻦ‪ :‬أوﻻً ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ اﺳﻢ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﯿﺔ "ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ"‪ ،‬وﺛﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎن آﺧﺮ وﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺮد داﺧﻞ ﻛﻼم اﻟﺒﻄﻞ‪ ،‬وﻧﺪرة ظﮭﻮره ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ ﺗﻔﯿﺪﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻋﺘﻤﺎداً ﻋﻠﻰ أﺣﻤﺪ رﺿﺎ )‪ ،(1981:332‬إن أﺻﻞ ﻓﻌﻞ "اﺻﻄﻔﻞ" ھﻮ "اﻓﺘﺼﻞ" ﺣﯿﺚ ﻓﺨﻤﺖ اﻟﺘﺎء وﺻﺎرت طﺎء ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺎد‪ ،‬ﺛ ّﻢ ﺗﻢ إﺑﺪال اﻟﺼﺎد واﻟﻄﺎء اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﺎء‪] :‬اﻓﺘﺼﻞ[ < ]اﺻﻄﻔﻞ[‪ .‬وﯾُﺴﺘﺨﺪم ھﺬا اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﻜﺜﺮ ٍة ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺸﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ اﻟﺴﻮرﯾﺔ واﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﻣﻌﻨﺎه ھﻮ ﺗﺮك اﻟﻘﺮار ﻟﻤﻦ ﯾﮭﻤﮫ اﻷﻣﺮ وﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﯾﻌﺒّﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻة ﺑﻤﺎ ﺳﯿﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﮫ‪ .‬وﯾﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫‪ 4‬رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﺤﺴﯿﻦ ﺑﻦ ﺣﻤﺰة‪" .‬رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‪ :‬اﻷدب ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﮭﻨﺘﻲ! ﻋﻦ اﻷﻧﺎ واﻟﺮواﯾﺔ واﻟﺤﺮب"‪ .‬اﻷﺧﺒﺎر‪ ،‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‪ ،‬ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ وﻧﺎس‪ ،‬ص‪ 7 ،12.‬ﺗﺸﺮﯾﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪.2006‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﻛﺜﯿﺮاً ﻣﺎ ﯾﺴﻤﻲ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ أﺑﻄﺎل رواﯾﺎﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﺳﻤﮫ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ ﻓﮭﺬه ﺻﻔﺔ أﺳﻠﻮﺑﮫ ﺗﻮﺣﻲ اﻟﻘﺎرئ ﺑﺄﻧﮫ ﯾﻘﺮأ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺣﻘﯿﻘﯿﺔ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺠﺪ ﻓﻲ "ﻟﯿﺮﻧﻨﻎ‬ ‫إﻧﻐﻠﺶ")‪ (2005‬ﺣﯿﺚ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ھﻮ أﺳﺘﺎذ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﯿﺮوت‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ھﻲ ﻣﮭﻨﺔ رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ "ﻋﻮدة اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ إﻟﻰ رﺷﺪه" )‪ (2006‬ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﺮوي‬ ‫رﺷﯿﺪ ﻗﺼﺔ ﻟﻘﺎﺋﮫ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺜﻠ ّﻲ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ ﯾﻮاﺧﯿﻢ ھﻠﻔﺮ ﻓﻲ إطﺎر ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻟﺘﺒﺎدل اﻟﺰﯾﺎرات ﺑﯿﻦ ﻛﺘّﺎب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﺮق واﻟﻐﺮب‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﻜﺸﻒ "ﺑﻄﻞ" اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺻﯿﻞ اﻟﺤﯿﺎة اﻟﺤﻤﯿﻤﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺎﺗﺐ اﻷﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 6‬رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻜﻤﺎل اﻟﺮﯾﺎﺣﻲ ﻧُﺸﺮت ‪ 23/04/2007‬ﻓﻲ ‪.http://www.doroob.com/archives/?p=17014‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎء أﺑﻮ ﺷﮭﻼ ﺟﺒﺮان؛ ﻓﯿﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﯿﺴﻜﻮ ‪SAFA ABOU CHAHLA JUBRAN; FELIPE BENJAMIN FRANCISCO‬‬ ‫‪334‬‬ ‫اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮫ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻت اﻟﻀﺠﺮ وﻗﻠﺔ اﻟﺼﺒﺮ ﻓﻲ إﻗﻨﺎع أﺣ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ أﺣﺪ ﯾﻨﺼﺢ اﻵﺧﺮ وھﺬا ﻻ ﯾﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﺼﯿﺤﺔ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺆدي إﻟﻰ ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮل‪" :‬ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ!" ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻓﻠﯿﻔﻌﻞْ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ"‪ .‬وﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻈﮭﻮر اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺪ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ" وھﻮ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﻀﺎرع ﺑﺼﯿﻐﺔ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺆﻧﺚ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا" وھﻮ ﻣﻀﺎرع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺼﯿﻐﺔ اﻟﻐﺎﺋﺐ اﻟﺠﻤﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫"ﻣﺎ دﺧﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ؟"‬ ‫وإﺿﺎﻓﺔً إﻟﻰ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر "ﺣﺮف" اﻟﻨﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﯾﻠﻌﺐ اﻟﺴﯿﺎق دوراً أﺳﺎﺳﯿﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ وھﻮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻌﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺺ‪ ،‬أي‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺮوف اﻟﺘﻲ اﻟﺤﻮار ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﺣﺪﯾﺚ اﻟﺸﺨﺼﯿﺎت ﻣﺜﻼً‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﻮع اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﻢ‪ .‬ﻟِﺬا ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻔﯿﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﯾﻢ ﻗﺼﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎر‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻨﺎول اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" اﻟﺤﯿﺎة اﻟﺰوﺟﯿﺔ ﻟﺒﻄﻠﮭﺎ ‪ -‬رﺟﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﯾُ ْﺪﻋَﻰ ﺑﻠﻘﺐ "ر ّﺷﻮد" ‪ -‬ﻓﯿﺒﻮح ﻟﻠﻘﺎرئ ﺣﯿﺎﺗﮫ‬ ‫ﺗﺪرﯾﺠﯿﺎ ً وھﻮ اﻟﺮاوي ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺴﺮد ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ً ﺑﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎت وﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪاﺗﮫ ﺣﻮل دور اﻟﻤﺮأة ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻛﺰوﺟﺔ وأ ّم‪ ،‬وﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫واﺟﺒﺎﺗﮭﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ أن ﺣﺎول اﻏﺘﺼﺎب ﺧﯿﺎطﺔَ اﻟﺤ ّﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮر زوﺟﺘﮫ ﻣﻐﺎدرة اﻟﺒﯿﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟِﺒﺔً ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼق وھﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬وھﺬا ﻣﻤﺎ دﻓﻌﮫ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺒﻘﺎء ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﯿﺖ وﺣﺪه ﺑﺮﻓﻘﺔ ﺟﮭﺎز اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﯾﻮن ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ذﻟﻚ اﻟﺬي اﺷﺘﺮاه ﻟﺰوﺟﺘﮫ‪ .‬وﻛﻤﺎ أﻧﮫ اﺷﺘﺮك ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻤﺎ وﻓّﺮ ﻟﮫ ﻗﻨﻮات ﻋﺪﯾﺪة وﻣﺸﺎھﺪة ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ أﻧﺤﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬وﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻔﻀﯿﺤﺔ ﯾﺠﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ وﺣﯿﺪاً أﻣﺎم اﻟﺠﮭﺎز وﯾﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﻄﺎت ﺑﯿﻨﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﺬﻛﺮﯾﺎت‬ ‫واﻟﺘﺄﻣﻼت ﺣﻮل زواﺟﮫ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻻﺧﻄّﻲ‪ .‬وﺧﻼل ﻛﻞ اﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﯾﺒﺪو أﻧﮫ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ﺗﺒﺮﯾﺮ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﮫ اﻟﺬﻛﻮري وطﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﮫ ﻟﺰوﺟﺘﮫ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺠﺔ أﻧﮫ‬ ‫ﯾﺴﯿﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺮاط اﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪ واﻷﺧﻼق‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫وﺧﻼل اﻧﻔﺮاده ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﯾﻮن ﯾﻌﺜِﺮ رﺷﯿﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﯿﻠﻢ "ﻛﺮاﻣﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺮاﻣﺮ" اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ اﻟﺬي ﯾﻌﺠﺒﮫ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﻧﻈﺮا ﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻟﻔﯿﻠﻢ ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﺘﺮ َﺟﻤﺎ ً وﻻ ﻣﺪﺑﻠﺠﺎ ً وھﻮ ﻻ ﯾﻔﮭﻢ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ‪ ،‬وھﺬا ﯾﻮﺣﻲ إﻟﯿﮫ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﺳﯿﺪة "ﻛﻼس" وزوﺟﺔ وأ ّم ﻣﺜﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾﺜﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﯿﺎﻟﮫ ﺑﺤﯿﺚ أﻧﮫ ﯾﺤﻠﻢ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺮﯾﺪ اﻻﻧﺠﺎب ﻣﻨﮫ وﺗﻜﻮن ﻟﮫ ﻣﺨﻠﺼﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ أﻧﮫ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮور اﻟﻔﯿﻠﻢ ﯾﺪرك أﻧﮫ ﯾﺸﺎھﺪ ﻗﺼﺔ طﻼق ﺗﺘﺮك ﻓﯿﮭﺎ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ زوﺟﮭﺎ واﺑﻨﮭﺎ‪ .‬وﻓﻲ رأﯾﮫ ھﺬا أﻣﺮ ﻏﯿﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮل وﺿﺪ ﻣﺴﺆوﻟﯿﺎت اﻟﻤﺮأة‪ .‬وﯾﺤ ّﺰ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ ّ‬ ‫أن زوﺟﺘَﮫُ ﺗﺘﺼﺮف ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫واﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐﺮب اﻟﻠﻮاﺗﻲ ﯾﻌﺘﺒﺮنَ أﻧﻔﺴﮭﻦ ﻣﺘﺤﺮﱢرات‪ .‬ﻓﺨﻼل اﻟﺴﺮد ھﻮ ﯾَﻌ ِﺠﺰ ﻋﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف ﺑﺄن زوﺟﺘﮫ اﻣﺮأة ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ وﺣﺪﯾﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪ ّﺧﻦ‬ ‫"ﻏﻮﻟﻮاز"‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮب اﻟﺒﯿﺮة‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﯿﺪ اﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ وﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻋﺬراء ﻋﻨﺪ زواﺟﮭﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وھﺬا إطﺎر اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﻓﻲ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺮواﯾﺔ وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺮة واﺣﺪة ﻓﻲ ﻣﺸﮭﺪ ﺣﯿﻨﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﺴﺎءل ﻋﻦ طﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ زوﺟﺘﮫ ﻷﻧﮫ اﻧﺘﺒﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﺣﻤﯿﻤﯿﺔ ﻣﻌﮭﺎ أﻧﮭﺎ أﻣﺎﻟﺖ رأس ﻗﻀﯿﺒﮫ ﻟﺘﺘﻘﻲ ﻣﺎءه وﻻ ﯾﺒﻠﻎ ﺛﯿﺎﺑﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ھﺬا أﻣﺮ أﻧﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻨﮫ وﻻ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ إﻟﻰ إﻗﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬إﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﺎدة وﻻ ﺷ ّ‬ ‫ﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ ﺑﺪون ﺗﺮك أﺛﺮ ﻣﻨﮫ ﻋﻠﯿﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ اﻵﻣﻨﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺘﻘﻦ اﻟﺠُﻤﺎع دون ﺑُﻘﻊ‪ .‬ﻛﺒﻌﺾ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء‪ ،‬أﻗﺼﺪ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺎﺋﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻧﺴﺎء ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫وﻣﻮاطﻨﺎﺗﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﮭﺆﻻء ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﺘﺮنَ وﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﺮنَ ﺷﯿﺌﺎً‪ ،‬ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا ﻓﻼ دﺧﻞ ﻟﻨﺎ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﮭﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻜ ّﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ َز ّ‬ ‫ي ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻮل أﻣﺜﺎﻟﻨﺎ‪) [...] .‬ص‪(127.‬‬ ‫وﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل إن اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﯾﻌﺒّﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺳﯿﺎق اﻟﺴﺮد ﻋﻦ إھﻤﺎل وﺗﻀﺠّﺮ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﻧﻤﻮذج‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮأة اﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﮫ وﺗﻌﺎرض ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﮫ ﻓﮭﻲ ﺣ ّﺮة وﺳﯿﺪة أﻣﺮھﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﮭﻜﺬا ﯾﻐﺴﻞ ﯾﺪﯾﮫ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻣﺮ ﻗﺎﺻﺪاً "ﻓﻠﺘﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﯾﺪ وﻟﺘﺘﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﻗﺒَﮫ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻟﮫ ﺑﮭﻦ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﻐﺮﺑﯿﺎت‪ .‬ﻓﻠﺪى ﻋﻘﻞ "ر ّﺷﻮد" إن ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﻨﻲ زوﺟﺘﮫ ﯾﻌﻨﯿﮫ ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ً ﻓﻼ ﯾﺨﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﮫ ﻟﻠﺤﻈ ٍﺔ‬ ‫واﺣﺪة ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻟﯿﺴﺖ "ﺑﻨﺖ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎت "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ"‬ ‫ﻧُﻘ ّﺪم ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ اﻟﻘﺮارات اﻟﺘﻲ اﺗﺨﺬھﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﻮن ﻓﻲ ﺻﺪد اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان وﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ إﻟﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ واﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﯿﺔ واﻹﯾﻄﺎﻟﯿﺔ واﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﺒﺮازﯾﻠﯿﺔ واﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ‪ .7‬أوﻻ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﻮن إﻟﻰ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ‪ ،‬إدﻏﺎر ﻓﯿﺒﯿﺮ‪ ،‬وإﻟﻰ اﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﯾﺴﺘﯿﺘﻮ ودﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﻣﻮا ﺣﻠّﯿْﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﮭﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ" وﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻨﺺ ﻟ"ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا"‪:‬‬ ‫!‪Qu’elle aille au diable, Meryl Streep‬‬ ‫‪Elle est une experte en relations sexuelles‬‬ ‫‪sans taches, comme certaines femmes, je‬‬ ‫‪veux dire certaines de nos femmes bien sûr,‬‬ ‫‪non pas Meryl Streep et ses compatriotes,‬‬ ‫‪car celles-ci ne se voilent pas et ne voilent‬‬ ‫‪rien. Qu’elles aillent au diable ! Elles‬‬ ‫)ص‪n’ont rien à voir avec nous […] (148.‬‬ ‫!‪¡Al diablo con Meryl Streep‬‬ ‫‪Es una experta en relaciones sexuales sin‬‬ ‫‪restos, como algunas mujeres, quiero decir:‬‬ ‫‪algunas de nuestras mujeres, por supuesto,‬‬ ‫‪no mujeres como Meryl Streep y sus‬‬ ‫‪compatriotas, que no se tapan y no tapan‬‬ ‫‪nada ¡al diablo con ellas! pues no tienen‬‬ ‫)ص‪nada que ver con nosotros […] (142.‬‬ ‫‪ 7‬ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﯿﻮﻧﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪة ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺄﺧﺬھﺎ ﺑﻌﯿﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪335‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻣﺎ ورد ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ رواﯾﺔ "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ" ﻟﺮﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺒﻨّﻰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﻮن ﻋﺒﺎرة ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺤﺮﻓﻲ "ﻟﺘﺬھﺐ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺸﯿﻄﺎن" وھﻲ ﺗﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺒ ّﺮم أو ﻏﻀﺐ اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻻة ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻠﮫ‪ ،‬وإﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ إن ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺒﺎراﺗﯿﻦ ذات ﻧﻤﻂ ﺷﻔﺎھﻲ وﻣﺤﻜﻲ ﯾﺘﻤﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻤﻂ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ"‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻗﺪ ﺗﻀﯿﻒ اﻟﻌﺒﺎراﺗﺎن أﻋﻼه دﻻﻟﺔ ﻟﻤﺰﯾﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻐﻀﺐ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺻﻮرة اﻟﺸﯿﻄﺎن ﻓﯿﮭﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎ داﻣﯿﻜﻮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻊ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻹﯾﻄﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ اﺧﺘﺎرت ﻋﺒﺎرةً ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﺗﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎﻹﯾﻄﺎﻟﯿﺔ "‪ "fregarsene‬اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﯾﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻋﺘﺒﺎر أو اھﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺸﻲء‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎ ّﺷﯿﺎ ً ﻣﻊ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ وﻧﺒﺮﺗﮫ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﻨﻮان ھﻮ "!‪:"E chi se ne frega di Meryl Streep‬‬ ‫‪Lei conosceva a fondo i rapporti senza machie, come alcune donne, mi riferisco ad alcune delle‬‬ ‫‪nostre donne certamente, non a donne come Meryl Streep o alle sue compatriote, poiché queste‬‬ ‫‪non si nascondono e non nascondono niente. Chi se ne frega, noi non abbiamo niente a che fare‬‬ ‫)ص‪con loro [...] (125.‬‬ ‫وﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﺤﺎل‪ ،‬إن اﻟﺪﻻﻟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻة أﻗﻮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻌﻮر ﺑﺎﻟﻐﻀﺐ‪ .‬وھﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺸﻲء ﻣﻦ ا ِﻻﺣﺘﻘﺎر اﻟﻤﺰﯾّﻒ اﻟﺬي ﯾﺘﻈﺎھﺮ ﺑﮫ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﻄﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ اﻟﺒﺮازﯾﻠﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﯾﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻨﺎ اﺧﺘﯿﺎران‪ .‬أوﻟﮭﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﻮان‪ "Dane-se, a Meryl Streep!" :‬وﻟﻠﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫"ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا"‪:‬‬ ‫‪Ela é especialista em transar sem se sujar, assim como algumas mulheres, daqui obviamente, e não‬‬ ‫‪como as mulheres do tipo da Meryl Streep e suas conterrâneas, pois essas nem se cobrem e nem se‬‬ ‫]‪preocupam em esconder nada. Danem-se, afinal, nós não temos nada a ver com elas [...‬‬ ‫واﻟﻌﺒﺎرة ﺗﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ "‪ "danar-se‬اﻟﺬي ﯾﻌﻨﻲ "ﯾﺘﻀﺮر‪ ،‬ﯾﮭﻠﻚ" ﺣﺮﻓﯿﺎ ً ﺑﺤﯿﺚ أن ﺗﺪل اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة أﻋﻼه إﻟﻰ‬ ‫"ﻓﻠﺘﺘﻀﺮر̸ ﻓﻠﺘﮭﻠﻚ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ"‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة اﻟﯿﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﮭﻲ ﺗﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺴﻼم وﻓﻘﺪان اﻻھﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺸﻲء‪ ،‬وﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﻘﺎر‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺪرك ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺗﻌﺒّﺮ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻐﻀﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮورة‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﻟﻠﻔﻈﺔ "‪ "danar-se‬ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﺗﺄﺛﯿﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﮫ ﻟﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫"ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻻﺧﺘﯿﺎر اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﮭﻮ "!‪ ."Foda-se, a Meryl Streep‬وﻧﺴﺘﻌﯿﻦ ھﻨﺎ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﻟﮫ ﻧﻔﺲ اﺳﺘﺨﺪام ﻓﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" إذ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﮭﺔ‪ ،‬ﯾﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻔﺎھﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ وﯾﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ أن "ﻟﻢ ﯾﻌﺪ ﯾﮭ ّﻤﻨﻲ اﻷﻣﺮ"‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﯾُﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﺸﻮﯾﮫ ﺧﻔﯿﻒ ﻟﻠﻔﻌﻞ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻷﻧﮫ ﯾﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﺒﺮة ﺳﻮﻗﯿﺔ و ُﻣﺴﯿﺌﺔ أﺻﻠﯿﺎً‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻌﻨﺎه اﻟﺮﺋﯿﺴﻲ ھﻮ "اِﻧﻜَﺢْ ﻧﻔ َﺴﻚ"‪ ،‬رﻏﻢ ﻛﺜﺮة اﺳﺘﺨﺪاﻣﮫ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺮازﯾﻞ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﻟﯿﺲ ﺳﻮﻗﯿﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹطﻼق‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎوﻻ ﺣﯿﺪر وﻧﺎدﯾﻦ ﺳﻨﻮ‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﺴﺆوﻟﺘﺎن ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺘﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻮﯾﻞ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان إﻟﻰ " ‪Who’s afraid of Meryl‬‬ ‫?‪ "Streep‬اﻟﺬي ﯾﻌﻨﻲ "ﻣﻦ ﯾﺨﺎف ﻣﻦ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ؟" وھﺬه اﻟﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﺮﺟﻊ ﻟﻔﯿﻠﻢ أﻣﺮﯾﻜﻲ ﻣﺸﮭﻮر ﯾﺘﻨﺎول ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﻄﻼق وﻋﻨﻮاﻧﮫ‬ ‫"?‪ ،"Who’s afraid of Virginia Woolf‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﻤﺴﺮﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻌﺮوﻓﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺘﺒﮭﺎ إدوارد آﻟﺒﻲ ﻋﺎم ‪ .1962‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﺧﺘﻼف ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎ ً ﺗﺎﻣﺎ ً ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان اﻷﺻﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﻧﺠﺤﺖ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺘﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻨﺎصﱟ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻋﻨﻮان اﻟﻜﺘﺎب اﻟﻤﺘﺮ َﺟﻢ‬ ‫وﻋﻨﻮان ﻓﯿﻠﻢ ﻣﺸﮭﻮر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﯾﻞ "ﺣﺮف" اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﯾُﺴﺘﻔﺎد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻨﺎص ﻹﻋﺎدة اﻟﺸﻔﺎھﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﯾﺤﻤﻠﮭﺎ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" وﻹﯾﺤﺎء ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﻨﺒﺮة اﻟﺘﺤﺪي ﻟﺪى اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ واﻟﻨﺴﺎء اﻟﻐﺮﺑﯿﺎت‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫اﺧﺘﻼف اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮرة ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺤ ّﻞ ﻟﻮﻗﻮع اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان "ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ" وﻓﻲ ﺟﺴﺪ اﻟﻨﺺ ﺑﻤﻨﻔﺮده‬ ‫"ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا"‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ ﺗﻘ ّﺪم ﺣﻼً ﯾﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺤ ّﻞ اﻟﺬي اﺳﺘﻌﻤﻠﺘﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻨﻮان‪:‬‬ ‫‪She was like many other women, and by that I mean our women, not Meryl Streep and her kind.‬‬ ‫‪Those women are not in the business of being discreet or hiding anything, and that is their‬‬ ‫)ص‪business, not ours […] (96.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻔﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻘﻄﻊ ﯾﺘﻢ إدﺧﺎل "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻠﻮا" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة "ﻓﻼ دﺧﻞ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑ ِﮭ ّﻦ" ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ ﻋﺒﺎرة واﺣﺪة ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ " ‪That is their‬‬ ‫‪) "business, not ours‬ذﻟﻚ ﺷﻐﻠﮭﻦ وﻟﯿﺲ ﺷﻐﻠﻨﺎ(‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺪﯾﮭﻲ أن أرادت اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﺘﺎن ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ اﻟﺸﻔﺎھﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺠﻠﯿﺰﯾﺔ ﺣﯿﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺒّﺮ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻة اﻟﻤﺤﺎﻛﺎة ﻟﺪى اﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﻷﻧﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﺔ ﯾﺨﺎف ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺘﺎم‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" إﻟﻰ إﺛﺒﺎت اﻋﺘﺮاف اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦَ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻗﺮاراﺗﮭﻢ ﺑﺄھﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﻨﺴﯿﺞ اﻟﺪا ّل ﻟﻠﻨﺺ‪.‬‬ ‫وﯾﺘﻜﻮن اﻟﻨﺺ أﺳﺎﺳﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﯾﺎت ﻟﻐﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺪوم ﺣﺪودھﺎ واﺿﺤﺔً طﻮال اﻟﻘﺺ ﻓﺘﺨﺘﻠﻂ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﺧﺘﻼطﺎ ً ﻻ ﯾﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫أﺣﯿﺎﻧﺎ ً ﻟﻠﻘﺎرئ ﺑﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻘﺮأه ھﻞ ھﻮ ﻣﻜﺘﻮب ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﯿﺤﺔ أم ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ أﻧﮫ ﻻ ﯾﺘﻢ ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰ اﻷﺧﯿﺮة ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰاً ﻣﻄﺒﻌﯿﺎ ً ﺑﺸﻜﻞ داﺋﻢ ﻣﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﯾﺆدي إﻟﻰ إدﺧﺎل أﻟﻔﺎظ وﻋﺒﺎرات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻛﺜﺮة اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻟﮭﺎ اﻟﯿﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ھﺬه اﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺺ ﻓﮭﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮب اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﺴﺮد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺎء أﺑﻮ ﺷﮭﻼ ﺟﺒﺮان؛ ﻓﯿﻠﯿﺐ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﻣﯿﻦ ﻓﺮاﻧﺴﯿﺴﻜﻮ ‪SAFA ABOU CHAHLA JUBRAN; FELIPE BENJAMIN FRANCISCO‬‬ ‫‪336‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﻗﺮارات اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦ إﻟﻰ إﻧﺠﺎز اﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺔ ھﺬه اﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺎﺗﮭﻢ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻟﻠﺠﻮء ﻟﻌﺒﺎرات وأﻓﻌﺎل ﻋﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﻐﺎﺗﮭﻢ اﻷم‪.‬‬ ‫وإﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ذﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﻜﻨﻮا ﻣﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﯿﻎ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻤ ّﺸﯿﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﻟﻮل اﻟﻔﻌﻞ اﻷﺻﻠﻲ – أي ﻋﺪم اھﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺄﻣﺮ ﻣﺎ – وﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻟﮫ ﻋﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺎق اﻟﺴﺮد – أي ﺗﻌﺒﯿﺮا ﻋﻦ اﻹﺣﺘﻘﺎر أو ﻋﺪم اﻟﻤﺒﺎﻻة اﻟﻐﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﻲ ﻟﺪى اﻟﺒﻄﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﯾﺠﺐ اﻹﺷﺎرة اﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻻ ﯾﻜﻮن داﺋﻤﺎ ﻗﺎدرا ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻻ ﯾﻘﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﻣﺎن أن‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﺣﺮﻓﯿﺔ اﻟﻨﺺ‪ ،‬أي اﻟﻘﯿﺎم ﺑﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ "ﺣﺮﻓﯿﺔ"‪ ،‬ﯾﺠﺮي ﺑﺈﻟﻐﺎء اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت ﻛﻠﯿﺎ ً ﻷﻧﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﺗﺸ ّﻜﻞ ﺟﺰءاً ﻣﻦ ﻛﯿﻨﻮﻧﺔ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺤﯿﻞ ﻟﮫ اﻟﺘﺤﺮر ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻛﻠﯿﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻧﺺّ ﺗﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺼﮫ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻨﺺ اﻻﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ أن‬ ‫ﯾﺘﺒﻨﻰ اﻟﻤﺘﺮﺟﻢ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺔ أﺧﻼﻗﯿﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﻨﺺ وﯾﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﻖ ﺣﺮﻓﮫ اﻟﻌﺎم ﻋﺒﺮ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﮫ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻟﻤﺘﺮ ِﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﺧﯿﺮاً وﻟﯿﺲ آ ِﺧﺮاً‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ﯾﺼﻄﻔﻞ" ﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﻛﺎﻓﯿﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺒﯿﯿﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎءات ﺿﺪ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﯿﻮﻻت اﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﻔﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﮭﺪف "اﻟﺤﺮف"‪ ،‬اﻟﺬي ﯾﺘﻜﻮّن ﻣﻦ إﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ اﻷﻧﺴﺠﺔ اﻟﺪاﻟّﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺺ ﺣﯿﺚ ﯾﺘﺠﻠﻰ اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫ﻀﮫ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﯿﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﺟﻤﯿﻦ ﺗﻮﻋﯿﺔ أﻧﻔﺴﻨﺎ‬ ‫وﻏﺮاﺑﺘﮫ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ أن اﻟﻮﺳﯿﻠﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﯿﺪة ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻐﺮﯾﺐ ھﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻟﮫ واﺳﺘﻀﺎﻓﺘﮫ وﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﺗﺮوﯾ َ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺧﻼﻗﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ وﻣﻤﺎرﺳﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻠﯿﺘﮭﺎ ﺑﻘﺪر اﻹﻣﻜﺎن‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﺎن‪ ،‬أﻧﻄﻮان ‪ .2010 .‬اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ واﻟﺤﺮف أو ﻣﻘﺎم اﻟﺒُﻌﺪ‪ [alberge du lointain’ou l La traduction et la lettre].‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ وﺗﻘﺪﯾﻢ‪ :‬ﻋﺰ اﻟﺪﯾﻦ اﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﯿﺮوت‪ :‬اﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫رﺷﯿﺪ اﻟﻀﻌﯿﻒ‪ .2013.‬ﺗﺼﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﯿﺮﯾﻞ ﺳﺘﺮﯾﺐ‪ .‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‪ :‬دار اﻟﺴﺎﻗﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫رﺿﺎ‪ ،‬أﺣﻤﺪ‪ .1981 .‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮس ر ّد اﻟﻌﺎﻣ ّﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻔﺼﯿﺢ‪ .‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‪ :‬دار اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫‪Al-Daif, Rachid. 2009.¡Al diablo con Meryl Streep!.Traducido por Belén H. Cristeto y Ahmad Damaj. Jaén: Alcalá Grupo‬‬ ‫‪Editorial.‬‬ ‫‪Al-Daif, Rashid. 2014. Who’s afraid of Meryl Streep?. Translated by Paula Haydar and Nadine Sinno. Austin:Center for‬‬ ‫‪Middle Eastern Studies, University of Texas (Austin).‬‬ ‫‪El-Daïf, Rachid. 2004. Qu’elle aille au diable, Meryl Streep! Traduit de l’Arabe par Edgard Weber. France: Actes Sud,‬‬ ‫‪Babel.‬‬ ‫‪Daif, Rashid. 2003. E chi se ne frega di Meryl Streep!. Tradotto da Palma d’Amico. Roma: Jouvence.‬‬ ḤOMṢ ARABIC: FIRST ISSUES NAJLA KALACH University of Tuscia, Viterbo Abstract: My paper deals with the Arabic spoken in the city of Hims (or Ḥomṣ) located in the Central part of Syria. The aim is to present the main data, collected after the beginning of the civil war in 2011. The recordings contain elements of dialect spoken by natives who decided to escape from Syria or who live abroad for personal reasons. The sources were gathered throughout Italy and various Arab countries such as United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Qatar. The linguistic analysis presents some peculiarities of Ḥomṣ Arabic (henceforth HA) on a phonological and morphological level. Keywords: Arabic dialectology; Syrian dialects; Spoken Arabic of Hims; Arab sociolinguistics. 1. Introduction This paper is based on a systematic study that I have been conducting throughout my PhD in Islamic and Arabic Studies and which focuses on the first salient points of Ḥomṣ Arabic. Hims is the third city in order of importance due to its population 1 in Syria after Damascus and Aleppo. Due to the dramatic situation in Syria deriving from the Civil War, which cannot assure a safe stay there, the main data have been collected outside Syrian territory, especially throughout European countries such as Italy, France, Spain and some Arab countries such as United Arab Emirates and Egypt, but also in Qatar, Saudi Arabia. My analysis is contingent upon recordings and notes concerning spontaneous conversations and interviews that I personally led or through the use of some modern ways such as Skype and that methodology allowed me to create a corpus of transcripts. Sometimes I have been taking in consideration just few expressions or sentences or even words that I wrote down furthermore the recordings during spontaneous conversations with Himsi people. In the whole paper all the examples have been extracted as above-mentioned corpus without specifying the name of the speakers and their personal details for space problems of editorial necessities. All the speakers who have been interviewed and recorded were born is Hims and studied there: the 90% of speakers are graduated in scientific and technical branches such as engineering, architecture or economics, the remaining 10% studied until high school. The informants are women and men, all Sunni Muslims, and their age is from 20 until 65 years old. All of them have left Hims at least two years ago due to the War, but some of them live in other countries for years because of marriage or job abroad in order to improve their economic condition. The topics they talked about during the interviews refer to everyday life, e.g. cooking, memories of childhood or opinions on the country they are living in, but also personal experiences in Syria before and after the War or their own point of view about the situation. Hims is an ancient city which was known in Roman times as Emeṣa or Hemeṣa, in Greek Ἔμεσα : this name could have been originated by Canaanitic as a compound word, Ḥam-Eṣ, in which Eṣ represents a revered god in ancient times, but could even refer to the Arab tribe that ruled the area before its incorporation into the Roman Empire. 1 The rate of population in these three cities has deeply changed due to the large migration of Syrian people during the War. 338 NAJLA KALACH Emeṣa was shortened to Ḥomṣ or Ḥimṣ by its Arab inhabitants after 636 A.D. when it was conquered by Muslims. In 1516, the city had been taken by Ottomans and remained under their control until the creation of Syria after World War I. Nowadays the population is composed mostly of Arabic-speaking Sunni Muslims, Alawite and Christian minorities. Since the beginning of the Syrian Civil War, Hims started to be called ‘the Capital of the Revolution’ because of its central role in the first demonstrations. The inhabitants of Hims, al-ḥamāṣina, are firstly well known by most of Syrian people because people make jokes about them: the jokes use to be about al-ḥomṣī who says or does this or that, for a funny reason. Secondly for their reputation of being kind people, could say ‘naïve’. What does Syrian population know about HA? It is known for the wide use of /u/ especially in initial closes syllables, e.g.: ruḥt ‘I went’ kubbi ‘kebbe, a typical Syrian food’ šubbāk ‘window’ In Damascus Arabic we hear for all these words the higher-mid central vowel ə [ə]: rǝḥt, kǝbbe, šǝbbāk. Long vowels are protracted more than is required in the standard pronunciation. This inflection can be noticed especially on final words in an utterance or exclamations, in apex position, especially for the elders and in the speech of people who lived their native land many years ago, which recalls the old dialect of Damascus called mbōžaq2. E.g.: šū:? ‘what?’ šū hā:d ‘what is this?’ ḥāži ʻāːd! ‘stop it! enough!’ la-wē:n? ‘where [are you going]?’ 2. Phonology 2.1. Consonants Regarding consonants, common features can be observed with other urban Syrian dialects: the interdental sounds ṯ, ḏ, ẓ are in most cases continued by stops, t, d, ḍ; in some cases, via Turkish or Fuṣḥā, by spirants: ṯ>t tǝlž ‘ice, snow’ tlāti ‘three’ ṯ>s sawra ‘revolution’ musallas ‘triangle’ ḏ>d dahab ‘gold’ danab ‘tail’ ḏ>z zakar ‘male’ tazkara ‘ticket’ ẓ>ḍ ḍuhǝr ‘noon’ ẓ>ẓ ẓann ‘to think’ ẓurūf ‘circumstances’ 2.2. /j/ is mostly pronounced as voiced palatal ž [ʒ], but it is also pronounced ǧ [ʤ], as in ruralbedouin dialects, especially by male population which seems to be more frequent if followed by front vowels: ḥawāǧez ‘check points’, ǧēš ʻarmy’. On the other hand ž prevails on female speech, likely due to Damascus’ influence, and it is perceived as more classy. 2.3. /q/ is pronounced as a glottal catch [ʔ]. āl ‘to say’ q ma lūbi ‘maqlūba a traditional Syrian food made of rice, chicken, eggplants’ sūq ‘market (place)’ q mbōžaq derives from bažūq, a musical instrument ‘trombone’ which its sound recalls to the intonation of an old Damascene speech. 2 ḤOMṢ ARABIC: FIRST ISSUES 339 In some words, it occurs as voiceless uvular stop. qurʼān ‘Qur’an’ manāṭeq ‘places’ maqāl ‘[newspaper] paper’ 3. Vowels 3.1. Long vowels In most Syrian dialects there are five long vowels: ā, ī, ū, ē, ō. They are actually used also in HA, as in the following considerations: ē and ō are the replacement of the two CA diphthongs ay and aw in most cases, as in: yōm ʻday’, šōb ʻhot’ (Aramaic šawbå), ǧēš ʻarmy’, ṣēf ʻsummer’, lēl ʻnight’, tnēn ʻtwo’, štärēt ʻI bought’. The diphthongs ay and aw become ē and ō and are also maintained when suffixes are added3: bēt-ē ʻmy houseʼ bēt-ak ʻyourm houseʼ ṣōt-ē ʻmy voiceʼ ṣōt-nā ʻour voiceʼ In HA other pronunciations are observable: ē often replaces the suffix of 1st person singular ī : bēt-ē ʻmy house’, ʻand-ē ʻI have’, even if bētī, ʻand-ī are common too. ē is also present at the end of a word, as in šē ʻthing’, yaʻnē ʻit means’. Summing up: final sound /-ī/ tends to be replaced by [-ē]. On the other hand, the long vowel ī is maintained, except for above mentioned cases: ktīr ʻvery much’, fī ʻthere is’, madīni ʻtown’, ṭarīq ʻavenue’. ō often replaces the CA verbal morphemes -ūna and -ū: ʻam yǝnzlō ʻthey are getting off’, yrūḥō ʻthey go’. It is also pronounced in words that have foreign origin such kīlōmiter ʻkilometres’, šōfāž ʻheating’. ū is maintained as in CA such as in the words: ṭūl ʻstraight/during’, ruṭūbi ʻhumidity’, sūryā ʻSyria’, yqūl ʻhe says’, mamnūɛ ʻforbidden’. ā is maintained as well as it is in CA and there is not imāla: bāb ʻdoor’, ʼimārāt ʻEmirates’, nhār ʻday’, ḥāra ʻdistrict’, hādi ʻcalm’, iltihāb ʻinflammation’, quddām-ik ʻin front of youf’. 3.2. Short vowels The short vowels in HA are a : i : u, to which we have to add e and o as allomorphs of i, u, and a schwa ə of uncertain status. CA /i/ in tonic and pre-tonic position is continued: niyya → niyyi ‘intention’ bi-widd-ī → bidd-ē ‘I want’ Two treatments of CA /i u/ seem to be in conflict in accented syllable. In traditional HA the two short vowels are continued as i u, as it happens in Jerusalem: šribt ‘I drank’ kunt ‘I was’ In Damascus, both appear centralized: šrəbt, kənt, and other dialects show šribt, kint. 3 In some Syrian coastal and Lebanese dialects diphthongs are maintained if suffixes are added. 340 NAJLA KALACH In post-tonic position they are lowered into [e o] and this is one of the main peculiarities of Shāmi Arabic: šíreb ‘he drank’ but: širíb-(h)ā kútob ‘books’ kutúb-kom ə seems more systematic in muḍāriɛ prefixed morphemes: yədros ‘he studies’ təktob ‘she writes’ Pharyngealized phonemes tend to color in [e o]: murr bitter’ [moᵲ:] 4. Morphology In this section the most important morphemic and grammatical considerations are shown, often compared with Damascus Arabic (DA). This comparison is recurring due to the marked influence of Damascus Arabic which could be considered, notwithstanding the large variety of dialects in Syria, the standard model of Syrian Arabic. In their own cities Syrian people speak their own dialects, but DA has influenced and still influences these varieties especially through the television series in which actors speak in DA: recently above all Bāb ǝl-ḥāra that is shot in Damascus, nevertheless Turkish series such as Nūr that have been dubbed in Damascene. Another reason why I chose to compare HA and DA is due to the literacy published about DA and Syrian Arabic that helped me focus on some grammatical specific descriptions though in order to apply those models to HA: worthy of mention A reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic(1964) by Mark W. Cowell and J.Kassab Manuel de parler arabe moderne au Moyen Orient (1987) both manuals present almost all the phonological, morphological and syntactic features correlated by a lot of examples of Syrian and Lebanese Arabic and Schede grammaticali di arabo damasceno (2005) by Wasim Dahmash, a collection of datasheets that show the main aspects of the Capital’s dialect in brief but with its purpose. Until today there are not many linguistic studies about Hims, however worthy of mention the article of Rania Ḥabīb, Rural Migration and Language Variation in Hims, Syria (2010) on the variable use of the voiceless uvular stop [q] and the glottal stop [ʔ] in the Colloquial Arabic of Christian migrants in Hims. 4.1. Independent personal pronouns DA HA ana ǝnte ǝnti huwwe hiyye nǝḥna, nǝḥne ǝntū hǝnne, hǝnnen ana ǝnti ǝnte, ǝntē huwwi hiyyi nǝḥni, naḥna, naḥni ǝntō hinni So it is possible to assume that *inta → inti, by analogy with tāʼmarbūṭa (“‫)”إ ْﻧﺘﺔ‬, and that *intī → ənte like ktāb-ē ‘my book’, yaʻnē ‘that means’. There are no dual forms that are replaced by periphrasis: tnēnāt-on hēk ‘They both are in this way’ or by the particle wiyyā (*wa-ˀiyyā) bäss ənti wiyyā-h! ‘Stop both of youm!’ ḤOMṢ ARABIC: FIRST ISSUES 341 4.2. Suffixed pronouns Suffixed pronouns following a word that ends by a consonant: DA ktāb-ī ktāb-ak ktāb-ek ktāb-o ktāb-(h)ā ktāb-nā ktāb-kon ktāb-on HA ktāb-ē/ī ktāb-ak ktāb-ik/ek ktāb-u/o ktāb-(h)ā ktāb-nā ktāb-kon ktāb-on There are many elements in common between DA and HA, but in HA it is possible to observe some changes as in the following observations: ‒ the suffix of 1st singular person –ī becomes –ē; ‒ the suffix of 2nd singular feminine person -ek becomes -ik maintaining /i/; ‒ the suffix of 3rd singular masculine person -o becomes -u maintaining /u/; However even for these cases both pronunciations are indicated, DA and HA, because also the sounds -ī, -ek, -o are current because of the wide influence of the Capital’s dialect. In the suffix ‫ ھﺎ‬-hā the sound /h/ is hardly ever pronounced, but sometimes a slighter form /h/ is barely perceived, that depends on the speakers: if they feel at ease they do not tend to pronounce it, but if they would try to speak more correctly then they use to pronounce /h/ to recall CA. Suffix pronouns following a word ending in a vowel: DA šāfū-nī šāfū-k šāfū-ki šāfū-h šāfū-(h)ā šāfū-nā šāfū-kon šāfū-hon HA šāfū-nī šāfū-k šāfū-ke /ki šāfū-h šāfū-(h)ā šāfū-nā šāfū-kon šāfū-hon In suffixes following a vowel the same of DA are maintained, however for the 2nd feminine singular person is current also -ke, not only -ki. The suffix ‫ ھﺎ‬-hā the sound /h/, if followed by a vowel, is not pronounced /h/ but is replaced by the semivowel corresponding to the vowel which precedes the suffix, as in the following examples: /h/ → /w/ mā šāfūwā mbāreḥ bi-bēt ˀaḥmad ‘They did not see her at aḥmad's’ /h/ → /y/ ṃāṃā ʻa-ṭūl ʻam yūžaɛū-wa ižrī-yā ‘Mum always feels pain in her legs’ 342 NAJLA KALACH 4.3. Demonstratives Proximity Distance S.M. hād* – hādā hadāk S.F. hāyy 5 hadīk/hadīki PL.M/F hadōl 4 hadōlīk/hadōlīki hādā bēt iždīd w rḫīṣ ‘This is a new and cheap house’ hāyy əl-bǝnǝt šāṭra ktīr ‘This girl is very smart’ hadīk ʼuxt Nadā ‘That is Nadā’s sister’ hadōl banṭalōn-ak ‘These are yourm trousers’ The demonstratives are very close to DA, however there are differences in singular and plural feminine in which an /i/ is added at the end of the word – hadīki and hadōlīki ‒ while this sound -i is not common in DA. This /i/ seems to be added when it refers to people whose represent the subject and occur at the end of a sentence: wēn-(h)ā hadīki? ‘Where is she? (that girl or woman)’ la-wēn rāḥō hadōliki? ‘Where did theyf go?’ The stem hād is common especially at the end of a sentence and is widely used in HA in such a way that is considered from other Syrians as a typical feature of this dialect. The long vowel ā is also use to be protracted, more than usual, during its intonation and hād occurs mainly at the end of a phrase (Cowell 1964: 553). Examples: šū hāːd? ‘What is this?’ mišān šū hāːd? ‘What is this for?’ We also find the stem ha-, used on adjective function, which is prefixed to the article: ha-s-sayyāra ždīdi ‘This car is new’ ha-z-zalami sūrē ‘This guy is Syrian’ ha-l-wlād ḥǝlwīn iktīr ‘These children are very handsome’ 4 5 It is present also the form hadōle ending with /e/. We can hear also hādi as feminine pronoun even if is hāyy is the most used. 343 ḤOMṢ ARABIC: FIRST ISSUES 4.4.a. Demonstrative adverbs of location Proximity: Distance: hōn hunīk / hnīk / hunīki mā-nī hōn. ‘I am not here’ rūḥē la-hunīk! ‘Gof there!’ žakēt-ik hnīk b-əl-ˀūḍa ‘Yourf jacket is there in the room’ 4.4.b. Demonstrative adverbs of time Now, right now: Yet, still hallaq ləssā / əssā əssā which could derive from as-sāʻa or lil-s-sāʻa ‫ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬/ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬is very common in HA even though lǝssā is nowadays more used likely due to DA influence : probably ǝssā was more used in the past in Hims and its occurrence over time decreased in favor of lǝssā, but this alternation between ǝssā or lǝssā does not find any grammatical rule at this point of my research since both are still use. hallaq mā waqǝt əl-qahwi ‘Now it is not time for coffee’ hallaq mā bidd-ē šāy ‘I do not want tea now’ ləssā-kon b-əl-bēt ‘You are still at home’ əssā mā rāḥet ‘She has not gone yet’ mā šrəbt ləssā ‘I have not drunk yet’ Suffixes can be added to ləssā and əssā while the negation must be placed after these adverbs. When ǝssā or lǝssā are followed by a suffix that begins with a vowel the morpheme –(a)t appears although this does not happen with /ʽ/ which disappears as in the following example: ‫ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬li-sāʻa ˃ ‫ ﻟﺴﺎﻋﺘﮫ‬li-sāʻat-hu ˃ ‫ ﻟﺴﺎﺗﮫ‬lǝssāt-u ‘he’s still’. E.g.: əssāt-u mrīḍ ‘He is still ill’ ǝssāt-on b-maṣǝr ‘Theym/f are still in Egypt ’ For the 1st singular person occurs in both ways: ləssāt-nī naɛsāni or lǝssā-nī naɛsāni ‘I am still sleepy’ 344 NAJLA KALACH 5. Conclusions This paper has shown the main features of ḥomṣ Arabic on a phonetic and morphological point of view. The findings are often compared to what seems to be considered the Syrian standard dialect that means the Damascus Arabic, presenting some differences and similarities. Through this comparison and the linguistic analysis, focused on what changes and what remains the same it is possible to provide new material of a Syrian dialect that has not been further studied until now especially in the European literacy. In my opinion it is too early to establish if and what has changed on a linguistic level, after the migration of Syrian people due to the outbreak of the War, because that kind of result might need various comparisons and researches on the territories in which Himsis have emigrated and for how long they have emigrated. How long could this process last? How long would it take for a European language or an Arabic dialect to influence any changes in al-ḥumsiyya? Regarding to what remains the same we can focus our attention on what al-ḥamāṣina are preserving in their Arabic in spite of their migration to other countries and which are the sounds, the expressions or the words that are deeply–rooted in their linguistic culture and that barely will change in the future. Many other aspects of HA still require observation: intonation, iḍāfa, verbs conjugation and derivation, syntax in general. What we have seen until now has allowed us to conclude that we are in presence of a mixed typology sharing isoglosses with Lebanese, Southern Syrian and Palestinian dialects. References Al-malūhī, A. 2002. Fī baladī al-ḥabīb wa aṣ-ṣaġīr. Hims. Behnstedt P & ,Woidich, M. 2005. Arabische Dialektgeographie. Eine Einfṻhrung. Leiden- Boston: Brill. 38-39,100-101, 150-155,175. Cowell, M.W. 2005. A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic. Washington: Georgetown University Press. Dahmash, W. 2005. Schede grammaticali di arabo damasceno. Roma: Nuova Cultura. Dahmash, W. 2005. Testi per lo studio del dialetto damasceno. Roma: Nuova Cultura. Durand, O. 2009. Dialettologia araba. Roma: Carocci. Durand, O. 1996. Grammatica di arabo palestinese. Il dialetto di Gerusalemme. Roma: Università degli Studi La Sapienza. Ḥabīb, R. 2010. “Rural Migration and Language Variation in Hims, Syria”, Sky Journal of Linguistics 23 .Helsinki: Department of General Linguistics. 61-99. Kassab, J. 1987. Manuel de parler arabe modern au Moyen Orient. Paris: Geuthner. Klimiuk, M. 2013. Phonetics and Phonology of Damascus Arabic. Warsaw: Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies. University of Warsaw. Lentin, J. 1994. “Classification et typologie des dialectes du Bilād al-Šām. Quelques suggestions pour un réexamen”, Matériaux Arabes et Sudarabiques – GELLAS. Paris. 11-43. Stowasser, K., &Ani M. 1964. A dictionary of Syrian Arabic. English-Arabic. Washington: Georgetown University Press. Shaban, F. 1976. Syria, a tourist’s guide. Damascus. THIRD PERSON MASCULINE SINGULAR PRONOMINAL SUFFIX -HNE (-HNI) IN SYRIAN ARABIC DIALECTS AND ITS HYPOTHETICAL ORIGINS MACIEJ KLIMIUK Heidelberg University Abstract: The third person singular pronominal suffix -hne (-hni) was registered in the Arabic dialects of Latakia (Syria), Antakya and Samandaǧ (both of which are in the Turkish province Hatay). This rare suffix is primarily attached to words ending with vowels, and its appearance is marginal. This paper presents the pronominal suffixes of the dialect of Latakia attached to words ending with consonants and vowels, along with the pronominal suffix -hne (-hni), and all registered words which contain it. In conclusion I will discuss the possible origin of the suffix and -hne (-hni) and Werner Arnold’s hypothesis concerning the origin of the pronominal suffix -hne (-hni) in light of a synchronic interpretation based on the research data gathered by the author in Latakia. Keywords: Syrian Arabic, pronominal suffix, Latakia, Antiochia Arabic. This article discusses the suffix -hne (-hni), 1 which is used in several Syrian Arabic dialects as a third person masculine singular pronominal suffix. So far, it has been registered in the Arabic dialect of Latakia (Klimiuk 2011) and in some of the Christian Arabic dialects in the Turkish province Hatay (Arnold 1998: 102-103). The pronominal suffix -hne most likely also occurs in the Alawite dialects of Syria, however, this cannot be currently determined in view of limited language data and (previously) recorded materials. 2 The article presents pronominal suffixes in the dialect of Latakia, the use of -hne, its limited occurrence, and its hypothetical origins. Werner Arnold’s theory on the pronominal suffix -hni in the Christian dialects of Hatay (Arnold 1998: 102-103) will be confronted here with examples from the dialect of Latakia. The Arabic dialect of Latakia is used by Sunni Muslims and Christians in Latakia – a large port city located on the Syrian coast. The city was home to about 400,000 people until the outbreak of the Syrian war. Current statistics on the number of inhabitants are unknown. Apart from Sunni Muslims and Christians, Alawites also live in Latakia, who use different dialects in everyday life, and who only began to move to the city from the surrounding villages in the early twentieth century. It must be stressed that there is no one common dialect of Alawites in the city. The Arabic dialect of Latakia belongs to the group of Syro-Palestinian dialects, more precisely the Lebanese-Central Syrian Dialects. Peter Behnstedt presents a slightly more accurate classification of these dialects in his Sprachatlas von Syrien, and includes the Arabic dialect of Latakia in the Coastal Dialects group with other dialects, such as: Mḥardi (Maḥarda), Banyās (Bāniyās), and Ṭarṭūs (Behnstedt 1997: 10021003). So far, only two dialects of this group have been described – Latakia (Klimiuk 2011) and Mḥardi (Yoseph 2012). Pronominal suffixes in the dialect of Latakia The pronominal suffixes have two forms: (1) pronominal suffixes of words ending with a consonant – -C, and (2) pronominal suffixes of words ending with a vowel – -CV, while V can be one of three 1 2 I note both forms due to the fact that in Latakia is used the suffix -hne and in the Christian dialects of Hatay the suffix -hni. I found the pronominal suffix -hne even in Žable (Ǧabla), a coastal town north of Latakia. 346 MACIEJ KLIMIUK vowels: -a, -u or -i which influences the value of the pronominal suffix. The following table shows all the possible pronominal suffixes in the Arabic dialect of Latakia: Singular 1st m. 2nd f. m. 3rd f. Plural 1st 2nd 3rd -C -Ca -Cu -Ci -i, -ni -ak -ek -u -a -āyi, -āni -āk -āki -ā / -āh -āha -uwwi, -ūni -ūk -ūki -ō / -ōh -uwwa -iyyi, -īni -īk -īki -ā / -āh -iyya -na -kon -on -āna -ākon -āhon -ūna -ūkon -uwwon -īna -īkon -iyyon The basic form of the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix is -u when words end with a consonant: mádᵊrse / madə́rse 3 + -u > madrə́stu ‘his school’, bēt + -u > bētu ‘his house’. However the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix in Damascene Arabic has a form -o, therefore: madrase + -o > madrasto ‘his school’, bēt + -o > bēto ‘his house’. There is also a difference between the dialects regarding words ending with vowels. In Damascene Arabic it appears exclusively as a lengthening of the final vowel: -a, -u, and -i, which becomes a stressed vowel: -ā́ , -ū́ , and -ī́, while the Arabic dialect of Latakia is characterized by peculiar rules involving, in two cases, not only the lengthening of the final vowel, but also the replacement of it: the pronominal suffix with words ending with vowels -a and -i has a form -ā / -āh, and with a vowel -u has a form -ō / -ōh. Thus, only in words ending with -a the vowel in the coda is preserved. Damascus Latakia -C -o -u -Ca -ā́ -ā́ / -ā́ h -Cu -ū́ -ṓ / -ṓh -Ci -ī́ -ā́ / -ā́ h Therefore, the difference between the pronominal suffixes in these two dialects appears in words ending with -u, -i and also with -C. It can be seen, for example, in the form of the pseudoverb fī ‘there is’ – in Damascene Arabic: fi + -o > fī ‘there is’. However in the Arabic dialect of Latakia this pseudoverb has a form fā according to the rule: fi + -u > fā ‘there is’, e.g. mā fā šī ‘there is nothing’. Pronominal suffix -hne (-hni) Apart from the commonly used third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -u, the Arabic dialect of Latakia has developed a supplementary suffix -hne. It refers, as the suffix -u, only to the third person masculine singular. The same suffix is mentioned in Werner Arnold’s grammatical description of Arabic dialects of the Turkish district Hatay, known as Antiochia Arabic (Arnold 2006a). Werner Arnold observed this pronominal suffix in Christian dialects of two cities: Antakya and Samandaǧ in the form of -hni, and only with verbs that end with one of three vowels: -a, -u or -i (Arnold 1998: 102). In other cases the pronominal suffix in these two dialects assumes the form of -u (Arnold 1998: 102). However, in the Chrisitan dialect of Altınözü there is another pronominal suffix -ni, which occurs only in verbs in the imperfect form ending with the vowel -u. The sufix -hne was ascribed to Latakia also by Peter Behnstedt in his Sprachatlas von Syrien (Behnstedt 1997). The information found on Behnstedt’s map is based on the negation expressed in Words with the prefix ma- and the female ending -a / -e appear in two patterns in the dialect of Latakia: máCᵊCCa or maCə́CCe. 3 THIRD PERSON MASCULINE SINGULAR PRONOMINAL SUFFIX -HNE (-HNI) IN SYRIAN ARABIC DIALECTS AND ITS HYPOTHETICAL ORIGINS 347 the phrase ‘there is no’, where apart from mā fǟ in the dialect of Latakia there is an equivalent in the form of mā fáhne (Behnstedt 1997: 452-453). It is worth noting that the pseudoverb fǟ in the negated form mā fǟ is transcribed by Peter Behnstedt in the pausal form as fā > fǟ# / fē#. However, the expression ‘there is’ in Latakia appears in the Sprachatlas von Syrien only as fā, and not in the pausal form fǟ as marked on the previously discussed map, and without the form fáhne (Behnstedt 1997: 732733). The pronominal suffix -hne registered in the Arabic dialect of Latakia occurs along with: (1) the pseudoverb fā: fáhne ‘there is’, (2) the verb ‘to talk’ in the imperative mode: staḥkáhne ‘talk (m. sing., f. sing.) to him!’, staḥkóhne ‘talk (pl.) to him!’, and (3) the verb ‘to see’ in the second person singular and plural of the past tense in questions: šəftáhne ‘have you (m. sing., f. sing.) seen him?’, šəftóhne ‘have you (pl.) seen him?’. For this discussion no other examples of words with which the pronominal suffix -hne could be combined were found. In particular, there is no example of a verb in the imperfect form with -hne as in the Christian dialects of Hatay. It is important to mention that the presented examples of words with the pronominal suffix -hne were used mostly by the older residents of Latakia, especially in the Ṣlǝybe district. Among the six examples of words combined in the Arabic dialect of Latakia with the pronominal suffix -hne, five end with the vowels -i or -u. None of the examples contain words ending with the vowel -a. The formation of words with the pronominal suffix -hne is related to the last vowel of the word to which the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -u is attached, and then the suffix -hne. Therefore, using this rule, in the words ending in a vowel -i (-Ci) the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -u is attached first, and as a result the final vowel -i becomes the long stressed vowel -ā (-Ci + -u > -Cā́ ), to which the pronominal suffix -hne (-Cā́ + -hne > *-Cāhne) is then attached. The last closed syllable, the long vowel ā (*Cāhne) is shortened to (-Cáhne): -Ci + -u > -Cā́ + -hne > *-Cāhne > -Cáhne. The following examples show words ending with the vowel -i to which the pronominal suffix hne is attached: fi + -u (3 m. sing.) > fā + -hne > *fāhne > fáhne ‘there is’ staḥki (imperative mood m. sing., f. sing.) + -u (3 m. sing.) > staḥkā + -hne > *staḥkāhne > staḥkáhne ‘talk (m. sing., f. sing.) to him!’ šəfti (2nd pers. f. sing.) + -u (3 m. sing.) > šəftā + -hne > *šəftāhne > šəftáhne ‘have you (f. sing.) seen him?’ Suffixation in the case of words ending with the vowel -u (-Cu) proceeds in a parallel manner to words ending with the vowel -i. When the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -u is attached, the final vowel -u turns into a long stressed vowel -ō (-Cu + -u > -Cṓ), which is shortened by attaching the pronominal suffix -hne (-Cóhne): -Cu + -u > -Cṓ + -hne > *-Cōhne > -Cóhne. This happens in the Arabic dialect of Latakia in two instances: staḥku (imperative mood pl.) + -u (3 m. sing.) > staḥkō + -hne > *staḥkōhne > staḥkóhne ‘talk (pl.) to him!’ šəftu (2nd pers. pl.) + -u (3 m. sing.) > šəftō + -hne > *šəftōhne > šəftóhne ‘have you (pl.) seen him?’ The last and perhaps the most interesting example is the word šəfət – the second person masculine singular of the verb ‘to see’ in the past tense. It ends with a consonant -C, unlike the previous examples. Probably the form šəftáhne with the pronominal suffix -hne can be explained as a result of a hypothetical diachronic structure of this word – *šəfta. The vowel -a in the last open syllable can be understood as a verb ending of the second person masculine singular in the past tense. Hypothetically, the pronominal suffix -hne is attached to šəfət as follows: 348 MACIEJ KLIMIUK šəfət (2nd pers. m. sing.) > *šəfta + -u (3 m. sing.) > šəftā + -hne > *šəftāhne > šəftáhne ‘have you (m. sing.) seen him?’ The following table presents the pronominal suffix -hne (-hni) occurrences after long vowels in the Arabic dialect of Latakia and Christian dialects of Antakya, Samandaǧ and Altınözü: Latakia Antakya Samandaǧ -C -u -u -u -Ca *-ahne 4 -āhni -āhni Altınözü -u -ā -Cu -ohne -ūhni -āhni -ū -āni 5 -Ci -ahne -īhni -īhni -ī The pronominal suffix with words ending in a consonant (-C) appears in the form of -u in the four dialects presented here. With regards to the pronominal suffix -hne with words ending in a vowel, first the pronominal suffix -u, which alters the quality of the final vowel, is attached and then -hne. This can also be interpreted as an addition of the suffix -uhne (-uhni in Antakya and Samandaǧ), in which the vowel -u undergoes certain alterations as in the Arabic dialect of Latakia. The lengthening of the final vowels occurs in the Christian dialect of Antakya with words ending with one of the three vowels: -a, -i, -u, but in the Christian dialect of Samandaǧ only two vowels; -a and -i alter. In words ending with a vowel -u there is no lengthening of this vowel, but rather a transformation into the long vowel -ā: -Cu + -u > -Cā + -hni > -Cāhni. The same principle applies to the Arabic dialect of Altınözü: -Cu + -u > -Cā + -ni > -Cāni. It is worth noting that Werner Arnold does not register the shortening of the vowel before the pronominal suffix -hni (-ni in Altınözü) (Arnold 1998: 102) in the Christian Arabic dialects of Hatay, as it appears in the case of the dialect of Latakia: -Ca + -hne > *Cāhne > -Cahne, -Cu + -hne > *-Cōhne > -Cohne, -Ci + -hne > *-Cāhne > -Cahne. Hypothetical origins of the pronominal suffix -hne (-hni) The origin of the pronominal suffix -hne is not entirely clear. Werner Arnold sees it in Aramaic which, in his opinion, was the longest preserved language among Christians in Antakya, Samandağ, and Altınözü (Arnold 1998: 102). From his point of view, the religious factor – in this case Christianity – implies the presence of the pronominal suffix -hni in the three Christian dialects in Hatay. However the language data from Latakia contradicts Werner Arnold’s hypothesis, because the pronominal suffix -hne in Latakia is used by Sunni Muslims. Of course it could be explained as a borrowing from Christian dialects, though that is probably a too far-reaching interpretation. The pronominal suffix -hni in verbs ending with vowel suffixes in Christian dialects of Antakya, Samandağ, and Altınözü (here only -ni with the imperfect form ending with a vowel -u) is a result of contamination of the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -h, which occurs in Alawite dialects in the Turkish province Hatay (yiqtilūh ‘they (m., f.) kill him’, tiqtilīh ‘you (f.) kill him’) with Aramaic/Western Neo-Aramaic endings: -inne, -unne (in Baxʿa also -unni), and -anni (Arnold 1998: 102, Arnold 1990, Arnold 2006b). Perhaps, according to Werner Arnold, this was due to the period of Arabic-Aramaic bilingualism among the inhabitants of the region. This has led to the emergence of forms of the third person masculine singular pronominal suffix -hni, and later also to the 4 5 The hypothetical form. Only with the imperfect form. THIRD PERSON MASCULINE SINGULAR PRONOMINAL SUFFIX -HNE (-HNI) IN SYRIAN ARABIC DIALECTS AND ITS HYPOTHETICAL ORIGINS 349 disappearance of the consonant -h- in the pronominal suffix in the Christian dialect of Altınözü. 6 The processes are illustrated by the following examples (Arnold 1998: 102): Arabic yiqtilūh ‘they (m., f.) kill him’ Aramaic yquṭlunni ‘they (m.) kill him’ Christian Antiochia Arabic yiqtilūhni ‘they (m., f.) kill him’ Arabic yiqtilūh ‘they (m., f.) kill him’ Aramaic yquṭlanni ‘they (f.) kill him’ Samandağ yiqtilāhni ‘they (m., f.) kill him’ Altınözü yiqtilāni ‘they (m., f.) kill him’ Werner Arnold also notes that the long vowel -ā- in the imperfect forms in the dialects of Samandağ and Altınözü had to be adopted from Aramaic, in which the long vowel -ā- occurs in the verb ending of the third person feminine plural. The above interpretation of the origin of the pronominal suffix -hne cannot be applied to the Arabic dialect of Latakia. Firstly, as previously discussed, the dialect of Latakia is spoken mainly by Sunni Muslim, and -hne is still spoken in the oldest district of Latakia, especially by older men. Therefore, the argument that this pronominal suffix appears only in the Christian dialects is ineffective. Secondly, the pronominal suffix -hne was not found in verbs in the imperfect forms, as in the Christian dialects of Hatay. Its registered occurrence is quite marginal. In my opinion there might be a different explanation: the pronominal suffix is a grammaticalized form of the adverb ‘here’, which in the Arabic dialect of Latakia has a form hōne, and goes back to the Classical Arabic form *hā-hunā/a (Fischer 1959: 118). Perhaps within certain words (eg. verbs of perception, a pseudoverb fī) the adverb ‘here’ changed its function and became a third person masculine singular pronominal suffix. What also seems possible is that the pronominal suffix -hne comes from the Classical Arabic *hunā/a and not *hā-hunā/a. However, these are still questions which, without gathering more data, will remain unanswered. References Arnold, Werner. 1990. Das Neuwestaramäische. V. Grammatik. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Arnold, Werner. 1998. Die arabischen Dialekte Antiochiens. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Arnold, Werner. 2006a. “Antiochia Arabic”. Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Volume I. A-Ed. 111-119 Arnold, Werner. 2006b. Lehrbuch des Neuwestaramäischen. Zweite, revidierte und erweiterte Auflage. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Behnstedt, Peter. 1997. Sprachatlas von Syrien. Kartenband, Beiheft. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Fischer, Wolfdietrich. 1959. Die demonstrativen Bildungen der neuarabischen Dialekte. Ein Beitrag zur historischen Grammatik des Arabischen. ’s-Gravenhage: Mouton & Co. Klimiuk, Maciej. 2011. Arabski dialekt Latakii (Syria). Fonologia i Morfologia [The Arabic Dialect of Latakia (Syria). Phonology and Morphology]. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis. Warszawa: Katedra Arabistyki i Islamistyki, Wydział Orientalistyczny, Uniwersytet Warszawski. Yoseph, Jean. 2012. Der arabische Dialekt von Mḥarde (Zentralsyrien). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. This is not completely consistent with the material registered by me in Samandağ in March 2015. In recorded texts of Christians appears a pseudoverb fāni ‘there is’: fi + -u > fā + -ni > fāni. The pronominal suffix with a long vowel has in this case a form -āni, and not -īhni. 6 YES/NO INTERROGATIVES IN MOROCCAN DUTCH MAARTEN KOSSMANN LUCL, Leiden University Abstract: In the variety of Dutch spoken by young Moroccans growing up in the Netherlands and Flanders, yes/no interrogatives are found that combine Dutch content with Moroccan Arabic and Tarifiyt Berber interrogative marking. One regularly finds constructions where Arabic and Berber elements are combined. Moreover, the use of the Moroccan Arabic pre-clausal marker waš has been extended beyond its original usage. Keywords: Moroccan Arabic, yes/no interrogatives, crossing, immigrant varieties of Dutch, Tarifiyt Berber, Moroccan flavored Dutch. 1. Moroccan Flavored Dutch In the 1960s 1 a large number of Moroccan workers came to the Netherlands and Belgium. Most of them had their background in northern Morocco, and, as a result, a large percentage had Tarifiyt Berber as their native language. Moroccan Arabic also played an important role, both as a native language and – for many – as a second language in addition to Tarifiyt. From early on, the generation that spent at least part of their childhood in the Netherlands used Dutch as a vehicle for communication with their peers, both of Moroccan and of non-Moroccan background. In a study carried out as early as the late 1980s, Jan-Jaap de Ruiter found that, among youngsters aged 11/12 and 13/14, already over 60% of the interviewees reported using Dutch with their siblings (De Ruiter 1989:58; 220). Thus, Dutch has been a major factor in Moroccan Dutch ingroup communition for at least thirty years. In 2008, Jacomine Nortier and Margreet Dorleijn wrote a seminal article in which they showed that a speech style had evolved in the Moroccan Dutch community, which they baptized Moroccan Flavored Dutch (MFD). They put the origin of this style (or ethnolect) in the early 2000s. MFD is characterized by a long list of features (Nortier & Dorleijn 2008: 130), which includes phonetics, morphosyntax, and lexicon. According to the authors, MFD is not restricted to the Moroccan community, but has crossed (Rampton 1995) into other indigenous and non-indigenous communities in the Netherlands. In this article, I present one MFD feature that was already singled out by Nortier & Dorleijn (2008), the use of Moroccan-type yes/no interrogatives. These interrogative structures show a blend of Moroccan Arabic, Tarifiyt Berber and Dutch, which makes them particularly interesting. The article is based on the almost unlimited corpus of publicly accessible Internet communication (cf. El Aissati 2008; Lafkioui 2008; Dorleijn 2016). 2 For the study of MFD, Moroccan Internet fora in Dutch targeting this group constitute a large and diversified corpus that gives an idea of in-group communication. To this one may add other Internet genres, such as Twitter 1 My sincere thanks go to Khalid Mourigh, Jacomine Nortier and Margreet Dorleijn for their help, their enlightening discussions, and their comments on earlier drafts of this article. Many thanks to Margreet Dorleijn for explaining the meaning of the Turkish tweet in (30) and to Tijmen Pronk for establishing the linguistic background of the tweeter in (35) on the basis of other tweets by the same person. Of course all responsibility for errors and flaws in the argument lie exclusively with the author. 2 All Internet data used here are publicly available, or can be accessed by means of an automatically approved registration, obviously meant to protect the site from robots. 352 MAARTEN KOSSMANN (https://twitter.com) and Ask (http://ask.fm), which, however, are not strictly targeting the Moroccan Dutch community. 2. Yes/no interrogatives in Moroccan Arabic, Tarifiyt Berber and Dutch The three most relevant languages to the Moroccan Dutch community are Moroccan Arabic, Tarifiyt Berber and Dutch. Southern Moroccan Berber varieties (Tashelhiyt and the southwestern varieties of Central Moroccan Berber) are important as heritage languages of the Moroccan Dutch community, but do not seem to have any impact on MFD. The languages under consideration have one characteristic of yes/no questions in common, special intonation. As the basis of this investigation is a written corpus, where prosody is only minimally marked (mainly by writing letters multiply), this aspect remains out of consideration here. Otherwise, the three languages are quite different in their forms and structures. The main syntactic feature that distinguishes yes/no questions in Dutch is word order: In yes/no questions the verb normally takes the first position in the sentence, while it is in second position in non-subordinate assertions, e.g. (1) en vertelde me meen je dat, ik zei ja echt ik meen dat. ‘and told me: Do you mean that (are you serious?), I said: yes, I really mean that (yes, I am really serious)’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=2974602&s=a97d792bc9ef3058142b2042ebd58f67; @basbousa, 17/12/2009) In this fragment, the question meen je dat has verb-initial structure, while the asserion ik meen dat has the verb in second position. Moroccan Arabic has a dedicated marker of interrogative sentences, clause-initial waš. Its use is not obligatory–prosody only can do the job–, but frequent (Maas 2011:228-230; Caubet 1993:II, 7376).Example: (2) Wash mazal ma n3astoe /waš mazal ma nʕəstu?/ ‘(waš) aren’t you yet asleep?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1531000&s=6e425db1b117db8d22ea3ff73680a075; @berkaniatjuh, 11/8/2007, 23:10) (3) Wesh hedi gedmaaaaa ‘(waš) is this work?’ 3 /waš hadi xədma?/ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1898931&s=07bdc0996219158c6033effe9ca0ca88; @Goodwife, 7/4/2008) In Tarifiyt Berber, there is also a clause-initial marker of yes/no interrogatives, which is ma almost everywhere. 4 Different from Moroccan Arabic waš, this ma is relatively rare, and may be pragmatically more specific than its Arabic counterpart (Khalid Mourigh p.c.). Example: (4) meh thedagreth nigh? /ma ṯəḍḍāɣřəḏ niɣ?/ ‘(ma) are you blind, or (niɣ)?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=4978030&s=81f6090938eef19dc2ef1a3ad8039924; @_rihabbx, 16/4/2014) All three languages have the possibility of using an interrogative tag after the yes/no question. Such tags are also very common in rhetorical questions.In Moroccan Arabic, this tag is wəlla ‘or’, e.g. 3 The poster refers to the fact that she is on the Internet forum during work. Only in two villages in the far west of the Tarifiyt speaking area waš is used, while Senhaja has ka (Lafkioui 2007, map 292). I found no instances of ka as an interrogative in the MFD corpus. 4 YES/NO INTERROGATIVES IN MOROCCAN DUTCH 353 (5) rak gadam wela? o sport ket trinie shwija wela walo? /ṛa-k xəddam wəlla? u sport ka-ttrini šwiya wəlla walu?/ ‘do you work or (wəlla)? and sports, do you train a bit or not at all?(wəlla walu)’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=3815863&page=3; @____, 28/4/2011) In Tarifiyt Berber, the clause-final tag is either ma (the same as the pre-clausal interrogative marker) or niɣ (‘or’). While both seem to be possible all over the Rif, ma is more common in its western part (region of A Hoceima), while niɣ is more common in the east (region of Nador). Some examples: (6) Etaa7em 3aa Maghreb meh? /a tāḥəm ɣā řməɣriḇ ma?/ ‘are you going to Morocco, (ma)?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=3861342&page=3; @Aardbeitje_, 27/5/2011) (7) Dayesh shen zjoeh nig rougaa ash shwazadeg mekla nigh? /ḏayəš ša n žžuʕ niɣ, řux-a? a aš-swəžḏəɣ makla niɣ?/ ‘Are you a bit hungry or (niɣ), now? shall I prepare food for you or (niɣ)?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=4586423&page=45; @Marokkaanse20-, 3/4/2013) In Indigenous Dutch (especially of the western part of the Netherlands), the most common interrogative tag is probably dan ‘than’, e.g. (8) mag dat dan? ‘is that allowed than (dan)?’ (http://forum.girlscene.nl/forum/beauty-health-hair/beugel-wel-niet-nemen-99554.50.html; 31/5/2009) @xSophieex, An interesting situation is found with the Dutch tag of zo ‘or something’. Both with interrogative and non-interrogative clauses, of zo expresses that the speaker does not commit himself to the exact wording of the clause, and that similar alternatives are also possible. (9) Neem je dat allemaal op ofzo? ‘Are you recording all that or something like that (of zo)’ (http://forum.fok.nl/topic/2066115, 18/1/2014) In Moroccan Dutch, however, of zo seems to be much more often used as a question tag than in Indigenous Dutch. This may be due to a different meaning, which translates Moroccan Arabic wəlla and Tarifiyt Berber niɣ. Instead of leaving open the possibility of a slightly different alternative, it may soften the question as a whole, 5 e.g. (10) meen je dat ofzo? ‘do you mean that, or something (of zo)?’ (http://www.maroc.nl/forums/wie-schrijft-blijft/352311-44-dagen-3.html; @DeoVolente, 4/7/2012) 3. Yes/no interrogatives in Moroccan Flavored Dutch In Moroccan Flavored Dutch, interrogative constructions using Moroccan materials are well attested. These constructions use a Moroccan pre-clausal interrogative particle, Moroccan interrogative tags, or a combination of these. 5 In practice, however, it is extremely difficult to decide for each case whether one or the other interpretation is intended, and a different interpretation of the higher frequency of of zo in MFD is certainly possible. 354 MAARTEN KOSSMANN Clause-initial interrogatives In MFD, the clause-initial interrogative particle–when present–is almost always Moroccan Arabic waš, e.g. (11) wash is dit normaal? ‘waš is this normal?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=4669339&s=81b76de4d1b01d8530093f72e9e20fed; @Mocro_tram, 16/5/2013) Berber ma is only rarely encountered as a clause-initial interrogative, e.g. (12) Meh ben jij 12 jaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaar? ‘ma are you 12 years old?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/stel-jezelf-voor/40634-beter-elkaar-leren-kennen.html; @AlHoceimaMeid, 3/8/2008) Moroccan clause-initial interrogatives can be combined with Dutch of zo, e.g. (13) wash kijk je nooit voetbal ofzo?? ‘waš don’t you ever watch football or something?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1476077&s=2e08541f6904ec33646283b5d010e202; @Jeblie, 20/6/2007) (14) meh ben je gek ofzo ‘ma are you crazy or something?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/verhalen/2154-dik-lelijk-meisje-naar-mooi-slank-meisje-35.html?langid=1; @lady_marocc, 10/11/2006) Clause-final interrogative tags The Moroccan Arabic clause-final interrogative tag wəlla and the Tarifiyt Berber clause-final tags niɣ and ma are frequently encountered in MFD, e.g. (15) zal ik maar gaan rusten wela ‘shall I take a rest wəlla?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1491920&page=18; @haka_marok, 5/7/2007) (16) heb jij ook shien chik nigh?? ‘do you also have šin (some) chick niɣ?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1439758&page=19; @nadia_denhaag_, 26/9/2007) (17) EN... WAREN ZE LKKER MEH???? ‘and… did they taste well ma?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/kletshoekje/3768-lekkere-donuts.html?langid=1; @*PrinCesSa*, 30/9/2006) The Moroccan Arabic construction is also sometimes used by Berber speakers. One telling example is a passage where a (Berber) poster translates a Tarifiyt Berber expression used by his father with ma … niɣ into MFD with the Moroccan Arabic elements waš … wəlla: (18) MA TZEDGED DINI NIGH??? (wesh woon je daar oeleh) ma ṯzəddɣəḏ ḏinni niɣ?/ ‘ma do you live there niɣ? (waš do you live there wəlla)’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=4350914&page=13; @natos1001, 31/7/2012) Moroccan Arabic used by Berber speakers may be behind some instances of interrogative constructions with a tag waš. As far as I know, such a tag does neither exist in Moroccan Arabic nor in Tarifiyt Berber. It may be interpreted as a literal translation of Tarifiyt Berber ma, which functions both as a clause-initial question marker and as a tag, cf. the following sentence by a poster with a Tarifiyt Berber background: YES/NO INTERROGATIVES IN MOROCCAN DUTCH 355 (19) En wat kom je hier doen wesh? ‘so what are you doing here waš?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/verhalen/53406-laat-zien-waarvoor-ik-leef-143.html; @-Nadoriia, 8/4/2009) Combinations of Moroccan clause-initial and clause-final markers In MFD, the Moroccan clause-initial interrogative marker can be combined with Moroccan tags. In many cases, a Moroccan Arabic tag is combined with Moroccan Arabic waš, e.g. (20) Wash moet ik je uitkledem wellaaa?? ‘waš should I undress you wəlla?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/verhalen/57767-nieuww-verhaaaal-bang-om-haar-kwijt-teraken-4.html?langid=1; @Oujdiia__009, 5/6/2009) (21) Wash wil je dat ik me kettingzaag pak wella? ‘waš do you want me to get my chain saw wəlla?’ (http://www.chaima.nl/verhalen/90675-no-paparazzi-please-52.html; @HoneyGirl, 18/12/2010) Among the rare cases where the clause-initial Tarifiyt Berber interrogative marker ma is used, one also finds cases with a Berber interrogative tag, e.g. (22) Meh ga je weer naar Marokko nigh? :/ ‘ma are you going to Morocco again niɣ?’ (http://www.maroc.nl/forums/wie-schrijft-blijft/199178-sportfreak-jouw-hulp-nodig.html; @Tamza_Tirelli, 2/9/2006) Mixed constructions In addition to the constructions where an Arabic clause-initial particle is combined with an Arabic tag and the rare cases of a Berber clause-initial particle combined with a Berber tag, one also finds lots of examples where the Arabic particle waš is combined with a Berber interrogative tag, e.g. (23) wesh WOON jij in het ziekenhuis nigh ‘waš do you LIVE in the hospital niɣ?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=3934322&page=388; @jackjustice, 18/10/2011) (24) wash blijven jullie overnachten nigh ‘waš are you staying overnight niɣ?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1826534&page=11; @Trotse_Berber, 1/5/2008) (25) Wesh denk jij kerst is halal meh ‘waš do you think Christmas is halal ma?’ (https://twitter.com; @GoeieMocro, 24/12/2013) Interestingly, the Berber tag niɣ sometimes pops up in Dutch Moroccan Arabic posts, e.g. (26) Btw wesh darbek hmar nigh? /waš ḍəṛb-ək ḥmaṛ niɣ?/ 6 ‘By the way, waš has a donkey hit you niɣ? (https://twitter.com;@Kruushkop, retweeted by @meknessia_, 13/1/2013) 6 @Kruushkop has a Berber background, but does not know Berber, cf. another tweet: Ik ben gewoon een berber, maar ik kan geen berbers ‘I am just a Berber, but I don’t know Berber’ (https://twitter.com;@Kruushkop, 16/6/2013). 356 MAARTEN KOSSMANN Dutch syntax in MFD questions As mentioned already, Dutch uses verb-initial word order in order to mark yes/no questions. As can be seen in the examples above, this word order is maintained in MFD constructions with waš. This can be interpreted in two ways. The easiest way is to assume that the Moroccan elements are basically wrapped around the normal Dutch sentence, that is, that not only Moroccan question marking is used, but that it is combined with the Dutch marking, which is word order. The main reason to hold on to this interpretation is that questions without waš are also very common in Moroccan Dutch discourse, so there is no inherent problem in assuming the Dutch interrogative construction also in sentences with waš. The second possible interpretation, which is not necessarily incompatible with the first, is related to the fact that in Dutch in most non-subordinated clauses that are not yes/no interrogatives the verb takes second position. The first position is occupied by some other element, often the subject of the sentence, but objects and adjuncts are possible and frequent. In content questions, it is generally the question word that takes the first position. This is also the case in MFD, e.g. (27) wie heeft shi vette album van cheb mami ‘who has ši (some) awesome album by Cheb Mami?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=2679254&s=230d448ae7ae2d04a32effef07a37298; @shakib, 25/6/2009) One could interpret Moroccan Arabic waš as a question word, and consider the word order in the Dutch part of the sentence the effect of the presence of waš. It should be noted, however, that some MFD interrogative sentences have different syntax, in which the verb is in the second position after waš, i.e. as if the Dutch part were an assertive clause, e.g. (28) Wash je denkt dat ik 13 jaar ben wela ‘Waš you think I am 13 years old wəlla?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=1216436&page=7; @Peach, 5/12/2006) This is clearly less common than the construction in which the verb follows waš immediately, but it shows that some variation is possible at this point. 4. Crossing As shown by Dorleijn & Nortier (2008), MFD is not only used within the Moroccan community, but also crosses to other communities (for the concept of crossing, cf. Rampton 1995). The element waš is quite prominent among crossed MFD features, e.g. the following question by a poster who is not Moroccan (probably indigenous Dutch), but who has many Moroccan friends, as shown by other posts. (29) wesh ben jij waarzegger ofwat ‘waš are you a fortune-teller or what?’ (http://ask.fm/CR7SR, July 2015) In the following contribution to Twitter by a Turkish member, waš is combined with DutchTurkish code-switched discourse: (30) wesh denkje senden korkicam ‘waš do you think senden korkicam (that I am afraid)?’ (https://twitter.com; retweeted by @Saaiitt, 26/12/2012) YES/NO INTERROGATIVES IN MOROCCAN DUTCH 357 5. Unexpected uses of waš Not all uses of waš in MFD are as expected from Moroccan Arabic. Most prominent among these unexpected uses is the combination of waš with a content question. In such sentences, waš is immediately followed by a Dutch question word. Examples: (31) Vonden jullie dat moeilijk? Wesh wat doen jullie op school?! ‘You found that difficult? Waš what do you do in school?!’ (http://www.chaima.nl/kletshoekje/81645-sba7-el-khair-3.html; @Yuzar, 7/7/2010) (32) eerst een vraagje wesh hoe oud ben je??????? ‘first a little question: waš how old are you?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=30327&page=3; @Hansie, 29/11/2002) (33) wesh waar ga je naartoe? ‘waš where are you going?’ (http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=3307642&s=3279f7a2cc6338a50cfc52be71a397ec; @Ladylicious--, 15/6/2010) In a few cases, the element waš does not function as a marker of interrogation at all, and seems to be a general interjection, e.g. (34) Doet echt facking veel pijnnnnn en je kan er helemaal niks aan doen pff ben vaak naar verschillende dokters geweest ze geven me gewoon pillen wesh ben geen junkieeeeeeeee:'( ‘It f*** hurts and there is nothing you can do about it, pff, (I) have been often to several doctors and they just give me pills, waš (I)’m not a drugs addict.’ (http://forum.rkempo.nl/wat-te-doen.t6385/; @WHATEVER_, 27 mrt 2012) Similar exceptional uses are found in crossing, e.g. the following tweet from a woman with a Serbian background (shown by other tweets in Serbian) where waš is clearly not interrogative: (35) Wesh heb omweg bus genome nu stukje nr osso lopen ‘Waš (I) took a detour bus, now (I have to) walk a bit home’ (https//twitter.com;@itsmesanelax, 10/1/2013) There are a number of ways to explain such uses, which are different from what is found either in Moroccan Arabic or in Tarifiyt Berber. a. The construction arose from the take-over of Moroccan Arabic waš by Tarifiyt Berber speakers, some of whom have only minimal knowledge of Moroccan Arabic. In such a situation it is conceivable that waš was interpreted as a general marker of questions rather than as a specific marker of yes/no interrogation. This means of course that waš was not interpreted as equivalent to Berber ma, which may be because it is much less frequent in discourse than waš. b. A second possibility is that it stems from eastern Moroccan Arabic, where waš is not only used as a yes/no interrogative marker, but also–competing with other forms–as the question word ‘what’ (Heath 2002: 477). In this case, one can imagine that ‘what’ evolved into a general expression of surprise or even more general expressivity, which would be easy to combine with question word questions. A similar development is found in colloquial French where the Algerian Arabic element waš ‘what’ (not used in yes/no interrogatives) has become a general expressive word. 7 One major problem with this explanation is that the more common eastern Moroccan Arabic word meaning ‘what’, wašta, is not found in the corpus in combination with Dutch question words. c. A third possibility is that the reinterpretation of waš as an expressive marker took place in crossing. Members of other communities without knowledge of Moroccan languages remarked the use of waš in Moroccan Dutch discourse, but interpreted it as an element which is both vague and 7 I wish to thank Jacomine Nortier who pointed this out to me, cf. http://fr.urbandictionary.com. Direct influence from French is improbable, as, at least in the Netherlands, French is not widely known. 358 MAARTEN KOSSMANN expressive (see explanation b). As such users are of course in contact with the Moroccan Dutch speakers, the latter may have taken over this new meaning. 6. Conclusion The study of yes/no interrogatives in Moroccan Flavored Dutch presents us with a number of highly interesting phenomena. In the first place, syntactically Dutch questions are combined with Moroccan Arabic and/or Berber clause-initial and clause-final elements. In the second place, the choice to use Arabic or Berber elements does not entirely depend on the linguistic background of the user. In the third place, there are often blended forms where the clause-initial particle is Arabic, while the interrogative tag is Berber. Finally, it comes out that the clause-initial particle has taken up new usages which are foreign to Moroccan Arabic and Tarifiyt Berber. All this shows that, within the Moroccan Dutch community, MFD is a linguistic code of its own, which has its own structures and conventions, and whose features have dynamics that are only partly dependent on the heritage language. References Caubet, Dominique. 1993. L’arabe marocain. 2 Volumes. Paris & Louvain: Éditions Peeters. De Ruiter, Jan-Jaap. 1989. Young Moroccans in the Netherlands: An Integral Approach to their Language Situation and Acquisition of Dutch. PhD Thesis, Universiteit Utrecht. Dorleijn, Margreet. 2016. “Introduction: Using multilingual written Internet data in code-switching and language contact research.” Journal of Language Contact 9/1. 5-22. El Aissati, Abderrahman. 2008. “Amazigh, Arabic and Dutch in contact on an internet forum”, Lafkioui, Mena & Brugnatelli, Vermondo (eds), Berber in Contact. Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Perspectives (Berber Studies 22), Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. 199-215. Heath, Jeffrey. 2002. Jewish and Muslim Dialects of Moroccan Arabic, London: RoutledgeCurzon. Lafkioui, Mena. 2007. Atlas linguistique des variétés berbères du Rif (Berber Studies 16), Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. Lafkioui, Mena. 2008. “Identity construction through bilingual Amazigh-Dutch “digital” discourse”, Lafkioui, Mena & Brugnatelli, Vermondo (eds), Berber in Contact. Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Perspectives (Berber Studies 22), Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe. 217-231. Maas, Utz. 2011. Marokkanisches Arabisch. Die Grundstrukturen. Munich: LINCOM. Nortier, Jacomine& Dorleijn, Margreet. 2008. “A Moroccan accent in Dutch: A sociocultural stylerestricted to the Moroccan community?”, International Journal of Bilingualism 12 (1/2). 125-142. Rampton, Ben. 1995. Crossing: Language and Ethnicity among Adolescents,London & New York: Longman. LE RELATEUR -VN EN ARABE DE SICILE : EXEMPLES ET REMARQUES LINGUISTIQUES CRISTINA LA ROSA Université de Catane Résumé : Le relateur -Vn (Lentin 1997 ; Owens 1998), également appelé morphème de liaison (Ferrando 2000) ou tanwīn connectif, est un suffixe ayant la fonction syntaxique de ‘lier’ le substantif non déterminé à l’attribut qui le suit. La genèse du relateur -Vn, attesté dans plusieurs variétés d’arabe telles que, entre autres, l’andalou (Corriente 1977, 1980, 2013 ; Ferrando 2000, 2004), le soudanais (Reichmut 1983), le judéo-arabe (Blau 1965), l’afghan (Ingham 1994), l’ouzbek (Fischer 1961) et l’arabe du Naǧd (Ingham 1994, 2010), est loin d’être entièrement connue : selon une première théorie (Baneth 1945, Blau 1965, 1993) le suffixe /-an-/-in-/-un- n’est qu’un résidu du tanwīn de l’arabe classique ayant la fonction de marquer l’indétermination du substantif ; d’après une deuxième théorie (Owens 1998, Ferrando 2000), il s’agirait, par contre, d’un morphème indépendant du tanwīn classique qui a développé la fonction syntaxique de liaison nominale. Il s’agirait d’un archaïsme, conservé dans quelques dialectes périphériques et non périphériques, déjà attesté au début de l’ère islamique et donc antérieur à la standardisation de l’arabe classique (Ferrando 2000). La seule variété d’arabe occidentale dans laquelle le morphème /-an/ avait été relevé jusqu’à récemment était l’andalou, dont le vaste corpus est très riche d’exemples. Quelques spécimens du relateur -Vn dans les formes /-an/ et /-in/ ont dernièrement été attestés dans l’arabe de Sicile (Lentin 2007, La Rosa, à paraître), variété d’arabe maghrébin non hilālien dont les caractéristiques demeurent encore largement à reconstruire. Le but de la présente contribution est d’analyser les exemples attestés dans quelques-unes des œuvres siculo-arabes, comme la Chronique de Cambridge et les Diplômes, en les comparant avec les exemples andalous, afin de tenter d’éclaircir le contexte linguistique dans lequel le relateur -Vn est utilisé et sa fonction morpho-syntaxique dans l’arabe de Sicile. Mots-clés : arabe de Sicile ; syntaxe ; morphème de liaison ; tanwīn connectif. Introduction Dans cette communication, quelques exemples du morphème connectif, trait linguistique aussi appelé tanwīn connectif (Blau 1972 : 260-269 et 1999 ; Corriente 1971 : 20-50, 1973 : 154-163 et 1977 : 122123 ; 2013 : 100) ou relateur -Vn (Lentin 1997 : 215), seront présentés et analysés. Selon la définition de Ferrando (2000 : 25), il s’agit d’un morphème dont la fonction syntaxique est de lier le substantif indéterminé à son modificateur quel que soit le cas du premier et la structure syntaxique du second. Le modificateur, en fait, peut être un adjectif, une proposition relative ou une phrase introduite par une préposition. Il s’agit d’un phénomène déjà attesté dans quelques dialectes arabes périphériques tels que l’andalou, l’ouzbek, l’afghan, le soudanais, le nigérien, et le judéo-arabe, mais il est aussi présent dans certaines variétés ‘centrales’ telles que l’arabe naǧdī et tihāmī au Yemen. Selon Lentin (1997 : 715), du point de vue syntaxique, le relateur –Vn a une fonction bien particulière, différente de celles de ‫ ]…[ ◌ً ا‬: il indique que le nom […] qu’il affecte est suivi d’un élément ‘déterminatif’, qui le complète en le qualifiant ou en le spécifiant. 1 P0F L’attestation du relateur -Vn, selon Ferrando, serait un trait archaïque conférant à l’andalou « une teneur particulière, assez éloignée en cet aspect des autres dialectes occidentaux ». Cependant, le phénomène est attesté aussi dans l’arabe de Sicile, variété d’arabe maghrébine non-hilālienne qui a généré un corpus de textes, contenant des éléments mixtes, composé sur un ensemble varié 1 Sur le morphème infixe -(in)n- , qui ne fait pas l’objet de cette étude, voir parmi d’autres Holes 1983 : 7-38, 2011 : 7598 ; Owens 2013 : 217-247 ; Retsö 1998 : 77-94 et Grande 2013 qui a consacré une grande partie des chapitres 3 et 5 au phénomène et présente une très vaste bibliographie. 360 CRISTINA LA ROSA d’arguments parmi lesquels l’historiographie, la géographie, la botanique, la diplomatique et les miroirs des princes. Le corpus siculo-arabe est certe moins étendu que celui de l’andalou; ce n’est pas seulement en raison de la durée de la domination arabe dans l’Île qui a été plus brève (827 – 1061), mais aussi parce que le nombre des œuvres contemporaines de la période islamique à nous être parvenu est limité. Plus riches sont les ouvrages qui datent de l’époque normande, lesquels attendent, pour partie, d’être édités et analysés du point de vue linguistique. Quelques textes témoignent, toutefois, de la présence du relateur nominal -Vn dans l’arabe de Sicile. Dans cet article, nous présenterons les résultats de l’analyse linguistique effectuée sur quelques textes siculo-arabes, dans le but d’apporter des réponses à certains questionnements regardant la fonction du morphème connectif en arabe de Sicile, sur ses origines et sur sa forme. Après avoir passé en revue les cas relevés, nous réfléchirons à la forme que le relateur a prise en arabe de Sicile et nous formulerons, enfin, des observations sur la comparaison des données attestés en Sicile et en alAndalus. Pour l’analyse des exemples du morphème connectif attestés en arabe de Sicile, en effet, on a fait largement référence aux études de Ferrando sur l’arabe andalou, dialecte périphérique non hilālien qui partage différentes caractéristiques aussi bien avec la variété sicilienne qu’avec celles du Maghreb tout en ayant développé des traits spécifiques dus à l’influence des langues de superstrat et d’adstrat, mais aussi à éléments historiques et culturels (Ferrando 1998 : 60). Étant donné les problèmes liés à la rareté et aux lacunes des textes siculo-arabes, l’analyse comparative des traits andalous et siciliens est un instrument indispensable pour obtenir de nouvelles données sur l’arabe de Sicile. Par rapport à l’échantillon présenté par Ferrando, celui qui se trouve à notre disposition est plus restreint. L’analyse de Ferrando est en fait basée sur corpus de six œuvres, composées entre les XIIe et XVIe siècles, dans lesquelles le chercheur relève 375 exemples. Les œuvres qui font l’objet de notre analyse, qui seront décrites ci-dessous sont, en revanche, presque toutes d’époque normande sauf dans un cas dont la rédaction semble remonter à l’époque islamique. Il s’agit de textes non-littéraires, dans le sens le plus étroit du terme, puisqu’ils sont rédigés dans un registre ‘moyen’ et dans une variété d’arabe mixte. Le Corpus Tārīḫ ǧazīrat Ṣiqilliyya Le Tārīḫ ǧazīrat Ṣiqilliyya, mieux connu comme Chronique de Cambridge, du nom de la bibliothèque où il est conservé, est la seule chronique siculo-arabe contemporaine de la domination arabo-islamique parvenue jusqu’à nous. Sont narrés dans l’ouvrage, les événements survenus en Sicile entre 827 et 964; la Chronique (ms Gg.5.33 (2)), se trouve en appendice des Annales d’Eutychès, patriarche d’Alexandrie, et fait partie d’un recueil où son texte n’occupe que dix folios, le dernier étant mutilé. Le manuscrit est datable d’une période comprise entre les Xe et XIIIe siècles ; le nom de son compilateur n’est pas connu, bien que l’hypothèse la plus probable soit que cet homme ait été un chrétien de langue grecque qui aurait traduit ou copié son texte dans une variété d’arabe maghrébin utilisée en Sicile (Amari 2002 : 21-26). Le manuscrit de Cambridge a été considéré comme le codex unique de la Chronique jusqu’à 2013, lorsque pendant la conférence Bartolomeo e Giuseppe Lagumina e gli studi storici e orientali in Sicilia fra Otto e Novecento, tenue à Palerme les 29 et 30 novembre de cette même année, le chercheur Giuseppe Mandalà a annoncé avoir découvert un autre témoin de l’œuvre, lequel daterait de 1550 et contiendrait deux années d’informations inédites, jusqu’à 967. Kitāb Nuzhat al-muštāq fī ḫtirāq al-āfāq Le Kitāb Nuzhat al-muštāq fī ḫtirāq al-āfāq, c’est-à-dire ‘L’agrément de celui qui est passionné pour la pérégrination à travers le monde’, d’al-Idrīsī, est une œuvre géographique très célèbre, composée au XIIe siècle. Y sont décrits les territoires connus à l’époque de sa rédaction. On a eu recours, pour LE RELATEUR -VN EN ARABE DE SICILE : EXEMPLES ET REMARQUES LINGUISTIQUES 361 l’analyse linguistique, à l’édition critique avec traduction et commentaire du texte complet, réalisée par l’Istituto Universitario Orientale de Naples et publiée entre 1970 et 1978 (al-Idrīsī 1974-84). Kitāb al-ğāmiʿ li-ṣifāt aštāt al-nabāt wa-ḍurūb anwāʿ al-mufradāt Le Kitāb al-ğāmiʿ li-ṣifāt aštāt al-nabāt wa-ḍurūb anwāʿ al-mufradāt d’Idrīsī, édité par Fuat Sezgin, Mazen Amawi et Eckhard Neubauer, a été publié en 1995. Il s’agit de la reproduction photostatique des deux manuscrits de l’ouvrage parvenus jusqu’à nous, qui n’ont jamais été étudiés du point de vue linguistique (sauf Corriente 2012 et La Rosa 2014). L’un se trouve à Istanbul, à la Bibliothèque Fātiḥ, il est apparemment datable de 1500 ; un quart du texte environ est mutilé et il présente différentes lacunes et interpolations (Sezgin 1995 : VII-VIII). L’autre codex est conservé en Iran à la Bibliothèque Majlis-i Sanā sous la cote 18120 ; il a été copié en 1283, à Marāġa. Dans l’œuvre, Idrīsī présente une liste de noms de simples connus à son époque, avec leur traduction en arabe andalou, sicilien et différentes autres langues. AnbāʾNuğabāʾ al-Abnāʾ Sur l’AnbāʾNuğabāʾ al-Abnāʾ d’Ibn Ẓafar al-Ṣiqillī (m. 1170-1172) il n’existe, à présent, aucune étude linguistique en dehors d’une étude partielle, réalisée par Lentin. L’œuvre est divisée en cinq sections dans lesquelles on retrace la vie de quelques ‘enfants prodiges’, à la sagacité remarquable, dont le premier est le Prophète Muḥammad. Bien qu’on dispose de plusieurs éditions de l’œuvre, c’est l’un des manuscrits originaux, Arabe 6032, conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France et datable du XVIIIe siècle, que nous avons choisi d’examiner. Les ouvrages d’Ibn Ẓafar al-Ṣiqillī acquièrent une intérêt nouveau dans le domaine des études sur l’arabe de Sicile puisque son auteur, comme l’indique la nisba al-Ṣiqillī qui lui est attribuée, pourrait indiquer des origines siciliennes. 2 Sulwān al-Mutāʿfīʿudwān al-atbāʿ Le Sulwān al-Mutāʿ fī ʿudwān al-atbāʿ est un autre ouvrage d’Ibn Ẓafar. Là encore, le parti a été pris d’analyser le manuscrit Arabe 64567, conservé à la Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Le texte, daté de 1219 h, se trouve à l’intérieur d’un recueil où il occupe 66 folios écrits en nasḫ et a été copié par trois mains. Cette œuvre appartient au genre des ‘miroirs des princes’ et, de fait, contient une série de conseils sur l’art de la bonne gouvernance. Les Diplômes Il s’agit de documents de la chancellerie normande, c’est-à-dire des actes publics et privés qui contenaient, par exemple, des informations sur des cessions ou donations de terres ou qui concernaient des limites territoriales (Cusa 1968-82). Jérôme Lentin (2007 : 51) a relevé, dans l’édition de Cusa, un seul cas de morphème connectif. Les diplômes sont les premiers textes siciliens dans lesquels le relateur -Vn est attesté ; pour cela, l’exemple que Lentin 3 y a trouvé a été inséré dans cette étude. Sur la vie et sur les œuvres d’Ibn Ẓafar, voir l’article d’U. Rizzitano in B. Lewis, V. L. Ménage, Ch. Pellat, J. Schacht, Brill/Luzac & co. (eds), Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden/London 1986, 2nd edn., vol. III, p. 970. 3 Nous tenons ici à remercier Jérôme Lentin pour sa générosité : il a relu cet article et en a corrigé le français. Je remercie également Lidia Bettini pour sa disponibilité. En effet, elle nous a fourni des indications fondamentaux sur l’échantillon présenté et analysé dans cette contribution. 2 362 CRISTINA LA ROSA Le Relateur -Vn dans la Chronique de Cambridge Le morphème connectif -in est attesté principalement dans les substantifs féminins à suffixe ‫ ة‬qui sont le sujet logique de verbes qui ont la signification de ‘devenir’tels que ‫ ﻛﺎن‬et ‫ وﻗﻊ‬: • ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻻﯾﺎم ﻣﺠﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬en ces jours-là il y eut une grande famine’ (f. 7) ; • ‫‘ اﺧﺪ اﺑﻮ اﻟﻌﺒﺎس اﻟﺒﻨﺮم و ﻛﺎن ﻣﻘﺘﻠ ٍﮫ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬Abū l-ʿAbbās conquit Palerme et il y eut un grand massacre’ (f. 3) ; • ‫‘ ﻓﻲ ﯾﻮﻣﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺷﮭﺮ ﯾﻮﻟﯿﻮه ﯾﻮم اﻻﺣﺪ اﻟﺘﻘﻮا ﻟﻠﺤﺮب ]…[ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻣﻮﻗﻌ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬le deuxième jour de juillet, le dimanche, ils se battirent […] et il y eut une grande bataille’ (f. 6) ; • ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻘﻠﯿﮫ ھﺰﯾﻤ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬en Sicile il y eut une grande catastrophe’ (f. 7) ; • ‫‘ وﻗﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻠ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬à cet endroit il y eut un grand massacre’ (f. 7). Dans les exemples suivants il n’y a pas de verbes d’existence : • ‫‘ وھﺎدن اھﻞ ﺻﻘﻠﯿﮫ ﺳﻨ ٍﮫ واﺣﺪه‬et les Siciliens eurent un an detrêve’ (f. 5). • ‫‘ وﺧﺮج اﻟﯿﮭﻢ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍة ﻛﺒﯿﺮة‬se renditvers eux avec une grande force’ (f. 7). Lentin aussi met en évidence des cas concernant des substantifs qui sont sujets de phrases verbales avec les verbes d’existence ‫ ﺻﺎر‬et ‫ ﻛﺎن‬et avec des verbes ayant un sujet non agentif tels que ‫ وﻗﻊ‬et ‫ ﻗﺘﻞ‬au passif, bien que ses textes soient orientaux et d’époque beaucoup plus tardive: ‫ﻗُﺘﻞ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ ﺧﻠﻘﺎ‬ ‫‘ ﻛﺜﯿﯿﺮ‬beaucoup d’entre eux furent tués’, ‫‘ وﻗﻊ ﺣﺮﯾﻘًﺎﻋﻈﯿﻢ‬il y eut un immense incendie’, ‫‘ وﻛﺎن ﻟﮫ ﯾﻮ ًﻣﺎ ﻋﻈﯿﻢ‬il a vécu un jour extraordinaire’(pour ces exemples et d’autres voir Lentin 1997: 719). Exemples de morphème connectif qui, appliqué à un substantif, le relie à un syntagme prépositionnel: • ‫‘ وﻻﻗﺎ اﻣﯿﺮﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺰر وﻗﺘﻞ ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬il rencontra l’émir Ḥasan à Mazara et tua un groupe de musulmans’ (f. 9). • ‫ﯾﻮم ﻣﻦ‬ ٍ ‫‘ اول‬le premier jour de’ (f. 3, deux exemples, f. 4), qui paraît être une forme figée. Il importe de noter qu’avec le nom ‫ ﯾﻮم‬le relateur n’apparaît que lorsque le substantif est suivi de la préposition ‫ﻣﻦ‬. Exemples de morphème connectif appliqué aux substantifs masculins singuliers: • ...‫ﺷﻲ وﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﮫ‬ ٍ ‫‘ وﻟﻢ ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ ﻟﮭﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬il ne put pas les battre et en l’an …’ (f. 7). Dans ce cas, le morphème connectif est apposé à un substantif singulier suivi de la conjonction ‫ و‬qui pourrait être la cause de la présence du relateur (Lentin 1997 : 723-724). • ‫‘ وﺣﺎرﺑﻮھﺎ ﺣﺮبٌ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‬ils la combattirent durement’ (f. 8). C’est le seul cas où le relateur est vocalisé avec ḍamma. Il y a, en outre, deux exemples de relateur apposé à un nom pluriel: ‫ﺑﻌﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﻛﺒﺎر‬ ‘avec de grandes ٍ armées’ (f. 7, deux exemples). Dans la Chronique, le relateur -Vn n’est attesté que sous la forme –in, à l’exception d’un cas sous la forme -un. Il n’existe pas d’exemples de morphème connectif -an, appliqué à des substantifs à ‫ة‬ comme ceux repérés par Ferrando en arabe andalou, tels : ‫‘ ﻗﻀﯿﺔ ان ﺣﻤﻠﯿﺔ‬question (de logique) catégorique’ et ‫‘ طﻠﻌﺔ ان ﻣﻠﯿﺤﺔ‬bon aspect’ (pour d’autres exemples, voir Ferrando 2000 : 35-36). La différence évidente entre les exemples trouvés dans la Chronique et ceux relevés par Ferrando ne réside pas seulement dans la vocalisation –an du morphème connectif en arabe andalou, mais aussi dans le fait qu’en al-Andalus ce morphème est noté indépendamment, sous la forme ‫ان‬. Dans le Kitāb Nuzhat al-muštāq fī ḫtirāq al-āfāq • ‫‘ ﻟﮭﺎ أﺧﺒﺎرًا ﻣﺸﮭﻮرة‬elle est très célèbre’ (al-Idrīsī 1974-84 : 159, 13) où le morphème connectif est appliqué à un substantif au pluriel brisé. Des exemples similaires ont été indiqués par Ferrando (2000 : 35-36) pour l’andalou : ‫‘ ِﻛﺒﺎش ان ﺟُﻮم‬moutons écornés’ ; ‫‘ اﻏﺼﺎن ان راطﺒﺔ وأوراق ان ﺧﻀﺎر‬branches tendres et feuilles vertes’ ; ‫‘ ﺛﯿﺎب ان ﻓﺎﺧﺮة‬vêtements luxueux’ ; ‫‘ اﯾﺎم ان ﻣﻀﺎت‬jours qui sont passés’ ; ‫ﻋﯿﻮن ان ﺗﺮﯾﺪك‬ ‘des yeux qui te veulent’. • ‫‘ ﻟﻢ ﯾﻤﻄﺮ ﻣﻄﺮًا ﻧﯿﺴﯿﺎن‬il n’a pas plu en avril’ (al-Idrīsī 1974-84: 391, 4). Dans ce cas et dans ceux qui suivent, le morphème connectif est appliqué à un substantif masculin singulier. Lentin fournit LE RELATEUR -VN EN ARABE DE SICILE : EXEMPLES ET REMARQUES LINGUISTIQUES 363 quelques exemples dans lesquels le verbe et le substantif ont la même racine, comme dans l’exemple que nous avons déjà signalé : ‫‘ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻏﻀﺒًﺎ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‬il se mit fort en colère’ ; ‫‘ ﻓﺮح ﻓﺮﺣًﺎ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‬il se réjouit fort’ (Lentin 1997 : 718). Parmi les exemples du morphème appliqué à un nom masculin singulier, mis en évidence par Ferrando pour l’arabe andalou, il y a : ‫‘ ﺧﺎط ان ﺑﺎﯾﻦ‬écriture claire’ ; ‫‘ رﯾﺢ ان ﻗﺒﻠﯿﺔ‬vent du Sud’ ; ‫‘ ﺷﺮاف ان ﻣﻮروث‬honneur hérité’ ; ‫‘ وﻗﺖ ان زال‬temps disparu’ ; ‫‘ ﻧﻌﻞ ان واﺣﺪ‬une chaussure’ ; ‫ﯾﻮم ان‬ ‫‘ واﺣﺪ‬un jour’ ; ‫‘ ﺟﺎر ان ﻟﻄﯿﻒ‬voisin agréable’ ; ‫‘ ﺧﯿﺮ ان ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬une grande chose’ ; ‫‘ ﻗﺎرد ان ﺷﯿﺮف‬vieux singe’ ; ‫‘ ﻟﯿﻮم ان اﺧﺮ‬pour un autre jour’ (Ferrando 2000 : 35-36). • ‫‘ وﻣﻨﮫ ﯾﺨﺮج ﻧﮭﺮًا ﻛﺒﯿﺮًا‬un grand fleuve en sort’ (al-Idrīsī 1974-84 : 929). Cet exemple, ainsi que le suivant, rentre dans les cas, rares, dans lesquels le morphème -an est appliqué aussi à l’attribut suivant le substantif. • ‫‘ ﻓﻲ ﻧﮭﺮًا واﺣﺪًا‬dans un fleuve’ (al-Idrīsī 1974-84 : 893, 10). Lentin (1997 : 719) relève quelques exemples, qu’il dit aussi être rares, où le morphème se trouve dans les deux éléments du syntagme nominal: ‫‘ وﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﺮًا ﻋﻈﯿ ًﻤﺎ‬il tomba une forte pluie’. • ‫‘ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻮا‬environ’ (al-Idrīsī 1974-84 : passim) : ce phénomène est probablement dû à la tendance à appliquer la marque adverbiale -an à ‫( ﻧﺤﻮ‬Lentin 1997 : 722-723). Dans le Kitāb al-ğāmiʿ li-ṣifāt aštāt al-nabāt wa-ḍurūb anwāʿ al-mufradāt • ‫‘ وﻋﻈﺎم ھﺬا اﻟﺤﯿﻮان ﻣﺤﺮﻗَﺔً ﯾﻨﻮب ﻋﻦ اﻟﻂﺑﺎﺷﺮ‬Les os incinérés de cet animal se substituent au gypse’ (al-Idrīsī 1995 : 258). Dans cet exemple, le tanwīn est appliqué à un substantif à fonction de ḥāl et il pourrait donc avoir la fonction de morphème connectif ou bien de marquer le ḥāl même. • ‫‘ ﯾﻄﻮل اﻟﻘِﺼﺒﺎن واﺣﺪًا ﺑﻌﺪ اﻷﺧَﺮ‬les branches s’étirent l’une derrière l’autre’ (al-Idrīsī 1995 : 59). Ici c’est le numéral qui reçoit le morphème connectif, probablement à cause de l’influence de la préposition ‫ ﺑﻌﺪ‬qui le suit. Dans l’AnbāʾNuğabāʾ al-Abnāʾ • ‫‘ وﻋﺸﺮاِﻣﺎ ٍء ﺳُﻮد‬et dix d’anhydre noir’ (f. 7). • ‫‘ دون ﻏﯿﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮًا ﻋﻈﯿ ًﻤﺎ‬sans grand retard’ (f. 6). ٌ ‫‘ ﯾﻜﻮن ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒًﺎ ورﻓﯿ‬Muḥammad avait un ami et un compagnon’ (f. 21). Dans cet exemple, le •‫ﻖ‬ relateur apparaît entre deux noms coordonnés par wa. Des exemples similaires sont attestés aussi par Lentin: ‫‘ ﯾﻜﻮن ﻟﮫ ﻣﻮﺿﻌًﺎ وﻣﻘﺎﺗﻞ‬il aura un lieu et une personne pour le défendre’; ‫ﻓﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺎس ﻓﺮﺣﺎ وﺳﺮور‬ ‘les gens se réjouirent fort’ (Lentin 1997 : 723-724). Mais aucun exemple n’est attesté en andalou. • ‫‘ أﻧﻚ أﺑﯿﺖ أن ﺗﺄﺗﻲ أﻣﺮًا ﺗُﻠ ِﻌﻦ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻠﮫ‬Tu as refusé de continuer quelque chose à cause duquel tu es maudit’ (f. 8) : c’est un exemple de morphème connectif appliqué à un substantif qui introduit une proposition relative ayant valeur de ṣifa : des exemples similaire sont présents chez Lentin (1997 : 720) : ‫‘ ُﻣﺮادُﻧﺎ اﺧﺸﺎﺑًﺎ ﻧَﻌ ُﻤ ُﺮ ﺑﮭﺎ ﺣﺎرﺗَﻨﺎ‬nous voulons du bois pour [re]construire le quartier’. Ferrando (2000 : 37) aussi indique des exemples de phrases relatives à valeur de modifiant du substantif, mais sans morphème connectif: ‫‘ َﺣﻠ ُﺰوﻣﺔ ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﻌﮫ اي ﺗﺪور‬un escargot qui n’a rien à faire’; ‫‘ دار ﻟﯿﺲ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺧﺎﻟﯿﺔ‬une maison qui ne reste pas vide’. Dans le Sulwān al-Muṭāʿfīʿudwān al-atbāʿ • ‫( واﻋﻄﺎه اﻣﻮاﻻَ ﺟﺰﯾﻠﺔ‬f. 11) ‘il lui donna les choses les meilleures’. Ici, le relateur est appliqué à un substantive au pluriel brisé. • ‫( ﻟﻢ ﯾﺠﺪ ﺷﺮﺑًﺎ ﯾﺸ َﺮب ﻣﻨﮫ‬f. 66) ‘il n’a rien trouvé à boire’. Cet exemple rentre dans le cadre des propositions relatives dont il a été parlé plus haut. 364 CRISTINA LA ROSA Dans les Diplômes Lentin (2007 : 51) a trouvé dans l’œuvre un seul exemple, ‫‘ ﺛﻤﻨًﺎ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬un prix élevé’, qui fait partie d’un ensemble d’exemples spécifique : « Il existe un troisième type d’exemple (lorsque le complément est constitué d’un nom et d’un adjectif) selon le schéma N+-Vn + adj., que nous considérons comme un des emplois de cette structure (et donc du relateur) et non comme une modification de la structure classique avec chute du second ‫ ◌ً ا‬: ‫( ﻓﺮح ﻓﺮﺣًﺎ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‬Lentin 1997 : 718). Classification préliminaire Il est possible de classer les exemples présentés en fonction de la typologie des constituants de la phrase auquel le morphème est appliqué, ou bien selon le modifiant. Classification par typologie de substantifs 1) Substantifs au masculin singulier et au pluriel brisé : ‫‘ ﻟﮭﺎ أﺧﺒﺎرًا ﻣﺸﮭﻮرة‬elle est célèbre’. ‫‘ ﻟﻢ ﯾﻤﻄﺮﻣﻄﺮًا ﻧﯿﺴﯿﺎن‬il n’a pas plu au mois d’avril’ ; ‫‘ وﻋﺸﺮاِﻣﺎ ٍء ﺳﻮد‬et dix d’anhydre noir’. ‫‘ دون ﻏﯿﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮًا ﻋﻈﯿ ًﻤﺎ‬sans grand retard’ : ‫‘ وﻣﻨﮫ ﯾﺨﺮج ﻧﮭﺮًا ﻛﺒﯿ ًﺮا‬un grand fleuve en sort’ ; َ‫واﻋﻄﺎه اﻣﻮاﻻ‬ ‫‘ ﺟﺰﯾﻠﺔ‬il lui donna les choses les meilleures’ ; ‫‘ﺛﻤﻨًﺎ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬un prix élevé’ ; ‫ﺑﻌﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﻛﺒﺎر‬ ‘avec de grandes ٍ armées’. 2) Substantifs à ‫ ة‬: ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻻﯾﺎم ﻣﺠﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬en ces jours-là il y eut une grande famine’ ; ‫اﺧﺪ اﺑﻮ اﻟﻌﺒﺎس اﻟﺒﻨﺮم و ﻛﺎن ﻣﻘﺘﻠ ٍﮫ‬ ‫‘ ﻛﺜﯿﺮه‬Abū l-ʿAbbās conquit Palerme et il y eut un grand massacre’ ; ‫‘ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻣﻮﻗﻌ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬il y eut une grande bataille’ ; ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻘﻠﯿﮫ ھﺰﯾﻤ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬en Sicile il y eut une grande catastrophe’ ; ‫‘ وﻗﻌﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺘﻠ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬à cet endroit il y eut un grand massacre’ ; ‫وﻻﻗﺎ اﻣﯿﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫‘ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺰر وﻗﺘﻞ ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬il rencontra l’émir Ḥasan à Mazara et tua un groupe de musulmans’ ; cet exemple rentre dans les cas où le connectif unit un substantif et un syntagme prépositionnel ; ‫وھﺎدن اھﻞ‬ ‫‘ ﺻﻘﻠﯿﮫ ﺳﻨ ٍﮫ واﺣﺪه‬et les Siciliens eurent un an de trêve’ ; ‫‘ وﺧﺮج اﻟﯿﮭﻢ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍة ﻛﺒﯿﺮة‬il se rendit vers eux avec une grande force’. 3) Cas, plus rares, dans lesquels le morphème est appliqué aussi bien au substantif qu’à l’attribut : ‫‘ وﻣﻨﮫ ﯾﺨﺮج ﻧﮭﺮًا ﻛﺒﯿﺮًا‬un grand fleuve en sort’ ; ‫‘ ﻓﻲ ﻧﮭﺮًا واﺣﺪًا‬dans un fleuve’. Classification par typologie du modifiant 1) Adjectif : La plupart des exemples identifiés dans notre étude rentre dans cette catégorie; parmi les nombreux cas on peut citer : ‫‘ وﻋﺸﺮاِﻣﺎ ٍء ﺳﻮد‬et dix d’anhydre noir’ ; ‫‘ واﻋﻄﺎه اﻣﻮاﻻَ ﺟﺰﯾﻠﺔ‬il lui donna les choses les meilleures’. Plusieurs cas avec ‫ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬. 2) Phrase relative : deux cas ont été attestés. ‫‘ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺠﺪ ﺷﺮﺑﺎ ﯾﺸﺮب ﻣﻨﮫ‬il n’a trouvé rien à boire’ ; ‫أﻧﻚ أﺑﯿﺖ أن ﺗﺄﺗﻲ أﻣﺮًا ﺗﻠﻌﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‘ أﺟﻠﮫ‬Tu as refusé de continuer quelque chose à cause duquel tu es maudit’. 3) Syntagme prépositionnel : ‫‘ ﯾﻄﻮل اﻟﻘﺼﺒﺎن واﺣﺪًا ﺑﻌﺪ اﻷﺧﺮ‬les branches s’étirent l’une derrière l’autre’. ‫‘ وﻻﻗﺎ اﻣﯿﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺰر وﻗﺘﻞ ﺟﻤﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﻠﻤﯿﻦ‬il rencontra l’émir Ḥasan à Mazara et tua un groupe de musulmans’ ; ‫‘ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻮا‬environ’ ; ‫ﯾﻮم ﻣﻦ‬ ٍ ‫‘ اول‬le premier jour de’. 4) Entre deux substantifs coordonnés par ‫و‬, ce qui est apparemment inconnu en andalou LE RELATEUR -VN EN ARABE DE SICILE : EXEMPLES ET REMARQUES LINGUISTIQUES 365 ٌ ‫‘ ﯾﻜﻮن ﻟﻤﺤﻤﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒًﺎ ورﻓﯿ‬Muḥammad avait un ami et un compagnon’. L’exemple suivant est intégré ‫ﻖ‬ dans sette catégorie parce qu’il se peut que la présence du relateur soit due à l’influence de la conjonction ‫ و‬:...‫ﺷﻲ وﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﮫ‬ ٍ ‫‘ … وﻟﻢ ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻊ ﻟﮭﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ‬il ne put pas la battre et en l’an…’. Conclusions Quelques observations pour conclure. Dans les textes analysés, une trentaine de cas de morphèmes connectifs ont été relevés. La moitié d’entre eux est présente dans la Chronique de Cambridge. Cela signifie donc que le relateur -Vn, jusqu’à présent relevé dans les parlers néo-arabes contemporains, était déjà attesté en Sicile à l’époque islamique. L’échantillon présent dans les textes siculo-arabes est typologiquement similaire à celui attesté en arabe andalou, bien qu’on n’ait trouvé dans la variété sicilienne aucun cas dans lequel le relateur soit représenté graphiquement par un morphème séparé, ni aucun exemple dans lequel il soit appliqué à des noms portant la marque du duel, du pluriel ou déterminés par l’article. Par contre, en arabe andalou, les cas de morphèmes appliqués aux noms à suffixe ‫ ة‬sont rares et on ne connait pas de cas où il soit appliqué à un nom suivi de la conjonction ‫و‬. Dans quelques exemples, le morphème connectif pourrait avoir aussi comme valeur sémantique de souligner l’intensité de l’adjectif lié au substantif comme dans les cas suivants : ‫; دون ﻏﯿﺮ ﺗﺎﺧﯿﺮًا ﻋﻈﯿ ًﻤﺎ‬ ‫ وﻗﻌ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬et ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻋ ٍﮫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬. Compte tenu du nombred’exemples attestés, il est possible que la présence de l’adjectif ‫ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ‬favorise l’apposition du morphème connectif de même que l’adjectif zēn dans d’autres variétés d’arabe orientales (Holes 2004 : 91, Bettini 2006 : 37-38). Un autre élément qui ressort del’analyse linguistique dont nous présentons ici les résultats est que le morphème connectif a la forme -in dans la Chronique de Cambridge et –an dans les autres textes. Cela pourrait s’expliquer par l’origine des auteurs des œuvres. Comme on l’a déjà dit, le compilateur de la Chronique aurait eu le grec pour langue maternelle et aurait composé ou traduit le texte dans une variété d’arabe fortement caractérisée par des dialectalismes maghrébins voire siciliens. Cet homme pourrait avoir enregistré la vocalisation orale du relateur -in dans l’Île, due par exemple au phénomène de l’imāla (De Simone 1992 : 59-72 ; Cassarino 2010 : 94), ou une voyelle de type schwa. Une autre possibilité est que les origines grecques du scribe aient eu une certaine influence sur le choix de la voyelle à attribuer au morphème connectif. 4 Quant à la vocalisation -an du relateur dans les autres textes, dans certains cas, elle pourrait être liée à l’origine géographique des auteurs. Le débat sur les origines d’Idrīsī, par exemple, est toujours ouvert et il n’est pas possible, pour l’heure, d’établir avec certitude s’il était sicilien ou andalou (Amara, Nef 2000 : 121-27 ; Nef 2010 : 53-66). Il est clair que s’il était d’origine andalouse, la présence de -an dans ses textes en deviendrait évidente, mais cette explication reste à notre avis insuffisante. Les origines siciliennes d’Ibn Ẓafar dit al-Ṣiqillī, d’ailleurs, ne peuvent pas être tenues pour certaines et, en ce qui concerne la rédaction des diplômes, les scribes de la chancellerie normande étaient en partie autochtones et en partie originaires du Maġrib et de l’Egypte ; ils pourraient ainsi avoir introduit dans leurs textes des traits orientaux ou non-siciliens. Une autre hypothèse avancée par Lentin 5 est que le choix de kasra ou fatḥa pour écrire le tanwīn soit en fait conventionnel ; c'est-à-dire que -in dans la Chronique pourrait probablement être lu -an. Accueillir cette possibilité signifierait que la vocalisation du relateur dans la Chronique n’est pas une exception par rapport aux autres ouvrages. Dans la plupart des cas, la voyelle du cas auquel le nom se trouve et celle du relateur sont différentes, mais il est aussi possible que, dans des textes ‘moyens’ tels que ceux que nous avons analysés, le tanwīn ‘classique’ et le relateur aient pu coïncider dans quelques occasions (sur les nombreuses fonctions du tanwīn Ayoub 1991 : 151-213,1996 et 2011 : 442-445. Voir aussi Bettini 1994 : 78-89, Edzard 2006 : 188-191 et Kouloughli 2001 : 20-50). En tout cas, le fait qu’on rencontre indifféremment -in, -an (-en), -un dans les différentes variétés d’arabe est bien connue (Owens 1998 : 215-216) : 4 L’hypothèse que les éventuelles origines sudarabiques du morphème -in puissent avoir un rôle dans cette question reste à considérer. 5 Pendant le débat qui a suivi ma communication lors de la Conférence de AIDA 11. 366 CRISTINA LA ROSA The explanation for the appearance of a low vowel –an or high vowel –in/u(n) is not self-evident. In Sudanic Arabic the –an form seems to be linked to the consistent low-vowel value of many formatives, verbal f. pl. suffixes –an, preformative vowels of verbs, and the definite article. In Najdi and Tihama Arabic, however, paradigms often occur with both high and low values, e.g. Najdi verbal f. pl. suffix appears as both –in and – an depending on the verb class to which it is suffixed. Comme dans d’autres variétés d’arabe, donc, le vraies raisons de l’alternance vocalique dans le morphème connectif des textes siciliens, reliées non seulement à l’entourage phonologique mais aussi à d’autres questions morpho-syntaxiques, nous échappent. Les hypothèses avancées jusqu’ici restent à vérifier et la question posée au début de la présente analyse linguistique, c’est-à-dire si la vocalisation -in du relateur peut être considérée spécifique de l’arabe de Sicile, par rapport à l’andalou, ne peut pas trouver, de l’état de nos connaissances, une réponse affirmative. La direction à suivre afin d’éclairer ces aspects est, à notre avis, double : en premier lieu, il est nécessaire de continuer l’analyse des autres textes du corpus siculo-arabe et, ensuite, procéder à la comparaison entre les nouvelles données attestées dans l’arabe de Sicile et dans l’arabe andalou avec celles éventuellement présentes dans les autres variétés maghrébines. Références Amara, A. &Nef, A. 2000. « Al-Idrīsī et les Hammūdides de Sicile : nouvelles données biographiques sur l’auteur du Livre de Roger », Arabica 67. 121-127. Amari, M. 2002. Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, presentazione di Giuseppe Giarrizzo con un saggio di Mauro Moretti, rééd. Firenze: Le Monnier. Ayoub, G. 1991. « La nominalité du nom ou la question du tanwīn », Arabica 38. 151-213. Ayoub, G. 1996. Prédicats, figures, catégories : la phrase nominale en Arabe littéraire. Lille : Septentrion. Ayoub, G. 2011. « Tanwīn », K. Versteegh& al. (éds.), Encyclopaedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill.Vol. IV. 442-445. Bettini, L. 1994. « Présence d'un suffixe nasal facultatif dans la flexion du verbe du parler des Ğbūr de la vallée du Ğaġğāġ », Caubet, D. &Vanhove, M. (éds.), Actes des premières journées internationales de dialectologie arabe de Paris. (Colloque international tenu à Paris du 27 au 30 janvier 1993). Préface de David Cohen. Paris: INALCO, Langues ‘O. 79-90. Bettini, L. 2006. Contes féminins de la Haute Jézireh syrienne. Matériaux ethno-linguistiques d’un parler nomade oriental. Firenze: Dipartimento di Linguistica, Università di Firenze, (Quaderni di Semitistica, 26). Blau, J. 1972. « On the problem of the synthetic character of classical Arabic as against Judaeo-Arabic (Middle Arabic) », The Jewish Quarterly Review 63. 260-269. Blau, J. 1999. The emergence and Linguistic background of Judaeo-Arabic. A study on the origins of Neo-Arabic and Middle-Arabic, Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute for the Study of the Jewish Communities in the East (3d rev. ed.). 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A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Andalusi Arabic, Leiden/Boston: Brill (Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section 1, The Near and Middle East, vol. 102). Cusa, S. 1968-82. I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, pubblicati nel testo originale, tradotti e illustrati. Réed. Köln/Wien: Bohlam. De Simone, A. 1992. « Gli antroponimi arabo-greci ed il vocalismo dell’arabo di Sicilia », Scarcia Amoretti, B. (éd.), Onomastica e Trasmissione del Sapere nell’Islam Medievale. Roma: Bardi. 59-90. Edzard, L. 2006. « Article, Indefinite », K. Versteegh & al. (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, Leiden: Brill. Vol. I. 188-191. Ferrando, I. 2000. « Le morphème de liaison en arabe andalou : notes de dialectologie comparée », Oriente Moderno Nuovaserie 19 (80) n. 1. 25-46. Ferrando, I. 1998. “On some parallels between Andalusi Arabic and Maghrebi Arabic”, P. Cressier, J. Aguadé & A. Vicente (éds.), Peuplement et arabisation au Maghreb occidental: Dialectologie et histoire. 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Veccia Vaglieri (éds.), Napoli/Roma: Istituto Orientale di Napoli - Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente. al-Idrīsī, M. 1995. Kitāb al-ǧāmiʿ li-ṣifāt aštāt al-nabāt wa-ḍurūb anwāʿ al-mufradāt (Compendium of the Properties of Diverse Plants and Various Kinds of Simple Drugs), Fuat Sezgin, M. Amawi, & E. Neubauer (éds.), Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic Islamic Society. Ibn Ẓafar, M. 1973. Sulwān al-Muṭāʿossiano Conforti politici, It. Trans. Amari, M., P. Minganti (éd.), rééd. Palermo: Flaccovio. Ingham, B. 1994. Najdi Arabic: central Arabian, Amsterdam: John Benjamin Publishing & co., (London Oriental and African Language Library, 1). Ingham, B. 2010. « Information Structure in the Najdi Dialects », J. Owens, A. Elgibali (éds.), Information Structure in Spoken Arabic, London & New York: Routledge. 75-92. Kouloughli, D. E. 2001. « Sur le statut linguistique du tanwīn : contribution à l’étude du système déterminatif de l’arabe », Arabica 48. 20-50. La Rosa, C. 2014. « La terminologia botanica sicula e andalusa nel Kitāb al-ǧāmiʿ li-ṣifāt aštāt al-nabāt wa-ḍurūb anwāʿ almufradāt di Idrīsī », Annali Ca’ Foscari 50. 97-121. http://edizionicf.unive.it/riv/dbr/9/13/AnnaliCaFoscari/50/154. La Rosa, C. « The Cambridge Chronicle: some linguistic features », Mandalà, G., & Pérez Martín, I. (éds.), Multilingual and Multigraphic Documents and Manuscripts of East and West (Perspectives on Linguistics and Ancient Languages 5). Piscataway: Gorgias Press, in press. Lentin, J. 1997. Recherches sur l’histoire de la langue arabe au Proche-Orient à l’époque moderne, thèse de Doctorat d’état ès-lettres, Paris : Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle-Paris III. Lentin, J. 2007. « Sur quelques spécificités du Moyen Arabe de Sicile », M. Moriggi (éd.), XII Incontro Italiano di Linguistica Camito-Semitica (Afroasiatica), Soveria Mannelli : Rubbettino. 45-53. Nef, A. 2010. « Al-Idrīsī : un complément d'enquête biographique », H. Bresc & E. Tixier du Mesnil (éds.), Géographes et voyageurs au Moyen Âge, Nanterre : Presse de Paris Ouest. 53-66. Owens, J. 1998. « Case and proto-Arabic, part II », Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61 n. 2. 215-227. Owens, J. 2013. « The Historical Linguistics of Intrusive *-n in Arabic and West Semitic », Journal of the American Oriental Society 133.2. 217-247. Retsö, J. 1998. « Pronominal suffixes with -n(n)- in Arabic dialects and other Semitic languages », Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik 18. 77-94. Rizzitano, U. 1986. « Ibn Ẓafar », Lewis, B., Ménage, V. L., Pellat, Ch., Schacht & J. (éds.), Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden/London: Brill/ Luzac& co., 2nd edn., vol. III. 970. SUR UN TYPE DE PROPOSITION CIRCONSTANCIELLE SYNDÉTIQUE DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES ∗ JÉRÔME LENTIN INALCO, Paris Résumé : Les dialectes arabes connaissent souvent, à côté d’une construction asyndétique, une construction syndétique (comparable à la ǧumla ḥāliyya de la langue standard, avec wāw al-ḥāl) w + {NP (déterminé) + Prédicat} / w + {Prédicat locatif etc. + NP (indéterminé)}, qu’ils emploient, avec des fréquences très diverses suivant les dialectes, pour former des propositions circonstancielles décrivant un ‘état’ lié d’une façon ou d’une autre (par exemple par une concomitance temporelle) au procès décrit dans la proposition principale. Cette construction syndétique connaît des variantes diverses, en particulier une où, lorsque NP est un pronom personnel indépendant (PP), l’ordre w ~NP est inversé :’ana w-rāyiḥ vs w-’ana rāyiḥ ‘tandis que je partais’. Après un rapide inventaire des variantes de cette construction syndétique attestées dans les dialectes, on s’interrogera sur ses valeurs et sur celles de ses diverses variantes, et sur le rôle central qu’y joue la conjonction w. En posant la question de savoir si une des variantes peut être considérée, historiquement, comme la construction de base, on proposera des scénarios possibles de leur émergence et sur 1’influence probable qu’ont exercée dans ces processus d’autres constructions (par exemple PP w NP) qui utilisent également le pronom personnel indépendant immédiatement suivi de w. Mots-clés : Arabe dialectal, propositions circonstancielles, concomitance. 1. Dans les études linguistiques arabes, on regroupe traditionnellement sous diverses appellations : arabe ḥāl (ǧumla ḥāliyya), allemand ‘Zustandssätze’ / ‘Umstandssätze’, anglais ‘Circumstantial clauses’ (et plus récemment ‘circumstantial qualifiers’, cf. Adrian Gully, Mike G. Carter & Elsaid Badawi 2003, § 7.3 p. 579-587 et 156 et 456, et les travaux récents de Bo Isaksson et de ses collègues) divers éléments syntaxiques, de natures diverses, dont les fonctions syntaxiques, certes comparables, et les valeurs fort diverses, posent des problèmes complexes à l’analyse. Pour ce qui concerne les propositions ‘circonstancielles d’état’, dont une seule catégorie nous intéressera ici, il faudrait idéalement caractériser et étudier, sur le plan syntaxique, la nature de leur lien (syndétique, asyndétique) avec les ‘propositions principales’ auxquelles elles sont reliées, la question de l’hypotaxe et de la parataxe, la personne (1ère, 2ème ou 3ème) de leur sujet, la question de savoir si ces sujets sont coréférents ou non avec ceux des propositions principales, la nature verbale ou verbo-nominale de l’élément prédicatif de la ǧumla ḥāliyya (il peut s’agir aussi d’un syntagme prédicatif dans les énoncés locatifs par exemple), l’ordre des termes dans la ǧumla ḥāliyya elle-même et l’emplacement de l’énoncé où elle vient prendre place (au début, à l’intérieur ou à la fin), etc. Pour ce qui concerne leurs valeurs sémantiques et pragmatiques, il faudrait déterminer par exemple si elles sont temporelles, concessives, adversatives [pour Waltisberg 2009 : 247, par exemple, leur principale fonction, dans le corpus qu’il étudie, est temporelle, puis, dans l’ordre décroissant, adversatives, causale, et enfin concessives (pour un traitement récent de certaines de ces questions, voir par exemple Persson 2011). Ces questions sont depuis longtemps étudiés par les arabisants. On peut citer par exemple, pour l’arabe standard (classique et contemporain) : Reckendorf 1895-1898 : 552-563, § 177-179 ; Wright 1898 : II 330-333, § 183 ; et plus récemment Premper 2002 ; Waltisberg 2009 ; Gully, Carter & Badawi 2003 ; Addeweesh 1985 ; Kammensjö 2009. Les descriptions dialectales consacrent ∗ Je remercie Nadia Comolli qui, par ses questions judicieuses, a suscité, il y a bien des années déjà, les éléments de réflexion présentés trop sommairement ici. Je remercie également Marie-Aimée Germanos pour les exemples beyrouthins qu’elle m’a généreusement fournis et a bien voulu discuter avec moi, ainsi que Rima Samman pour les exemples de Tripoli (Liban), et Catherine Taine-Cheikh pour son aide concernant le mauritanien. 370 JÉRÔME LENTIN généralement une section, souvent restreinte, à leur étude (Cowell 1964 pour Damas et la Syrie par exemple). Certains travaux, cependant, les ont examinées plus en détail : Rosenhouse 1978 ; A. Bloch 1965 p. 68-81 (pour Damas) ; Woidich 1991 (pour Le Caire) ; Brustad 2000 : 341-342 (pour plusieurs dialectes). Quelques travaux récents (Persson 2009 (Golfe) semblent heureusement présager un regain d’intérêt pour ce secteur évidemment fondamental de la structure linguistique des langues, en l’occurrence des dialectes arabes. Il ne sera ici question que d’examiner un type de ǧumla ḥāliyya dans les dialectes arabes, celui, syndétique, de structure : w + Nom / pronom + élément prédicatif (qu’on appellera construction A), et quelques unes de ses variantes, essentiellement celle, possible seulement lorsque le sujet de la circonstancielle est un pronom personnel, de structure Pronom + w + élément prédicatif (qu’on appellera construction B), qui ne semble pas avoir de précédent en arabe ancien. 2. La construction A : w + N / pron. + préd. Il s’agit de la construction la plus fréquente. En voici quelques exemples, dans un certain nombre de dialectes. - Syrie : Cowell 1964 : 531 (exemples 1 à 4) ; Ğubb ‘Adīn (Correll 1972 : 61, Text II, 9) : tin ṣaraḫ, w-hū nizil ‘Wie er aufkreischte, nachdem er herabgestoßen war’ (remarquer l’accompli nizil). - Palestine : il-Xalīl (Seeger 1996 : 20, Text V, § 21) : zahha’ ’ibno, w-hūwe y’ullo sammi ‘Er nervte seinen Sohn indem er ihm sagte: „Sprich die Basmala” ’. On trouve aussi des exemples sans w, ainsi (46, Text XIV, § 3) : fi hādi l-ḥāle humme ’ā‘dīn, biḥaddidu l-mahir ‘, traduit (p. 47) ‘In diesem Fall sitzen sie [zusammen], legen das Brautgeld fest’ mais qu’on peut aussi comprendre ‘alors, une fois instalés, ils discutent la dot’. - Negev (Henkin 2010) : p. 336 § 34 : ubiydalluw ‘alēh min al-fardih xubuz, uªayyih. uhūh fī gaḷb al-fardih madsūs xalāṣ ‘And they would sneak bread, and water for him, while he was in this sack, totally hidden’ ; p. 368 § 27 : f-al-lēl, wal-kull nǣyim ġāṛ whaṭ-ṭayr mǣrig min ‘-al-byūt. kān almḥilliyyih byit‘allalaw f-aš-šigg, ġāṛ whaṭ-ṭayr biygūl: ‘At night, while everyone was asleep, suddenly this bird came flying over the tents’. 1 - Turquie : Tillo (region de Siirt ; Lahdo 2009 : 181-182, § 4.7.3.7.1.). Dans ce dialecte, la construction n’est pas fréquente. Exemples : ǝl-walat ‘al-lǝ-ḥmār w ǝnta trō b-ǝl-mašu! “the boy is riding the donkey while you are going by foot!” ; (…) w anā ēke atfarraš “while I was watching”. Un exemple d’une construction alternative, avec le relatif lay, sans w et sans pronom personnel : (…) wālǝdi lay zġayyar mtasak fǝl-naxwaštiyye “my father (…) while still a little boy became sick”. - Péninsule : a) Najd (Ingham 1994 : 87-88, 91-92 ; 109-115 ; 131-132) ; b) Ḍofār (Davey 2013 : 193) : (130) ḥagar li l-bās wa hō bi-yi-tkillam ma‘ ṣāḥab-ū ‘He waited for the bus chatting to his friend'’ ; (132) wa anā nāyim fi l-farāš sama‘-t dōla ‘Asleep in bed, I heard a noise’ ; (134) tzawwag ‘alē-hā wa ho ṣaġīr ‘He married her when he was young’ ; c) Ṣan‘ā’ (Watson 1993 : 375, § 10.2.14) ; d) Oman (Reinhardt 1894 : 292, § 449 ; - Maghreb : la construction est attestée en arabe andalou ; en arabe d’Algérie ; de Tunisie (Marçais-Guîga 1961 : 4237-4240) ; du Maroc. - Libye : Pereira 2010 : 384-385 : w ənta māši mən Ṭṛābləs l-tūnəs, tfūt εle ṣəbṛāṭa ‘Quand tu vas de Tripoli à Tunis, tu passes par Sabratha’ ; ən-nhāṛ kull-a wāne ndəwwəṛ fī -k ! ‘Je t’ai cherché toute la journée !’ ; m-əl-bāṛəḥ w āne nṛāži fī-h ‘Je l’attends depuis hier’. Yoda 2005 : 282. Sur les quatre exemples cités, deux sont clairs, mais le premier semble à exclure. Le dernier (u ṣǝḅḅ ǝččǝlž ‘when it snowed’) est remarquable par l’emploi de la forme verbonominale. 1 Autres exemples : p. 228 § 14 ; p. 232 § 29 ; p. 248 § 66 ; p. 266 § 28 ; p. 268 § 36 ; p. 306 § 29 ; p. 318 § 7 ; p. 328 § 6 ; p. 332 § 21 ; p. 352 § 7 ; p. 356 § 20. SUR UN TYPE DE PROPOSITION CIRCONSTANCIELLE SYNDÉTIQUE DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES 371 - Mauritanie : le ḥassāniyya ne semble pas faire grand usage de la construction A (et aucun de la construction B), même dans la langue, un peu particulière, des contes. Si on regarde par exemple le court conte dans Tauzin 1993 : 24-26, on trouve certes huit exemples de la structure considérée, mais aucun avec une valeur se rapprochant, même de loin, d’une ǧumla ḥāliyya ; tous les pronoms suivant w renvoient en fait à un sujet subséquent, par ce qui semble bien être un procédé narratif. 3. La construction (B) Pron. + w + préd. 3.1. Cette construction est nettement moins fréquente que la construction A, et ne semble pas attestée dans nombre de dialectes. Elle peut coexister avec la construction A (et les deux constructions prennent alors le plus souvent des valeurs différentes), ou être la seule en usage, ou être largement dominante. Parmi les travaux qui l’ont mentionnée avec quelque précision, on peut citer Cowell 1964 : 531-532 ; Rosenhouse 1978 : 229 : exemples (16) ’ǝnt ǝwrāyeḥ, xod-ni (Cowell 1964 : 532.) ‘Pick me up on your way’. (17) ’ana w-žāye w-ḥāmǝl-ha bṣǝdr-i ’ām ’alli (Grotzfeld 1965 : 101) ‘als ich kam und es vor mir an der Brust trug, sagte er zu mir’. Pour J. Rosenhouse, cette ‘sous-classe’ semble très fréquente en Syrie, mais pas à Damas (Grotzfeld 1965 :110). Il faut noter, ajoute-t-elle, que dans cette structure, qu’elle qualifie de ‘nouvelle’, le prédicat de la circonstancielle, lorsqu’il est verbal, est souvent un verbe de mouvement, comme ‘être assis’, ‘aller’, ‘revenir’, ‘venir’. Citons encore Kaye & Rosenhouse 1997 : 308 ; Brustad 2000 : 341-342. 3.2. Exemples : 3.2.1. Proche Orient (Levant) - Syrie : an-Nabk (Gralla 2006 : 141 § 3.5.2.) : hīyi w mǟše šōfet ǧamō‘a ‘am yizṛa‘o ’umiḥ ‘als sie so life, sah sie eine Gruppe, die dabei war, Weizen zu säen’ - Liban - Beyrouth : bäddik tə’ə‘de hōn ’ana w ‘am bḥaḍḍir əl-‘aša ? ‘veux-tu t’asseoir ici pendant que je prépare à dîner?’ ; btəsmaḥəl-na nə’‘ud šwäyy ‘a-l-kompyūtǝr ’ənt w ‘am btēkul ? ‘tu permets que je me travaille un peu sur l’ordinateur pendant que tu manges ?’ ; ’ənte w ‘am təḥke halla’ tu viens de me dire deux fois l’expression ‘pendant que tu me parlais, tu viens…’ lbəsət žebū-le lə-ḥṣān w ṣɔrt ’ərkäb ’älle ba‘deyn ’ana w ‘am bərkäb ’älle ṭṭalla‘ ṭṭalla‘ fō’ ‘j'ai mis la tenue, ils m'ont amené le cheval, et je me suis mis à chevaucher. Il m'a dit ensuite, pendant que j'étais à cheval, il m'a dit, regarde, regarde là-haut’ ; - Cowell 1964 : 532-533 (exemples 16 et 17, pris à Nakhla, van Wagoner, etc.) ; - Bišmizzīn (Jiha 1964) : p. 42-43, § 2 hū w-bi-hal-’ahwi ma šāf ’illa… ‘Während er in diesem Café war, sah er auf einmal’ ; p. 44-45, § 11 huwwi w-'an-yiftaḥ bi-has-snādī’ la’a sandū’ ‘Während er die Kisten öffnete, fand er eine Kiste’ ; p. 44-45, § 13 walla hū w-’ǡ‘id, ’illa byṭṣǡl il-wazīr ‘Wahrhaftig, während er so da saß, da kam der Wesir’ ; p. 62-63, § 10 hinni w-mǟšyīn bi-haṭ-ṭarī’ iṣṣaḥṛa ‘Während sie unterwegs waren in der Wüste’ (autres exemples : p. 60-61, § 6 ; p. 66-67, § 28 ; p. 96-97, l. 15). N.B. Ce dialecte utilise aussi, concurremment, la construction w + N / pron. + préd. (cf. § précédent) : p. 24, § 7 w-minkūn mabsūṭīn ma‘ li-’ṛǡyib w-‘an nu’ṭuf iš-šṛǡni’ trad.( p. 25, § 7) ‘Wir sind froh mit den Verwandten, während wir die Kokons abpflücken’ ; p. 50-51, § 34 ṣǡru y’ažžlūlu yǟha yawm wara yawm, yawm wara yawm,’arba‘ ḫamǝst iyyǟm ‘ašrt iyyǟm, šahr, šahrayn w-hinni yit‘ažžbu fī. ‘Sie verschoben ihm nun [die Abreise] einen Tag um den anderen, vier, fünf, zehn Tage, einen Monat, zwei Monate, während sie sich über ihn wunderten’ ; p. 72-73, § 4 : w-’ana ’iržif w-’albi ydu’’ ‘während ich zitterte und mein Herz schlug’ ; p. 74-75, § 5 wil-waṣfi ’issǟ-ha ma‘-a ‘während sie das Rezept immer noch bei sich hatte’ (autres exemples p. 58-59, § 24 ; p. 74-75, § 3 x 2 ; p. 108109, l.-6). - Feghali 1928 : 412-413 ne donne qu’un exemple de la construction B (tous les autres sont de construction A) : ẹl-mway hiyye w ‘an tẹġle bẹtṣẹr tfaqfęq ‘l’eau, en bouillant, fait des glouglous’.(remarquer que la ǧumla ḥāliyya n’est ni au début ni en fin d’énoncé, mais insérée entre sujet et prédicat). 372 JÉRÔME LENTIN - Internet 2: exemples de ’ana w ‘am… 3 ."‫‘ ﻧﺸﺮ اﻟﺒﻮب ﺳﺘﺎر راﻣﻲ ﻋﯿّﺎش ﻓﯿﺪﯾﻮ ظﮭﺮ ﻓﯿﮫ وھﻮ ﯾﺼﺮخ وﯾﻘﻮل "إطّﻠﻌﻲ ﻓﯿّﻲ أﻧﺎ وﻋﻢ ﺑﺤﻜﯿﻜﻲ‬la pop-star R.A. a publié une vidéo où il apparaît en train de crier : “regarde-moi quand je te parle !” ; ‫ﺳﯿﻠﻔﻲ اﻧﺎ وﻋﻢ طﯿﺮ‬ ‫‘ واﻟﻜﻮرﻧﯿﺶ اﻟﻄﺎﯾﺮ ﺧﻠﻔﻲ‬Selfie : moi en train de voler avec la corniche qui vole derrière moi” ; ‫ھﺎد اﻧﺎ وﻋﻢ ﺑﻨﻂ‬ ‫ اﻣﺘﺎر‬10 ‫“ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻠﻮ‬ça c’est moi en train de sauter d’une hauteur de 10 mètres ; ‫وﻋﻢ اﺗﻐﺪى وﺣﺎطﻂ ﻟﻘﻤﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻤﻲ‬ ‫‘ اﻧﺎ ’اﺣﺴﺴﺖ ﺷﻲ ﺑﻔﻤﻲ ﺷﻠﺘﻮ طﻠﻌﺖ ﺷﻔﺮه ﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬alors que j’étais en train de déjeuner et que j’avais pris une bouchée, j’ai senti quelque chose dans ma bouche ; je l’ai enlevé, c’était une grande lame’ 3.2.2. Province turque de la Çukurova (Procházka 2002 : 159, § 3.3.5, qui fait observer que le dialecte aime tout particulièrement mettre ces circonstancielles en début de phrase) : niḥna w-qē‘dīn hōnīk ‘während wir so dasitzen’ ; hinni w-ǧāyīn ‘während sie kommen’ ; hū u-ma-yimsik samik ‘während er Fische fängt’ ; hī w-ma-tǧīb-u ‘während sie ihn zur Welt bringt’ ; 216, Text 3, § 6 : il-‘aša niḥna w-qē‘dīn ǝhnīk ‘Am Abend, wir saßen gerade dort’ ; 218, Text 4, § 1 : hīye w-qāymi la-lqaddūm (…) hīye w-qāymi bi-l-arḍ ‘und während sie so dasteht mit der Harke (…) während sie in der Erde steht’ ; 222, Text 6, § 3 : (…) hīyi w-ma-tinzal arūs xayye, ‘a-s-sillēm (šift-u la-)… ‘(ich sah den…) als sie die Stiegen herunterging’. Mais remarquer un exemple de construction A (car le sujet de la circonstancielle est un syntagme nominal, et non un pronom personnel) : w-kill aḥad hōn nēṭir ḍarbu telefōn “während alle hier warteten, riefen sie an”. 3.2.3. Égypte Woidich 1996 : 345, § 42 fait observer qu’il s’agit là d’une des rares variables syntaxiques dans les parlers ruraux, et que le type humma w mašyîn (au lieu de wi-humma mašyîn) ‘as they were going’ apparaît au sud d’Asyût, et qu’il a “la même structure que dans certains dialectes syro-libanais”. 3.2.4 Maltais Un fait remarquable est que la construction B, qui semble sinon absente du Maghreb, 4 est la construction standard en maltais : Borg & Azzopardi-Alexander 1997 : 129-130, § 1.15 : (626) Jien u ħiereġ, ħbatt ras-i ‘'As I was going out, I bumped my head’ ; (627) Aħna u naraw il-film, mar id-dawl ‘As we were watching the film, the light went off’ ; Vanhove 1993 : 88-89 : 1. /u yiǝ̄́na u indáwwar l-ɛ́wwɛ1 nɔ́rbɔt awnɛ́kk/ ‘Et en tournant, d’abord je fais un lien ici’ ; 2. /int u tiǝ̄́kɔl trīd tḥallī́-°ɔm fū? nār bašš/ ‘En mangeant, tu dois les laisser à feu doux’ ; 3. wieġbu l-Fra hu u jgħin lil Ġorġ jita’ mill-ilma (Casha 1974: 4) ‘Répondit le Frère tandis qu’il aidait Georges à sortir de l’eau’ ; 4. /áḥna u níbnu ḥa-nissuǧǧiríšš ná°mlu ?ī́ s-u ārč/ ‘Pendant que nous construirons, nous suggérerons de faire comme une arche’ ; 5. U jkunu bħal agħsafar maħruba, bħal bejta mtajra, il-bniet ta’ Mowab, huma u jaqsmu l-Arnon (Es. 16/2) ‘Et elles seront comme des oiseaux en fuite, comme une nichée chassée, les filles de Moab, tandis qu’elles traverseront l’Arnôn’ (Vanhove 1993 : 145-146) : 1. huma u jorqdu jiftakru fix-xewqat tagħ-hom (Friggieri 1972: 186) ‘Pendant qu’ ils dorment ils se souviennent de leurs désirs’ ; 2. /inti u niǝ̄́zla minn ta° kalíps °ā-rrámla/ ‘Quand tu descends de Calypso vers Ramla’ ; 3. /aḥna u ǧɛyyī́ n kɛ́lli l-klī́ nsǝr ta mār u ḥaríǧ-l-i kɔ́ll-u/ ‘Comme nous venions, j’avais le démaquillant de Marie, et il m’a entièrement fui’ ; 4 /aḥna u tɛl°ī́ n ráyna dīk bi mánka īs-°a īd/ ‘Comme nous montions, nous avons vu celle-là avec un manche comme une main’ ; 5. /da-l-°ɔ̄́du áḥna u sɛyyrī́ n il-?ā́ la rayt ?ál°a sabī́ḥa/ ‘Ce matin comme nous allions à Qala, j’ai vu un beau champ’ ; 6. /°ūwa u miǝ̄́ši fi-t-triǝ̄́? wa?°át-l-u číčra/ ‘Pendant qu’ il 2 Les liens vers les sites où ces exemples ont été trouvés ne sont pas donnés ici, faute de place. Leur provenance (dialectale) a été vérifiée (autant que faire se peut). 3 On pourrait facilement multiplier les exemples, avec d’autres pronoms par exemple, ou avec des participes de verbes de mouvement, effectivement très fréquents. 4 D’après Vanhove 1993 : 88, citant Vella 1970 : 293, la construction B serait en usage à Benghazi. Grâce à Adam Benkato, qui a eu la gentillesse de m’envoyer une copie scannée de ce travail, ce dont je le remercie chaleureusement, j’ai pu constater qu’en fait Vella ne dit rien de tel. Les locuteurs et les spécialistes d’arabe libyen que j’ai pu consulter n’ont pas connaissance non plus d’un tel usage. SUR UN TYPE DE PROPOSITION CIRCONSTANCIELLE SYNDÉTIQUE DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES 373 marchait dans la rue, un pois chiche lui est tombé’ ; 7 [’û udîĕḥel, mâr fi lbíĕp talkantîna] (Stumme, 1904 : 35, 1. 9) ‘En entrant, il est allé à la porte des cuisines’. 4. L’extension de la construction B (Pron. + w + préd.) en : Pron i + w + N i + préd. (ou Pron i + w + préd. + N i ) et la distinction sémantique entre temporelle (concomitante) (construction B) et non temporelle (construction A). Si certains dialectes (comme celui de Bišmizzīn) semblent présenter les deux constructions, selon une distribution / des contraintes syntaxiques qui seraient à préciser, certains ont spécialisé la construction B pour les ḥāl-s de concomitance temporelle, la construction A ayant d’autres valeurs, diverses. Le tableau ci-dessous (exemples de Beyrouth) illustre les faits suivants : - Alors que la sujet de la construction B ne peut être qu’un pronom personnel : Pron. + w + préd.), lorsqu’on veut lui donner un nom pour sujet, on peut former une construction Pron i + w + N i + préd. (ou Pron i + w + préd. + N i ) 5 ; autrement dit, le syntagme nominal sujet vient s’insérer entre le pronom (qui ne disparaît pas), qu’il explicite (et qui l’anticipe), ou, quand l’ordre sujet ~ prédicat est inversé, en fin de proposition. On remarquera, suivant les cas, l’alternance possible entre les formes brève et longue du pronom (de 3ème personne du singulier), ou le recours à l’une seulement d’entre elles (suivant des contraintes qu’il faudra préciser). - Il y a une différence sémantique importante entre la construction B, à sujet pronominal, ou B étendue, à sujet nominal, qui a une valeur de concomitance temporelle, et la construction A, à sujet nominal, qui a une valeur modalisée, adversative par exemple (lorsque le sujet est un pronom, il ne semble pas y avoir de différence, on a dans les deux cas une valeur de concomitance ; mais la construction B (huwwe / hū w nēyim) est de loin la plus fréquente, et même la seule vraiment usuelle). D’autres exemples illustreront cette importance différence sémantique : (B) kīf bta‘mel heyk hiyye w l-bǝnt ‘am tǝl‘ab hōn / hiyye u l-bōṣṭa wāṣle / hǝnne w l-’awlēd nēymīn ‘comment se fait-il que tu fasses ça (pourquoi fais-tu ça) pendant que / en même temps que / quand…notre fille est en train de jouer ici / le bus arrive / les enfants dorment’ vs (A) ≠ kīf bta‘mel heyk w l-bǝnt ‘am tǝl‘ab hōn / u l-bōṣṭa wāṣle / w l-’awlēd nēymīn ‘comment peux-tu / oses-tu agir ainsi alors que notre fille est en train de jouer ici / le bus arrive / les enfants dorment’ (‘mais enfin… puisqu’elle est là’ / ‘puisqu’il arrive !’, etc.). Prédicat = syntagme nominal huwwe / hū w nēyim ‘quand / tandis qu’il dort’ hū w Samīr / zawž-i nēyim ‘quand / tandis que Samīr / mon mari dort’ hū w nēyim Samīr / zawž-i ‘d°’ * Samīr u nēyim (agrammatical) ≠ u Samīr nēyim [non concomitante ; ‘alors qu’il dort’, etc.] 5 L’indice ‘i’ indique la coréférentialité. Prédicat = syntagme prépositionnel huwwe w bǝl-bēt ‘quand / tandis qu’il est à la maison’ hū w Samīr / zawž-i bǝl-bēt ‘quand / tandis que Samīr / mon mari est à la maison’ hū w bǝl-bēt Samīr / zawž-i ‘d°’ * Samīr u bǝl-bēt (agrammatical) ≠ u Samīr bǝl-bēt [non concomitante ; ‘alors qu’il est à la maison’, etc.] 374 JÉRÔME LENTIN 5. Comment expliquer la construction B par rapport à la construction A ? On ne peut reconstituer sur des bases solides la genèse des constructions A et B, étant donné que les données historiques manquent, et que des enquêtes fines sur les usages actuels restent à faire. On se risquera cependant, avec prudence évidemment, à proposer deux schémas possibles (qui restent presque entièrement à justifier). Hypothèse 1 : une des deux constructions est dérivée de l’autre (postérieure à l’autre) : A w + huwwe (/’ana / ’ǝnte etc.) + Préd B w + N + Préd. A’ huwwe (/’ana / ’ǝnte etc.) + w + Préd. B’ huwwe (/’ana / ’ǝnte etc.) + w + N + Préd. (/ Préd. + N) Commentaires : a) Si on suppose que A→ A’ et B) → B)’ : - A → A’ ne peut être une inversion de l’ordre w ~NP, car on aurait parallèlement B → B’ où B’ serait *N + w + Préd. ; - Pour A’ et B’, on peut penser plutôt à une topicalisation (‘extraposition’, Rosenhouse 1978 : 229 ; pour un autre type de topicalisation voir Woidich1991 p. 83 : ‘isoliert vorangestellt’), peut-être d’abord dans des énoncés où le sujet était à la 3e pers. masc. sing. (cf. l’utilisation fréquente de *hū dans ce genre d’opération) ? ; - Cela suppose, pour A → A’, une étape intermédiaire : huwwe + w + huwwe + Préd., puis l’effacement du second huwwe, ce qui n’est pas impossible, et paraît même d’autant plus envisageable qu’on a précisément, comme on vient de le voir (§ 4), des énoncés de cette structure (construction B étendue) lorsqu’on a non pas deux pronoms mais un pronom (cataphorique) et un nom : (Beyrouth) ḫallī-ne šahhil šəġle hī w Elsa b-əl-crèche ‘allez, je vais faire quelque chose en vitesse pendant qu’E. est à la crèche’ ; hiyye w l-AIDA wāṣle ‘tandis que [la conférence de] l’AIDA approche’. b) La supposition inverse : A’→ A et B’ → B paraît plus difficile à imaginer, et à justifier ; elle supposerait de plus des schémas différents pour A’→ A et pour B’ → B. En outre, on peut raisonnablement supposer que, à un stade quelconque, on a bien w (qui a vocation en arabe à relier de beaucoup de façons possibles) en tête de ǧumla ḥāliyya, même si, naturellement, w peut se trouver après un premier élément à relier. L’hypothèse d’une topicalisation, de ce point de vue, paraît explicative : dans les constructions A et B, w relie /associe le ḥāl à la principale ; dans les constructions A’ et B’, l’accent est mis sur le sujet de la subordonnée ḥāliyya, où w relie ce sujet à ce qu’il fait - et, ipso facto, à lui-même (comme il relie deux pronoms personnels dans les locutions du type ’ana wiyyāk (‘toi et moi’), un pronom personnel et un nom dans des syntagmes comme ’ana wṣāḥb-i (‘mon ami et moi’), ou encore deux syntagmes (renvoyant au temps) comme dans kǝll sǝne w ’ǝnte b-ḫēr (‘bonne année à toi’) ou tlǝtt snīn u huwwe… ‘cela fait trois ans qu’il…’ ; la-l-’ēḫir w hī ‘am betkammil t’elle “ḫallī-kun ‘a-l-‘aša” ‘jusqu’au bout, elle a continué à me dire : “restez dîner avec nous” ’ ; rebe‘ sē‘a w X meš ‘am byəfham ‘layye lēš ‘am beḍhak ‘ça a duré un quart d’heure, et [pendant ce temps] X ne comprenait pas pourquoi je riais’ ; (internet) ‫‘ ﻣﻦ اﻧﺎ ﺻﻐﯿﺮ وﺣﻄﯿﺖ ﻧﻈﺎرة‬depuis que je suis petit je porte des lunettes’ (pour ce dernier exemple, voir plus bas à propos de ’ana w zġīr). Mais il est intéressant de remarquer que dans des dialectes qui ne connaissent que la construction B, on a, même dans ce type d’énoncés temporels, cette même construction : santayn hū w-mrīḍ ‘Zwei Jahre war er schon krank’(Procházka 2002 : 226, Text 11, § 1). C’est une analyse comparable, me semble-t-il, que font des énoncés de type B J. Rosenhouse (voir plus haut) et K. Brustad : In this variation, the subject of the circumstantial clause may be extraposed, or fronted, resulting in a topical pronoun subject followed by a topical circumstantial clause headed by /w/ and. It is significant that the extraposed subjects consist of highly individuated personal pronouns, suggesting that the highly individuated nature of the subject attracts this kind of syntactic movement, lending it syntactic and pragmatic prominence. SUR UN TYPE DE PROPOSITION CIRCONSTANCIELLE SYNDÉTIQUE DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES 375 K. Brustad poursuit en rapprochant des circonstancielles de type B une circonstancielle (dont elle remarque qu’elle est placée en fin d’énoncé) relevée (Behnstedt & Woidich 1987-1988: 264) dans un dialecte de Haute Égypte : zamān badri kunna ‘anisirgu minnī-hum iz-zabādi ḥna wu ṣġayyarīn ‘dans le temps, on volait notre yaourth, quand on était jeunes’ (Brustad 2000 : 341-342). Il convient cependant que ce type d’énoncé, idiomatique (et uniquement, sauf erreur, avec l’adjectif zġīr ‘(tout) jeune’) dans de très nombreux dialectes (une célèbre chanson des frères Raḥbānī, interprétée par Fayrūz,’Ana w Šādī, et datant de 1970, commence ainsi : ‫‘ ﻣﻦ زﻣﺎن اﻧﺎ وﺻﻐﯿﺮي‬il y a longtemps, quand j’étais petite’), est sans doute de nature un peu différente. Notons incidemment qu’il peut être précédé de la préposition mǝn : (Fleyfel 2010 : 43) : Bhébb l 3énab mén ana w zghiré ‘j’aime le raisin depuis que je suis petite’, et que w peut être omis : (internet) : ‫‘ ﻣﻦ اﻧﺎ ﺻﻐﯿﺮ ﺷﻌﺮي ﺧﻔﯿﻒ‬depuis tout petit, j’ai peu de cheveux’. Pour en revenir à l’hypothèse d’une topicalisation, elle pourrait expliquer aussi pourquoi, dans certains dialectes au moins, on trouve la circonstancielle de construction B plus fréquemment en tête d’énoncé. On observe aussi que - sauf erreur - dans les constructions équivalentes en sémitique, *w est bien en tête (sauf en néo-araméen occidental, qui connaît la construction B, mais probablement empruntée à l’arabe (Weninger 212 : 750). Il reste cependant à expliquer, dans le cadre de cette hypothèse 1, pourquoi la construction B, qui serait donc seconde, est attestée aussi en maltais par exemple, et semblerait donc ancienne. Hypothèse 2 : on peut supposer aussi que les deux constructions (A et B) ont coexisté longtemps, et que B a régressé dans une majorité de dialectes, A gagnant sur elle et prenant en charge les valeurs qui pouvaient lui être particulières (ce qui expliquerait sa polyvalence dans les dialectes où elle subsiste seule), et rendrait compte aussi du fait qu’on ait des traces de la construction A dans beaucoup de ceux (minoritaires) où la construction B domine. Un argument en faveur d’une hypothèse de ce genre pourrait être que, à des degrés divers, on trouve attesté dans de nombreux dialectes un ḥāl de type parataxique, par ex. Correll 1972 : Text II § 3’ana bḥawwiš ‘inib w-tīn ‘abbēt has-salli ‘Indem ich Trauben und Feigen sammelte, füllte ich den Korb’ ; Text III § 2 ’ana rāyeḥ ṣilt maḥall ‘Auf meinem Weg gelangte ich an einen Ort’ (voir aussi l’exemple de Seeger 1996 : 46 cité ci-dessus § 5). Cette construction pourrait être encore plus ancienne, et constitue peut-être le point de départ, selon des modalités qui restent évidemment à préciser, de la construction A comme de la construction B. Références Addeweesh, Rashid Abdulrahman. 1985. A syntactic and semantic study of ḥāl ‘circumstantial’ structures in modern literary Arabic prose literature. Ph. D. diss., University of Michigan : Ann Arbor, Mich. Behnstedt, Peter & Woidich, Manfred. 1987-1988. Die ägyptisch-arabischen Dialekte, Band 3 : Texte, Wiesbaden : L. Reichert (Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients. Reihe B, 50/3). Bloch, Ariel A. 1965. Die Hypotaxe im Damaszenisch-arabischen, mit Vergleichen zur Hypotaxe im Klassisch-arabischen. Wiesbaden : Franz Steiner (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes xxxv/4). Borg, Albert & Marie Azzopardi-Alexander. 1997. Maltese. London & New York : Routledge (Descriptive grammars). Brustad, Kristen E. 2000. The Syntax of Spoken Arabic: A Comparative Study of Moroccan, Egyptian, Syrian, and Kuwaiti Dialects. Washington D.C. : Georgetown University Press. Correll, Christoph. 1972. “Textproben im arabischen Dialekt von Ğubb ‘Adīn”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 122/1, 49-87. Cowell, Mark W. 1964. A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic (based on the Dialect of Damascus). Washington D.C. : Georgetown University Press. Davey, Richard J. 2013. Coastal Dhofārī Arabic: a sketch grammar. PhD diss., University of Manchester. Feghali, Michel (Mgr). 1928. Syntaxe des parlers arabes actuels du Liban. Paris : Imprimerie Nationale / P. Geuthner. Fleyfel, Antoine. 2010. Manuel de parler libanais. Paris : L’Harmattan. Gralla, Sabine. 2006. Der arabische Dialekt von Nabk (Syrien). Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz (Semitica Viva 37). Grotzfeld, Heinz. 1965. Syrisch-arabische Grammatik (Dialekt von Damaskus). Wiesbaden: O. 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A Grammar of the Arabic Language translated from the German of Caspari and edited with numerous Additions and Corrections, revised by W. R. Smith and M. J. de Goeje, 3ème éd., Cambridge : at the University Press. Yoda, Sumikazu. 2005. The Arabic Dialect of the Jews of Tripoli (Libya). Grammar, Text and Glossary. Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz (Semitica viva 35). DIALY 1 – STATUS CONSTRUCTUS OR A NEW GRAMMAR OF THE MOROCCAN BODY DIANA LIXANDRU Independent Researcher – Lisbon Mais n’allez pas croire au moins que c’est pas par la bouche qu’elles parleront. Et par où donc [...] parleront-elles donc? Par la partie la plus franche qui soit en elles, et la mieux instruite des choses que vous désirez savoir, […] par leur bijoux. Abstract: The present article revisits the representation of the body in a Moroccan form of contemporary art: Dialy, a theatre play, throughout which we seek to explore the emergence of a new discourse and rapport with the body. Written and performed in Moroccan Darija, Dialy comes in a long series of Aquarium productions, a small Rbati theatre company. Their portfolio includes a generous number of theatre forum sketches (theatre for development, with a strong participatory approach), where stringent contemporary social themes (clean art, polygamy, sexual toursim, abortion, women and politics) are brought to the public in the form of a theatre play. Given the strong social component of the shows, Moroccan darija is the language used. As one of the lead Dialy actresses states in one of her interviews: “Məttəlna u ḫṭabna əš-ša‘b b-loġa yfəhəm-ha” (We performed and addressed the audience in a language they could understand). Among the many merits Dialy has is its shedding light on a dormant discourse and a shift in paradigm when it comes to portrayal of the body. Unlike its highly metaphorical representation in modern poetry and other forms of art (like songs) or the pedagogical engineering of this topic in old literary texts, the play in question makes use of a naked language, priding itself on calling the things by their names in nowadays society. Therefore, the main purpose of the article is to follow the transition from order to disorder, chaos (fawḍā) and explore this trio of terms vagin (French)-farğ (fuṣḥā)- ṭabbūn (Darija) and the layers of meaning derived from employing them. At the very heart of the play, the act of naming the female sexual organ was what stirred most the viewers and non-viewers. The many interpretations and reactions to the performance can only but prove the absence of a unitary perspective on the body. The article will argue how this brief example of a new art tries and draws a new map, while breaking with the well embedded body discourse structured on the binary oppositions explored by Foucault: body/soul, flesh/spirit, licit/illicit, allowed/forbidden, and the Moroccan triptych of ḥšūma-‘īb-‘ār. Keywords: body, discourse, Morocco, theatre, vagina, language. 1. Remapping the Female Body The present article revisits the representation of the body in a Moroccan form of contemporary art: Dialy, a theatre play, throughout which we seek to explore the emergence of a new discourse and rapport with the body. Written and performed in Moroccan Darija, Dialy is part of a long series of Aquarium productions, a small Rbati theatre company. Their portfolio includes a generous number of theatre forum sketches (theatre for development, with a strong participatory approach), where pressing contemporary social themes (clean art, polygamy, sexual tourism, harrasment, abortion, women and politics) are brought to the public in the form of a theatre play 2. Within the same vein, Dyali is the fictional product inspired from a series of workshops organised and animated by Aquarium Theatre at its headquarters in al-‘Akkari neighbourhood. The participants, whose number seemingly exceeded 150, were all women from all walks of life, who gathered to debate over the issue of the body. 1 Whenever we refer to the title of the theatre play under discussion, we use the transliteration Dialy, which is the version the director opted for on the poster advertising the performance and in its press file. 2 For more details about Theatre Aquarium's work and past performances, see http://www.theatreaquarium.org/ 378 DIANA LIXANDRU The product of this exercise was a text signed Maha Sano, which the Moroccan theatre director Naima Zitan turned into what will be promoted as a controversial, challenging spectacle. In 2012, its first performance was hosted by the French Institute in Rabat and from then on the show was hosted at other locations throughout Morocco and France (Institut du Monde Arabe in Paris, April 2015). Our article will focus on the use of language, which the play uses both as an instrument and site of contestation or “problematization” 3 of the issue under discussion – the body. From the early stages of non-naming, we will accompany “the irruption of a speech” 4 that aims at advancing a new semantics, its strategies and its negotiation of preexistent, commonly accepted norms codifying the construction of the body in the public space. We would not venture to name it liberalization of speech or a deliberate act of gratuitous rebellion against anything and everything past, but we will content ourselves with observing the emergence of an artistic dynamics with a stronger focus on individuality, and a discourse which takes the liberty of questioning the surrounding reality and order of things. 5 2. Dialy in the Moroccan Theatre Populaire Landscape – Modernity Revisited Morocco has a considerable tradition of the so-called theatre populaire, starting with the ḥalqa 6, and ending with contemporary plays clearly anchored in the memoire. These are frequently hosted by the Mohammed V National Theatre, always eager to explore and promote the Moroccan heritage. Such examples are Bnat Lalla Mennana, (which according to some journalists, makes the proof of Moroccan talent 7) a play set in the small, idyllic northern town of Chefchaouen, where some female cast with sophisticated costumes are trapped in the quest for love, while others find themselves struggling between tradition and modernity, or Al Harraz 8, an adaptation of a 1960’s Moroccan play inspired by a melḥūn poem, which tells the story of a lover who will do everything in his reach to be reunited with his loved one. Compared to these plays, Dialy seems to position itself on the other side of the spectrum. Performed in Moroccan Darija as well, from beginning till end, the play focuses on the here/now, and revolves around the female body. In terms of props and costumes, the play is almost nude. The stage hosts three female nameless characters, all wearing attire. A washing line crosses the stage from one side to the other and the only items hanging from it are a dozen pairs of multi-coloured and multi-shaped underwear (slipat). Throughout the play, the slip never leaves the stage and sometimes makes an appearance on the characters' lips (see the excerpts below). It lurks in the background as a constant reminder of what it conceals. 3 The present article makes exhaustive use of terms coined by Michel Foucault in his famous 3 volume study of sexuality, The History of Sexuality. 4 See previous footnote. 5 It is worth pointing out that Aquarium Theatre is not a unique experiment. One should definitely mention DABA Theatre, a theatre project started and developed by a whole group of young people deeply focusing on pressing contemporary social issues which would serve as inspiration for the future plays to be performed on stage. Similar to Aquarium, the language of these plays is the Moroccan darija. Despite the novelty and experimental dimension of the concept, DABA Theatre soon became a landmark in Morocco's contemporary performing arts landscape. For more information on DABA Theatre, see https://www.facebook.com/pages/DABA-THEATRE/107110512655816. 6 Al-ḥalqa is a traditional form of popular performance art in Morocco, where the performer, surrounded by his/her audience, who has a large repertoire of different stories and combines between narrative, acrobacy, dance and music, The spontaneity of the act (in terms of space and timing) is one of its landmarks. Together with many others form of traditional art, the ḥalqa has been smartly assimilated and incorporated into Morocco's construction of modern identity. 7 http://www.maghress.com/fr/liberation/30055 8 An Aquarium Theatre co-production (!) DIALY – STATUS CONSTRUCTUS OR A NEW GRAMMAR OF THE MOROCCAN BODY 379 Character 1: Wa rā-h dāk ši āna dīma lābəsa slip-i, u ‘ammər-ni ma kanḥəyyəd slip-i. Character 2: Ḥətta f-l-ḥammām ma kanḥəyyəd-š slip-i, nhar əd-du ḫla gā‘, wālu, ma ḥəyydt-š slip-i. U f -l-ḥaqīqa ğāt-ni qāsəḥ nḥəyyəd slip-i [laughing shamefully]. [Character 1: That’s why I always wear my knickers and I never take them off. Character 2: Even in the hammam, I don’t take my knickers off. Even better, on my wedding night, I didn't take them off. It’s difficult to take my knickers off [laughing shamefully]. Both the title and the scarce setting prepare the audience for the dialogues among the three actresses and their re-enactment of various, very familiar real-life scenes that most often trigger the spectators’ laughter (ḍaḥk). There are many instances throughout the play where criticism of certain practices or institutions takes the form of mockery, ridiculing or pure playfulness. In itself, this can be interpreted as a strategy which the performers employ to negotiate some meanings and make the audience accept the beginning of a dialogue which would otherwise prove difficult. The example below illustrates the above. Still in the first, non-naming phase of the play, the three characters suddenly group and start singing about “it” and dancing on the rhythm of this lively, playful musical piece9: (Music) U ddi-h, ddi-h, ddi-h l-ḥammām Ddi-h l-ḥammām, ddi-h l-ḥammām Ḥəssəni-h u fərki lī-h U ddi-h, ddi-h, ddi-h l-ḥammām Ddi-h l-ḥammām, ddi-h l-ḥammām Zowwəqi lī-h w ḥəssəni lī-h U ddi-h, ddi-h, ddi-h l-ḥammām Ddi-h l-ḥammāāāām, ddi-h l-ḥammāāām Ġəssəli-h u fərki lī-h Zowwəqi lī-h u ḥəssəni lī-h U ddi-h, ddi-h, ddi-h l-ḥammām Aaaaaaaaaw BABY! [Take it, take it, take it to the hammam, To the hammam, to the hammam Shave it, scrub it Take it, take it, take it to the hammam, To the hammam, to the hammam Trim it, shave it, Take it, take it, take it to the hammam, To the hammam, to the hammam Wash it, scrub it, Trim it, shave it, Take it, take it, take it to the hammam, To the hammam, to the hammam Aaaaaaaaaw BABY!] The fragment clearly flaunts quite intimate beautification rituals that concern the female sexual organ (shave, scrub, trim, wash) and are usually associated with the hammam, “a site of celebration of the female body, of the subversive discourse and a spatial performance that escapes mens' control” (Graiouid, 2011:50). The hammam itself represents an institution per se in the Moroccan culture, commonly interpreted as a public-private space 10 for either men or women (in turns). However, displaying the insides of a women’s hammam on a stage in front of a mixed audience might turn 9 Courtesy of the actresses themselves. For further clarification, see Graiouid’s chapter on the Moroccan hammam. 10 380 DIANA LIXANDRU challenging, unless the resistance to such an idea is softened by an intervention like the one above: ğābt lī-ya əḍ-ḍaḥka. A similar example quoted below makes use of a melody, this time to ridiculously imitate an advertisement for sanitary pads (hinting at women’s menstrual cycle): Āna l-fota əṣ-ṣəḥḥiyah, l-kull mra u dərrīyaṣ Men ṣbaḥ l-‘ašīya, tīqi fī-ya, tīqi fī-ya, tīqi fī-ya U kanšrəb l-balal f-ḥīn. [It’s me the sanitary pad! Mrs or Ms, you must All day long in me place your trust I instantly absorb the liquid.] 2.1. Ownership on Stage: The Question of “It” In the first half of the play, the three characters spend a fair amount of time talking about or to a personal “it”. The title itself, though vague on purpose, raises from the beginning the issues of ownership and individuality in the public space. Not only does “Dialy” itself mean mine, but “dyāl” is the hallmark of Moroccan darija in terms of possession. Coupled with the mark of the personal pronoun, singular “-y” 11, the title somehow announces its intentions beforehand: an act of assuming something personal in a public space. 3. The Language and the Stage as Sites of Contestation Given the strong social component of the show, it only seemed natural that darija was the language of choice, at the expense of fuṣḥā or French. And it was precisely this choice that stirred most reactions from the audience. But, as one of the lead Dialy actresses states in one of her interviews: “Məttəlna u ḫṭabna əš-š‘ab b-loġha yəfhəm-ha” (We preformed and addressed the audience in a language they could understand). As it shows in Foucault's analysis of sexuality, “discourse can be both an instrument and an effect of power, but also a hindrance, a stumbling-block, a point of resistance and a starting point for an opposing strategy” (Foucault 1978:101). And it is undoubtedly around this idea that the play decided that language should be a site of contestation. The vocal reactions to the play, either in the press, interviews or on on-line forums, clearly validate the play’s claim on language. It is easily noticeable in the quotes below12 that such a “base” discourse is dismissed as being anti-feminist, immoral, non-Moroccan and non-Muslim. Such an exercise is anything but art and therefore referred to as dirty, vulgar and shameful. According to some of the comments, it breaks with tradition and it is an affront to Moroccan values. The reactions to the play were mixed, but the ones who under no circumstances assumed it, but most definitely rejected it, did so by violently bombarding the play itself and the people behind it with a very wide array of insults and accusations. One can easily see below that a main target was the language itself, which is said to having betrayed the actresses' low or lack of moral standards, downright baseness and depravity, and pornographic practices funded and backed by foreign parties aiming at stirring chaos in Morocco. 11 Expressing feelings from a first person “I” in the Moroccan society is not something common. Even at the level of language, there are instances when 1st person plural even though the speaker clearly means 1st person singular. One such example commonly used is the verb “twaḥšnak”, which literally means “we missed you”. However, many times the very same structure is clearly employed with the meaning “I missed you”. 12 The quotes from this table were selected from a long list of comments to an online review of the play. The website http://www.hibapress.org/maroc/2299.html was consulted in April-May 2015, but it was unavailable for consultation in September 2015. 381 DIALY – STATUS CONSTRUCTUS OR A NEW GRAMMAR OF THE MOROCCAN BODY Shameful Deviant Non-Moroccan Non-Muslim ‫• ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎت أروﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﻤﻮﻟﮭﻢ • ﻋﺮض ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻟﻦ أﺷﺎھﺪه • ھﺎذ زوج ﯾﺤﺸﻢ ﯾﻘﻮل ھﺎذ اﻟﻠﻔﻆ ﻟﻤﺮاﺗﻮ‬ ‫• ﺑﺎﻋﻮا دﯾﻨﮭﻢ وﺷﺮﻓﮭﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻲ ﺣﺸﻤﻮ ﻣﺎﺗﻮ وﻟﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺸﻢ ﺧﺎﺻﻮ‬ ‫• ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺿﻰ ﻋﻘﻠﯿﺎ‬ ‫• اﻟﺨﺮوج ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﺎدات‬ ‫• ﻛﺎرﺛﺔ ﻋﻈﻤﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﮭﺪ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻦ دﯾﻨﻨﺎ • ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻋﻄﯿﻨﻲ ﻧﺸﺮي ﺷﻲ ﯾﺘﺮﺑﻰ ﺑﺎش ﯾﻌﻮد ﯾﺤﺘﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﻠﺘﺤﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﯿﻂ راه طﺒﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ • ﻛﺴﺮ اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻮھﺎت وﻗﻠﺔ اﻟﺤﯿﺎء‬ ‫• أﯾﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﻠﺘﺤﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺤﻨﯿﻒ‬ ‫• ﯾﻨﺰل ﻟﮭﺎد اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى‬ ‫• ﺑﻘﺎﯾﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎر اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺰاف‬ ‫ھﺬا؟ أﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ رﻗﺎﺑﺔ؟‬ ‫• ﺟﺮح ﻟﻠﺠﻤﮭﻮر اﻟﻤﻐﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫أوﺳﺎﺧﮭﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻼدﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻔﻮا‬ ‫• ﻻ ﻟﻠﻜﻼم اﻟﻔﺎﺣﺶ‬ ‫• أﺳﺎﻟﯿﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﯿﺔ ﻟﻸﺧﻼق‬ ‫( ﻏﯿﺮ‬gros mots) ‫• اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻨﺎﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫• اﻟﻐﺮب وﺻﻠﻮا إﻟﻰ‬ ‫واﻟﺪﯾﻦ واﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﯿﺪ‬ ‫• أزﺑﺎل‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻌﻀﻮ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﯾﺎﺗﮭﻢ‬ ‫• ﺷﯿﺎطﯿﻦ‬ ‫• ﺑﻐﯿﺖ ﻟﺪوك اﻟﻄﺒﺎﺑﯿﻦ‬ ‫• ﻋﺎر‬ ‫• ﻓﻲ اﻹﺳﻼم ﻟﻠﻤﺮأة ﺣﻘﻮق‬ ‫دﯾﺎﻟﻜﻢ اﻟﺴﺮطﺎن! ﺗﻔﻮ‬ ‫• أہﻠﻟ ﯾﻌﻠﻦ ﻟﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﯾﺤﺸﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ أﺻﻠﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺒﮭﺎ وﺗﻠﯿﻖ ﺑﮭﺎ ﻟﯿﺴﺖ‬ ‫• اﻟﻌﺎھﺮات ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺨﺸﺒﺎت • إﻻ ﻛﺎن دﯾﺎﻟﻚ ﺧﻠﯿﮫ ﻋﻨﺪك‬ ‫ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﮭﻀﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫• رﻓﻊ اﻟﺼﻮت ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ إﺑﺎﺣﯿﺔ‬ ‫• ﻟﻔﻆ ﻣﻦ اﻷﻟﻔﺎظ اﻟﻨﺎﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫• اﻟﻘﺤﺎب‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ وﻟﻮ ﻛﺎن اﺳﻢ ﺷﻲء‬ actrices de porno • ‫ﺧﻠﻘﮫ ﷲ‬ ‫• ﻣﺸﻮھﯿﻨﺎ داﺋﻤﺎ‬ ‫• ﺷﻮاذ‬ 3.1. Playing with Language – The Living Metaphor Foucault's reasoning which in his History he applies to sex, is valid in our case, when applied to the discourse around the body: “As if in order to gain mastery over it in reality, it had first been necessary to subjugate it at the level of language, control its free circulation in speech, expunge it from the things that were said, and extinguish the words that rendered it too visibly present” (Foucault 1978:17). It is this precise order of things that the characters in the play are mocking when they are trying to name and define the female sexual organ: Šnu smīyt-u bi-luġatin rāqiyah? Abū Ṭar ṭūr [The one with a crest] Abū Šafrayni [The two-lipped] Abū Ḫušaym [The one with a little nose] Abū ‘Angarah [The humpbacked] Al-Dakkak [The crusher] Al-‘Aḍḍaḍ [The Biter] 13 Šnu smīyt-u b-loġat əd-darija? Sbab dyāl mašakil u ṣda‘. Ḫəṣṣ-ni ši nhar nsədd-u [Slap] Kayḥsəb lī-hum hāda hūwa l-quṭb l-janūbi[South Pole] Na‘na‘ [mint leaf] Māmā kānt katgūl lī-ya wrīda dyāl-ək [flowerette] Htītin, kūkī, tutuha, titi-titi [Fanny] Sīdi dyāl-i [My Sidi/Master] Gənfūd [Hedgehog] Sərrəm [Manhole] 13 The English translation we used is that of Sir Francis Burton, The Perfumed Garden of the Cheikh Nefzaoui, A Manual of Arabian Erotology (translated in 1886). 382 DIANA LIXANDRU The names in the so-called fine language (fuṣḥā) are borrowed from al-Šayḫ al-Nafzāwī's alRawḍ al-‘aṭir fī nuzhat al-ḫāṭir (commonly translated as the Perfumed Garden), a classical example of what Foucault would call “pedagogical” material, which institutionalizes and regulates the “obscene” employing an indisputable scientific parlance. The play follows the metaphorical thread generously exploited by al-Nafzāwi to cross into the realm of metaphorical discourse, this time in Darija. One can easily note in the list above the range of terms which reflect the wide and diverse spectrum of women who attended the workshops. From “source of problems” to baby language (Htītin, tutuha, titi-titi ) or very derogatory terms like sərrəm, the female sexual organ is safely guarded within the limits of metaphorical decency. In terms of space, the play defies the existing codes. A quick glance at the criticism directed at the performance tells us that one of the things some members of the audience contest is the play's claim to an artistic status. Assuming one's individuality on the stage, with an audience, and displaying the intimate relationship one has with her body in an intimate language (Darija) undermines the already entrenched boundaries, otherwise permissive towards other types of performance like that of the Moroccan šayḫat. 14 It is one of the few commonly accepted instances of female transgressions in the public space. “Šayḫat have the license to play with gender boundaries and with what is socially permissible during performance time” (Kapchan 1996:193), while Dialy is contested precisely because it lacks this kind of recognition and thus has not yet been appropriated by the system of officially accepted values. Meanwhile, the šayḫa represents an institution whose presence is legitimate mainly at social occasions (“ritual times and festive events” (Kapchan 1996:190)). 3.2. The Heart of the Matter: Naming and Shaming – “It” As stated above, a generous amount of the play is dedicated to speaking about or to “it”. The characters take turns addressing it, questioning it, bemoaning its silence, obviously ridiculing or contesting all sorts of interdictions (sight, speech, touch) and undermining a powerful, wellestablished discourse. In Foucault’s terms, “silence and secrecy are a shelter for power, anchoring its prohibitions.” (Foucault 1978:101). Such interdictions are voiced in the examples below: Out of sight Ma kanšūf-ək-š, ma kanšūf-ək-š, wa ma kanšūf-əəək-š! [I can’t see you, I can’t see you, I can’t seeee you!] Ma katbān-š lī-ya, dīma m ḫabba [Invisible, always hidden] Wāš āna ḫəṣṣ-ni dīma mrāya bāš nšūf-ək? [Will I always need a mirror to be able to see you?] Unspeakable Ma kanhəḍəru-š ‘lī-h. Ḥətta wāḥəd ma kaysma‘ ḥəss-ək ta nhar dyāl əz-zwāğ. [We don't talk about it. Don’t know it’s there. Until the wedding day] Ma kanqdər-š nhəḍər u la ši nhar mšīt suwwəlt ‘lī-k, [slap-bang] [I can't talk about it. If I did that, one of these days, slap-bang Āmma f-l-uwwəl, mən qbəl, ‘ammər ši wāḥəd ma suwwel-ni ‘lī-h gāl lī-ya: [Addressing the underwear] Wāš la bas? Kull ši la bas? [As for me, nobody has ever asked me about it: How are you? Everything fine?] L-‘amal? L-‘amal məzyāna? [How about work? Everything alright?] [Chorus]: L-‘amal məzyāāāāāna? 14 For a more in-depth analysis of this type of performance, see Deborah Kapchan's chapter Catering to the Sexual Market from her book on Moroccan women and their relationship with tradition, Gender on the Market. DIALY – STATUS CONSTRUCTUS OR A NEW GRAMMAR OF THE MOROCCAN BODY 383 Wāš nddi-k ‘and ə ṭ-ṭbīb? [Shall I take you see the doctor?] Yəmkən h`əs{ṣ-ni nddi-k ‘and ə ṭ-ṭbīb. [Maybe I should take you see the doctor] Nōḍi, təmši ‘and əṭ-ṭbīb! [Chop chop, to the doctor!] Untouchable Huuuh, nəzzəli ṣayt-ək ya ‘awuyla u ənti ma lābəsa ḥətta slip! [Huuuh, hey girl, cover yourself, you're not even wearing underwear! ] Ḥšūma! ‘īb! Ḥšūma! Ḥšūma! [Shame on you] Skuti! [Zip it!] A məs ḫōṭa! [You nasty one!] ‘andaaa-ki təmši tqīsi-h! [Don't you touch it!] Ma tqərrəbiš lī-h [Don't you go near it!] 3.3. The Act of Naming Into Existence After having exhausted all the known names designating the female organ, the act of calling it by its name happens abruptly. One of the characters marks the occasion and shouts it out loud: Ṭaaa-būūūū>>ū>-n 15, Ṭibin ban bin ban Mša lī-ya wāḥəd l-stress. Wāḫa hāka, ṣa‘ībaaa, ma təqdər-š tḫərrəği-ha. ‘arəfti ‘alāš? Ḥəyt wulāt ma‘yūra. [The stress is gone! Still, it’s difficult, you can’t say it, get it out. You know why? It’s become an insult] F-əz-zənqa kayəbdāw ygūlu: Wa sīīīri, sīīīīri, Ḷḷah yəl‘ən ṭabbūn mmu-k! [In the street, you'd be told: Piss off, fuck you! (Lit. May God curse your mother’s pussy!)] She confesses how the act of calling it by its name released an unimaginable tension. The act of reclaiming the word which had already been allocated for a certain purpose (insult) serves as a starting point for renegotiating its meaning and appropriateness. From that point on, relief settles in and then the transition is made to the last part of the play allocated to the re-enactment of real life experiences (marriage, rape, school, giving birth, etc.). Once again, under the mask of satire, existing regulating codes are put into discussion. 4. Regulating Codes and Negotiating Appropriateness To convey this, we selected two excerpts from the play. The first one is the type of discourse one would expect to find in a school, where girls receive a formal, proper education delivered in a formal, proper language (either fuṣḥa or French). The scarce content is then translated into darija (l-grūn, lbeydat), without actually gaining any additional meaning. School 15 Because of the syllabification, the geminated “b” is not rendered in this particular context. 384 DIANA LIXANDRU Student Teacher f-l-mədrasa ‘alləmu-na bi lī-l-mra ‘and-ha lgrūn u ‘and-ha l-bəyḍat u īla bġāt təḥməl sāfi, hād ši lli ‘alləmu-na ḫur ṭūm Fālū mabīḍatayni ḫəṣṣ yuqa‘ liqa’ bāš mən bə‘d yuqa‘ nikāḥ aw l-i ḫṣāb [At school, we were taught that women have horns and eggs and if she wants to get pregnant by That’s everything we were taught ] Falopian tubes ovaries there must be an encounter, followed intercourse or conception Parturition Kantə ḫəyyəl rās-i bḥāl dūk lḥāməlat dyal məğallat: zwīna, za‘ra, u ‘ayniya zurq u ša‘r-i chatin clair. W- āna ṭwīla u ‘and-i la taille svelte. U rağl-i, raaağl-i, l-ḥbīb dyāāāāāl-i wāqəf ḥda-ya dāba qābəḍ lī-ya f-yddi-h. U kaygūl lī-ya: Chérie, je suis avec toi! [Chorus] Tooooooi! Toooooi! Pousse! [Chorus] Pouuuuuuusse! Pouuuuuuuuse! Hāda faṣl rbī‘ w l-yom 25 f -šhar u hāda c’est notre bébé, c’est notre fruit d’amour! [Chorus] Mouuuuuur! Mouuuuuur! Heee! Nōḍi! Rā-h bāqa f couloir ṣbī ṭār! Gāl lī-k l-ḥbīb dyāl-ək: Məlli twəlidi, bīpi ‘alī-ya! [I see myself like one of those mothers-to-be from magazines: pretty, blond, blue eyes, and my hair chatin clair. Tall, taille svelte. My husband, my dear husband, love of my life at my side, holding my hand, whispering: Chérie, je suis avec toi!] [Chorus] Tooooooi! Toooooi! Pousse! [Chorus] Pouuuuuuusse! Pouuuuuuuuse! It’s spring, 25th of the month and this here c’est notre bébé, c’est notre fruit d’amour! [Chorus] Mouuuuuur! Mouuuuuur! Heeey! Wake up, you’re still in a hospital corridor! Your darling asked you to beep him once you give birth!] This second excerpt is a brief, utopic episode, where the character's ideal of a gorgeous motherto-be, surrounded by love, is abruptly torn by the very blunt Heee! Nōḍi! Rā-h bāqa f couloir ṣbī ṭār! Like in many other examples, the gap between the real and ideal worlds is also reinforced at the level of language: the dream made of beautiful images is punctuated by French here and there, while the hospital reality is conveyed in Darija, along with a jolt. Be as it may, the dialogue clearly questions the validity and value of such expectations in Moroccan women’s day-to-day reality. Despite the laughter this scene triggered in the audience, a whiff of interrogation lingered in the air. References Dialy – excerpts of the play I personally transcribed while watching the performance/video. Graiouid, Said. 2011. Communication and Everyday Performance. Rabat: Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences Foucault, Michel. 1978. History of Sexuality. Volume 1 – An Introduction. New York: Pantheon Books Kapchan, Deborah. 1996. Gender on the Market: Moroccan Women and the Revoicing of Tradition. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press Nafzawi, al-Šayḫ. 1886. The Perfumed Garden of the Cheikh Nefzaoui, A Manual of Arabian Erotology. Trans. Francis Burton. London. Cosmopoli: For the Kama Shastra Society of London and Benares, and for Private circulation only. SPELLING MOROCCAN ARABIC IN ARABIC SCRIPT: THE CASE OF LITERARY TEXTS MARCIN MICHALSKI Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań Abstract: Like other Arabic dialects, Moroccan Arabic has no codified spelling standard. Authors who write it in Arabic script in literary, journalistic or advertising texts employ, often inconsistently, their own rules that may be, generally speaking, phonetically oriented or follow the model of the orthography of Standard Arabic (fuṣḥā). This paper presents spelling tendencies identified in a corpus of printed literary works that have not yet been described in previous research. They concern marking gemination and assimilation, the word-initial ʔalif, the spelling of the hamza, the spelling of the word-final a in various parts of speech, and marking vowels by means of matres lectionis. The analysis shows that variation in spelling Moroccan Arabic in Arabic script is strong, some tendencies can, however, be identified. Keywords: Moroccan Arabic, Arabic script, Arabic spelling, Arabic graphy, Moroccan Arabic in Writing, Arabic Dialects in Writing. Introduction 1 Despite being a phenomenon more and more widespread in present days, the spelling of Moroccan Arabic in Arabic script has not been the object of much academic attention. There exist, however, relevant studies by Aguadé (2005, 2006, 2013) and Hoogland (2013), who have analyzed a number of mostly literary texts written in Moroccan Arabic in Arabic script and described general tendencies (such as the use of both classicizing and phonetic spelling) and phenomena (e.g. spelling inconsistencies, even within texts written by one author) 2. It is justified to expect that the examination of a larger number of texts will result in identification of further spelling tendencies and phenomena – and this is the purpose of this study. It is based on a corpus consisting of 23 literary books published between 1991 and 2012, many of which are theatre plays written entirely in dialect. 16 books have been analyzed in their entirety or as a 30% sample, the remaining 7 have been randomly accessed. The list of the books with abbreviations of their titles used to cite them in this text is given at its end. It is natural that when general tendencies are being looked for, the question of variation inevitably suggests itself. For this reason, variable spelling will also concern us here. Some spellings peculiar to particular authors, which might turn out to represent tendencies when more texts are examined, will be exemplified as well. 1. Three supplementary remarks The following three short remarks supplement in some respect specific observations made in previous research. (1) It has been observed that interdentals, which are absent in almost all Moroccan dialects, are marked following the fuṣḥā orthography (Aguadé 2006: 257) in words that have fuṣḥā equivalents with interdentals, e.g. ‫ ﻛﺜﺮ‬ktəṛ ‘more’, ‫ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‬tlata ‘three’. With regard to the use of letters marking interdentals, another type of their pseudo-correct use can be observed, i.e. they are used for marking 1 I thank Prof. Jordi Aguadé for his kind reading of the manuscript. For a description of spelling tendencies in Moroccan Arabic written in Latin characters in the press and the Internet see Caubet (2012). Cf. also Benítez Fernández (2010: 214-220). 2 386 MARCIN MICHALSKI sounds that are not interdental either in Moroccan Arabic or in Standard Arabic, e.g. ‫ اﻟﺬود‬d-dud ‘worms’ (BT 116), ‫ اﻟﻐﺬارة‬l-ġəḍḍaṛa ‘traitress’ (BT 132), ‫ ﺣﺮﺛﺎﻧﻲ‬ḥəṛṭani ‘mulatto’ (BB 93). (2) For the sound /g/, Aguadé (2006: 259-60) observes that it is spelt by means of six letters: qāf ‫ ق‬, kāf ‫ ك‬, Persian gāf ‫ گ‬, kāf with three dots ‫ ݣ‬, ǧīm ‫ ج‬or Persian čim ‫ ݘ‬, the latter being used by one author (to mark /g/ representing diachronically the fuṣḥā /ǧ/). A seventh, quite peculiar spelling, namely a kāf followed by a yāʔ with three dots below, e.g. ‫ ﺗﻜﭙﻠﺲ‬təgləs ‘you sit’, has been noted by Hoogland (2013: 71). To these seven spellings, another one can be added, namely by means of the letter ġayn ‫غ‬, e.g. ‫ ﻏﺎرو‬gaṛṛu ‘cigaret’ (L 11), although it is exceptional. The sound /g/ is thus spelt in as many as eight ways. (3) The ʔalif al-wiqāya, i.e. the ʔalif written after the wāw in some verbal forms, is, as Aguadé observes (2006: 265), generally not written “in the 3rd plural of the perfect…”, however, he does adduce some examples “of fuṣḥā oriented orthography with ʔalif al-wiqāya” (also in the present tense). In the corpus examined in the present study, by contrast, examples of its use are quite easy to find for both tenses. Aguadé also observed (2013: 210) that such an ʔalif may be written after the wāw marking the suffixed pronoun -u ‘his’, as in ‫ َﺳﺮْ واﻟﻮا‬sərwālu ‘his trousers’. It can be added here that such an unjustified ʔalif is used, inconsistently, by some authors not only with nouns but also with verbs and prepositions, e.g. ‫ ﻧﺮ ّدوا‬nṛəḍḍ-u ‘I turn him’ (R 85), ‫ ﻋﻨﺪوا‬ʕənd-u ‘with him’ (LŠ 54) and even, rather isolatedly, in the demonstrative hadu ‘these’: ‫( ھﺎدوا‬R 99). 2. Word-initial gemination Word-initial gemination which is not an effect of assimilation but instead results from a combination of two identical sounds or from diachronic processes (as in the word ḅḅa ‘father’) may be marked in writing by means of: 1. 2. 3. (a) (b) 4. (a) (b) Doubled consonant letter, e.g. ‫ ﻧﻨﻌﺲ‬nnʕəs ‘I sleep’ (L 60, MḤ 45), ‫ ﻟﻠﻲ‬lli ‘which’ (AṢ 215), ‫ ﺗﺘﺼﺮف‬ttṣərrəf ‘you manage’ (L 6); Doubled consonant letter preceded by an ʔalif – this spelling is used in one but very frequent word ‫ اﻟﻠﻲ‬lli ‘which’; Single consonant letter, which may be written: with šadda: ‫ ﻧﱡﻮض‬nnuḍ ‘I get up’ (L 12), ‫‘ ّداھﺎ‬he took it (F)’ (ṢX 92), ‫ ﺑﱠﺎك‬ḅḅa-k ‘your father’ (Ḍ 54), ‫ ﱠﻣﺎﻟﯿﻦ‬ṃṃalin ‘owners of, those of’ (ḤD 17, ṢX 95); without šadda: ‫ ﻧﻌﺲ‬nnʕəs ‘I sleep’ (Ḥ 33), ‫ ﺗﻜﻠﻢ‬ttkəlləm (AṢ 214, 225), ‫ داﻧﻲ‬dda-ni ‘it took me’ (L 44), ‫ ﺑﺎك‬ḅḅa-k ‘your father’ (Ḥ 7, ḤD 29), ‫ ﻣﺎﻟﯿﻦ‬ṃṃalin ‘owners of, those of’ (ḤD 32, Ḥ 20), ‫ﮔﺎﻟﺲ‬ ‫ ْﻓﺮا ْﻧﺴﺎ‬galəs f-faṛansa ‘he is in France’ (MM 244); Single consonant letter preceded by an ʔalif. The consonant letter may be written: with šadda: ‫ اﻧّﻌﺲ‬nnʕəs ‘I sleep’ (R 57), ‫ ا ّداﻧﻲ‬dda-ni ‘it took me’ (R 25), ‫ اﺑﱠﺎك‬ḅḅa-k ‘your father’ (MM 185); without šadda: ‫ اﻧﺪم‬nndəm ‘I regret’ (AṢ 220), ‫ اﺗﺼﻨﺖ‬ttṣənnət ‘you listen’ (ḤD 29), ‫ اﺑﺎك‬ḅḅa-k ‘your father’ (Ḥ 6, DB 144), ‫ اﻣﺎﻟﯿﻦ‬ṃṃalin ‘owners of; those of’ (Ḥ 6). Word-initial gemination may result from attaching the definite article to a word. The article may be marked as ʔalif-lām ‫( اﻟـ‬the classical way) or as lām ‫( ﻟـ‬Aguadé 2006: 260). Furthermore, it can also be marked as an ʔalif without lām, at times with a šadda on the consonant letter, e.g. ‫ واﺣﺪ ادوا‬waḥəd d-dwa ‘a medicine’ (LŠ 96), ‫ دﯾﺎل أدوا‬dyal əd-dwa (LŠ 96), ‫ ازﻓﺖ‬z-zəft ‘asphalt’ (AṢ 221), ‫ ﺑﯿﺖ اﻧّﻌﺎس‬bit n-nʕas ‘sleeping room’ (R 212). It may even be not marked at all (cf. Aguadé 2006: 261), e.g. ‫ ﺷﺪو طﺮﯾﻖ‬šəddu ṭ-ṭriq ‘they took the road’ (Ḍ 76), ‫ ﺑﺤﺎل دري اﻟﺼﻐﯿﺮ‬bḥal d-dərri ṣ-ṣġir ‘like a little child’ (Ḍ 98), ‫ دﯾﺎل ﺳْﻮا َﺳﺔ‬dyal s-swasa ‘of the Soussis’ (MM 28-29). These two latter spellings, by means of an ʔalif without lām or no letter at all, can be explained as following the rules for marking word-initial gemination presented above. SPELLING MOROCCAN ARABIC IN ARABIC SCRIPT: THE CASE OF LITERARY TEXTS 387 3. Assimilation Gemination may also result from total assimilation, for instance, when the inflectional prefix tassimilates to the first consonant of the verbal stem (e.g. t-dir > d-dir ‘she makes’) or the derivational prefix t- assimilates to the first radical (e.g. t-dar > d-dar ‘it was done’) 3. Such gemination may be marked by means of a single consonant letter, with a šadda or without it, e.g. ‫ دﯾﺮ‬ddir ‘she makes’ (AṢ 220, L 31), ‫ ﱠدار‬ddar ‘it was done’ (L 53). No instances of doubled consonant letter have been found in the analysed corpus. Instead, morphological spelling, i.e. spelling reflecting the morphological structure of the word, is employed frequently, e.g. ْ‫ ﺗﺪﯾﺮ‬ddir (< tdir) ‘she makes’ (BB 108), ‫ ﺗﺪار‬ddar ‘it was done’ (ṢX 96). Other, less regular total assimilations reflected in writing are exemplified in what follows: 1. dt > tt: ‫( ﻋﺎوﺗّﺎﻧﻲ‬R 151) ʕawəttani (< ʕawəd tani) ‘again’; 2. šž > žž: ْ‫( آﺟﱠﺎﺑﻜﻮم ﻟـ‬MM 246) až žab-kŭm l- (< aš žab-kŭm l-) ‘what business is this of yours’ lit. ‘what brought you [PL] to’; 3. ln > nn: ‫( ْﻓﺮاﻋﺘﻲ ﻧﱠﺎ‬MM 137) frəʕti n-na (< frəʕti l-na) ‘you broke my [head]’, lit. ‘you broke to me’, ‫( أ َرﻧّﺎ‬R 131) aṛa n-na (< aṛa l-na) ‘give us’; 4. ft > tt: ‫( ﻣﺎ ﺷﺘﱡﮫ‬BB 97) ma šətt-u (< ma šəft-u) ‘I did not see him’, ‫ ﺷﺘﻚ‬šətt-ək (< šəft-ək) (AṢ 229) ‘I saw you’; 5. nt > tt: ‫( ﺗَﺎﺗﱡﻮﻣﺎ‬M 123) tta ttuma (< ḥətta ntuma) ‘you [PL] too’; 6. nṭ > ṭṭ: ‫( ﺗﻤﻄّﺎش‬R 93) tməṭṭaš (< tmənṭaš) ‘eighteen’; 7. nd > dd: ‫( َﻋ ّْﺪ ُﻛ ْﻢ‬M 123) ʕədd-kŭm (< ʕənd-kŭm) ‘you [PL] have’; 8. lṛ > ṛṛ: ‫( أراﺳﻮ‬AṢ 237) ṛ-ṛaṣ-u (< l-ṛaṣ-u) ‘to himself’. The above examples represent anticipatory (regressive) assimilation. Perseverant (progressive) assimilation occurs less frequently, but can also be found reflected in writing: 9. nd > nn: ‫( ﻋﻨﻚ‬BT 81) ʕənn-ək (< ʕənd-ək) ‘you [SING] have’. 4. Redundant ʔalif When the ʔalif (sometimes written with a hamza above it) at the beginning of a word marks wordinitial consonantal clusters (cf. Aguadé 2006: 260), it seems to be modelled on classical graphy, in which it is used to mark a prothetic vowel. However, ʔalifs are also written before Moroccan Arabic words which do not begin with clusters, e.g. ‫ ْﻟ ِﺸﻲ أﺣﺪ‬l-ši ḥədd ‘to someone’ (Ḍ 64), ‫ أﺧﺬﻧﺎ‬xad-na ‘he took us’ (LŠ 54), ‫ ﻓﻮق أﺧﺘﮭﺎ‬fuq xət-ha ‘on the other’, lit. ‘on its sister’ (BB 130), ‫ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺧﻮﺗﮭﻢ‬ʕla xut-hŭm ‘against their brothers’ (AṢ 237), ‫أﯾﺪﯾﮫ‬ yəddi-h ‘his hands’ (AṢ 220). Such cases can be explained as intended to follow the graphy of their fuṣḥā cognates in which the ʔalif marks a vowel, cf. ‫ أﺣﺪ‬ʔaḥad ‘someone’, ‫ أﺧﺬﻧﺎ‬ʔaxaḏa-nā ‘he took us’, ‫ أﺧﺖ‬ʔuxt ‘sister’, ‫إﺧﻮة‬ ʔixwa ‘brothers’, ‫ أﯾ ٍﺪ‬ʔaydin ‘hands’. In many cases, however, such spelling seems to have no explanation other than a writer’s style, e.g. ‫ اﺑﻠﻠﻲ‬bəlli ‘that’ (AṢ 245), ‫ اﻟﻼ‬lalla ‘lady’ (BB 138), ‫ ﻓﻲ اﯾﺪ‬f-yədd ‘in the hand’ (AṢ 218), ‫أﻋﻤﺮﻧﻲ‬ ʕəmməṛ-ni ‘I never’ (AṢ 215), ‫ اﻋﯿﻄﺎت‬ʕəyyṭat ‘she screamed’ (AṢ 223), ‫ اﻣﺮة‬məṛṛa ‘time, turn’ (AṢ 213), ‫ أﻓﯿﻦ‬fayn/fin ‘where’ (AṢ 209) 4. 3 Due to the length limitations of this paper, the related issue of partial assimilation will not be discussed here. As suggested by Jordi Aguadé, such spellings may mean that the writer is unaware of the presence of a vowel following the initial consonant and feels that a vowel at the word’s beginning is needed (personal communication). 4 388 MARCIN MICHALSKI This word-initial redundant ʔalif should not be confused with an ʔalif used by some authors to mark the conjunction u-/w- ‘and’ (cf. Aguadé 367-68). 5. Spelling of the hamza As regards the use of the letter hamza, two strategies can be observed: first, the copying of classical spelling, and second, the application of abstract classical orthographic rules to the phonetics of Moroccan Arabic. The first consists in writing the hamza in Moroccan words which, although they themselves do not contain the glottal stop, have fuṣḥā cognates with a hamza. The second strategy manifests itself in two ways, the first of which is that in words with no glottal stop no hamza is written – this, obviously, equals to phonetic spelling. Examples of classicizing and phonetic spellings are given in Table 1. Table 1 Classicizing and phonetic spelling of the hamza. Classicizing spelling Phonetic spelling Transcription & translation ‫( ﺑﺄس‬BB 3) ‫( ﺑﺎس‬AṢ 223) bas ‘evil’ ‫( ﻧﺄﺧﺬ‬AṢ 238) ‫( ﻧﺎﺧﺬ‬BT 116, AṢ 244) naxŭd ‘I take’ ‫( اﻟﺮأس‬AṢ 238) ‫( اﻟﺮاس‬AṢ 238) ṛ-ṛaṣ ‘head’ ‫( اﻟﺒﺌﺮ‬Ḍ 27, LŠ 35) ْ‫( اﻟﺒﯿﺮ‬M 40) l-bir ‘well’ ‫( واﻟﻤﺄ ْﻛﻠﺔ‬BB 163) ‫( ﯾﺒﺮأ‬BB 70, 112) ‫( اﻟﺴﻤﺎء‬Ḍ 65) ‫( اﻟﻤﺎﻛﻠﺔ‬Ḥ 4, Ḍ 77) ‫( ﯾﺒﺮا‬MX 112) ‫( اﻟﺴﻤﺎ‬R 89, AB 83) ‫( اﻟﻀﻮء‬BT 80) ‫( اﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎء‬ḌA 43) ‫( ﺟﺎء‬BB 212, 63) ‫( اﻟﻀﻮ‬BT 68), ْ‫( اﻟﻀﱠﻮ‬L 61) ‫( اﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎ‬AṢ 243) ‫( ﺟﺎ‬L 7) ḍ-ḍu ‘light’ l-ʕulama ‘the learned’ ža ‘he came’ ‫( وﺟﺎءت‬Ḍ 43) ‫( وﺟﺎت‬Ḍ 65) w-žat ‘and she came’ wə-l-makla ‘and food’ l-makla ‘food’ yəḅṛa ‘he is cured’ s-sma ‘the sky’ The second manifestation of the second strategy concerns Moroccan Arabic words containing a glottal stop and consists in writing the hamza according to how its vocalic surrounding requires it following the abstract classical rules of hamza spelling. Thus, a classical spelling rule says that if the hamza (glottal stop) is preceded by a consonant and followed by long ā, the hamza is marked as a madda, e.g. fuṣḥā ‫ ﻣﺮآة‬mirʔāt ‘mirror’. Applied to dialect words, it results in such forms as ‫ ﻋﺒّﺂت‬ʕəbbʔat ‘it (F) mobilized’ (R 107), ‫ إآدﯾﻮْ ش‬ma yʔadiwš ‘they do no harm’ (R 95). Another classical spelling rule says that if the hamza is preceded by a consonant and followed by a short a, the hamza is spelt as an ʔalif with a hamza on it, e.g. fuṣḥā ‫ ﻣﺮأة‬mar’a ‘woman’. Applied to Moroccan words, it results in the following spellings: ‫ إأ ّدﯾﻮْ ا‬yʔəddiw ‘they carry out’ (R 89), ‫أ ْﻧﺄَدﱢي‬ nʔəddi ‘I carry out’ (MX 123), ‫ ﻣﺄدب‬mʔəddəb ‘polite’ (R 137), ‫ أ ْﻣﺄ ْدﺑَﺔ‬mʔəddba ‘polite (F)’ (MX 117), ‫ ﺧﺎطﺄة‬xaṭʔa ‘incorrect’ (R 194). 6. Spelling of the word-final -a The analysis of the corpus has shown that there are as many as ten ways to mark the word-final -a: ʔalif ṭawīla ‫ـﺎ‬, ʔalif maqṣūra ‫ـﻰ‬, tāʔ marbūṭa ‫ـﺔ‬, tāʔ marbūṭa without dots ‫ =( ـﮫ‬the letter hāʔ), fatḥa ‫ــَـ‬, 389 SPELLING MOROCCAN ARABIC IN ARABIC SCRIPT: THE CASE OF LITERARY TEXTS no sign at all, ʔalif with a hamza upon it ‫ ـﺄ‬, ʔalif with a tāʔ marbūṭa ‫ـﺎه‬, ʔalif with a tā’ marbūṭa without dots ‫ ـﺎه‬, and the final yāʔ ‫ـﻲ‬. The four latter are infrequent. The ending ‫ ـﺄ‬is used in classicizing spelling of some verbs, e.g. ‫ ﯾﺒﺮأ‬yĭḅṛa ‘gets cured’ (BB 70). The ending ‫ ـﺎة‬, and its less frequent variant ‫ـﺎه‬, occur mostly in classicizing spelling of the noun mṛa ‘woman, wife’, e.g. ‫( اﻟﻤﺮاة‬MḤ 50), ‫( اﻟﻤﺮاه‬Ḍ 63), but also, rather idiosyncratically in one book, in feminine active participles, e.g. ‫ ھﺎ ّزاة‬hazza ‘raising, having raised [F]’ (R 134), ‫ راﻣﯿﺎة‬ramya ‘throwing, having thrown [F]’ (R 71) or nouns ‫ اﻟﻜﺴﯿﺪاة‬l-kṣiḍa ‘accident’ (R 17). As for the graphy ‫ ـﻲ‬, it appears to be intended to be ‫ ـﻰ‬but for some reason it is not, e.g. ‫ ﻣﺸﻲ‬mša (R 168), ‫ اﻟﻨﺼﺎري‬nṣaṛa ‘Christians’ (R 169), ‫ اﻟﺸﺘﻲ‬š-šta ‘rain, winter’ (R 195) 5. The discussion of the remaining six, more frequent spellings of the word-final -a will begin with defective verbs. In fuṣḥā, verbs are never spelt with tāʔ marbūṭa and this rule is respected in dialect, too (one example of a verb spelt with a tāʔ marbūṭa found in the corpus: ‫( ﻣﺎ ﺑﻐﺎﺗﺶ اﺗّﺴﺎﻟﺔ‬R 210) ma bġatš ttsala ‘it [F] did not want to end’, is an obvious oddity). There is, however, considerable freedom in choosing between spelling with ʔalif ṭawīla or ʔalif maqṣūra and the choice does not seem to depend on the root of the verb. Relevant pairs are exemplified in Table 2: P4F P Table 2 Word-final -a in verbs. ʔAlif maqṣūra ʔAlif ṭawīla Transcription & translation Perfect qṛa ‘he read’ ‫( ﻗﺮى‬R 82) ‫( ﻗﺮا‬R 82, 132); ‫( ﺟﺮى‬BB 108) ‫( ﺟﺮا‬AB 83), ‫( ﺟْ ﺮا‬Ḍ 65) ‫( ﺑﻐﺎ‬AṢ 243, Ḥ 25, ḌK 9) ‫( ﺷﺮا‬Ḥ 6, Ḍ 101, L 42) ‫( ﺧﺬا‬Ḥ 15) žṛa ‘it happenned’ ‫( ﻣﺸﻰ‬Ḥ 29, BB 91), ‫اﻣﺸﻰ‬ (AB 86) ‫( ْﻋﯿَﻰ‬R 32) ‫( ﻣﺸﺎ‬Ḥ 38, AṢ 231) mša ‘he went’ ‫( ﻋﯿﺎ‬BB 90) ʕya ‘he got tired’ ‫( أﺣﻜﻰ‬Ḍ 75) ‫( َوﺣْ ﻜﺎ‬Ḍ 65) ḥka ‘he told’ ‫( ﺑﻐﻰ‬BB 45, L 46) ‫( ﺷﺮى‬Ḥ 6) ‫( ﺧﺪى‬R 36) bġa ‘he wanted’ šra ‘he bought’ xda ‘he took’ Imperfect ta-yəqṛa ‘he is reading’ ‫( ﯾﻄﺮا‬BB 90) yəqṛa ‘he reads’ yəṭra ‘it happens’ ‫( ﻧﺘﺴﺎرى‬Ḥ 16) ‫( اﺗّﺴﺎرا‬R 137) nətsara ‘I stroll’ ttsara ‘you stroll’ ‫( ﺗﺘﺴﻨﻰ‬BB 109) ‫( وﺗَ ْﯿ ْﺘ َﺴﻨّﺎ‬Ḍ 65) ta-ttsənna waiting’ ‫( ﺗﻠﻘﻰ‬ḌK 33, MX 33) ‫( ﺗﻠﻘﺎ‬Ḍ 75) təlqa ‘you find’ ‫( ﻧﺒﻘﻰ‬R 148) ‫( إ ْﺑﻘَﺎ‬ḌA 13) nəbqa ‘I stay’ ‫( ﯾﻘﺮى‬R 129) ‫( ﺗﯿﻘﺮا‬BB 91) ‫( ﯾﻄﺮى‬R 200) 5 This substitution of ‫ ـﻲ‬for ‫ ـﻰ‬can also be found in fuṣḥā printed texts. ‘she is w-ta-yĭtsənna ‘and he is waiting’ yĭbqa ‘he stays’ 390 MARCIN MICHALSKI However, imperative forms and the imperative particle aṛa ‘give!’ in the corpus tend to end in ʔalif ṭawīla, e.g. ‫ اھﺪا‬hda ‘calm down!’ (Ḥ 25), ‫ اﻗﺮا‬qṛa ‘read!’ (Ḥ 40), ‫ ﺑﺪا‬bda ‘start!’ (L 35), ‫ أ ْﻧ َﺴﺎ‬u-nsa ‘and forget!’ (Ḍ 44), ‫( آرا‬L 25) and ‫( أَ َرا‬MM 70) aṛa ‘give!’ – although counterexamples do occur, e.g. ‫اﻗﺮى‬ qṛa ‘read!’ (Ṯ 46), ‫ أرى‬aṛa ‘give!’ (MX 46). For other parts of speech, there are more ways of marking the final -a, mainly because tāʔ marbūṭa or its undotted variant can be used. As far as nouns are concerned, variation occurs between ‫ ـﻰ‬and ‫ ـﺎ‬, as shown in Table 3, between ‫ ـﺎ‬and ‫ ـﺔ‬, as shown in Table 4 (note here especially nouns following the pattern CCuCa, feminine adjectives of colour and feminine active participles, some of which, like kayna ‘there is [F]’ are grammaticalized), and between ‫ ـﻰ‬and ‫ ـﺔ‬, as shown in Table 5. Table 3 Variation between ‫ ـﻰ‬and ‫ ـﺎ‬in nouns ʔAlif maqṣūra 6 ‫( ْدوى‬R 83) ʔAlif ṭawīla ‫( دوا‬Ḥ 13, 52) Transcription & translation dwa ‘medicine’ ‫( اﻟﻐﻨﻰ‬R 147) ‫( اﻟﻐﻨﺎ‬Ḥ 19), ‫( ْأﻟﻐﻨﺎ‬Ḍ 77) lə-ġna ‘song’ ‫( ﻟَﺒﻜﻰ‬R 191) ‫( اﻟﺒﻜﺎ‬BT 55, AṢ 247) lə-bka ‘crying’ ‫( اﻟﺸﺘﻰ‬R 88, 153, 158) ‫( اﻟﺸﺘﺎ‬Ḥ 46, 52, LŠ 96, ṢX 96) ‫( ﺑﺎﻟﻌﯿﺎ‬Ḥ 51) š-šta ‘rain’ ‫( اﻟﻌﯿﻰ‬R 154) lə-ʕya ‘tiredness’ lə-kra ‘rent’ b-lə-ʕya tiredness’ ‫( اﻟﻜﺮى‬R 209) ‫( اﻟﻜﺮا‬AṢ 212, ḤD 26), ‫اﻟ ْﻜﺮا‬ (Ḍ 88) ‫( ﻟَﻌﺼﻰ‬R 36), ‫( اﻟﻌﺼﻰ‬MQ 24) ‫( ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺼﺎ‬BB 90) lə-ʕṣa stick’ ‫( اﻟﻤﻮﻧﺎﺿﻰ‬R 192) ‫( اﻟﻤﻮﻧﺎدا‬L 45, 49) l-munaḍa ‘refreshing drink’ ‫( اﻟﺤﺒﻠﻰ‬L 55) ‫( اﻟﺤﺒﻼ‬L 22) l-ḥəbla ‘pregnant’ ‘the b-lə-ʕṣa stick’ ‘from ‘with Table 4 Variation between ‫ ـﺎ‬and ‫ ـﺔ‬in nouns ʔAlif ṭawīla ‫( ﻟﻌﺸﯿﺎ‬L 39) Tā’ marbūṭa ‫( ﻟﻌﺸﯿﺔ‬L 49); Transcription & translation lə-ʕšiya ‘evening’ ‫( ﺑﻼﺻﺎ‬L 54) ‫( ﺑﻼﺻﺔ‬R 107) ḅlaṣa ‘place’ ‫( آﻻَﻻﱠ‬L 37) ‫ آﻻﻟﺔ‬a-lalla (L 17, DB 251) ‫( ِﺳﻤﺎﻧﺔ‬ḤD 19); a-lalla ‘lady!’ ‫( ھﺪرة‬L 42), ‫( ھَ ْﺪرة‬Ḍ 13) həḍṛa ‘talking’ ‫( ﺑﺴﯿﻤﺎﻧﺎ‬Ḥ 43) ‫( ھَ ْﺪرا‬Ḍ 51) 6 b-simana ‘by a week’ Note that nearly all examples in this column have been found in R. the simana ‘week’ 391 SPELLING MOROCCAN ARABIC IN ARABIC SCRIPT: THE CASE OF LITERARY TEXTS fə-l-mya ‘per cent’, lit. ‘in hundred’ ‫( اﻣﯿﺎ‬AB 23), ‫( ﻣﯿﺎ‬R 37) ‫( ﻓﺎﻟﻤﯿﺔ‬AB 29) mya ‘hundred’ ‫( ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺎ‬Ḥ 4) ‫( ﻣﺮﺣﺒﺔ‬R 178) məṛḥba ‘welcome’ ‫( ﻓﻠﻜﺘﻮﺑﺎ‬Ḥ 51) ‫( ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‬AṢ 230) fə l-ktuba ‘in the books’ ‫( اﻟﺴﺒﻮﻋﺎ‬Ḥ 48) ‫( اﻟﺴﺒﻮﻋﺔ‬AB 45) s-sbuʕa ‘lions’ ‫( زرﻗﺎ‬Ḥ 12) ‫( زرﻗﺔ‬R 163) ẓəṛqa ‘blue [F]’ ‫( ﺑﯿﻀﺎ‬Ḥ 22) ‫( ﺑﯿﻀﺔ‬R 30, 127) biḍa ‘white [F]’ ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﯿﺎ‬ṢX 96) ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﺎ‬Ḥ 48, ḤD 26) ‫( ﺑﺎﻗﯿﺎ‬QQ 27, WM 39), ‫ﺑﺎ ْﻗﯿﺎ‬ (L 36) ‫( َﻣﺎ َﻛ ْﯿﻨَﺎ‬ḌA 33), ‫( َﻣﺎ َﻛﺎ ْﯾﻨَﺎ‬Ḍ 43) ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﯿﺔ‬Ḥ 18) ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﺔ‬AṢ 240) ‫( ﺑﺎﻗﯿﺔ‬Ḥ 48, BB 44, 212) ‫ ﻣﺎﻛﯿﻨﺔ‬ma kayna (LŠ 54) baġya ‘she wants’ baġa ‘she wants’ baqya ‘still; remaining [F]’ ma kayna ‘is not there [F]’ Table 5 Variation between ‫ ـﻰ‬and ‫ ـﺔ‬in nouns ʔAlif maqṣūra ‫( أﻟّﻘﻔﻰ‬R 110) Tā’ marbūṭa ‫( اﻟﻘﻔﺔ‬201) Transcription & translation lə-qfa ‘neck’ ‫( ﯾﺘﺎﻣﻰ‬Ḥ 9) ‫( إﺗﺎﻣﺔ‬R 14), ‫( إﯾﺘﺎﻣﺔ‬AṢ 247) itama ‘orphans’ ‫( اﻟﻠﻮﻟﻰ‬Ḥ 12, L 38) ‫( اﻟﻠﻮﻟﺔ‬R 148), ‫( اﻟﻠﻮْ ﻟﺔ‬L 35) l-lŭwwla ‘first’ Given the above variations, it is to be expected that there are nouns that have as many as three word-final spellings. This is the case of, for instance, š-šinwa ‘Chinese’ and lə-ʕzara ‘bachelors’: Table 6 Three spellings of the final -a in nouns ʔAlif maqṣūra ‫( اﻟ ّﺸﯿﻨُﻮى‬R 36) Alif ṭawīla ‫( اﻟﺸﻨﻮا‬ḤD 25) Tā’ marbūṭa ‫( اﻟﺸﻨﻮة‬AṢ 230) Transcription & translation š-šinwa ‘Chinese’ ‫( اﻟﻌﺰارى‬Ḥ 36) ‫( ﻟﻌﺰارا‬L 31) ‫( اﻟﻌﺰارة‬Ḥ 29), ‫( ﻋﺰارة‬AṢ 213) lə-ʕzara ‘bachelors’ Many adverbs (e.g. dəġya ‘quick’, daba ‘now’, waqila ‘maybe’), conjunctions (e.g. ila ‘if’, waxxa ‘although’), prepositions (ḥda ‘beside’, ʕla ‘on’) and pronouns (ḥna ‘we’) which end in -a show variation in the graphy of their ending. In some of these words, the final -a is marked with a fatḥa or no sign at all. Consequently, words with five (Table 7) or six (Table 8) different graphical endings can be found. Table 7 Five spellings of the final -a in šwĭyya ‘a little’ ʔAlif ṭawīla ‫( ْﺷ ِﻮﯾَﺎ‬Ḍ 27), ‫( ﺷﻮﯾﺎ‬AṢ 225) Tā’ marbūṭa ‫أﺷﻮﯾﺔ‬ 209) (AṢ Tā’ marbūṭa without dots ‫( ﺷﻮﯾﮫ‬AB 85), ‫( ْﺷﻮﯾﮫ‬Ḍ 45) Fatḥa ‫ي‬ َ ‫ﺷﻮ‬ ِ 54) (L No sign ‫( ﺷﻮي‬L 15, 63) 392 MARCIN MICHALSKI Six spellings of the final -a in bəʕda ‘already; first’ ʔAlif ṭawīla ‫( ﺑﻌﺪا‬Ḥ 7, ḌA 15) ʔAlif maqṣūra ‫( ﺑﻌﺪى‬R 157) Tā’ marbūṭa ‫( ﺑﻌﺪة‬Ḥ 51) Tā’ marbūṭa without dots ‫( ﺑﻌﺪ ْه‬BB 75) Table 8 Fatḥa No sign ‫( ﺑﻌ َﺪ‬BB 91, ḤD 31) ‫( ﺑﻌﺪ‬L 32, ṢX 97) 7. Marking vowels by means of matres lectionis It has been noted by Aguadé that “[d]ue to the influence of fuṣḥā orthography vowel length is in many cases not marked” (2006: 257). For instance, the long a in the word ṛažəl ‘man’ may be marked by an ʔalif, ‫راﺟﻞ‬, or not, ‫رﺟﻞ‬. Similar variation can also be observed for short vowels. Below, this type of variation for three matres lectionis – ʔalif ṭawīla, wāw and yāʔ – will be illustrated with examples, which will also show that there are cases of variation that cannot be attributed to the influence of fuṣḥā orthography. The letter ʔalif ṭawīla mainly marks the long a, less frequently the short ə, and in some special cases (ʔalif al-wiqāya) it marks no sound at all. In many cases, variation occurs. For instance, verbs following the pattern CCaCəC, both present and past, and their participles, apart from classicizing graphy, also have spellings with an ʔalif, e.g. ‫ ﯾﻐﺘﺎﺻﺐ‬yəġtaṣeb ‘he rapes, he abducts’ (AKS 218), ‫ ْﻛﺘﺎﺷﻒ‬ktašəf ‘he discovered’ (R 96), ‫ اﺣﺘﺎﻓﻆ‬ḥtafəḍ ‘he kept’ (ḌK 15), ‫ اﺗﺎﻓﻘﻮ‬ttafqu ‘they agreed’ (Ḥ 22), ‫ ﻣﺘّﺎﻓﻖ‬məttafəq ‘agreeing’ (Ṯ 46). Even some present and past forms of Measure I verbs are sometimes spelt with an ʔalif: ‫ ﯾَ ْﻨﻌﺎس‬yĭnʕəs ‘he sleeps’ (Ḍ 64), ‫ ْﻓﺮاﻋﺘﻲ‬frəʕti ‘you broke’ (MM 137), ‫ﮔﻼس‬ gləs ‘he stayed’ (L 34). By contrast, some forms in which an ʔalif would be expected are spelt without it. This concerns participles of Measure I verbs, especially feminine and plural, e.g.: ْ ‫ اﻟﻨﱠ ْﺸ‬n-našəf ‘dry’ (Ḍ 100), ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ أﻧﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻋﺠﺒﻨﯿﺶ‬nta ma ʕažəb-niš ‘I don’t like you [SING]’ (lit. ‘you are not pleasing me)’ (AṢ 210), ‫ ﻣﺎ و ْﻗﻔَﺎ‬ma waqfa ‘not standing [F]’ (Ḍ 101), ‫ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺸﻌﯿﻦ‬ma qašʕin ‘not seeing [PL]’ (AṢ 239), ‫ ﻣﺴﻜﯿﻦ اﻟﻔﻠﻮس‬maskin lə-flus ‘holding [PL] the money’ (R 11), ْ‫ ﻣﺎ َﺣﻤﻠﯿﻨﻮش‬ma ḥamlin-uš ‘they cannot stand him’ (lit. ‘not standing him’) (L 48), ‫ و َﺷ ّﺪﯾﻦ‬w-šaddin ‘and holding [PL]’ (Ḍ 98). This kind of variation also occurs in the grammaticalized participles: baqi ‘still, yet’, spelt as ‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬ (R 111, L 24) or, less frequently, as ‫( ﺑﻘﻲ‬AKS 212, L 24), ġadi ‘will’ (future particle), spelt as ‫ ﻏﺎدي‬BB 93, ṢX 95) or, less frequently, as ‫( ﻏﺪي‬L 6, LŠ 54), and negated existential, e.g. ‫( َﻣﺎ َﻛﺎﯾ ْْﻦ‬ḌA 33) vs less frequent ‫( ﻣﺎﻛﯿﻦ‬AṢ 215, LŠ 96) for ma kayən ‘there is not [M]’; ‫( َﻣﺎ َﻛﺎ ْﯾﻨَﺎ‬Ḍ 43) vs less frequent ‫( َﻣﺎ َﻛ ْﯿﻨَﺎ‬ḌA 33), ‫( ﻣﺎﻛﯿﻨﺔ‬LŠ 54) for ma kayna ‘there is not [F]’ 7. The second mater lectionis, the wāw, is used to mark three sounds: the long u, the short ǔ and, rarely, the short ǝ. In many cases, variation can be observed. For instance, the short vowel ŭ in the suffixed pronouns -hŭm ‘them, their’ and -kŭm ‘you, your [PL]’, apart from classicizing graphy, is sometimes spelt as a wāw, e.g. ‫ ﺑُﻮﺣﺪھﻮم‬b-wŭḥd-hŭm ‘by themselves’ (MM 72), ‫ ﻋﻤﺮھﻮم‬ʕəmməṛ-hŭm ‘they never’ (ṢX 96), ‫ ْدﯾﺎﻟﻜﻮ ْم‬dyal-kŭm ‘of yours (PL)’ (BB 93). In one book (R) it is used quite frequently for the short vowels ŭ and ə in such words as ‫ ﻛﻮﻧﺖ‬kŭnt ‘I was’ (R 24), ‫ اﻟﻐﻮرﺑﺔ‬l-ġŭrba P6F P This kind of variation also affects non-patterned nouns, e.g. sarut ‘key’: ‫ ﺳﺎروﺗﻲ‬sarut-i ‘my key’ (BT 81) vs ‫ اﻟﺴﱠﺮوت‬s-sarut ‘key’ (L 62), l-ʕəwd ‘horse’: ‫( اﻟﻌﺎود‬Ḍ 66) vs ‫( اﻟﻌﻮد‬Ḍ 66); adverbs, e.g. daba ‘now’: ‫( داﺑَﺔ‬BB 70), ‫( داﺑﺎ‬AB 83, L 7) vs ‫( دﺑﺔ‬Ḥ 19), ‫( دَﺑﺎ‬Ḍ 40); prepositions, e.g. mʕa ‘with’: ‫( ﻣﻌﺎ‬AṢ 222), ‫( ْﻣ َﻌﺎ‬ḌA 44) vs ‫( ْﻣ َﻊ‬L 17), ‫( ﻣﻊ‬ḤD 17, ṢX 96); personal pronouns, both independent, e.g. hiya ‘she’: ‫( ھﻲ‬commonly used) vs ‫( ھﯿﺎ‬Ḥ 4, Ḍ 97); nta ‘you [SING M]: ‫( اﻧﺖ‬commonly used) vs ‫( ﻧﺘﺎ‬L 18, Ḥ 48), and suffixed, e.g. mʕa-ya ‘with me’: ‫ي‬ َ ‫( ﻣﻌﺎ‬BB 70) vs ‫( ﻣﻌﺎﯾﺎ‬R 149, AB 84), demonstratives (cf. Aguadé 2006: 263) as well as negational and relative ma and aspectual markers ka- (cf. Hoogland 2013: 68), ta- and ġa-. 7 SPELLING MOROCCAN ARABIC IN ARABIC SCRIPT: THE CASE OF LITERARY TEXTS 393 ‘exile’ (R 188),‫ ﻓﻮ ّﻣﻮ‬fŭmm-u ‘his mouth’ (R 28), ‫ دﺧﻮل‬dxəl ‘he entered’ (R 112), ‫ ﺷﻮﻓﺖ‬šəft ‘I saw’ (R 61), ‫ ﻛﻮﺑّﯿﺘﻮ‬kəbbit-u ‘I poured it’ (R 155) and in isolated cases even in the suffixed pronoun -ək ‘you, your’: ‫ ﺧﺘﻮك‬xt-ək ‘your sister’ (R 193), ‫ ﻧﺠﻲ ﻧﺎﺧﺪوك‬nži naxd-ək ‘I’ll come to pick you up’ (R 146). In other books, such a use of wāw, e.g. ‫ ﯾﻜﻮل‬yakŭl (ḌK 24), is exceptional. As for variational spelling of the yaʔ, two issues will be presented here. One is a rare but conspicuous phenomenon consisting in the absence of yāʔ normally marking the present 3rd person prefix, e.g. ‫ ﺑﺎش ﺻﺮف‬baš yṣrəf ‘so that he spends’ (Ḥ 47), ْ ‫ ﯾﺒﻐﻲ‬yəbġi ybat ‘he wishes to spend the night’ (Ḍ 100), ‫ﺑﺎت‬ ‫ ﻣﺎﻛﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮل ﻟﯿﻚ ﻛﺜﺮ‬ma kayən mən yqul-lik ktəṛ ‘nobody will tell you more’ (LŠ 96). The other issue concerns the doubling of this letter. A doubled yāʔ occurs mostly in the plural ْ ِ‫( ﻏﺎ َ ْدﯾ‬ḌA 32) vs ‫( ﻏﺎدﯾﻦ‬AṢ 232, MX 157); participles of defective verbs, e.g. ġadyin ‫( ﻏﺎدﯾﯿﻦ‬AB 87), ‫ﯿﻦ‬ baġyin ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﯿﯿﻦ‬Ḥ 50, AB 75, ḤD 26) vs ‫( ﺑﺎﻏﯿﻦ‬AṢ 221, M 153). In R, however, the doubled yāʔ (with a šadda) is used, inconsistently, to mark the geminate -yy-. This concerns Measure II verbs and their participles, e.g. ‫ ﺣﯿﯿّﺪﻧﺎ‬ḥĭyyədna ‘we took off’ (R 32), ‫ ﻛﺎﯾﻤﯿﯿّﺰ‬ka-ymĭyyəz ‘he distinguishes’ (R 159), ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ ْﻣﻘﯿﯿّﺪش‬ma mqĭyyədš ‘not registered’ (R 89) and nouns, e.g. ‫ طﯿّﯿﺐ‬ṭĭyyəb ‘nice’ (R 16), including diminutives, e.g. ‫ ﺿﺮﯾﯿّﻒ‬ḍrĭyyəf ‘nice, pleasant’ (R 31). Even some instances of long -i- are marked in R in this way, e.g. in the verb ‫ إﺗﯿﯿّﻖ‬ytiq ‘he believes’ (R 123) 8, the noun ‫ ﺳﻮﯾﯿّﻌﺎت‬swiʕat ‘little whiles’ (R 87), and the adjective ending in -i ‫دﻛﯿﻲ‬ dki ‘smart’ (R 26). Plural adjectives of this type are spelt ّ there with a tripled yāʔ with a šadda: ‫ ﻗﻮﯾﯿّﯿﻦ‬qwiyin ‘strong’ (R 30), ‫ ْدﻛﯿﯿّﯿﻦ‬dkiyin ‘smart’ (R 190). It is interesting to note that no example of an analogous doubled or tripled wāw marking a geminated -wwor a long -u- has been found in the corpus. Conclusion While some of the spellings presented in this paper may be explained as being manifestations of a more general tendency, there are graphies, like the use of the ʔalif al-wiqāya for the suffixed pronoun, for which it is difficult to find a convincing explanation. Sometimes it seems that by introducing specific spellings certain authors aim at being innovative or distancing themselves from fuṣḥā graphy. This seems to be particularly the case of the author of R. Further research in this area and analysis of a larger number of texts may, apart from helping to elucidate questions of this kind, make some rare and exceptional spellings turn out to be recurrent and represent tendencies. Corpus 9 AB: Al-aʕmāl al-kāmila: al-masraḥiyyāt, Al-ǧuzʔ al-ʔawwal, ʕAbd al-Karīm Bərrəšid, 2009. AṢ: Al-aʕmāl al-kāmila, Al-ǧuzʔ al-ṯānī: Al-masraḥiyyāt, al-Miskīnī al-Ṣaġīr, 2007. BB: Bilād bəllarəž, Aḥmad Luwayzī, 2011. BT: Baqāyā min tīn al-ǧabal, al-Mīlūdī Šaġmūm, 2009. DB: Dumūʕ Bāxūs, Muḥammad Manṣūr, 2010. Ḍ: Al-ḍarīḥ: sīra ḏātiyya riwāʔiyya, ʕAbd al-Ġanī Abū l-ʕAzm, n.d. ḌA: Al-ḍarīḥ al-ʔāxar: sīra ḏātiyya, ʕAbd al-Ġanī Abū l-ʕAzm, 1996(?). ḌK: Al-ḍafādiʕ al-kəḥla, Muḥammad Šahramān, 1995. Ḥ: Ḥəyyaḥat əl-baša, ʕAzīz al-Ragrāgī, 2007(?). ḤD: Ḥallāq darb al-fuqarāʔ, Yūsuf Fāḍil, 1991. L: 3 masraḥiyyāt: Al-laǧna; Fitna; Ṯarṯara ʕalā ḍifāf ʔAbī Raqrāq, Bašīr al-Qamarī, 2007. LŠ: Layl al-šams, ʕAbd al-Karīm Ǧuwayṭī, 1991. M: Mamlakat al-qaḥṭ, ʕAbd al-Ilāh Buʕəsriya, 2006(?). MḤ: Al-maǧmūʕa al-ḥamrāʔ min al-nuṣūṣ al-masraḥiyya, ʕAbd Allāh Šaqrūn, 2002. MM: Maǧnūn al-māʔ, Idrīs Bəlmliḥ, 2004 or 2010. MQ: Manām al-qiṭṭ: masraḥiyya fī ṯalāṯat fuṣūl, Muḥammad Timəd, 1997. 8 9 The same graphy, although being (misleadingly) vocalized, is found in another book: ‫ َﻛ ْﯿﺘَﯿﱢ ْﻖ‬ka-ytiq ‘he believes’ (M 114). If possible, the titles and names are transliterated in Standard Arabic. 394 MARCIN MICHALSKI MX: Al-maǧmūʕa al-xaḍrāʔ min al-nuṣūṣ al-masraḥiyya, ʕAbd Allāh Šaqrūn, 2002. QQ: Qayəd l-qĭyyad (Al-bāšā al-Glāwī), ʕAbd al-Ilāh Bənhəddar, n.d. R: R-rḥil. Dəmʕa mṣafṛa, Murād ʕAlamī, 2012. ṢX: Ṣabwa fī xarīf al-ʕumr, Ḥasan Awrīd, 2006. Ṯ: Ṯalāṯat nuṣūṣ masraḥiyya: Al-naqša; Al-mufattiš; Vūlpūn, al-Ṭayyib al-Ṣiddīqī, 2003. WM: Wŭld Mimuna, Muḥammad al-Ṭālibī, 2007. XM: Xamīl al-maḍāǧiʕ, al-Mīlūdī Šaġmūm, 1997(?). References Aguadé, Jordi. 2005. “Darle al pico: un ‘bestiario’ de Youssouf Amine Elalamy en árabe marroquí”, Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 9. 245-265. Aguadé, Jordi. 2006. “Writing Dialect in Morocco”, Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 10, 253-274. Aguadé, Jordi. 2013. “Des romans diglossiques : le cas de Youssef Fadel”, Benítez Fernández, Montserrat, & Miller, Catherine, & de Ruiter, Jan Jaap, & Tamer, Youssef (eds.), Évolution des pratiques et représentations langagières dans le Maroc du XXIe siècle. Paris: L’Harmattan. Vol. 1. 207-220. Benítez Fernández, Montserrat. 2010. La política lingüística contemporánea de Marruecos: de la arabización a la aceptación del multilingüismo. Zaragoza: Instituto de Estudios Islámicos y del Oriente Próximo. Caubet, Dominique. 2012. “Apparition massive de la darija à l’écrit à partir de 2008-2009 : sur le papier ou sur la toile : quelle graphie ? Quelle régularités ?”. Meouak, Mohamed, & Sánchez, Pablo, & Vicente, Ángeles (eds.), De los manuscritos medievales a internet: la presencia del árabe vernáculo en las fuentes escritas. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Área de Estudios Árabes e Islámicos. 377-402. Hoogland, Jan. 2013. “Towards a standardized orthography of Moroccan Arabic based on best practices and common ground among a selection of authors”. Santillán Grimm, Paula, & Pérez Cañada, Luis Miguel, & Moscoso García, Francisco (eds.), Árabe marroquí: de la oralidad a la enseñanza. Cuenca: Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha. 59-76. TOWARDS A DIATOPIC DICTIONARY OF SPOKEN ARABIC VARIETIES: CHALLENGES IN COMPILING THE VICAV DICTIONARIES KARLHEINZ MOERTH DANIEL SCHOPPER OMAR SIAM Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities Austrian Academy of Sciences Abstract: The research presented in this report is part of a number of digital humanities projects with a strong interest in eLexicography and a focus on Arabic dictionaries. These projects constitute a joint research agenda of the University of Vienna and the Austrian Academy of Sciences which is situated at the crossroads of variational linguistics and language technology research. The transdisciplinary and applied approaches described in the paper have already created demonstrable results with respect to research-driven tool development and the work on interoperability mechanisms such as e.g. encoding standards or language related norms. One result of these endeavours was an innovative interface offering a single point of access to several lexical databases. Our presentation will deal with the background of these efforts and issues relevant to research both in the fields of NLP and dialectology focusing on new technologies and their applicability to the field of Arabic dialectology. Our research has been based on a collection of digital lexicographic resources that are being created as part of the VICAV project (Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties), which is a virtual platform for hosting and exchanging a wide range of digital language resources (such as language profiles, bibliographies, lexical resources, corpora, NLP tools, best practices and guidelines) and the TUNICO project (Lexical Dynamics in the Greater Tunis Area: a Corpus-based Approach; Austrian Science Fund P25706-G23). In addition to a dictionary of Damascus Arabic, dictionaries for Rabat and Cairo varieties are being compiled. A fourth item on the list is a micro-diachronic dictionary of the Tunis variety which is being created as part of the TUNICO project. Keywords: Tunis, comparative dialectology, eLexicography, digital humanities, language technology, digital standards. 1. Introduction The transformations in technology and media our world has been undergoing over the past years have also given rise to a great number of theoretical and methodological changes in many disciplines of the humanities. This also holds true for dialect lexicography and Arabic dialect lexicography has started to make use of digital infrastructures as well. This report will touch on a wide range of digital language resources, digital infrastructure components, which have been used and developed in projects working on dictionaries of varieties of spoken Arabic. Thematically, these projects are situated at the crossroads of variational linguistics and language technology research. 2. Institutional settings and projects 2.1. Austrian and European networks The projects at hand have become possible through a close cooperation between the Austrian Academy of Sciences and the University of Vienna. They are conducted jointly by the Institute of Oriental Studies (UV) and the Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities (AAS). Furthermore, the projects are embedded in the activities of the two large-scale pan-European research infrastructure consortia in the humanities, which are CLARIN (Common Language Resources and Technology Infrastructure) and DARIAH (Digital Research Infrastructure for the Arts and Humanities). Both 396 KARLHEINZ MOERTH; DANIEL SCHOPPER; OMAR SIAM have grown out of the ESFRI Roadmap and were officially endorsed by the Commission of the European Union after a preparatory phase of several years (Budin, Moerth, & Durco 2013). Yet another institution to be mentioned is CLARIN Centre Vienna (CCV), Austria’s central connection point to the network of CLARIN centres across Europe and Austria’s only dedicated repository for digital language resources. CCV takes care of the long-term preservation of digital language resources. 2.2. Involved projects The research described in this paper has been conducted as part of several linguistic and IT projects. Key areas of interest are eLexicography and advanced text technological methods. This involves activities such tool development, corpus creation, corpus tools and standards relevant for digital humanities. In our projects we proceed from a broad understanding of what constitutes a digital language resource. In text technology, these are often described in the form of a triangle, as a triade of (a) data, (b) tools, and (c) means of increasing interoperability of data and tools. What is implied by the latter are materials such as standards, best practices, specifications of tools, workflow descriptions and other such types of text (cf. Simons & Bird 2008). 2.2.1. Combining dictionary and corpus: the TUNICO project The one project with substantial external funding is Lexical dynamics in the Greater Tunis area: a corpus based approach (TUNICO), which has been supported by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF, P25706-G23; https://www.acdh.oeaw.ac.at/tunico/). This project pursues two main objectives: (a) the exploration of a contemporary Arabic variety, and (b) the development of digital methods and tools. Major products to be created are two digital language resources: a corpus of spoken Tunis Arabic and a micro-diachronic dictionary of Tunis Arabic based on a combination of this and on previously published resources (cf. below 1.2.3). Amongst our aims for this project is the integration of digital corpora and dictionaries, the development of tools to enable corpus-based eLexicography and to allow corpus enrichment by means of high quality lexicographic data, a task we have been working on for quite some time (Budin, & Moerth 2011). 2.2.2. Digital language resources: VICAV The second project involved is the Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties (VICAV), a virtual research platform to host and exchange language resources to be used by scholars pursuing the comparative study of Arabic dialects. VICAV (https://www.acdh.oeaw.ac.at/vicav) which actually predates TUNICO, also has a strong text-technological component. Next to the obvious linguistic interests, it is meant to further the development of adequate digital tools and methods (Procházka, & Moerth 2013). Although VICAV is defined as a corpus, which reflects the initial intentions behind the project, it is actually aimed at providing a wide range of digital language resources documenting varieties of spoken Arabic. The VICAV web-site contains various materials such as language profiles, comparative linguistic features, dictionaries, annotated texts, bibliographies and relevant documentation enabling scholars to get involved or to work along similar lines. A particular type of text to be found on the VICAV website are language profiles, which consist of concise standardised linguistic descriptions of particular varieties, in many cases with clickable built-in features. The fixed structure of these texts is designed to ease comparison between varieties. They all start with information on the respective glottonyms (endonymic, in the local TOWARDS A DIATOPIC DICTIONARY OF SPOKEN ARABIC VARIETIES: CHALLENGES IN COMPILING THE VICAV DICTIONARIES 397 variety, as well as in MSA), followed by a formalised typology and general introduction positioning the particular variety in a wider context. The articles outline the research history, provide a sample text, a short bibliography on relevant publications and also practical information concerning textbooks and dictionaries. Currently, there are 10 such profiles available on the website, many more are under preparation. A second type of text consists in linguistic features. While criteria catalogues to be used in comparative studies appear to be a most natural thing, nothing of the kind has been provided in the form of a proposal to standardise digital processing so far. The list constitutes a proposal of distinctive linguistic features for comparative purposes, and is to be understood as a first try, to serve as a basis for discussion. The draft is designed in an extensible manner, open for any refinements and enhancements. 2.2.3. Digital dictionaries Both VICAV and TUNICO produce lexical data in form of digital dictionaries. All of these lexical resources are comparatively small in size, ranging from only several hundred to several thousand entries. None of these dictionaries has more than 8000 entries. Nevertheless, they are meant to offer structured information with detailed lexical data, not just simple look-up lists with unstructured single sense-to-sense relations. The set of dictionaries is primarily intended for three main purposes: • to teach spoken Arabic; • to allow the comparison of different varieties; • to be used in the development of digital language resources; The usefulness of such resources for didactic purposes is self-evident. The Institute of Near Eastern Studies in Vienna teaches four Arabic varieties on a regular basis: students of Arabic are offered introductory classes in the spoken varieties of Rabat, Tunis, Cairo and Damascus. The Egyptian dictionary was the first one to be started. Like the other dictionaries, the initial material was taken from existing course materials and glossaries. So far, Tunis, Damascus, Cairo and a small MSA dictionary have been made available online. Furthermore, there exists also limited data on Malta, Bagdad and some other locations. All the dictionaries have English translation equivalents, and some have additional translations into German, French or Spanish. The dictionary on which the most time and work has been spent so far is the TUNICO Dictionary. It will not only contain all the lexicographic data of the corpus being produced in the project, but also two additional sources: data elicited from complementary interviews with young Tunisians and lexicographical material taken from various published historical sources dating from the middle of the 20th century and earlier. The most important of these is Hans-Rudolf Singer’s monumental grammar (1984; almost 800 pages) of the Medina of Tunis. Singer’s data is systematically evaluated and integrated into the dictionary, all the material being indicated by reference to the book. Additionally, other resources including (Nicolas 1911, Marçais/Guîga 195861, Quéméneur 1962, Abdellatif 2010) are also consulted in order to verify and to complete the contemporary data. The diachronic dimension will help to better understand processes in the development of the lexicon (for more details see Moerth, Prochazka, & Dallaji 2014). 3. New types of lexicographic challenges Next to the linguistic interests, both projects have also set out to address methodological questions relating to the trend towards digitisation in academia. As there is not yet anything like an out-of-thebox solution and everything is still very much in a state of flux, digital lexicographers still face a 398 KARLHEINZ MOERTH; DANIEL SCHOPPER; OMAR SIAM number of difficult decisions in their everyday work. We have identified three main areas of concern which are: • tools for the production, publication and maintenance of digital dictionaries • encoding and standards • making our data available to users While it is impossible to give simple and generic answers to these questions, we will try to outline our particular approaches in the following paragraphs. 3.1. Digital tools The first challenge in realising the technical part of linguistic research projects is the discovery of the right tools. As the number of available applications has steadily been on the rise over the past few years, making the right decisions requires considerable experience. Most tools used in TUNICO and VICAV are products developed at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, they are the Viennese Lexicographic Editor (VLE), corpus_shell and DictGate. The most concise description of these might read like this: • VLE is a tool used to produce lexicographic data; • corpus_shell is a framework used to build applications for access and publication on the internet; • DictGate is a dissemination platform for eLexicography know-how; When looking for an adequate tool to produce digital lexicographic data, researchers are not really spoilt for choice, however there are a number of products available (Budin, & Moerth 2011). Varying degrees of lack of support for standards and/or high pricing made us to start to develop our own tool, the Viennese Lexicographic Editor, an XML editor providing functionalities typically needed in editing lexicographic data. Basically, VLE can be used to edit any XML-based lexicographic and/or terminological format such as LMF, TBX, RDF or TEI. VLE first came into existence as a by-product of an entirely different development activity: the creation of an interactive online learning system for university students which was used in a collaborative glossary editing project carried out in language courses at the University of Vienna. As it proved to be flexible and adaptable enough, it was also put to work in other projects and continually further developed. It makes use of a wide range of XML technologies such as XSLT, XPath, XML Schema, allows researchers to automatically verify the structural integrity of their data. It has configurable keyboard layouts, various editing modes, allows for freely configurable data visualisations, enables lexicographers to work collaboratively, it supports versioning, has an optimised corpus-dictionary interface (the so called tokenEditor) and is freely available (https://clarin.oeaw.ac.at/vle). The toolkit is designed for single researchers or small groups of researchers rather than for big publishing houses and works as part of a larger infrastructure which is provided by the ACDH. One of the main challenges for lexicographers when working with VLE is the widespread reluctance to work directly with XML. To remedy this difficulty, VLE has been furnished with a special editing mode which allows lexicographers to perform their tasks in predefined controls, very much in a manner you often find in database interfaces. 3.2. Digital standards The importance of standards lies in two keywords: reusability and interoperability, which both play an important part in the technical agenda of our research projects. We have made every effort to build all components in a manner complying – by and large – with official or de-facto standards for the respective communities. TOWARDS A DIATOPIC DICTIONARY OF SPOKEN ARABIC VARIETIES: CHALLENGES IN COMPILING THE VICAV DICTIONARIES 399 Giving advice regarding which standards to adopt has become easier as a certain degree of consensus has been established in many fields. The most straightforward method is probably looking at what others do in their projects. Moreover, it is becoming increasingly clear that the guidelines of the Text Encoding Initiative have become the most widely used system for scholarly text encoding. In many countries, digital texts are usually encoded in this elaborate system which has been developed over many years by a large community of practitioners. Working with the TEI implies the use of several other standards such as Unicode and several ISO standards. With respect to character encoding the use of Unicode has become commonplace in all text-based undertakings. Unicode is of particular importance when researchers deal with a variety of writing systems or make use of transcriptions (transliterations). All textual resources of VICAV and TUNICO, i.e. corpora, profiles, bibliographies etc., are encoded in TEI P5 (Budin, Majewski, & Moerth, 2012). However, the situation is more complex with respect to lexicographic data. In a number of cases we have been working on a specialised schema based on the TEI (P5) dictionary module, which has remained our main means of encoding for such data. In all these endeavours we have aimed at a high degree of interoperability with the ISO standard Lexical Markup Framework (Declerck, Lendvai, & Moerth 2013). In projects aiming at cross-dictionary access we have also been experimenting with semantic technologies such as RDF and SKOS (Declerck, Moerth, & WandlVogt 2014) which are aimed at Linked Data applications (Declerck, Wandl-Vogt, Moerth, & Resch 2014). 3.2.1. Identifying linguistic varieties An important, ever-recurring issue which is a far from trivial task is the identification of linguistic varieties, which is particularly important in digital dialectology where systems with a high degree of granularity are needed. For many purposes it is important to be able to refer to varieties spoken at a particular location, in a particular town, parts of a town or village. Although the International Organisation for Standardization (ISO) has been dealing with the topic for many years, there are no solutions at hand which have been widely adopted by the scholarly communities. The adoption of ISO 639 for research-driven language resources has remained somewhat reluctant which may be due to the fact that it lacks in intuitiveness, flexibility and completeness. Another reason for the hesitancy of scholars may be that ISO standards are not freely available. Yet, parts of ISO 639 are incorporated in Best Current Practice 47 (BCP 47) which in turn is referred to in the TEI Guidelines. There are other systems such as Linguasphere (http://www.linguasphere.info) or Glottolog (http://glottolog.org/) which are conceptually interesting, display a sophisticated, very differentiated structure, but unfortunately are not much supported, neither in academia and even less so in the industry. The problem has been on the agenda of both VICAV and TUNICO, and again we have been working in accordance with the TEI Guidelines. In the TEI world, it has become common practice to make use of the xml:lang attribute to identify both linguistic varieties and writing systems. In this hybrid approach, the value of the attribute should be constructed in accordance with BCP 47 which in turn refers to and aggregates a number of ISO standards (639-1, 639-2, 639-3, ISO 15924, ISO 3166). ISO 639-3 offers a considerable degree of differentiation for Arabic which is defined as a macrolanguage with 30 individual languages (http://www-01.sil.org/iso639-3/macrolanguages.asp). While the situation for Arabic varieties is therefore much better than for those of many other languages, the system is by far not fine-grained enough to cope with everything participants of the AIDA conference might need. To remedy this situation, the colleagues in the VICAV project developed an adapted system which allows for the identification of local varieties (Budin, Majewski, & Moerth 2012: 45). 400 KARLHEINZ MOERTH; DANIEL SCHOPPER; OMAR SIAM 3.2.2. Encoding issues In many specialised projects adaptations of the encoding system, i.e. modelling of the data, is required, and while many might tend to let ‘technicians’ resolve these issues one must keep in mind that the only specialists capable of doing this properly are the humanities scholars themselves which alas cannot be spared the effort! One of the goals of our dictionary projects was the development of a uniform dictionary structure to allow cross-dictionary queries and the use of the same tools on the various resources. To this end the researchers worked on a customization of the TEI P5 dictionary module (Guidelines 2015: 271-309) which has become fairly popular in such projects. The system has been used successfully for lexicographic data encoding in our institute, where it is meant to be a multi-purpose system targeting both human users and software applications (Budin, Moerth, & Schopper 2015). Any general-purpose system such as the TEI is bound to have conceptual gaps. One such gap was the case of what in Semitic studies is commonly referred to as a root (Budin, Majewski, & Moerth 2012: 43), which did not have a standard way of encoding. Other problems were missing labels in the standard vocabularies for word classes or morphological categories such as count plural, construct state, collective noun and others typically used in Arabic linguistics. 3.2.3. Documentation An important issue in the development of the digital humanities (which we understand as a community of practice rather than as a discipline) is the dissemination of acquired know-how. It is not enough to implement innovative solutions; for the field as a whole it is key to make sure that new methods are properly documented and this documentation made available. We need more documentation of decisions made, of workflows, of tools etc. This is why both VICAV and TUNICO devote considerable resources to make their methods and data available to others and thus to furnish examples that can be recycled in future projects. One of the steps taken to achieve this end was the establishment of the DictGate website, a research platform that support (groups of) researchers in need of solutions that can be applied without much logistical and technical overhead. DictGate is used for the exchange of lexicographic tools, data and documentation. It is a service based at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, it is freely accessible, it aims at providing free lexicographic resources and supports the principle of Open access (https://clarin.oeaw.ac.at/lrp/dict-gate/). 3.3. Retrieval & publication Having compiled a digital dictionary, lexicographers are in need of solutions to access this data, to search it, to analyse it and to publish it. While digital data usually allows the preparation of printing templates, our main concern has been digital availability. 3.3.1. Web-interfaces for dictionaries So far the dictionaries described here have all been made available via the VICAV website (http://acdh.oeaw.ac.at/vicav), each with their own specialised interface. In the future, the data will be available through the web-gate of CLARIN Centre Vienna (https://clarin.oeaw.ac.at/). All these interfaces rely on a technological framework called corpus_shell, on which most of our web-based applications have been built (https://clarin.oeaw.ac.at/corpus_shell). The system has been developed at the Austrian Academy of Sciences for several years and is being used for a number of web-based applications. It is very flexible and allows to build new applications almost on the fly. It is based on a modular service-oriented architecture and designed to be put to work in a distributed and heterogeneous virtual landscape. TOWARDS A DIATOPIC DICTIONARY OF SPOKEN ARABIC VARIETIES: CHALLENGES IN COMPILING THE VICAV DICTIONARIES 401 3.3.2. Querying across dictionaries As mentioned before, one of the purposes of creating the VICAV dictionaries was comparative research. What we are aiming at is the creation of lexicographic system that allows linguists to compare different Arabic varieties. We are aiming at a single interface, the ‘diatopic dictionary’, which allows to query a number of dictionaries and to obtain integrated results. Currently, our dictionary editor is capable of performing this task. A web-interface is planned as a next stage in the development of the VICAV infrastructure. As we have outlined before, such a system requires the fulfilment of several preconditions, the most important of which is definitely an encoding system that is by and large the same across all the involved dictionaries (cf. above 3.2.2 Encoding Issues). The central issue in conceptualising such an interface is deciding on what data to use to match the dictionary entries in a meaningful manner. The first thing that comes to mind are, of course, the aforementioned roots. All our dictionaries contain this kind of information. It is important to note that we do not proceed from the synchronic situation, but attribute corresponding Classical Arabic roots wherever a colloquial lexeme can be traced back to a CA cognate. In a second step, it would make sense to add some formalised morphological information, which then would allow to query for roots in combination with morphological patterns. At the moment it is only possible to match the roots with word class information. However, comparing roots has obvious drawbacks as many high frequency lexemes of the modern language cannot be traced back to CA roots. ‘car’ is a good example of an English word which has etymologically completely unrelated forms in the various varieties: Salé Tunis Malta Cairo Damascus ṭumubil (ṭumubilat) [noun] car kaṛhba (kṛāhib) [noun] car karozza (karozzi) [noun] car ʕaṛabiyya (ʕaṛabiyyāt) [noun] car sayyāra (sayyārāt) [noun] car There is a second type of information stored in the entries which currently helps to generate much more meaningful results. These are the senses, those XML elements which in the TEI system contain the semantically grouped translation equivalents of the lemmas. The formalised combination of ‘book’ with a part-of-speech label indicating noun would look like this: (sense = *book*) + (pos = noun). This then creates a result-set that looks like this: MSA Salé Tunis Malta Cairo Damascus Baghdad kitāb (kutub) [noun] book ktab (ktub, ktuba) [noun] book ktāb (ktub) [noun] book ktieb (kotba) [noun] book kitāb (kutub) [noun] book ktāb (kǝtᵊb, kǝtob) [noun] book ktāb (kutub) [noun] book 402 KARLHEINZ MOERTH; DANIEL SCHOPPER; OMAR SIAM While the results of this query look perfect, the method is often flawed considerably by homonyms in the language used for the translations. When querying for ‘letter’, the Egyptian resultset will contain both ḥarf ‘letter (of the alphabet)’ and gawāb ‘letter, message’. There are plenty of such examples: bat: maḍrab ‘bat, racquet’, wiṭwāṭ ‘bat (animal)’ glass: ʔizāz ‘glass (material)’, kubbāya ‘drinking glass’ spring: rabīʕ ‘springtime’, ʕēn ‘spring (of water)’, lawlab ‘spring, coil’ 3.3.3. Semantic approaches There exist at least two possible solutions to this dilemma. Both make use of the information stored in the senses of the dictionary entries, those parts in the entries that contain the translation equivalents. Either one links these elements to one another (which would require that each sense be linked with senses in all the other dictionaries), or one links them to an abstract ‘outer’ system, some kind of semantic resource serving as a pivot between the senses. We have conducted experiments with the first approach automatically assigning links. Given the small number of lexemes contained in the dictionaries, the evaluated results were quite good. However, it is to be expected that the percentage of wrong assignments will rise remarkably with larger dictionaries. The second method would definitely be the more future-oriented approach. It would mean to link the senses to abstract concepts defined in a digitally available ontology. Actually, there exists a great number of such lexico-semantic databases for a wide range of languages. Currently, we are evaluating possibilities of working with Arabic Wordnet (http://globalwordnet.org/arabic-wordnet/). 4. Status quo, next steps and outlook The interface presented at AIDA 2015 is integrated into the Viennese Dictionary Editor and still very experimental in nature. A more sophisticated browser-based interface is being developed and planned to be publicly available in 2016 through the VICAV website. An additional field of activities is the expansion of the dictionary collection. By making the project better known in the community, we hope for wider participation. As additional data-sets can be integrated without much overhead, we are looking for small lexical databases, dictionaries and glossaries which can easily be transformed into TEI dictionaries and imported into the database. The ACDH offers support in converting the data and provides free tools to access and edit. VICAV has always strived to pursue a clear policy of transparent author attribution that seeks to assure that authors retain full control of their data. As the project is based at the Austrian Academy of Sciences (Austria’s largest research facility outside the universities), and conducted in collaboration with the University of Vienna and the large European infrastructure consortia CLARIN and DARIAH, it is to be expected that the efforts will result in sustainable structures. Digital methods are increasingly becoming mainstream in all linguistic disciplines. They do not only affect the way scholars work, they also have considerable social implications. Following the paradigms of digital humanities, we hope to involve many more colleagues in our build-up of digital infrastructures both by inviting them to contribute to our projects, and offering the outcomes of our projects in the community, thus propagating the spirit of open access and open source. TOWARDS A DIATOPIC DICTIONARY OF SPOKEN ARABIC VARIETIES: CHALLENGES IN COMPILING THE VICAV DICTIONARIES 403 References Abdellatif, K. 2010. Dictionnaire «le Karmous» du Tunisien. (http://www.fichier-pdf.fr /2010/08/31/m14401m/; accessed 15.09.2015). Budin, G., Majewski, S., & Moerth, K. 2012. “Creating Lexical Resources in TEI P5”, Journal of the Text Encoding Initiative, 3. (doi:10.4000/jtei.522). Budin, G., Moerth, K., Romary, L., & Schopper, D. “Modelling frequency data. Methodological considerations on the relationship between dictionaries and corpora”, Journal of the Text Encoding Initiative, 8, 2015. https://jtei.revues.org/1356 (doi : 10.4000/jtei.1356). Budin, G., & Moerth, K. 2011. “Hooking up to the corpus: the Viennese Lexicographic Editor’s corpus interface”, I. Kosem & Kosem, K. (eds.), Electronic lexicography in the 21st century: new applications for new users. Proceedings of eLex 2011 conference. Bled, Slovenia: Trojina, Institute for Applied Slovene Studies. 52-59. Budin, G., Moerth, K., & Durco, M. 2013. “European Lexicography Infrastructure Components”, Kosem, I., Kallas, J., Gantar, P., Krek, S., Langemets, M., & Tuulik, M. (eds.), Electronic lexicography in the 21st century: thinking outside the paper. Proceedings of the eLex 2013 conference, 17-19 October 2013. Tallin, Estonia: Trojina, Institute for Applied Slovene Studies/Eesti Keele Instituut. 76-92. Declerck, T., Lendvai, P., & Moerth, K. 2013. “Collaborative Tools: From Wiktionary to LMF, for Synchronic and Diachronic Language Data”, Francopoulo, G. (ed.), LMF. Lexical Markup Framework. John Wiley & Sons. 175-186. Declerck, T., Moerth, K., & Wandl-Vogt, E. 2014. “A SKOS-based Schema for TEI encoded Dictionaries at ICLTT”, LREC 2014, Ninth International Conference on Language Resources and Evaluation. 26.-31. May 2014, Reykjavik. Reykjavik, Iceland: European Language Resources Association (ELRA). Declerck, T., Wandl-Vogt, E., Moerth, K., & Resch, C. 2014. “Towards a Unified Approach for Publishing Regional and Historical Language Resources on the Linked Data Framework”, Workshop on Collaboration and Computing for Under-Resourced Languages in the Linked Open Data Era. Co-located with LREC 2014. 26.-31 May 2014, Reykjavik. Reykjavik, Iceland: European Language Resources Association (ELRA). Marçais, W., & Guîga, A. 1958-61. Textes arabes de Takroûna. II: Glossaire. 8 vol. Paris. Moerth, K., Procházka, S., & Dallaji, I. 2014. “Laying the Foundations for a Diachronic Dictionary of Tunis Arabic. A First Glance at an Evolving New Language Resource”. A. Abel, Vettori, C., & Ralli, N. (eds.), Proceedings of the XVI EURALEX International Congress: The User in Focus. Bolzano, EURALEX 2014: 377-387. Nicolas, A. 1911. Dictionnaire français-arabe: idiome tunisien and Dictionnaire arabe-français. Tunis. Procházka, S., & Moerth, K. 2015. “The Vienna Corpus of Arabic Varieties: building a digital research environment for Arabic dialects”. Proceedings of the 10th AIDA Conference, Doha 2013. (In print). Quéméneur, J. 1962. “Glossaire de dialectal”, IBLA 1962. 325-67. Simons, G., & Bird S. 2008. “Toward a Global Infrastructure for the Sustainability of Language Resources”, Proceedings of the 22nd Pacific Asia Conference on Language, Information and Computation. (http://www01.sil.org/~simonsg/preprint/PACLIC22.pdf; Accessed on 13.9.2015). Singer, H. 1984. Grammatik der Arabischen Mundart der Medina von Tunis. Berlin-New York. TEI Consortium. 2012. TEI P5: Guidelines for Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange. Version 2.8.0. Last updated 6th April. (www.tei-c.org/release/doc/tei-p5-doc/en/Guidelines.pdf). LES VARIÉTÉS ARABES DE GHOMARA ? s-sāḥǝl vs. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (LA CÔTE VS. LA MONTAGNE) AMINA NACIRI-AZZOUZ 1 Université de Saragosse Abstract: This article focuses on the linguistic variation among the Ghomara, northern Morocco. In order to do this, the imperfective preverbal markers and the spirantisation of dental phonemes are studied to highlight the variation between coastal and inland regions. At the same time, it attempts to show the first signs of linguistic change in the speech of young people. The data were collected in Qāʕ Asrās (on the coast of Bni Zyāt) and two villages of the mountainous tribe of Bni Sǝlmān between March 2014 and May 2015, and they include informants aged between 15 and 80. Keywords: Ghomara; Moroccan Arabic; variation; Arabic Dialectology; Sociolinguistics. 1. Introduction Actuellement Ghomara est un ethnonyme qui regroupe les neuf tribus habitant entre les fleuves Lāw et Urīnga 2, au nord-ouest du Maroc, même si les frontières ne sont pas clairement définies. Ghomara fait partie de la région connue comme Jbala, qui s’étend du détroit de Gibraltar au corridor de Taza formant un continuum culturel et linguistique dans lequel seulement ces neuf tribus ont gardé la dénomination confédérative historique 3. Dans cet article, nous étudierons les préverbes de l’inaccompli et la spirantisation des phonèmes dentales dans l’objectif de souligner la variation constatée entre la côte et la montagne de Ghomara et, en outre, une variation concernant plus particulièrement la variable âge et qui montre les premiers signes d’un changement en cours. En dépit de la construction de la Route Nationale 16 qui traverse les montagnes du Rif jusqu’à Saïdia, Ghomara est une région d’accès difficile car la plupart des tribus se trouvent vers la montagne. L’autre caractéristique importante de Ghomara est la présence du berbère ġmāri, récemment étudié par Kh. Mourigh (2015). Il s’agit d’une langue très intéressante en ce qui concerne le contact linguistique par la longue influence de l’arabe dialectal sur elle. Le berbère ġmāri est parlé actuellement dans les tribus de Bni Buzra et Bni Mǝnṣūr, toujours en situation de bilinguisme (Mourigh 2015 : 3). La présence de cette variété berbère témoignerait une arabisation tardive de la région et un contact prolongé entre le berbère et l’arabe qui se perpétue jusqu’à nos jours. L’arabe ġmāri appartient aux dialectes non-hilaliens, spécifiquement aux parlers Jbala septentrionaux, englobant les parlers entre le détroit de Gibraltar jusqu’à l’ouest d’Ouezzane, selon la classification de Colin (1945 : 226-229), plus influencés par l’arabe andalou (Vicente 2000 : 14). Les premières études sur les parlers Jbala datent du début du XXe siècle et elles ont été consacrées au sud de Jbala, exactement au nord de Taza (Colin 1921) et à la vallée de l’Ouargha (Lévi-Provençal 1922). Néanmoins, il y a des descriptions récentes de quelques parlers septentrionaux, comme l’étude d’Ángeles Vicente (2000) sur la tribu d’Anjra, la plus septentrionale, et l’étude de 1 Doctorante allocataire de recherche, Ministère de l’Économie et de la Compétitivité-Espagne. Cet article a été élaboré dans le cadre du laboratoire Árabe e islam en Aragón (H11), financé par le Gobierno de Aragón et le Fondo Social Europeo. Je remercie Ángeles Vicente pour ses remarques. 2 Bni Zǝžǝl, Bni Zyāt, Bni Buzra, Bni Sǝlmān, Bni Grīr, Bni Mǝnṣūr, Bni Smīḥ, Bni Xālǝd et Bni Rzīn. 3 Comme Ibn Xaldūn a signalé, la confédération historique des Ghomara occupait presque que tout le Nord-Ouest marocain : ‫[ إﻟﻰ‬...] ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺪن ﻏﺴﺎﺳﺔ‬،‫[ وھﻢ آﺧﺮ ﻣﻮاطﻨﮭﻢ ﯾﻌﺘﻤﺮون رﺣﺎب اﻟﺮﯾﻒ ﺑﺴﺎﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﺮ اﻟﺪر ﻣﻦ ﻋﻦ ﯾﻤﯿﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﻂ اﻟﻤﻐﺮب‬...] ‫» وھﻢ ﺷﻌﻮب وﻗﺒﺎﺋﻞ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ أن ﺗﺤﺼﺮ‬ .(Ibn Xaldūn 2000 : VI/ 281) « [...] ‫[ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ أﺧﺮى ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮض إﻟﻰ أن ﯾﺘﺨﻄﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﺋﻂ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﻣﺔ ووادي ورﻏﺔ‬...] ‫طﻨﺠﺔ ﺧﻤﺲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ أو أزﯾﺪ‬ 406 AMINA NACIRI-AZZOUZ Francisco Moscoso (2003) sur la ville de Chefchaouen, entre autres articles (Barontini & Ziamari 2008 : 43-59 ; Behnstedt & Benabbou 2002 : 53-72 ; Messaoudi 1999 : 167-176 ; etc.). De ce fait, l’intérêt pour cette région permettra de poursuivre le développement des études comparatives qui mettront en lumière les différents aspects de la situation linguistique passée et présente au Maroc et au Maghreb4. À l’heure actuelle, les milieux ruraux du Nord-Ouest marocain sont en train de vivre un changement socio-économique principalement à cause d’un processus d’urbanisation tardif. Pour l’instant, dans le cas de Ghomara, cela touche principalement la côte, en plus de l’immigration vers la côte et les villes 5. Tous ces changements se reflètent forcément dans la langue, donnant lieu à une situation de changement linguistique qui contribue à la variation déjà caractéristique des régions rurales marocaines. 2. Le recueil de données et la méthodologie Les données présentées ci-dessous ont été recueillies entre mars 2014 et mai 2015 dans le village de Qāʕ Asrās, de la tribu de Bni Zyāt, et dans les petits villages de z-Zāwya et de Ḥǝnnāšǝn, de la tribu de Bni Sǝlmān. Qāʕ Asrās est le siège de la Commune du Tizgane, province de Chefchaouen, région TangerTétouan. Il s’agit d’un village côtier à 50 km de Tétouan où se situe la frontière occidentale des Ghomara avec les Bni Sʕīd. Qāʕ Asrās bénéficie des services de base et ses habitants se consacrent à la pêche et à l’agriculture. Toutefois, de nouveaux commerces et restaurants se sont ouverts ces dernières années avec le développement du tourisme dans la région. Par contre, z-Zāwya et Ḥǝnnāšǝn appartiennent à la tribu de Bni Sǝlmān, une tribu montagnarde habitant à l’intérieur avec une population dispersée dans des dchars -les unités les plus élémentaires d’habitabilité dans les milieux ruraux- et ses habitants se consacrent à l’agriculture. Pour réaliser les enquêtes, nous avons utilisé des entretiens semi-dirigés en enregistrant autant de personnes âgées que de jeunes pour essayer d’avoir un échantillon le plus représentatif possible. En effet, la variable âge est spécialement intéressante dans ces communautés étant donné que l’âge est le facteur social principal du changement linguistique. Ainsi, ce même principe se rencontre dans le monde arabophone où le changement linguistique provient de la jeunesse: All of the studies available on variation in Arabic have shown that age is a significant variable. As would be expected, the pattern found shows that the younger generation use the incoming and new forms more often than the older generations (Al-Wer 2008 : 630-631). À Qāʕ Asrās, nous avons enregistré deux garçons de 15 ans ; une jeune de 18 ans ; deux femmes de 38 ans et d’environ 60 ans et deux hommes de 52 ans et de 77 ans. Dans les deux dchars de Bni Sǝlmān, nous avons enregistré une femme de plus de 60 ans ; trois hommes de 38 ans, de 50 ans et de 75 ans ; deux adolescentes de 16 ans et deux jeunes femmes d’une vingtaine d’années 6. Il faut noter que dans les petits villages étudiés à Bni Sǝlmān l’accès à l’enseignement n’est pas encore répandu, spécialement parmi les filles, c’est pourquoi les informatrices sont illettrées sauf les jeunes filles de 16 ans qui ont reçu l’éducation de base, tandis qu’à Qāʕ Asrās, la scolarisation est la norme 4 Nous savons déjà que les dialectes villageois non-hilaliens au Maghreb partagent quelques traits linguistiques, cela s’expliquerait, selon Marçais, en raison de leur emplacement géographique : la région montagnarde de Constantine (Marçais 1952) et d’Oran (Cantineau 1940), en Algérie ; et du Sahel, en Tunisie (Marçais & Guîga 1925). 5 Il faut remarquer que ce processus d’urbanisation tardif touche tout le pays jusqu’au point de doubler le pourcentage d’urbanisation depuis les années quatre-vingt. Dans les cas de Tanger et de Tétouan la population a déjà largement doublé (Miller 2002 : 180-181). 6 En plus des notes sur le terrain. Ces enregistrements font partie du corpus de ma thèse doctorale sur l’arabe ġmāri que je suis en train de transcrire et dont j’ai utilisé une partie pour cet article. En tenant compte la complexité de la variable âge puisqu’il faut considérer les pratiques sociales et culturelles de chaque communauté (Eckert 1996 : 151-167), tout au long de cet article nous la réduirons à deux groupes: jeunes (en général, célibataires, et scolarisés) et âgés. Je tiens à remercier l’hospitalité de tous mes informateurs pendant le travail de terrain. LES VARIETES ARABES DE GHOMARA ? s-saḥǝl VS. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (LA COTE VS. LA MONTAGNE) 407 entre les plus jeunes : dans le cas des filles, elles arrivent au moins jusqu’à l’Enseignement secondaire collégial car le lycée se trouve dans le même village 7. 3. Les préverbes d’inaccompli L’usage des préverbes ou particules temporelles dans les dialectes arabes pour préciser l’aspect ou le temps est un fait suffisamment connu et étudié 8. Une particularité de l’arabe marocain est l’opposition modale entre l’inaccompli avec et sans préverbe 9. Ainsi, en arabe marocain l’inaccompli sans préverbe marque un temps imprécis qui s’éclaircit par le contexte, comme ce serait le cas pour le subjonctif et l’optatif (cf. Caubet 1993 : 83-105). Par ailleurs, l’inaccompli avec préverbe marque la concomitance, les vérités générales, l’habitude, le duratif et le progressif. Il faut noter que le préverbe le plus répandu au Maroc est la forme invariable ka- 10 dont l’origine est probablement une forme figée de < kān (Ferrando 1994-1996 : 140). Dans le cas de Ghomara, un des aspects les plus remarquables est la variété des préverbes selon les différentes localisations. Pour l’expliquer, nous partirons de la montagne pour descendre à la côte ġmāri la plus occidentale. 3.1. Bni Sǝlmān À Ḥǝnnāšǝn, le trait le plus remarquable est l’usage jusqu’à aujourd’hui du préverbe qa- mais seulement chez les personnes les plus âgées vu qu’une de mes informatrices, d’environ soixante ans, l’utilisait exclusivement 11. Ainsi, on peut affirmer que malgré l’affirmation de Colin ‒ « la particule qa-, d’une aire d’emploi très restreinte (sud-est de Chefchaouen) » (1935 : 134-135) ‒, qa- a continué à être utilisée à l’est de Chefchaouen jusqu’à au moins la génération de notre informatrice. kunna qa-nṭayybu f-ǝd-diyyābe qa-tṣannǝṯ ʕliyye ma qa-nʕǝrfǝm-ši ʕād qa-yʕabbu baʕṭǝm ‘on cuisinait dans la marmite d’argile’ ‘elle m’écoute (attentivement)’ ‘je ne les connais pas’ ‘alors ils se marient’ En ce qui concerne l’origine du préverbe qa-, selon Colin, ce préverbe se rapproche des différents emplois de l’impératif du verbe ‘voir’ en berbère, aqqa 12 ‘vois!’, « dans le berbère des Bnī Snūs, Bnī Inznāsǝn, du Rif et des Ṣǝnhāja d-ǝs-Srair […] », et en Algérie « Chez les Bǝṭṭīwa d’Arzeu […] ; chez les Bni Snūs […] » (Colin 1935 : 135-6). Toutefois, puisqu’il se trouve dans le parler juif de Tunisie « pour conférer à l’inaccompli une valeur durative » (Cohen 1975 : 136-137) ; dans le maltais sous la forme ʔet exprimant la concomitance (Vanhove 1993 : 112-116) et aussi au Yémen pour exprimer le progressif (Vanhove 2009 : 755-756), on pourrait être devant une forme abrégée de < qāʕǝd (Aguadé 1996 : 204 ; Caubet 1996 : 91-92). Par contre, à z-Zāwya, dans la même tribu mais dans la partie basse de la montagne, tous les locuteurs utilisent le préverbe invariable ka-. Mais ici nous avons aussi trouvé quelques exemples avec le préverbe a-, relevé jusqu’à maintenant au nord de Taza (Colin 1921 : 98) et dans la vallée de 7 Pour continuer l’enseignement secondaire qualifiant, il faut aller dans un internat à Stehat, une commune rurale à 18 km de Qāʕ Asrās. 8 Pour une vue d’ensemble cf. Cohen 2003 : 279-298 ; Aguadé 1996 : 197-213 ; Caubet 1996 : 87-99, entre autres. 9 Cette opposition se retrouve aussi dans le dialecte de Djidjelli, en Algérie (Marçais 1952 : 151-152). 10 Ce préverbe est présent aussi en Algérie et en arabe andalou (pour une approche en détail, voir Ferrando 1994-1996 : 115144). 11 Cet usage est connu dans la région, un homme de 40 ans de la même tribu mais qui habite dans la partie basse de la montagne l’a souligné lors d’une conversation sur la région : hāḏǝm ǝl-fūqiyyǝn ‘qa-nqūl lǝk’, ka-ywǝqfu b-ǝl-qāf ‘Ceux d’en haut qa-nqūl lek ‘je te dis’, ils disent avec le qāf’ 12 Pour l’usage de la particule qa- et de ses autres variantes dans les dialectes rifains orientaux voir Kossmann (2000 : 119124). 408 AMINA NACIRI-AZZOUZ l’Ouargha (Lévi-provençal 1922 : 23) où il se maintient à Ourtzagh, par exemple (Ziamari & Barontini 2000 : 52). Selon Aguadé (1996 : 204), son origine se trouve probablement dans le berbère < ar-, a- 13. a-nqǝylu nʕǝmlu š-šġul a-nfǝṭru ‘on passe la journée en travaillant’ ‘on prend le petit déjeuner’ Pour conclure le sujet des préverbes à Bni Sǝlmān, nous pouvons à présent affirmer qu’à Ḥǝnnāšǝn et à z-Zāwya le préverbe le plus répandu est l’invariable ka-, mais que la présence du qaattesterait son usage assez récent dans la région, bien qu’il soit en voie de disparition. ǝn-nās ka-ḏǝqra ka-yǝḥfǝÌ ʕi l-qurʔān ka-ywǝḍḍfuh ḥna ka-nhǝḍru ʕla ġmāra ‘les gens étudient’. ‘il mémorise seulement le Coran’ ‘ils le recrutent comme fonctionnaire’. ‘nous parlons de Ghomara’ 3.2. Bni Zyāt 3e m. sg. la3e f. sg. la- et da2e sg. la- et da1re sg. na- 3e pl. la 2e pl. la- et da1re pers. pl. na- En revanche, à Qāʕ Asrās la situation est bien différente, le préverbe le plus utilisé est lavariable. Jusqu’à maintenant, on savait que ce préverbe variable était relié au parler féminin traditionnel de Chefchaouen (Moscoso 2003a : 111-118). Mais par contre, à Qāʕ Asrās les hommes comme les femmes l’utilisent mais son usage est instable, autrement dit, le plus habituel est l’usage du préverbe na- avec les premières personnes et la- avec les deuxièmes et troisièmes personnes ; le préverbe da- pour les deuxièmes personnes est très réduit, on a seulement quelques exemples chez les hommes et les femmes plus âgées. Par ailleurs, comme Heath (2002 : 211) l’a déjà indiqué, les différentes formes pourraient s’expliquer par une assimilation phonétique avec la désinence de la personne de l’inaccompli, c’est-àdire : la-nqūlu → [nanquːlu] la-nʕāwǝd → [nanʕaːwǝð] la-dǝʕṭi → [daðǝʕtʕi] Ce qui confirmerait cela est le fait que nous avons seulement trouvé des exemples où il y avait eu une sonorisation de la désinence verbale t- pour assimilation, ainsi que dans les exemples de Chefchaouen. À Bni Ǧǝl (< Bni Zǝjǝl) on trouve en outre des exemples avec ţa- comme préverbe avec les verbes où il n’y a pas de sonorisation de la désinence verbale: ţa-ţǝṣbaḥ ‘elle se lève’ ; ţa-ţqūl ‘elle dit’. À Bāb Bǝrrǝd et les dchars environnants de la tribu ġmāri de Bni Xālǝd il semble être le préverbe le plus utilisé mais nous sommes en train d’analyser les données de cette tribu. 13 LES VARIETES ARABES DE GHOMARA ? s-saḥǝl VS. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (LA COTE VS. LA MONTAGNE) 409 Quelques exemples de Qāʕ Asrās 3e m. sg. lala-yǧīb ‘il amène’ 3e f. sg. la- et dala-ḏǝʕraf ‘elle connait’ da-dǧi ‘elle vient’ 2e sg. la- et dala-dsāra ‘tu te promènes’ da-dǝʕṭi ‘tu donnes’ 1re sg. nana-nʕāwǝḏ ‘je raconte’ 3e pl. lala-yǧīw ‘ils viennent’ 2e pl. la- et dala-ddǝxlu ‘vous entrez’ da-dǝʕṭīw ‘vous donnez’ 1re pl. nana-nqūlu ‘nous disons’ En ce qui concerne l’origine du préverbe la-, il y a d’abord un accord qui le rapporte au verbe illa, ‘être’ en berbère, où on trouve le même préverbe marquant l’habitude, l’actualité et la concomitance dans quelques parlers berbères du Moyen Atlas 14 (Colin 1935 : 134 ; Aguadé 1996 : 205 ; Vicente 2000 : 105). Néanmoins, comme il se trouve aussi au Yémen, Vanhove met en doute cette hypothèse « en raison de l’éloignement géographique des zones berbérophones et arabophones concernées » (Vanhove 1993 : 14/nº 13) 15. L’autre préverbe utilisé à Qāʕ Asrās est ka-, mais son usage est seulement établi entre les plus jeunes scolarisés et il s’utilise en covariation avec la- dans la population masculine. Alors, il s’agit d’un changement en cours dû principalement au nivellement linguistique. 4. La spirantisation La spirantisation est l’autre phénomène qui nous permettra d’observer la variation chez les Ghomara, en soulignant la différence entre la côte et la montagne mais aussi entre les personnes jeunes et âgées. La spirantisation est un phénomène phonétique d’affaiblissement des occlusives et il s’agit d’un des processus phonétiques les plus saillants des parlers villageois non-hilaliens dû principalement au substrat et à l’adstrat berbère, étant donné que la spirantisation est notamment une caractéristique des parlers berbères du nord (Kossmann 2013 : 178). Ce phénomène apparaît dans tous les dialectes Jbala décrits jusqu’à présent mais il y a des distinctions entre la distribution et les consonnes qu’il affecte. Dans cet article, nous nous concentrerons uniquement sur les dentales /t/, /d/ et /ḍ/. 4.1. La spirantisation chez les Ghomara En tenant compte de la proximité du berbère, dans les deux tribus de notre étude la spirantisation des occlusives est encore très présente. La distribution des dentales spirantisées est presque identique à celles décrites pour le berbère ġmāri (Mourigh 2015 : 18-24) et pour le dialecte de Chefchaouen (Moscoso 2003a : 39-40). En résumé, on a une distribution assez instable où la spirantisation est plus présente en position postvocalique et finale. La spirantisation de la dentale sourde /t/ > ṯ [θ] se trouve en position médiane et finale, normalement en position postvocalique ou finale tandis que la spirantisation de la dentale sonore /d/ > ḏ [ð] apparaît aussi en position initiale, mais cela est plus fréquent en position médiane et finale. Les exemples ci-dessous ont été trouvés dans les deux tribus sauf les cas dans lesquels l’une des tribus est spécifiée : 14 Pour voir l’usage de ce préverbe chez quelques tribus berbères du Maroc Central voir Laoust (1939 : 142-147). Quelles que soient les origines, la difficulté d’attribuer une origine – berbère ou arabe – aux préverbes comme la- et qa- est évidente en raison de la complexité du phénomène lui-même et de la dispersion des traits. 15 410 AMINA NACIRI-AZZOUZ /t/ > ṯ Position médiane : māṯǝṯ ‘elle est morte’ lǝxṯan ‘la belle-famille’ (Bni Sǝlmān) /d/ > ḏ Position initiale: ḏāba ‘maintenant’ ḏʕīfa ‘faible’ (Bni Sǝlmān) ḏyānne ‘notre Position finale : warṯ ‘l’héritage ḥarṯ ‘labourage’ mǝḥrāṯ ‘charrue’ Position médiane: hāḏǝm ‘ces’ xǝḏma ‘travail’ ʕiḏwa ‘l’autre côté d’une rivière’ (Bni Sǝlmān) Position finale : wāḥǝḏ ‘un’ ǝl-ḥḏīḏ ‘les voitures’ hāḏ ‘ce/cet’ La différence qu’on trouve entre Bni Sǝlmān et Qāʕ Asrās concerne la fréquence et la stabilité de la spirantisation. À Bni Sǝlmān son usage continue à être très courant, chez les personnes jeunes et âgées, ces dernières l’utilisent de manière assidue même si elle présente l’instabilité propre de ce phénomène. Par contre, à Qāʕ Asrās, on observe une tendance à supprimer la spirantisation chez les plus jeunes scolarisés à cause principalement du nivellement linguistique. Le dernier exemple qui permettrait de voir la variation entre la côte et la montagne même si son apparence est rare, est la présence de la spirantisation de la dentale pharyngalisée: /ḍ/ > ḍ [ðʕ], en position médiane et finale. On a seulement trouvé cette réalisation spirantisée à Bni Sǝlmān, ce qui s’explique par la proximité du berbère où on trouve le même phénomène (Mourigh 2015 : 24). ka-ynūḍu nḍar miḥfāḍa ‘ils se réveillent’ ‘regarde !’ ‘sac à dos’ 5. Conclusion : côte vs. montagne Les premières données sur l’étude de quelques traits linguistiques de l’intérieur et de la côte de Ghomara conduisent vers la conclusion suivante: l’existence d’une variation linguistique entre les deux tribus étudiées et ainsi que les premiers signes d’un changement en cours qui pour le moment touche surtout la côte occidentale. Dans le cas de Qāʕ Asrās, en prenant comme variable le préverbe d’inaccompli, on peut affirmer que la variable ‘rurale’ la- est encore très stable dans la population âgée et d’âge mûr. Par contre, il est très instable chez les hommes et les jeunes qui l’utilisent en covariation avec ka-, ce qui indique un changement en cours dans la région 16. À Bni Sǝlmān, on ne peut pas prendre comme variable le préverbe qa- car celui-ci se rencontre exclusivement chez quelques femmes âgées habitant la partie la plus haute de la montagne, mais le fait de son actuel usage est à remarquer car qa- a été utilisé au moins par la génération de notre informatrice de plus de 60 ans”. En même temps, on ne peut pas attribuer l’usage du préverbe ka- chez les Bni Sǝlmān au nivellement linguistique parce que ce n’est pas un trait nouveau dans la région, étant donné qu’il se rencontre en berbère ġmāri (Mourigh 2015 : 419-420). En ce qui concerne le niveau phonétique, nous avons attesté que l’intérieur est plus conservateur que la côte et que les différents allophones spirantisés sont beaucoup plus stables dans les différents 16 Le même processus a été remarqué à Anjra (Vicente 2002 : 339-340) et à Chefchaouen (Moscoso 2003b : 218). LES VARIETES ARABES DE GHOMARA ? s-saḥǝl VS. ǝǧ-ǧbǝl (LA COTE VS. LA MONTAGNE) 411 groupes d’âge à Bni Sǝlmān qu’à Qāʕ Asrās où la tendance est à l’inverse, c’est-à-dire qu’il y a une tendance à supprimer la spirantisation des phonèmes dentales, notamment chez les plus jeunes. On parle ainsi des variétés Ghomara parce qu’il y a une région montagnarde plus conservatrice alors que la côte est en train de vivre un changement accéléré avec une tendance au nivellement linguistique, mais encore en phase initiale 17. Par conséquent, les premiers signes de ce changement linguistique ont été vérifiés dans cet article comme la suppression de la spirantisation des phonèmes dentales et le remplacement du préverbe la- variable par ka- chez les plus jeunes de Qāʕ Asrās où les variables éducation et âge jouent un rôle décisif. La grande mobilité chez les Ghomara favorise la situation décrite : l’immigration de la montagne vers la côte et les villes amène le contact entre les différentes variétés villageoises et citadines, spécialement chez les jeunes, ce qui à son tour favorise la variation et le changement linguistiques. En définitive, les variétés Ghomara représentent la variation caractéristique des parlers villageois qui ont comme résultat une région d’une grande richesse dialectologique où les traits plus archaïsants cohabitent pour l’instant avec les nouvelles formes. Références Aguadé, J., 1996. “Nota acerca de los preverbios del imperfectivo en árabe dialectal magrebí”, Revista de Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 1. 197-213. Al-Wer, E., 2009. “Variation”, Versteegh, K. et al. (eds.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, Leyde / Boston : Brill. Vol. IV, 627-639. Behnstedt, P. & Bennabou, M., 2002. “Zu den arabischen Dialekten der Gegend von Tāza (Nordmarokko)”, Arnold, W. & Bobzin, H. (eds.), “Sprich doch mit deinen Knechten aramäisch, wir verstehen es!” 60 Beiträge zur Semitistik: Festschrift für Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag zum 60 Geburstag. Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz. 53-72. Cantineau, J., 1940. “Les parlers arabes du département d’Oran”, Revue Africaine 84. 220-231. Caubet, D., 1996. “gālǝs kayxdǝm, xāyǝḍ kayxdǝm: Approche sociolinguistique de l’expression de la concomitance en arabe marocain”, Revista de Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 1. 87-100. Cohen, D., 1975. Le parler arabe des Juifs de Tunis. Tome 2: Étude linguistique. Paris & La Haye : Mouton. Cohen, D., 2003. La phrase nominale et l'évolution du système verbal en sémitique: études de syntaxe historique. Louvain & Paris : Peeters. Colin, G.S., 1921. “Le parler arabe du nord de la région de Taza”, Bulletin de l’Institut Français D’Archéologie Orientale XVIII. 33-119. Colin, G.S., 1935. “L’opposition du réel et de l’éventuel en arabe marocain”, Bulletin de la société de Linguistique de Paris XXXVI. 133-140. Colin, G.S., 1945. Initiation au Maroc. Paris: Les Éditions d’Arts et d’Histoire. Eckert, P., 1996. “Age as a Sociolinguistic Variable”, Coulmas, F. (ed.), The Handbook of Sociolinguistic. Oxford : Blackwell. 151-167. Ferrando, I., 1994-1996. “Quelques observations sur l’origine, les valeurs et les emplois du préverbe /ka-/ dans les dialectes arabes occidentaux maghrébins et andalous”, Matériaux arabes et sudarabiques 6. 115-144. Heath, J., 2002. Jewish and Muslim Dialects of Moroccan Arabic. London : RoutledgeCurzon. Ibn Xaldūn, ʕA., 2001. Dīwān al-mubtadaʔ wa-l-xabar fī tārīj al-ʕarab wa-l-barbar wa-man ʕāṣaru-hum min ḏawi aš-šaʔn al-akbar. Beirut : Dār al-Fikr. 8vols. Kossmann, M., 2000. Esquisse grammaticale du rifain oriental. Paris & Louvain: Peeters. Kossmann, M., 2013. The Arabic Influence on Northern Berber. Leiden / Boston : Brill. Laoust, E., 1939. Cours de berbère marocain. Dialecte du Maroc Central. Paris : Libraire Orientaliste Paul Geuthner. Lévi-Provençal, E., 1922. Textes arabes de l’Ouargha. Dialecte des Jbala (Maroc septentrional). Paris : Edition Ernest Leroux. Marçais, Ph., 1952. Le parler arabe de Djidjelli (Nord Constantinois, Algérie). Paris : Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, Adrien, Maisonneuve. Marçais, W. & Guîga, A., 1925. Textes arabes de Takroûna. Transcription, traduction annotée, glossaire. I. Textes, transcription et traduction annotée. Paris : E. Leroux Messaoudi, L., 1999. “Étude de la variation dans le parler des Jbala (Nord-Ouest du Maroc)”, Revista de Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 4. 167-176. Miller, C., 2002. “Mexicans speaking in dârija (Moroccan Arabic): Media, Urbanization and Language Changes in Morocco”, Bassiouney, R. & Katz, E.G. (eds.), Arabic Language and Linguistics. Washington DC : Georgetown University Press. 169-188. 17 Ce nivellement linguistique a comme référence les variétés citadines locales, principalement celles de Tétouan et Tanger formant ǝl-haḍra ǝš-šamāliyya (Sánchez & Vicente 2012 : 223-252). 412 AMINA NACIRI-AZZOUZ Moscoso, F., 2003a. El dialecto árabe de Chauen (N. de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y texos. Cadiz : Universidad de Cádiz. Moscoso, F., 2003b. “Textos en árabe šāwni (Marruecos): Algunos datos comparativos del habla masculina y femenina”, Studia Orientalia 95. 207-231. Mourigh, Kh., 2015. A Grammar of Ghomara Berber. Thèse de doctorat, Université de Leiden. Sánchez, P. & Vicente, Á., 2012. “Variación dialectal en árabe marroquí: ǝl-haḍra š-šāmālīya u la-hḍṛa l-marrākšīya”, Barontini, A. et al. (éds.), Dynamiques langagières en Arabophonies: variations, contacts, migrations et créations artistiques. Hommages offert à Dominique Caubet par ses élèves et collègues. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Vicente, Á., 2000. El dialecto árabe de Anjra (norte de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y textos. Saragosse : Universidad de Zaragoza. Vicente, Á., 2002. “Une interprétation sociolinguistique d’un dialecte de Jbala: les parlers féminin et masculin dans le dialecte d’Anjra”. Youssi, A. et al. (eds.), Aspects of the Dialects of Arabic Today. Proceedings of the 4th Conference of AIDA, Rabat : AMAPATRIL. 336-344. Ziamari, K. & Barontini, A., 2008. “Quelques éléments de description d’un parler jebli (Ourtzagh, Maroc)”. Revista de Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí 12. 43-59. MORE ON EARLY EAST AFRICAN PIDGIN ARABIC SHUICHIRO NAKAO * Kyoto University, Japan Society for the Promotion of Science Abstract: Analyzing an Early Nubi vocabulary, Kaye & Tosco (1993) demonstrated that there were two varieties of Arabic, basilect (pidgin) and acrolect (dialect), spoken by Nubi in the early 20th century East Africa, and, by this, they concluded that at that time Nubi was still unstable. The present study reconsiders their conclusions by analyzing another Early Nubi vocabulary (Cook 1905), and concludes that the basic structure of Nubi had already been stabilized, yet an acrolect (or a “high” variety) was certainly used by Nubi (and their British superiors) around the first decade of the 20th century. Keywords: Equatoria, (Ki-)Nubi, Sir A. R. Cook, colonization, pidgin historiography. 1. Early East African pidgin Arabic: an introduction More than twenty years ago, Alan S. Kaye and Mauro Tosco’s article entitled “Early East African Pidgin Aarbic” (abbreviated K&T) appeared in the 14th volume of Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika (1993), a special issue for Arabs and Arabic in the Lake Chad Region (edited by Jonathan Owens). They analyzed an early vocabulary of Nubi, An Arabic-English Vocabulary with Grammar & Phrases: Representing the Language as Spoken by the Uganda Sudanese in the Uganda and British East Africa Protectorates, composed by E[dward] V[aughan] Jenkins of the 4th King’s African Rifles around 1909 1. The background to this old publication is fairly clear. The “Uganda Sudanese” or “Nubi” were once Emin Pasha’s men in the Ottoman-Egyptian Equatorial Province, but took refuge to the southern parts of his country (now Uganda and Congo) from their headquarters at Lado (now South Sudan) after 1885 due to the Mahdist movement in the Sudan. Subsequently in 1891 they were recruited by the Imperial British East Africa Company to occupy Uganda as a British protectorate, to serve in the battalions of the Uganda Rifles (organized in 1895), and the King’s African Rifles (reorganized from the Uganda Rifles in 1902). Since Nubi were thus the main forces of the early British colonial army, their language was learned by the British to command them, until Swahili was adopted as the official language in 1927. Jenkins was an examiner of this language then called “Nilotic Arabic” 2 (Nakao, forthcoming). K&T’s importance lies in their extensive distinction of the two Arabic varieties represented in Jenkins (1909), a basilect, closer to Nubi, and an acrolect, closer to Egyptian (Cairene) Arabic, which the original author only distinguishes in the grammatical sketch as ““A” [basilect] being the way the majority speak, “B” [acrolect] being the way the minority speak” (Jenkins 1909: 3) 3. K&T conclude that “the language they [Nubi] brought with them from southern Sudan was not yet stabilized at the period, and that Arabic influence (from different superstratal dialects) was still exerting pressure on the developing pidgin”, against Owens (1990) who regards Nubi as an “early-creolizing creole” * This study is a result of my research project funded by JSPS KAKENHI Grant-in-Aid (Grant Number: 26.2651). Jenkins’ vocabulary is non-dated (Jenkins wrote his preface in Bombo in 1908). Here I refer it as Jenkins (1909) after Struck (1928). I use a copy which is located at the Lilly Library, Indiana University (Bloomington). This copy includes several handwritten notes by the original possessor. 2 The term “Nilotic Arabic” appears in the colonial documents of Kenya, Uganda, and even (South) Sudan to denote the pidginized/creolized variety of Arabic, or Nubi, in the regions. 3 While “A” has lost the verbal inflections, “B” retains them. K&T do not mention the rough correspondence of Jenkins’ “A” and “B” with their “Ugandan Pidgin Arabic” and “Ugandan Dialectal Arabic”. 1 414 SHUICHIRO NAKAO stabilized earlier than the late 1880s, presupposing that since then Nubi had little contact with the Southern (now South) Sudan where Juba Arabic, a mutually intelligible sister-creole of Nubi, is spoken 4. There are some studies on this topic which analyze Early Nubi (or an early Arabic pidgin) vocabularies compiled in Congo and Uganda: Wtterwulghe (1899) and Moltedo (1905), concisely analyzed by Luffin (2004); Meldon (1913) 5, briefly commented by Miller (2014: 359–361) 6; and Owen & Keane (1915) 7, extensively analyzed by Avram (2015). In a nutshell, Luffin rather reticently concludes that a sort of Arabic was then spoken in the northeastern Congo, but he also notes its similarities with Nubi and Juba Arabic. Miller approves K&T’s conclusion since a similar basilectmesolect mixing is found in Meldon’s work, but she also indicates the risk to regard this type of writing as representing the linguistic reality. Avram, analyzing a medical vocabulary in full comparison with its contemporary sources and what is Nubi today, tries to depict the Early Nubi. In conclusion, he approves K&T’s hypothesis in that Nubi was still unstable retaining acrolectal features such as velar fricatives, gemination, and word-final stops. This study, examining an earliest manuscript of Nubi vocabulary composed by a missionary doctor, reconsiders the two hypotheses on Early Nubi (represented by K&T and Owens 1990). As a result, the two points are made: (i) The basic structure of Nubi had certainly been crystallized at latest in 1905. (ii) An acrolect (or a “high” variety) was, as well, used/understood by Nubi themselves around 1900–1910s. Before entering our main topic, let us first revisit the historical settings of the areas. 2. Sir A. R. Cook’s visit to the Southern Sudan in 1905 Sir Albert Ruskin Cook (1870–1951) was a British-born missionary doctor of the Church Missionary Society, who has been famous as “the father of modern medicine in Uganda” for he founded the earliest hospitals in Kampala (the capital of Uganda), and started training African (mainly Ganda) nurses and medical assistants by founding a medical school. In due course, he composed medical vocabularies/textbooks in vernaculars like Luganda 8. In 1905, he was requested to visit the Southern Sudan where the Church Missionary Society was about to start missionary works, under the “Regulations and Conditions under Which Missionary Works is Permitted in the Sudan” in 1905 that allotted each missionary its own “sphere of influence” in the Southern Sudan (Collins 1971: 292–295, 299–305). The Sudan including the South was re-occupied by the colonial forces quickly after defeating Mahdists in a series of battles. Thus, by that time, the area now Juba (the capital of South Sudan) is located had become a triple-junction of the colonies, the Belgian Congo (Lado Enclave, with Lado as its capital) to the west of the Nile, and the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (with Mongalla as its southernmost 4 In the overall introduction of the volume, Owens sharply casts doubt on K&T’s conclusion, and calls for further careful consideration on the acrolect, which Jenkins might have been familiar with. 5 I appreciate Mr. Rihito Shirata for providing me photographs of Meldon (1913). James Austin Meldon was in charge of the Nile Province whose chief garrisons were at Gondokoro and Nimule (both now in South Sudan), until the military evacuation of the province and rearrangement of the KAR in 1907–1908, after which they concentrated at Bombo (Moyse-Bartlett 1956: 144), now the largest Nubi settlement in Uganda. 6 Miller (2014) assumes that Meldon described “the Southern Sudanese military pidgin believed to be the ancestor of both J[uba] A[rabic] and Ki-Nubi”. 7 The copy I currently use is the one kept at the National Army Museum, London (Accession no. 2012-03-9, letters and papers relating to Lt. W. F. B. R. Dugmore). 8 See Cook (1945: 313) and Foster (1968; 1974; 1978). The medical school founded by Cook foreshadowed the governmental scheme of medical training initiated under Gerald Joseph Keane and Hugh Brindley Owen in 1924, which became the cornerstone of the Makerere University School of Medicine. It is not surprising that Owen and Keane in 1915 composed the medical vocabulary of six languages particularly for the use of Uganda Native Medical Corps, since they were aware of the importance of training native Ugandans for their service in the East African Campaign (Owen & Keane 1915; Keane 1920; Keane & Tomblings 1920). MORE ON EARLY EAST AFRICAN PIDGIN ARABIC 415 post) and the Uganda Protectorate (with Gondokoro as its northernmost post) to the east of the Nile, until the death of Leopold II in 1909 and the Sudan-Uganda border rectification in 1914. Around the first decade of the 20th century, it was reported that “Nubi” was spoken among populations of both eastern and western banks of the Nile or Baḥr al-Jabal (Leonardi 2013). This is quite natural because each colonial force had employed ex-soldiers of the old Ottoman Egyptian “Sudanese” army who were close brothers to Nubi (Luffin 2006). It was, of course, spoken by the Nubi themselves, but also by locals as a lingua franca 9. Arriving at Mongalla in 1905, Cook realized that Nubi was widely “spoken and understood from the Murchison Falls [in Uganda] 250 miles south of this [Mongalla] up to here”, and it was “a sort of Lingua Franca like Swahili, and understood by many among the Acholi, Madi, Bari, and Latuka, as well as the Nubians and the Soudanese” (Soghayroun 1981: 163) 10. Thus, he first studied Nubi before learning Bari and Dinka (Foster 1978: 134). 3. Cook’s Nubi vocabulary “In camp [Mongalla] in the evenings, Albert busily studied Nubi, […] or sat around the camp fire with his porters eliciting from them their life’s stories. Some had travelled very widely and had great adventures.” (Foster 1978: 132). Seemingly, Cook first learned Nubi from his accompanies who had come all the way from Uganda with him, like his servant called Domola who was bilingual in Luganda and Nubi (Cook 1945: 216). More interestingly, Cook made use of a certain Arabic Grammar, and Domola interpreted its “Arabic” words into Nubi equivalents (Foster 1978: 134, cf. Section 4). During this trip, he compiled Dinka and Nubi Vocabularies in 1905 (unpaginated manuscript, 148pp.), now kept at Makerere University Library Archives 11. This could be one of the hitherto-known earliest records of Nubi 12. Against expectations, however, Cook (1905) is hardly more than a word-list for Nubi students 13. No phonological or grammatical sketch is available and even full sentences are rare. Nonetheless, it provides interesting data to re-examine the linguistic and sociolinguistic state of the Early Nubi. Cook (1905)’s vocabularies consists of four sections on each page, listing, from left to right, English, Dinka (Bor dialect), Nubi, and a more decent variety of Arabic (often put in [brackets]). This “Arabic” actually represents Cairene Arabic and there are orthographical and lexical evidences to believe that it is basically taken from a popular textbook Green (1887), although it also lists a few items which Cook might have collected locally. Now, let us look into some features of Cook’s “Nubi” in comparison with his “Arabic”. Hereafter, Cook (1905)’s “Arabic” is abbreviated as C05-A, and his “Nubi” as C05-N 14. 9 Meldon (1902a) reports, on the Nile Province, that “[t]he Arabic language is understood all over the country by all the Chiefs and a large number of the natives, very much the same as the Swahili further down country”. For example, A Bari chief told him in Arabic: “Balad bita Bari ata-kule gabba” (the Bari country is now all jungle) (Meldon 1902b), missing their prosperity in the good old days. Barlow (1903) reports “Arabic as spoken by the Askaris obtained in all places [in Latuka country] up to Obira” (near Ikotos, South Sudan). Also note that Meldon (1910) writes that, when he first visited the Latuka country, his Bari orderly could communicate with a Southern Latuka chief, who remembered Samuel Baker and Emin Pasha, in “Arabic”. At least some retired Nubi soldiers who served in the Nile Province settled themselves in Gondokoro and Nimule even after 1914. They formed, together with the veterans of the Anglo-Egyptian army, a civilian quarter called malakīya in South Sudanese towns like Juba. Their descendants still speak a Nubi-like Juba Arabic variety as their first language. 10 Cf. Cook (1945: 222): “from Fajao [near Murchson Falls] on the Nile, through the Madi and Bari countries to about twenty miles north of Mongalla, i.e., over a distance of some three hundred and twenty miles”. 11 The current system titles it “Dinka vocabulary, 1956” under the access number AR/MAK/97/7. An old library card records the original title and accession number as “Cook, Sir Albert R. Dinka and Nubi Vocabularies. 1905. MS 496.424-3 COO”. Welbourn (1967) has mentioned the existence of this manuscript at Makerere University. Foster (1978: 134) notes that Cook also made a rough grammar of Nubi. 12 My earliest (published) attestation of Nubi is in the paragraph appearing in Ansorge (1899: 223): The Soudanese by my side called out “Eiva, kalass, mut.” I know but a few words of Arabic, but understood this to mean “Yes, he is done for, he is dead.” 13 The introductory part provides 37 pages of phonological and grammatical sketches of Dinka Bor. 14 The following sections also use the following abbreviations: J09 (Jenkins 1909), M13 (Meldon 1913), O&K15 (Owen & Keane 1915), DEF ‘definite article’, F ‘feminile’, IRR ‘irrealis’, JA ‘Juba Arabic’, M ‘masculine’, NEG ‘negative’, PL ‘plural’, 416 SHUICHIRO NAKAO 3.1. Phonological features Among many characteristic features observed in C05-N, let us focus on the phonological reconstruction of Early Nubi as proposed by Avram (2015): retention of consonantal gemination, velar fricative, and word-final stops that are all lost in Nubi 15. Avram’s claim is based on the independent evidences attested in the other vocabularies. For example, compare: battal (J09), battāl (M13) battal (O&K15) ‘bad’ (SA. baṭṭāl, Nubi batâl, JA batâl); khashma (J09), khashma (M13), khasma (O&K15) for ‘mouth’ (SA khashum, Nubi kásuma, JA. kásuma); genib (J09), gannab (M13), gennib (O&K15) for ‘sit/stay/live’ (SA. gannab, Nubi géni, JA. géni). At first sight, these data seem to imply that Early Nubi still retained these features, but does not explain the shared appearances in Nubi and JA. In this regard, C05-N provides batal ‘bad’, kashuma ‘mouth’, and gen ‘sit’. Thus, now we can conclude these features were certainly lost even in Early Nubi at least in a purest basilect which would be the exact proto-basilect of Nubi and JA. It also appears that Cook distinguished these features since he lists the pairs contrasting (Early) “Nubi” vs “Arabic” as: lisa vs. lissa ‘yet’ (Nubi lísa), alim vs. allam ‘teach’ (Nubi álim), kafu vs. khaif ‘afraid’ (Nubi káfu), keto vs. khayyat ‘sew’ (Nubi kéitu), wele ‘boy’ vs. welad ‘boy’ (Nubi wéle), wayi vs. wahed ‘one’ (Nubi wáyi). Therefore, the hypothesis that Early Nubi in the first decade of the 20th century was unstable is disconfirmed. We can tell that C05-A reflects Cairene Arabic, since it consistently has gīm as contrasted in the following pairs (C05-N vs. C05-A): jebel vs. gabal ‘mountain’ (Nubi jébel), waija vs. waga ‘hurt’ (Nubi wája), arija vs. raga ‘return’ (Nubi árija). This feature was used as a criterion by K&T to distinguish the basilect and acrolect. 3.2. Fossilized *alThe Arabic definite article al- is often fossilized in Nubi (but in general, not in JA16). While sometimes the other Early Nubi vocabularies lacks *al-, e.g. angarīb (J09), angareeb (M13), and angarib (O&K15), C05-N well retains it. (1) C05-N Nubi JA SA langiri ‘bed’ lengerê/nengerê angerêb (al-)‘angaˈrēb luseri/leseri ‘maize’ leserî aserîf (al-)‘ēš-ˈrīf, or ēš ar-ˈrīf libira ‘needle’ líbira íbira (al-ˈl)ibra ajol ‘man’ ajôl/azôl zôl/jôl (az-)ˈzōl anas ‘people’ anâs nâs (an-)ˈnās 3.3. Pronominal system 17 The pronominal system of Nubi (and JA) is quite simple. The “independent” pronouns (2) are always used except in the possessive pronominal system (3) consisting of the possessive marker ta or bita with fossilized “bound” pronouns. POSS ‘possessive’, PROG ‘progressive’, SA ‘Sudanese Arabic’, SG ‘singular’, and 1/2/3 for first/second/third persons. The Nubi and JA forms are collected me. The other language forms are taken from published sources, but I omit the references to avoid intricacies. 15 Velar fricative and gemination are almost non-existent in Nubi, while word-final stop are unpredictably retained or lost in Nubi. Actually, C05-N retains more word-final stops than Nubi today. 16 Rural JA haphazardly retains some *al- forms, such as anâs ‘people’ and lahárba ‘spear’ (SA. harba). Interestingly, the fossilized *al- forms are often retained as loanwords in South Sudanese vernaculars, e.g. Bari laŋkeret ‘bed’, libirit ‘jug’ (cf. Nubi libirî, JA. ibrîk/ibrît, SA. ibrīg ‘jug/kettle’); South Sudanese Acholi loceri, Latuka (ol)oserri, Didinga locyêri, Ma’di loceri ‘maize’; Acholi libira, Päri libira, Latuka alibira, Ma’di libira ‘needle’. Cook (1905) describes Dinka as having *alforms in Arabic loanwords, such as langareb ‘bed’. It can be assumed that JA lost the *al- forms due to the continued contact with (or relexification by) SA. 17 C05-N lists a sentence in which the usage of each forms are well represented: ana talabu ita kalaso banya bitana (1SG demand 2SG finish debt POSS.1SG) ‘nkumanja [sic, in Luganda: I demand you to pay back my money (your debt)]’. 417 MORE ON EARLY EAST AFRICAN PIDGIN ARABIC (2) 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL 3PL (3) 1SG 2SG 3SG 1PL 2PL PL C05-N 18 ana ita uwa nina itakum uma ~ nyashuma Nubi & JA. ána íta úwo ína ~ nína ítakum úmon J09; M13; O&K15 ana; ana; ana inta; enta 19/enti; inta hūa/hīa; huwa/hiya; hua nīna; nahnu; nihna entū; entum; entu hūma; hūm; huma C05-N bitana bitita bito Nubi & JA. 20 taí, bitaí, etc. táki, bitáki, etc. tô, bitô, etc. J09; M13; O&K15 bitai; bitai; bitai bitak; bitak; bitak bitau; bithu; bitau bitanina teína, bitanína, etc. bitatina/bitanīna; bitana; bitatna 21 bitako tákum, bitákum, etc. bitanyashuma toúmon, bitoúmon, etc. bitakom; bitakum; bitakom bitahom; bitahūm; bitahum Among the “independent” pronouns, ‘2PL’ form represents an important isogloss of the African Arabic pidgins/creoles including southwestern Chadian Arabic pidgins 22. While the other sources (J09, M13, and O&K15) do not attest this form, C05-N does. On the other hand, C05-N’s pronominal system looks strange to modern Nubi and JA, since they do not have the 1SG and 2SG possessive forms as appearing in C05-N. Archaic JA, however, uses the similar forms bita ána ‘POSS 2SG’ and bita íta ‘POSS 2SG’ (with some assertive sence) 23. C05-N’s nyashuma ‘3PL’ and bitanyashuma ‘POSS.3PL’ are also heard in archaic JA as nas-úmon (PL-3PL) ‘3PL’ and bita nas-úmon ‘POSS 3PL’. 3.4. Preverbal ge ‘progressive’ (< SA. gā‘id) Nubi and JA share two preverbal particles and a zero form which mark primary aspects and moods, namely: ána bi já (1SG IRR come) “I will come”, ána gí já (1SG PROG come) “I am coming”, ána Ø já (1SG PFV come) “I came”. While bi and zero form had been attested in the early sources, gí had not. Based on this, Avram (2015: 186) suggested that the TAM system “appears not to have been fully crystallized”. However, C05-N attests it. (4) ajol de ge muto (man DEF PROG die) ‘That man is about to die’ gilidu bitana ge waija. (body POSS.1SG PROG hurt) [‘My body hurts.’] raso bitana ge faga (head POSS.1SG PROG explode) ‘[I have a] headache’ ana ge haki uwa (1SG PROG exalt 3SG) [‘I exalt him’], cf. haki ‘exhalt [sic]’ 3.5. Negation with ma and mafi Today, Nubi has two negative markers (in general, freely interchangeable) mâ before or after the predicate (Ugandan Nubi often uses post-predicate mâ), and máfi (originally an existential ‘there is 18 Cook (1945: 222) lists itako for ‘2PL’. C05-N lists uma for ‘they’ and nyashuma for ‘them’, but these translations are quite unlikely. C05-A lists ana ‘1SG’, enta ‘2SG’, and hooa ‘3SG’. 19 Meldon (1913: 5) notes that enta ‘thou’ is “often pronounced ita”. 20 As a rule, the longer forms less frequently appear in Nubi (usually limited to elders), but quite popular in JA. Cf. C05-N jua bita ter (house POSS bird) ‘nest’, ida bita yomin/shomal (hand POSS right/left) ‘right/left hand’, maria bita murum (woman/wife POSS deceased) ‘widow’, and jina bita musikin (child POSS poor) ‘orphan’. 21 Cf. Avram (2015: 165). Interestingly, bitátna is used as a mesolectal form in JA without gender reference, while this (etymologically female) morpheme -t does not co-occur with the other persons. 22 Derendinger (1912) uttukum, Muraz (1931) inntoukoum, and Luffin (2007) índukum. This form is not attested in any other Arabic dialects, while Nakano (1994: 112) records ntak ‘2SG.M’ and ntiš ‘2SG.F’ in Zanzibar Arabic. 23 These forms are attested in early South Sudanese and Congolese sources (Nakao, forthcoming). 418 SHUICHIRO NAKAO not’) after the predicate. JA only has pre-predicate mâ. C05-N seems to record post-predicate mafi and pre-predicate ma which, in one case, co-occur. Post-predicate mafi is not attested in the other Early Nubi sources 24. (5) ana akara mafi (1SG defecate NEG) ‘[I] constipate’ arufo mafi (know NEG) ‘unaware’ ita manamfa (2SG NEG-profit) ‘togasa’ [in Luganda: ‘You are useless’], cf. namfa ‘profit’ ana magedere mafi (1SG NEG-be.able NEG) [‘I am not able’] 3.6. Lexicon C05-N. records many exact Nubi forms, including borrowings and calques from vernaculars (some of them are shared with contemporary vocabulaires). For example, asma ‘name’ (Nubi asma), nangarato ‘nose’ (Nubi nyangáratu), nyeshito ‘forget’ (Nubi nesítu), atako ‘laugh’ (Nubi átaku), moya ena (water eye) ‘tear’ (Nubi moyo-éna ~ mwěna), raso jua (head house) ‘roof’ (Nubi ras-júwa), kibira ‘forest’ (Nubi kibira from Luganda), danga ‘bow’ (Nubi dángá ~ adángá from Bari), labolo ‘banana’ (Nubi lobolo from Bari) la/lo dwar ‘hunter’ (cf. Nubi dwar ‘hunt’ from Lwo), awa ‘aunt’ (Nubi áwá), and so on. 4. Sociolinguistic situation of the Early Nubi: concluding remarks What we learn from Cook’s Nubi vocabulary is twofold. First, it attests the linguistic features that are expectable from the comparison of Nubi and JA but are not recorded in the other sources, e.g. losses of phonological features, the pronominal system, the TAM marker ge, and negative marker mafi. Therefore, now we may conclude that the conservative features in J09, M13, and O&K15 could be explained, at least partly, as a sort of Arabic-directed standardization that many researchers have implied. Second, what is more important, Cook does also record the acrolect corresponding to his contemporaries (and actually used it to elicit Nubi). Although for now I am not fully equipped to answer who used it how, I would point out that what follows should be taken into account. 4.1. British officer’s Arabic in the Nile Valley When the British soldiers (whose lowest rank was bimbashi ‘major’) came to occupy Egypt and Sudan after the Anglo-Egyptian War and the Sudan Campaigns (1880s–90s), they needed to communicate with their men, many of whom originated from the Southern Sudan, in a variety of Arabic. It was often a broken/pidgin Arabic called “Bimbashi Arabic” (Nakao, forthcoming), but there were attempts to acquire a more decent variety, namely Egyptian (Cairene) Arabic. One of the most important works is A Practical Arabic Grammar compiled by Major Arthur Octavius Green of the Egyptian Army, whose first edition was “issued, sheet by sheet, to the English Officers serving in the Egyptian army, the Gendarmerie, and the Police” (Green 1887: v). It appears that this work was also used by British officers commanding Nubi soldiers in East Africa. Actually, Major Pulteney (1896) suggested to officers going to Uganda to bring a copy of Green (1887). As mentioned earlier, judging from the orthography and wording, Cook’s “Arabic” vocabulary is most likely taken from the same work. It is also worth mentioning that, since 1893, British officers who became competent in (Egyptian) Arabic during their service in the Sudan Campaign came to be appointed to command Nubi soldiers (Moyse-Bartlett 1956: 57). 24 Similar constructions are attested in Southwestern Chadian Arabic pidgins. MORE ON EARLY EAST AFRICAN PIDGIN ARABIC 419 4.2. Sociolinguistic value of the acrolect From the above arguments, it became clear that Cairene Arabic was used in the communication between the British military officers and their Nubi soldiers. Cairene Arabic, however, was perhaps more than just an oral command-language, but also it may have been used for literal communications between them. On deployment of the Uganda Rifles, Major Ternan (1896) suggests that “[a]t headquarters there should be a native Arabic-English translator, a reliable man, capable of checking the Arabic Returns sent in by the officers commanding companies”. This suggestion actually appears to have been executed, since there are some Arabic correspondences kept at archives possibly written by Nubi. For example, Meldon (1913) holds a letter written in classical Arabic with a few (Egyptian) colloquialisms from his orderly, Rehan Effendi, who was born near Tunis, grew up in Cairo, and came to Gondokoro with Samuel Baker (cf. Meldon 1908). Two other Arabic writings possibly written by Nubi in 1897-1898 are kept at the National Army Museum (London), in a file relating to Lt. W. Dugmore (see note 7). One is written in Arabic full of (Egyptian-Sudanese) colloquialisms, while the other is written in a mixture of Luganda and Runyoro with an invoice in a (partly) pidginized Arabic. Given that a “higher” variety was actually in use, it would be possible to regard the Early Nubi community as a pseudo-diglossic society. However, for now, it remains unclear who were exactly the Nubi “minority” (as Jenkins mentioned) who were competent in the acrolect. References 25 Ansorge, W. J. 1899. Under the African Sun: A Description of Native Races in Uganda, Sporting Adventures and Other Experiences. London: William Heinemann. Avram, A. A. 2015. “An Early Nubi Vocabulary”, Romano-Arabica 15. 155-192. Barlow, C. C. L. 1903. “Report on the Latooka and their Country”, CP no. 8345/19(i). Collins, R. 1971. Land beyond the Rivers: The Southern Sudan, 1898-1918. New Haven & London: Yale University Press. Cook, A. R. 1905. Dinka and Nubi Vocabularies. Manuscript. Makerere University. Cook, A. R. 1945. Uganda Memories (1897–1940). Kampala: The Uganda Society. Derendinger, R. 1912. “Notes sur le dialecte arabe du Tchad”, Revue Africaine 56. 338-370. Foster, W. D. 1968. “Doctor Albert Cook and the Early Days of the Church Missionary Society’s Medical Mission to Uganda”, Medical History 12 (4). 325-343. Foster, W. D. 1974. “Makerere Medical School: 50th Anniversary”, British Medical Journal 14 (3). 675-678. Foster, W. D. 1978. The Church Missionary Society and Modern Medicine in Uganda: The Life of Sir Albert Cook, K.C.M.G., 1870-1951. Newhaven: Newhaven Press. Green, A. O. 1887-1893. A Practical Arabic Grammar (2 vols). Oxford: Clarendon Press. Jenkins, E. V. 1909. An Arabic-English Vocabulary with Grammar & Phrases. Kampala: Uganda Company. Kaye, A. S., & Tosco, M. 1993. “Early East African Pidgin Arabic”, Sprache und Geshichte in Afrika 14. 269-305. Keane, G. J. 1920. “The African Native Medical Corps”, Journal of the Royal African Society 19. 295-304. Keane, G. J., & Tomblings, D. G. 1920. The African Native Medical Corps and the East African Campaign. London: Richard Clay & Sons. Leonardi, C. 2013. “South Sudanese Arabic and the Negotiation of the Local State, c. 1849-2011”, Journal of African History 54 (3). 351-371. Luffin, X. 2004. “L’analyse de deux lexiques de l’arabe véhiculaire parlé dans l’État Indépendant du Congo (1903 et 1905)”, Annales Aequatoria 25. 373-398. Luffin, X. 2006. “Les recrues soudanaises: d’État Indépendant du Congo (1892-1894): un épisode méconnu de l’histoire des Nubi”, Luffin, X., & Denooz, L. (eds.) La géographie dans le monde oriental: In honorem J. Thiry. Louvain: Peeters. 123-134. Luffin, X. 2007. “Pidgin Arabic: Bongor Arabic”, Versteegh, K. et al. (eds.) Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguitics, vol. 3. Leiden: Brill. 634-639. Meldon, J. A. 1902a. “Report on the Nile District”, CP no. 7954/81(i). Meldon, J. A. 1902b. “Report (with map) on the Bari tribe”, CP no. 7954/81(i). Meldon, J. A. 1908. “Notes on Sudanese in Uganda”, Journal of the Royal African Society 7. 123-146. Meldon, J. A. 1910. “The Latuka”, Journal of the Royal African Society 9. 270-274. 25 CP stands for the Confidential Print, published in Patridge, M. & Gillard. D. 1995. British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part I, Series G, vol. 16, Kingdom of Buganda and British Uganda, 1895–1904. University Publications of America. 420 SHUICHIRO NAKAO Meldon, J. A. 1913. English Arabic Dictionary of Words and Phrases Used by the Sudanese in Uganda. Manuscript, SOAS MS.53704, University of London. Miller, C. 2014. “Juba Arabic as a Written Language”, Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29. 352-384. Moltedo, G. 1905. Petit vocabulaire des langues arabe et ki-swaili. Bruxelle: Monnom. Moyse-Bartlett, H. 1956. The King’s African Rifles: A Study in the Military History of East and Central Africa, 1890-1945. Aldershot: Gale & Polden. Muraz, G. 1926. Vocabulaire du patois Arabe Tchadien ou “Tourkou” et des dialectes Sara-Madjinngaye et Sara-M’Baye (S. O. du Tchad). Paris: Charles Lavauzelle. Nakao, S. forthcoming. “Pidgins on the Nile: Europeans and Broken Arabic, from Egypt to Uganda”, The Proceedings of AIDA 10. Doha: Qatar University Press. Nakano, A. 1994. A Basic Vocabulary in Zanzibar Arabic. Tokyo: ILCAA. Owen, H. B., & Keane, G. J. 1915. An Abbreviated Vocabulary in Hindustani, Luganda, Lunyoro, Swahili, Nubi. Bukalasa: White Father’s Printing Press. Owens, J. 1990. “East African Nubi: Bioprogram vs Inheritance”, Diachronica 7. 217-250. Pulteney, W. P. 1896. “Suggestions by Major Pulteney to Officers going to Uganda”, CP no. 6940. Soghayroun, I. Z. 1981. The Sudanese Muslim Factor in Uganda. Khartoum: Khartoum University Press. Struck, B. 1928. “A Bibliography of the Languages of the Southern Sudan”, Sudan Notes and Records 11. 217-226. Ternan, T. 1896. “Major Ternan to Mr. Berkeley”, CP no. 6861/22(i). Welbourn, F. B. 1976. “The Impact of Christianity on East Africa”, Low, D. A., & Smith, A. (eds.) History of East Africa, vol. 3. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 383-422. Wellens, I. 2005. The Nubi Language of Uganda: An Arabic Creole in Africa. Leiden: Brill. Wtterwulghe, G.-P. 1899, 19032, 19043. Vocabulaire à l’usage des fonctionnaires se rendant dans les territoires du district de l’Uele et de l’enclave de Redjaf-Lado. Bruxelles. LE PETIT PRINCE IN ALGERIAN ARABIC: A LEXICAL PERSPECTIVE ALDO NICOSIA University of Bari Abstract: The aim of this paper is the lexical analysis of the Arabic Algerian (AA) version of the novella Le petit prince, by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, signed by Talbi and Brousse. In order to make the readers grasp the outstanding pioneering role of this work, I decided to put it in the context of the complex linguistic map of Algeria and the on-going battle for/against the so-called darija, in the ideological framework of the campaign of arabization, since independence to nowadays. Le petit prince, apart from its several versions into Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), was translated into the three main varieties of Maghrebi Arabic. Through the analysis of a collection of lexical data, I try to underline which strategies the translators used to re-write and renegotiate the source text (ST) in a totally different cultural context, by means of the intelligent domestication of idioms and figurative expressions. I discuss cases of translation choices that sometimes make the target text (TT) closer to a MSA register, rather than to AA, and search for ideological or mere stylistic justifications. It seems also useful to compare it with the Tunisian (TA) and the Moroccan (MA) ones, and sometimes with two MSA translations. Each of the Maghrebi versions shows that the so long despised darija has all of the elements that enable it to be a flexible language for a creative literature, and represents an important step towards the break-down of the traditional label stating that MSA is only written and not spoken, whereas darija is only spoken and not written. Keywords: Algeria, arabization, darija, domestication, idiom, sociolinguistics. 1. Introduction In this paper I provide a lexical perspective of the Arabic Algerian (AA) version of Le petit prince, by Antoine de Saint-Exupéry. It was signed by Talbi and Brousse 1, in 2008, more than a decade after the publication of the Tunisian Arabic (TA) version, and one year before the Moroccan Arabic (MA) one 2. This novella counts several translations in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) 3, among which I analyze two, to make comparisons. My levels of investigation do not touch the grammatical categories (morphology and syntax) nor the orthographic and phonological components 4: even if they are important to evaluate the text, their analysis will bring me too far, in the chaos of reading and spelling processes. I collected lexical items (words, phrases and expressions), chosen more often according to a qualitative criterion than a numerical one (ex. number of occurrences), and analyze them and their suitability in the context of the sentence. While grammatical choices are limited by a closed set of options, the latter ones are made from open-ended sets and are largely optional. I am aware that lexicon is not the only parameter to evaluate a translation, but the word is the first unit to be taken into consideration by the translator, and to find a direct equivalent is the first issue that a translator has to face (Baker 1992: 39). The notion of Zahiya Talbi (Zāhiya Ṭālbī) has been teaching colloquial Arabic for more than twenty years. Lucienne Brousse is a specialist of linguistics and audio-visual methods in language teaching. I found superficial reference to their work in the Algerian online press. Among the most accurate ones I quote Bouredji 2008. 2 Both the TA and MA translations were signed by two well-known researchers and supporters of their national mothertongues, respectively Hedi Balegh (Hādī al-Bāliġ), in 1997, and Abderrahim Youssi (‘Abd al-raḥīm al-Yūsī, in 2009). A Lebanese Arabic version was realized by the renowned poet and writer Maurice ‘Awwād, in 1986. 3 As for the two MSA translations, one was published, without date, by the Lebanese Yūsuf Ġaṣūb, and will be referred to as MSA1. The other one was realized in 2011, by the Moroccan al-Tihāmī al-‘Ammārī, hereafter MSA2. 4 The issues related to orthography conventions are analyzed by Mion 2007 and 2013 1 422 ALDO NICOSIA equivalence is undoubtedly one of the most problematic and controversial areas in the field of translation theory. It is obvious that by avoiding grammatical categories, I also chose to avoid an analysis of formal equivalence that binds to find reasonably equivalent words and phrases while following the forms of the source language as closely as possible. I justify this choice, considering the morphological and syntactic difference between the French ST and the Arabic TT. The most important factor I chose to evaluate is if the TT is able to produce “in the receptor language an effect as close as possible to that obtained on the reader of the original message” (Nida & Taber 1969: 12), to make certain that he/she understands accurately the message carried by the ST. But by simplifying the language of the ST the great risk is to reduce its literary value. I will discuss how figurative images in the ST are transformed, and, no matter how varied the ways of expression of languages are, if they keep the same or similar functions in the translated text. Then, I will consider if translators chose expressions that sound “natural” to the receptor, or if they keep "foreignness". In this sense, I believe that a balance is the right solution between the choice to respect the original context, explaining metaphors, on the one side, and the cultural elements of the ST language, on the other side: summing up, “a translation should be read like a translation”(Savory 1968: 50). 2. Sociolinguistic situation of Algeria The context in which Le petit prince has been translated and published in Algeria is useful to understand the pioneering role of this initiative, especially if we consider that in this country, according to Benrabah, language conflict has always been a marker of political conflict caused by a cultural “top-down” policy, that ignores the different ethnic and linguistic groups (1999: 21). Since the first years of independence, the arabization policy chosen by Ahmed Ben Bella and his successor, Houari Boumedienne, was conceived to contrast French and local languages, such as colloquial Arabic and Tamazight, so to create a monolingual nation with an Arab-Islamic identity, independent from all western and internal influence. Even before independence, Messali Hadj, pioneer of Algerian nationalism used to consider AA (together with Berber languages) instruments of French colonialism to divide the Algerian people: in any case, a dialect, not a language, contaminated by too many foreign words, a charabia, unable to “vehiculer une culture superieure” (ivi: 124). 2.1 AA in schools? The same politics were adopted by the FLN and the following governments. Arabization in Algeria and all the laws to apply it turned up to complicate the social scenario (Grandguillaume 1995). The Algerian educative system was so severely damaged: at school the usage of AA was forbidden, and that created a complex of linguistic guilt in the young generations. According to some, the unforgivable crime that teachers committed was to vilify the verbal repertory of students, expressed in AA 5 (Benrabah 1999: 151). A recent plan to introduce the teaching of local varieties of Arabic in primary schools was among the proposals issued in the Conference nationale sur l’evaluation du système éducatif algérien, held in summer 2015. The Algerian minister of education Nouria Benghabrit-Remaoun declared that the aim was “to not shock pupils at this early stage of education”6 and to make it easy learning all 5 In the sixties, because of its severe lack in educational staff, Algeria called thousands of teachers from the Middle East, and among them there were many Islamists and Islamic Brotherhood members. 6 www.arabeyemedia.org.uk/social-media/2015/7/31/language-conflict-flares-in-algeria. Among some courageous attempts in this direction, we mention that in 1969, as a reaction to the law on arabization, a group of teachers asked, in an open letter published by Jeune Afrique, the usage of Algerian Arabic in the schools (quoted by Benrabah 1999: 56). LE PETIT PRINCE IN ALGERIAN ARABIC: A LEXICAL PERSPECTIVE 423 subjects 7. She found, moreover, that the contents of the textbooks left a “poor” place granted to national heritage, including popular poetry. The proposal has reignited language conflict in Algeria: a violent campaign led by members of parliament of conservative and islamist parties and associations condemned it, asking for her resignation, in Arabic media and social networks. They considered it “a dangerous precedent in the history of the Algerian education system, a violation of the constitution and the laws of the republic, and a threat to national unity and social harmony” 8. 2.2 Publishing in AA Throughout her interesting essay Les mots du bled, Caubet underlines the “almost impossibility” of publishing in AA (2004) 9: theatre is one of the cultural fields where the fight between MSA and AA has been going on since its first steps in 1920s. In the sixties, along with the policy of arabization the conflict became stronger (Bencharif-Khadda 2003: 114). The playwright Abdelkader Alloula was successful in bridging the gap between the two varieties, even though the cultural establishment was not yet ready to accept it (ivi: 115). But when it comes to written texts, that is the most important focus in my article, he was a pioneer in publishing them in their original language, darija, since they were usually available in a translation/ adaptation in French, realized by the same playwright. But that has been a unique case in the Algerian intellectual panorama, if we consider that, for example, the masterpieces of Kateb Yacine have never been published in AA, neither in a bilingual version. In the literary field, some attempts were realized by Benhadouga’s (Bin Haddūqa) novel Rīḥ alğanūb (“The wind of the south”, 1970); MSA is dominant there, but for cultural elements such as proverbs, popular songs he uses AA, “in order to be faithful to the context so that to keep the original words of characters and to set up speech boundaries between them according to their social and educational levels”, according to the analytical study of Benhaddi (2012:46). In the eighties the writer al-Sā’iḥ shocked the cultural establishment with his novel, Zaman Nimrūd, (“Times of Nimrud”, 1986), not only because of the subject (he denounces the corruption of the nomenklatura in his hometown Saida), but also of his choice of extensive AA throughout the text. Obviously, it was censured by government and its copies were burned. Many intellectuals have stressed the necessity to give an official status to AA. Among them, Amine Zaoui, a famous Algerian writer, declares: “La darija (…) est la langue de nos meilleures pièces théâtrales, (…) de Alloula, de Medjoubi, de Kateb Yacine, de Ould Kaki… (…), de nos meilleurs poètes Benkhlouf, Benkriyou, Benghitoune, El Khaldi, Ould Zine”(2015). Kamel Daoud, a prominent writer, winner of Goncourt prize, has recently written his manifesto for what he calls the “Algerian language” (not including the adjective “Arabic”): Ceux qui vous disent que l’algérien comme langue n’existe pas, vous disent simplement que vous n’existez pas (...). Aujourd’hui en Algérie deux castes parlent arabe, langue morte, aux Algériens, peuple vivant: les élites politiques et les élites religieuses. (...). Ceux qui disent que l’arabe est une langue morte, menacent la domination de la caste et ses intérêts (2013). He adds that died languages considered themselves pure, while living languages thrive because of the exchange among other languages (ivi). Outside Algeria, and particularly in Europe, the first work to be published in Maghrebi Arabic is a translation of some of the renowned novellas written by the duo Sempé-Goscinny, Le petit Nicholas, with the title: Nicolas ṣ-ṣghir beddarija. Lughat Franṣa. This Arabic has been recognized as one of the languages of France, since 1999, when this country signed the European charter of regional and 7 www.echoroukonline.com/ara/mobile/articles/250626.html. www.elkhabar.com/press/article/86494. 9 The last two years witnessed the publication of some dictionaries, or the re-print of old ones: Ben Sedira, 2015, Beaussieur & Bencheneb 2015, Madouni-Lapeyre 2014, Birrashid 2013, Aziri 2012. Moreover, in spring 2015, the catholic centre Les Glycines organized a big conference about AA, see Bouchakour 2015. 8 424 ALDO NICOSIA minority languages in the Europe Council. So it has been translated into the three main varieties found in Maghreb area 10. 3. Translation choices 3.1 The title of the novella AA AA (blog) 11 MA TA ‫اﻷﻣﯿﺮ اﻟﺼﻐﯿﺮ‬ Sliṭen ‫اﻷﻣﯿﺮ اﻟﺼﻐﯿَﺮ اﻷﻣﯿﺮ اﻟﺼﻐﯿَﺮ‬ The MA and TA versions opted for a diminutive form of the adjective of the title “petit”, while the AA version of an anonymous translator, available on a blog in the Internet, presents the term Sliṭen, that is the diminutive form of the Arabic term “sulṭān”: it seems culturally closer and more suitable to the Arab collective imagery, and able to recreate a fairy tale atmosphere. It is interesting to note that it is only written in Latin characters, has no determinative article, and presents a capital first letter as if it were a name of person. 3.2 Primary and secondary choices This is the unique chart based over quantitative data. The two translators swing between two or more AA terms for only one found in ST, no doubt to express the fertile varieties of AA, but sometimes according to unknown rules. AA1 designates the primary translation choice, that's the most frequent term. AA2 stands for the second or third choice. The Egyptian intellectual Salāma Mūsā, in the sixties, in his famous essays invited writers and intellectuals to purify MSA from about over-abundance of synonyms or near-synonyms, “which are so characteristic of Arabic” (quoted in Suleiman 2003: 185). ST item adorer ami avoir besoin 10 AA1 ‫ﻣﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻻزم‬ beaucoup chose croire de donner du tout encore ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺰاف‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫ظﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎع‬ ‫اﻋﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫زاد‬ AA2 ‫ﻋﺰﯾﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺒﯿﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﯿﻒ ﻋﻠﯿﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻰء‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎب‬ ‫دﯾﺎل‬ ‫ﻣ َﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺎع‬ ‫ﻋﺎود‬ enfant fatigue fois gens il parait ‫وﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﯿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮة‬ ‫ﻧﺎس‬ ‫ﯾﺒﺎن ل‬ ‫دري‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮة‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎد‬ ‫ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ل‬ It contains 9 histories, 3 in MA, 3 in AA and 3 in TA. Each of them presents double form: Arabic characters and Latin character transcription, based on phonetics. They were translated by: Jihane Madouni-Lapeyre, Amine Hamma, Abdelwahid Fayala, under the direction of Dominique Caubet. Numbers are used to stand for some consonants, such as 7 for ‫ح‬, 3 for ‫ع‬, and 9 for ‫ق‬. Almost all names of characters have been readapted to an Arab context. For example, Alceste and Rufus became Ḥamīd and Ziyād, Sometimes names of places have been substituted with Maghrebi famous ones, like Hammamet. 11 Translations are available for only chapters I, X and XI, in a blog: https://slitendz.wordpress.com/. 425 LE PETIT PRINCE IN ALGERIAN ARABIC: A LEXICAL PERSPECTIVE ‫ﺟﺎب ﻟﻲ رﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮد‬ ‫ﺟﺎي‬ mais ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺼﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ‬ manteaux ‫ ﺑﺮﻧﻮس‬12 ‫ﻟﺒﺎس‬ oisif ‫ﻛﺴﻼن‬ ‫ﻓﻨﯿﺎن‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻮل‬ ouvrir ‫ﺣ َﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺢ‬ parler ‫ھﺪر‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻢ‬ peut-être ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬ ‫وﻗﯿﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻك‬ ‫ﺗﻮاﻟﻢ‬ place ‫ﻣﻀﺮب‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺻﺔ‬ pouvoir ‫ﻧﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺪر‬ quelques ‫ﻛﺎش‬ ‫ﺷﻲ‬ regarder ‫ﺧﺰر‬ ‫ﺷﺎف‬ roi ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻚ‬ s’asseoir ‫ﺟﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﻌﺪ‬ savoir ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎل‬ ‫ﻋﺮف‬ si (hypothetical clause) ‫ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫اﻻ‬ ‫اذا‬ toujours ‫داﺋ ًﻤﺎ‬ ‫دﯾﻤﺎ‬ trouver ‫ﻟﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎب‬ vieux ‫ﺷﺎرف‬ ‫ﺷﺎﯾﺐ‬ comme ‫ﻛﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺎل‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ّ‫ﺣﺎب‬ vouloir ‫ﻣﺎذا ﺑﻲ‬ il y a ‫ﻛﺎﯾﻦ‬ 4. Classicisms When AA, like many other spoken languages, presents a deficiency in terminology, translators may use loanwords from MSA, or circumlocutions, if they want to avoid the first solution. We find in our text many classicisms that translate common and widespread terms that have a precise AA equivalent. So, it is not easy to understand why the translators decided to swing between AA terms and MSA ones, to translate the same French term. Here is a list of some examples: ST item MSA arbre ‫ﺷﺠﺮة‬ au monde ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬ comprendre la vie ‫ﻓﮭﻢ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺤﯿﺎة‬ retourner se passer soleil soulever village 12 ‫ ﻗﻔﻄﺎن‬is the localizing term used in MA translation, see Nicosia 2013. ‫رﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﺎر‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺲ‬ ‫رﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﯾﺔ‬ AA ‫ﺳﺠﺮة‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺪﻧﯿﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﮭﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻧﯿﺎ‬ ‫وﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺮا‬ ‫ﺳﻤﺶ‬ ‫رﻓﺪ‬ ‫دوار‬ 426 ALDO NICOSIA 4.1 Purifying Algerian Arabic? Throughout the text, it is clear that translators aim at avoiding some very popular and widespread terms found in AA, especially French (often arabized) loanwords. The ideological principle that underlies the translation choices is to create an Algerian linguistic corpus that could be the expression of the conscience of a national identity, and to reach this aim they considered important to purify the AA from any foreign terms, substituting them with MSA equivalents. In the opposite direction, the MA and TA translations integrated several foreign terms, absorbing and naturalizing loanwords especially from French, without any complex of guilt. Sometimes the MSA equivalents sound somehow heavy and surely not found in everyday speech. I suggest in the second column the terms that everyone should have expected to find in an AA text. MSA lexical item Suggested AA equivalent ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﯿﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ع اﻟﯿﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﯿﺴﺮى‬ ‫ع اﻟﯿﺴﺮى‬ ‫ﻗﺎل ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ‬ ‫ﻗﺎل ﻓﻲ روﺣﮭﺎ‬ ‫)طﺮح )أﺳﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﺼﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺰاف‬ ‫ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺰاف‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺪوام‬ ‫دﯾﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺎر‬ ‫ﺗﺮان‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮك‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺗﻮر‬ ‫رﺑﺎطﺎت اﻟﻌﻨﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮاﻓﺎﺗﺎت‬ ‫ھﺪﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎدو‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﯿﻠﻮ‬، ‫ﻛﺮﯾﯿﻮن‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺨﻼء‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﺤﺮاء‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﻤﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﯾﺴﻠﺐ اﻟﻌﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﺎب ﺑﺎﻟﺰاف‬ ‫ھﺪﯾﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎدو‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄﯿﻞ‬13 ‫( ﺑﺎن‬panne) ‫ﻣﻦ ﻓﻀﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺻﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﻛﺪ‬ 4.2 Comparing AA and MA translations As I stated before, MA translation, as well as TA, has adopted many French arabized loanwords. Here are some examples, but I remind that there are some cases where MA text follows a MSA translation: ST item AA MA à carreaux ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻌﺎت‬ ‫ﺿﺎﻣﺎ‬ boulon ‫ﻟﻮﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻮن‬ chapeau ‫ﻣﻈﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺑّﻮ‬ cheminée ‫ﺷﻮﻣﯿﻨﻲ ﻣﺪﺧﻨﺔ‬ cravates ‫ﻛﺮاﻓﺎﺗﺎت رﺑﻄﺎت اﻟﻌﻨﻖ‬ rhume ‫ﻧﺰﻟﺔ‬ ‫رواح‬ stylographe ‫ﻗﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﯿﻠﻮ‬ 13 13 Elsewhere, to translate the expression “tomber en panne”, the translators use the verb ‫ﺣﺒﺲ‬. 427 LE PETIT PRINCE IN ALGERIAN ARABIC: A LEXICAL PERSPECTIVE 5. Algerianity found in translation? Brousse and Talbi showed a good amount of originality and creativity, offering solutions where one can savour the taste of typical AA constructs or expressions. The emphasis on quantity (in French “très”) is so realized by the repetition of the same term, or sometimes, like in the last two example of the list below, with the rhetorical device of consonance. ‫ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ و ﺗﻔﺴﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﻮا ﺳﻮا‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﯿﺮ ﺻﻐﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺢ ﺻﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﯿﻒ ﻛﯿﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﯾﺮ داﯾﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎھﻠﺔ ﻣﺎھﻠﺔ‬ besoin d’explications exact brusquement, aussitôt droit très petit vraiment le même autour très facile In the following two expressions, AA touch imposes itself and seems more effective than MSA solutions. • “N’est-ce pas?” is translated with ‫ ﯾﺎك‬, an AA and also MA kind of emphatic interrogative particle, similar to the English “Isn’t it”? • “Je vous en prie” is domesticated as ‫ﯾﺮﺣﻢ واﻟﺪﯾﻚ‬, literally “(God) have mercy of your parents”, a typical Maghrebi expression used to express a strong request, with respect and kindness. 6. Denominations To translate some denominations, the translators chose circumlocutions, that sometimes seem very heavy and long. For example, it is interesting to compare the translation of the term “allumeur de réverbères” in the three main Maghrebi varieties. The TA translation presents only one choice throughout the chapter, where the term is repeated many times, while the MA translation offers many terms. Among them I chose to record only two: the first one seems periphrastic and explicative, whereas the second one is constructed by ‫( ﻣﻮل‬literally “master”), that is used mainly in Morocco. AA ‫ﺷﻌﺎل اﻟﻔﻨﺎر‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎرﺟﻲ‬ MA TA ‫ﻗﻨﺎدﻟﻲ دﯾﺎل اﻟﺸﻌﯿﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪم‬ ‫ﻣﻮل اﻟﺸﻌﯿﻞ‬ • “Roi” is translated sometimes as ‫ ﻣﻠﻚ‬and sometimes ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎن‬. The latter seems, as I stated before, while discussing about the title of the novella and elsewhere in the text 14, more connotative and suggestive than the former, much more neutral. • “Village” becomes ‫ﻗﺮﯾﺔ‬, very literal and denotative, or ‫دوار‬, more connotative, that indicates a typical village in the Maghreb area 15. • “Astronome”: ‫ ﻓﻠﻜﻲ‬or ‫ﻧ َﺠﺎم‬. The latter term means “astrologer” in MSA. • “Vaniteux” is rendered with three terms. The first one to be introduced is ‫ﻣﺨﻠﻮع ﺑﺮوﺣﮫ‬, then followed, after just a few lines, by ‫ زواخ‬and at last we find the MSA ‫ﻣﺘﻜﺒﺮ‬, that creates a semantic shift towards a more negative meaning. P13F P14F 14 15 P P Such as the case of the expression “plus puissant que le doigt d’un roi”, where roi is translated as “sultan”. Under French colonialism it designated an administrative division of the Algerian countryside. 428 ALDO NICOSIA 7. Arabo-Islamic idioms and domestication Baker (1992: 20) argues that the TT language has no direct equivalent for a word which occurs in the ST. By “closest”, she means the most ideal one. Nida particularly stresses that “a natural rendering must fit the receptor language and culture as a whole: the context of the particular message and the receptor-language audience” (1964: 167). The translator finds himself/herself in a big dilemma: how to recreate the author's intentions, without making them clash with the culture and the Weltanschauung of the TT reader. So, to make it understood clearly, it is necessary to change the perspective of the ST, by means of a domestication process, as I will argue in some of the following examples: • “Quand le mystère est trop impressionant”. Here the difference between the AA and the TA translations is so impressive. The latter seems to domesticate the expression in an Arab-Islamic fairy tale atmosphere, made up of jinns, preceded by a strong exclamation, Lā ilāha illā Allāh, literally a part of the Islamic profession of faith, or šahāda. AA ‫ﻛﯿﻜﻮن اﻟﺴﺮ ﻋﺠﯿﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺰاف‬ TA ‫ﻻ اﻟﮫ اﻻ ﷲ! ﻗﺪاﻣﻲ إﻧﺲ وﻻ ﺟﻦ‬ • “Rien n’est parfait”. Only the MA offers the shortest and most effective translation, even though it introduces the new concept of “the perfection of God”, that is not found in the ST, or in the other four analyzed translations. All of them try to get closer to the original, adding only the term “world” or “cosmos”. AA MA TA MSA1 ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺷﻲء ﻣﺎ راه ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻزم ﯾﻜﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻤﺎل ہﻠﻟ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻤﺎﻟﯿﺎت ﻣﺶ م اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ھﺬا‬ ‫ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻲء ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻮن‬ • “Tant bien que mal” is translated as ‫ﷲ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ‬, (literally “God is powerful”), an idiomatic expression which shows lack of responsibility for the results of a performed action. The journalist Belabbès denounces the misuse of that expression in the Algerian society: “Allah Ghaleb signifie que ‘ce n’est pas ma faute’. (...), c’est la faute de personne, en même temps (...), un argument pour diluer les responsabilités: derrière les effets, il y a la Cause. Dieu est le dernier mot” (2015). ‫ﺷﺎء ﷲ‬ (“J’essaierai, bien sûr, de faire”) “des portraits le plus ressemblants possible” ‫ﺗﺼﺎور اﻟﻲ ﯾﺸﺒﮭﻮا ﻟﮫ ان‬ • “Tâche d’etre heureux”: ‫أن ﺷﺎء ﷲ ﺗﻜﻮن ﺳﻌﯿﺪ‬ The French imperative “tâche” expresses an invitation to make some efforts to be happy, whereas the Arabic translation, using inšā'Allāh (God willing) creates a more passive and indeterminate perspective. • “Je me crois”. ‫ﺟﺎب ﻟﻲ ﷲ‬ Starting from the literal translation “God brought me (knowledge or feeling)”, it stands in AA for: “It seems to me”, “I guess”. • “Au hazard” becomes ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎب ﷲ‬, and the similar expression “au tout hazard”, ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺰھﺮ‬, is object of a rare case of consonance between two different languages such as Arabic and French, since the term “hazard” etymologically comes from the MSA ‫( زھﺮ‬dice), that in all the Maghrebi varieties stands for “chance”. • “des arbres grands comme des églises” LE PETIT PRINCE IN ALGERIAN ARABIC: A LEXICAL PERSPECTIVE 429 The AA version substitutes “églises” with ‫( ﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬mosques), together with the MA one, that uses the more specific term “‫ ”ﺻﻤﻌﺔ‬that in Morocco stands for “minaret”. So the image of the church is deleted, and I argue, not to make the local reader understand better, since they are supposedly familiar with churches, but to eliminate a foreign culture and religion symbol 16. The TA translation, together with the two accessed MSA ones, leaves the image unchanged, opting for a faithful reproduction of the ST symbolic charge. AA ‫راھﻮ ﺳﺠﻮر طﻮال ﻛﻤﺎ اﻟﻤﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ MA ‫ھﻤﺎ ﺷﺠﺎر طﻮال ﻗ ّﺪ اﻟﺼﻤﻌﺔ‬ TA ‫( ﺷﺠﺮه ﻛﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻛﻨﯿﺴﯿﮫ اﻛﺒﯿﺮه‬...) MSA1 ‫ﯾﻌﺎدل ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪة ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﻜﻨﯿﺴﺔ‬ MSA2 ‫ﺷﺠﺮ ﺿﺨﻢ ﺑﻄﻮل اﻟﻜﻨﺎﺋﺲ‬ • “La musique de la messe de minuit”. It is another clear example that shows the trend of the translators to delete a Christian imagery, to recreate ex-novo a local Arab-Islamic one. In both the AA and TA versions, the term “messe” is transformed into “‫”ﺻﻼة‬, that stands for the canonical Islamic prayer, while the MA one chooses to shift the concept towards the place where prayer is performed, the church, and no longer a mosque, as in the previous example. AA ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺳﯿﻘﻰ ﻣﺘﺎع ﺻﻼة ﻧﺺ اﻟﻠﯿﻞ‬ MA ‫اﻟﻤﻮﺳﯿﻘﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﻨﯿﺴﺔ‬ TA ‫اﻟﻣوﺳﯾﻘﻰ اﻣﺗﺎع ﺻﻼة ﻧص اﻟﻠﯾل‬ • “L’arbre de Noel”. The AA version is extremely literal, whereas the TA translator is sure that his readers know the French term “Noël”. The MA text shifts from the concept of Christmas towards the character of Santa Claus, as it happens elsewhere, so that it becomes ‫( ﺣﻔﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﯾﻞ‬sic). AA ‫ﺳﺠﺮة ﻋﯿﺪ ﻣﯿﻼد اﻟﻤﺴﯿﺢ‬ MA ‫ﺷﺠﺮة ﺑﺎﺑّﺎ ﻧﻮﯾﻞ‬ TA ‫ﺷﺠﺮه ﻧﻮال‬ • “Habiller mon coeur”, translated as ‫ ﻧﻠﺒﺲ ﻗﻠﺒﻲ‬, is not easy to understand for any Arabic mother tongue reader, since it is a calque from French. We also found the same translation in the TA, but in that case it turns up to be more easily understood, since the concept of “habiller” (to dress something or someone) is contextualized with the expression ‫( ﺑﺪﻟﺔ اﻟﻌﯿﺪ‬the dress of the feast). In this case I believe that a sort of awkwardness in translation is acceptable, and may enrich Arabic language. 8. Conclusions In the introduction to the translation of Le petit Nicholas, Caubet states: “Nous faisons ainsi le choix de l’authenticité, sans chercher à fabriquer une langue médiane maghrébine artificielle dans laquelle personne ne se reconnaitrait”. (2013: 13). The AA translation of Le petit prince seems very accurate and coherent, in spite of some inconsistencies, and moreover brings in itself a big civilisation project: to build a language that welcomes a great number of linguistic variables, because of the big dimension of the country, to give voice and written space to an Algerian national identity, but purified from French and other foreign languages loans. My opinion is that closing the permeability of AA to other non Arabic influences is not a wise philosophy, because it adopts the same principles of exclusion and 16 The MA translation goes further, substituting the neutral salutation form “Bonjour” with the Islamic “as-salām ‘alaykum”. See Nicosia 2013. 430 ALDO NICOSIA discrimination that inspired the arabization process of Algeria. In any case, the two translators were able to prove that the so long time despised darija is a flexible language for a creative literature, not only oral/spoken, but also written. It never happened in the history of the Arab world that a language may be at the same time written and spoken (apart from religious and official circles). The AA can be launched to satisfy the need of a unified and unifying language, both written and spoken, in a country where it has always been an instrument of political power, to divide the Algerian people and make them slave of an imposed language and mentality. References al-Sā’iḥ, Ḥabīb. 1986. Zaman Nimrūd, Alger: al-Mu’assasa al-waṭaniyya li’l-kitāb. Aziri, Mohamed Nazim. 2012. Dictionnaire des locutions de l’arabe dialectal algérien, Alger: Anep. Baker, Mona. 1992. In other words: a coursebook on translation, London & New York: Routledge. Beaussier, Marcelin, & Ben Cheneb, Mohamed. 2015. Dictionnaire pratique arabe-français. Alger: OPU. Belabbès, Ilhem. 2015. “In cha’ Allah/Allah Ghaleb: the système binaire national”, Tribune ouest, www.ouestribunedz.com/fr/in-chaallah-allah-ghaleb-le-systeme-binaire-national/ (accessed 14 september 2015). Ben Sedira, Belkacem. 2015. Dictionnaire français-arabe de la langue parlée en Algérie. Alger: Khettab. Bencharif-Khadda, Jawida. 2003. “Le théatre algérien”, Europe. 111-127. Benhaddi, Karima. 2012. Spotlights on dialect use in Benhadouga’s popular culture. Novel Rih El Djanoub, dissertation of the University of Naama, http://dspace.univ-tlemcen.dz/bitstream/112/2343/1/Thesis-Karima-BENHEDDI.pdf. (accessed 12 august 2015). Benrabah, Mohamed. 1999. Langue et pouvoir en Algérie, histoire d'un traumatisme linguistique. Paris: Séguier. Bin Haddūqa, ‘Abd al-ḥamīd. 1971. Rīḥ al-ğanūb. Alger: al-Šarika al-waṭaniyya lil- našr wa’l-tawzī‘. Bouchakour, Walid. 2015. “Langue et culture. Engouement pour le dialectal”. www.elwatan.com/hebdo/arts-etlettres/parlons-algerien-02-o5-2015293696_159.php. (accessed august 2015). Bouredji, Fella. 2008. “Le petit prince en arabe dialectal, un retour aux sources”, La Tribune online, www.latribuneonline.com/culture/1482.html, 20-6 (accessed 23 june 2015). Caubet, Dominique. 2004. Les mots du bled, Paris: L’Harmattan. Daoud, Kamel. 2013. “Le manifeste de ma langue”, www.algerie-focus.com/blog/2013/06/djazairi-le-manifeste-de-malangue-par-kamel-daoud/. (accessed 15 august 2015). De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. 1946. Le petit prince. Paris: Gallimard. De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. 1997. al-Amīr al-ṣġayyer. Tunis: al-Dār al-tūnisiyya li’l-našr. De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. 2008. al-Amīr al-ṣġīr. Alger: Barzaḫ. De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. 2011. al-Amīr al-ṣaġīr. Casablanca: al-Markaz al-ṯaqāfī al-‘arabī. De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. 2011. al-Amīr al-sġayyer. Rabat: Kalimate. De Saint-Exupéry, Antoine. No date. al-Amīr al-ṣaġīr. Beirut: al-Manšūrāt al-‘arabiyya. Grandguillaume, Gilbert. 1995. Arabisation et politique linguistique au Maghreb. Paris: Maisonneuve. https://slitendz.wordpress.com/, 2014. (accessed 16 june 2015). Madouni-La Peyre, Jihane. 2014. Dictionnaire arabe algérien-français: Algérie de l'ouest. Paris: L’Asiathèque. Mahdi Birrashid. 2013. Mu‘ğam al-‘āmmiyya al-dzīriyya bi-lisān ‘arabī mubīn. Alger: Vescera. Mion, Giuliano. 2007. “La versione del Piccolo Principe in arabo tunisino”, in Fazzini, Elisabetta (ed.) Ricerca didattica tra due sponde, Atti della convenzione internazionale tra l’Università G. D’Annunzio di Chieti-Pescara e l’Université 7 Novembre à Carthage di Tunisi. Lanciano: Barabba. Mion, Giuliano. 2014. “Nuove versioni del ‘Piccolo Principe’ in arabo maghrebino”, Fazzini, Elisabetta (ed.) Culture del Mediterraneo: radici, contatti, dinamiche. Milano: LED. Nicosia, Aldo. 2013. “Le petit prince in Moroccan Arabic”, Romano-Arabica XIII. 273-288. Nida, Eugene, & Taber, Charles. 1969. The Theory and Practice of Translation. Leiden: Brill. Nida, Eugene. 1964. Toward a Science of Translating. Leiden: Brill. Savory, Theodore. 1968. The art of translation, Boston: The Writer. Sempe & Goscinny. 2013. Nicolas ṣ-ṣghir beddarija. Lughat Franṣa. Paris: IMAV. Suleiman, Yasir. 2003. The Arabic language and national identity: a study in ideology, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Zaoui, Amine. 2015. “Langue vivante ou langue de vie?”, Liberté Algérie, www.liberte-algerie.com/chronique/languevivante-ou-langue-de-vie-285 (accessed 10 september 2015). LE LEXIQUE DE L’AẒAWĀN. UNE APPROCHE ETHNOLINGUISTIQUE AHMED SALEM OULD MOHAMED BABA Universidad Complutense de Madrid Résumé : L’Aẓawān est le nom de la musique traditionnelle mauritanienne conservée par les chanteurs professionnels nommés Īggāwən qui ont contribué aussi à la conservation d’un grand nombre de poèmes anciens grâce à la transmission orale de génération en génération. Cet article offre le lexique de cet art musical original mélange de musique arabe, ṣanhāža et africaine. Mots-clés : Aẓawān. Lexique de la musique mauritanienne. Dialecte ḥassāniyya. Dialectologie arabe. Lexicologie arabe. 1. Introduction Cet article presente le lexique de l’Aẓawān, patrimoine musical des BiÌān 1 qui est associé à la poésie en arabe dialectal Ḥassāniyya et en arabe classique. L’accent sera mis sur une analyse du point de vue ethnolinguistique des éléments culturels de cet art (la séance de l’Aẓawān, les voies musicales, les modes musicaux, les instruments, les chansons, les musiciens, etc.). Commençons par une définition pratique de L’Aẓawān. L’Aẓawān est la musique traditionnelle des BiÌān chantée par les Īggāwən (chanteurs traditionnels professionnels) sur tout le territoire du Trāb əl-BiÌān « territoire des BiÌān » (La Mauritanie ; le Sud-ouest de l’Algérie, le Sahara Occidental et l’Azawad au Mali). Le mot Aẓawān provient du zénaga et signifie étymologiquement « récit poétique ou récit poétique accompagné de musique ». Ce sont les Īggāwən qui ont conservé à travers la transmission orale cet art de génération en génération tout au long des siècles de son existence. 1.1. Bref historique de ce genre musical Selon l’historien et ethnographe mauritanien Muxtāṛ Wuld Ḥāmidun, les chanteurs mauritaniens ont hérité l’art de la chanson de génération en génération. Ils connaissent parfaitement la musique et ses lois. Cette musique était au début du style arabe, mais avec Seddūm Wuld Ndaṛtu (1122-1227 / 17101812), des éléments de la musique africaine sont introduits et c’est aussi à ce moment-là que l’Aẓawān a été structuré de la façon que nous connaissons actuellement (Wuld Ḥāmidun 1990: 89) 2. Selon le musicologue Saymāli Wuld Hämmäd Vāl 3, cette musique a une origine arabe, mais son originalité consiste en son métissage avec la musique ṣanhāža et africaine 4. 1 Appellation que les populations d’origine arabo-berbère du Sud-ouest saharien s’attribuent. Wuld Ḥāmidun semble oublier l’apport ṣanhāža qui est pourtant bien évident dans les désignations d’origine zénaga présentes dans le lexique de l’Aẓawān. 3 Saymāli Wuld Hämmäd Vāl (1946-2006) fut un musicologue mauritanien et īggīw descendant de deux des familles les plus importantes des chanteurs de la Mauritania. Surnommé Ziryāb mūrītānyā, il est l’auteur d’un ouvrage inédit sur la musique des BiÌān intitulé al-muḥīṭ fī mūsīqā šinqīṭ. Dans le cadre de la préparation de la semaine culturelle mauritanienne à Las Palmas de la Grande Canarie, tenue au mois de décembre de 1992, à laquelle nous avons participé, j’avais saisi l’occasion pour m’informer sur cet art et j’ai eu le privilège d’écouter les explications qu’il me donna en tant qu’expert en l’aẓawān. Les entretiens que j’ai eus avec lui et les notes que j’ai prises constituent la base du document qui m’a servi pour préparer cet article sur l’aẓawān. 4 Entetien tenu à Las Palmas de Grande Canarie en décembre 1992. 2 432 AHMED SALEM OULD MOHAMED BABA H.T. Norris considère que « l’Azawān est un genre de musique arabe » (Norris 1968 : 69). Le musicologue M. Gignard affirme que : « Cette musique s’est construite au travers de multiple interactions avec le Maghreb comme avec la zone soudanaise pour aboutir à un système savant et original » (Guignard 2007 : 1). L’histoire de cette musique n’a pas encore été écrite à cause notamment du manque de sources, mais il est logique de penser que durant les siècles de son existence, elle a subi l’impact des soubresauts de l’histoire du Trāb əl-BiÌān. La plupart des auteurs qui ont traité le sujet s’accordent sur l’originalité de cette musique et les apports respectifs des zénagas, des Arabes et des Africains. Dans le contexte historique de la société des BiÌān, chaque groupe social avait un rôle et ce sont les Īggāwən qui formaient la classe sociale ayant comme profession l’art musical. La tradition orale nous dit que c’était dans l’Emirat de Wlād Mbārək (XVIIIe siècle) que l’Aẓawān s’était développé jusqu’à atteindre son apogée grâce à l’appui des chefs guerriers, les émirs qui s’étaient entourés de griots lesquels chantaient leur courage, leurs exploits guerriers et leur générosité. C’est ainsi que ces chanteurs professionnels, les Īggāwən, ont eu les rôles suivants : Faire les éloges des grands seigneurs de la société, notamment les émirs, leurs familles et leurs entourages ; enseigner et transmettre la musique traditionnelle ; conserver la tradition orale, notamment le patrimoine poétique ḥassānī en mémorisant la plupart de la poésie ancienne qui s’est conservée de génération en génération jusqu’à nos jours grâce à eux. Par leur présence dans les entourages émiraux, ils étaient aussi intégrés dans les tributs ‘ṛab5. Néanmoins ils avaient des rapports avec les tribus maraboutiques 6 qui s’occupaient de leurs formation et qui leur enseignaient la langue arabe classique et sa littérature. En effet, les īggāwən avaient l’habitude de chanter des poèmes arabes de toutes les époques et de tous les poètes et c’était chez les marabouts qu’ils les apprenaient. Les marabouts avaient été inclus dans les sujets à faire connaître aux nouvelles générations l’aẓawān, ils enseignaient aux enfants ses modes et ses voies et leur permettaient d’écouter spécialement les séances de madḥ (louanges du prophète) qui s’organisaient les vendredis soir. Il y avait beaucoup de marabouts qui étaient des poètes et qui s’étaient liés d’amitié avec les īggāwən qui chantaient leur poésie contribuant ainsi à la conserver. Il est par conséquent évident que ces deux classes sociales avaient des bons rapports. Néanmoins, la notice la plus ancienne au sujet de cette musique serait celle contenue dans un proverbe ḥassānī ancien lə-mṛābəṭ w-īggīw mā-hum aṣḥāb où le mot mṛābəṭ était compris comme marabout, mais dont le sens serait, selon feu Saymāli Wuld Hämmäd Vāl 7, « le griot et l’almoravide ne sont pas des amis ». Le musicologue et chanteur mauritanien ajouta que ce proverbe remonte au temps des almoravides quand leur chef spirituel Ibn Yāsīn ordonna que tous les instruments musicaux qui se trouvaient dans la ville de Siǧilmāsa nouvellement conquise lui soient apportés et qu’il les détruisit sur la place publique tout en interdisant dorénavant la musique dans la ville 8. Cette notice indique qu’au temps des almoravides, la musique était interdite. Mais ce n’est qu’après plusieurs siècles que nous avons des informations nous décrivant les Īggāwən et leurs instruments. La première description de l’instrument appelé ārdīn 9 date de 1685 : Elle est contenue dans l’ouvrage intitulé Premier voyage du Sieur de la Courbe fait à la coste (sic) d’Afrique en 1685 (Norris 1968 : 64). « ... La griotte tenait une espèce de harpe dont le corps fait d’une calebasse couverte de cuir avec dix ou douze cordes qu’elle touchait assez agréablement ; elle commença donc à entonner une chanson arabe assez mélodieuse… ». Les ‘ṛab désignent dans la société BiÌān tous les groupes qui ont la fonction militaire sans que cela ne renvoie à une appartenance arabe comme le fait supposer l’appellation. 6 Tribus qui avaient pour spécialité l’enseignement et la gestion du religieux. 7 Pendant longtemps, la plupart des ḥassānophones croyaient que le proverbe fait allusion à la classe sociale dite des marabouts, mais le mot mṛābəṭ dans ce proverbe signifie almoravide conformément à ce que révèle l’explication du musicologue Wuld Hämmäd Vāl, quand je lui avais demandé le sens et l’origine de ce proverbe. (Entretien au mois de décembre de 1992). 8 Saymāli a probablement à l’esprit ce passage attribué à l’historien Ibn Abī Zar‘ dans son ouvrage Rawḍ al-qirṭās fī axbār mulūk al-maġrib wa-tārīx madīnat fās : « Ibn Yāsīn fit briser les instruments de musique et brûler les établissements où l’on vendait du vin à Siǧilmāsa ». V. Roudh El-Kartas. Histoire des souverains du Maghreb (Espagne et Maroc) et annales de la ville de Fès traduit de l’arabe par A. Beamier. Paris. 1860, p 176. 9 V. infra. 5 LE LEXIQUE DE L’AẒAWAN. UNE APPROCHE ETHNOLINGUISTIQUE 433 2. Le lexique de l’Aẓawān Le lexique de l’Aẓawān et les textes poétiques qui l’accompagnent ont produit un nombre important de mots qui reflètent des notions culturelles spécifiques des BiÌān, objet de l’ethnolinguistique. Nous avons classé ces mots sous les chapitres qui suivants : 2.1. Généralités Le mot zénaga Aẓawān est synonyme de häwl (mot d’origine arabe). Ce dernier mot a subi un changement sémantique et a acquis le sens de « délice ; magnifique ; formidable », comme dans l’expression : hāḏa hawl « ça c’est magnifique ». Il y a le verbe tnahwal, yətnahwal « se régaler de musique au point de faire bouger le corps à son rythme, ou d’improviser des poèmes gīvān (quatrains) pour qu’ils soient chantés par les īggāwən dans les séances musicales. De cette même racine, il y a le nom nähwāl (pl. nähwālä) « chanteur, mélomane » 10. Un troisième synonyme est ṭaṛab souvent avec l’adjectif ḥassānī, ce mot est d’origine arabe et signifie « musique ». īggīw (pl. īggāwən ; femenin : tīggiwīt) (mot zénaga) « chanteur traditionnel qui appartient généralement à une famille de chanteurs » 11. Les īggāwən sont aussi appelés ḥayyət ähl əÌ-Ìvəṛ « les gens de l’ongle » 12. Le mot d’origine arabe synonyme est muṭṛib (pl. muṭṛibūn) et un autre synonyme est nähwāl (pl. nähwālä) « chanteur ». īggīw xāyəb « un membre des familles īggāwən qui ne connait pas le métier de ses ancêtres est taxé de xāyəb ‘loupé’ ». āmnəgri : Ce sont les premières notes des ämhāṛ « les deux cordes les plus longues de la tidinīt ». daxl-u āẓẓāy « il est emporté sous le charme de la musique ». əl-madḥ : « genre musical réservé aux chants des louanges au Prophète Muḥammad ». maddāḥ (fem. maddāḥa ; pl. masc. maddāḥa ; pl. fem. maddāḥāt) : « homme ou femme qui chante əl-madḥ ‘louanges au Prophète Muḥammad’ ». Ces chanteurs ne sont pas toujours nécessairement des īggāwən. kərzä (pl. krəz) : « longs poèmes généralement des louanges du prophète ». ‘əbṛa « note musicale ». thaydīn : Au début c’était des louanges des nobles, notamment les émirs des différents émirats puis c’est devenu des chansons pour encourager les combattants qui reviennent ou qui vont à la bataille. Actuellement, il est chanté lors de certains baptêmes ou des mariages. thaydīnä : « poème laudatif à caractère épique » (Ould Cheikh (1988 : 95). häydānä (pl. häydānāt) « chanteuse de thaydīn ». tḥažlīb : chanson que l’on chante pour les enfants ; berceuse. təbrāʿ : « genre exclusivement féminin. Il s’agit de chants et poèmes amoureux des femmes anonymes composés pour un amant anonyme » (Ould Mohamed Baba 2014 : 80). əš-šännä : Séance de musique informelle et improvisée par des jeunes pour laquelle elles utilisent le ṭbäl « tambour » et ou les chants collectifs sont le plus important. C’est souvent la formule employée pour chanter le genre təbṛā‘. nägrä, inägri : « fredonner ». bärbär, ibärbär, tbarbīr : « lancer des cris de joie (les hommes) » en écoutant la musique. zaġrat, izaġrat : « lancer des « youyous » (les femmes) ». baṛm (pl. baṛmāt) : notes musicales pour marquer le changement d’un mode musical à un autre. təbṛām « le fait de changer le mode musical ». ṛadda (pl. ṛaddāt) : « ton musical (d’un morceau) » (Taine-Cheikh 1991 : 765). 10 V. infra. Il semble qu’il y avait aussi le mot īvrīw pour désigner les griots africains. 12 Expression qu’utilise le griot əl-Ḥaḍṛami Wull əl-Mäyddāḥ. L’ongle est une référence à l’organe qui joue les cordes 11 434 AHMED SALEM OULD MOHAMED BABA āẓẓāy : « la musique instrumentale ». näšīd : « chanson ; hymne », exemple: näšīd al-kitāb « chanson du libre » etc. ġənnāyä : (pl. ġənnāyāt) « chanson ». ṛgaṣ, yəṛgəṣ : « danser ». ṛagṣa (pl. ṛagṣāt) « danse »· Il y a des danses traditionnelles associées aux chansons ašwāṛ comme par exemple : yä ən-nʿāmä žāk əd-därās (danse qui imite la chasse des autruches) ; Knu (danse qui imite un oiseau blessé). gāv (pl. givān) : « quatrains ». ṭalʿa (pl. ṭlə‘) : « poème de plus de 6 hémistiches ». tlāwəḥ, yətlāwəḥ : « danser en prenant des grands airs ». näygaṛ, inäygaṛ : « danse exécutée par deux hommes qui croisent des bâtons dans l’air comme s’il s’agissait des épées ». Cette même danse reçoit aussi le nom de lə‘b əd-däbbūs. ḥāṣ šäwṛ : « reconnaître rapidement un šawṛ en écoutant les premières notes ». C’était au début un jeu pédagogique visant à enseigner l’Aẓawān aux enfants et aux jeunes. Il est devenu par la suite une activité ludique pour tester les connaissances musicales de l’auditoire. kaḥḥal əl-‘ūd : « enseigner aux jeunes comment jouer la tidinīt. Pour cela, les maîtres marquaient en noir les point du ʿūd où ils devaient mettre le doigt pour chaque note, ‘əbṛa ». Réaction de l’auditoire : Les exclamations pour exprimer l’enthousiasme : wallāhi əllä haḥ! « olé » ; haḥ! « olé » ; äski! « olé » ; haḥ w-äski! « olé ». 2.2. La séance de musique BiÌān : les modes musicaux de l’Aẓawān et leurs composantes Tel qu’il a été conservé jusqu’à nos jours, l’Azawān est basé sur deux éléments : le mode et la voie. Le mode Ìhaṛ (pl. Ìhūṛa) ou bḥaṛ (pl. bḥūṛ), il y en a 5 dont l’ordre est le suivant : kaṛṛ (premier mode), vāġu (deuxième mode), lə-kḥāl (troisième mode), lə-byāÌ (quatrième mode) et ləbtayt (cinquième mode) 13. La voie : (žānba) appelée aussi ṭṛīg (pl. ṭrəg) : Il y a trois voies associées à la notion de couleur : əž-žānba əl-bayÌa « voie blanche », lə-byāÌ (litt. « la blancheur ») ; əž-žānba əl-kaḥla « voie noire » lə-kḥāl (litt. « la noirceur ») ; et žānbət lə-gnaydiyya, ou ẓṛāg (litt. : « bigarré »), (« mi-blanc minoir ») mode intermediaire entre lə-kḥāl et lə-byāÌ. Il semble que ces noms font allusion à l’origine des voies, lə-byāÌ (« blanche ») indique une origine arabe, lə-kḥāl (« noir »), une origine africaine et la voie ẓṛāg (« mi-blanc mi-noir ») serait une origine mélangée. Selon Wuld Ḥāmidun, tout l’aẓwān était de la voie blanche jusqu’à l’époque de Säddūm Wuld Ndaṛtu, à partir de laquelle il a été mélangé avec la voie noire et a été organisé de la façon que nous connaissons actuellement (Wuld Ḥāmidun 1990 : 90). Ces modes doivent suivre toujours ce même ordre 14, sauf dans des cas exceptionnels. Chaque séance commence avec la Šahāda répétée plusieurs fois : lā ilāha illā Allāh, lā ilāha illā Allāh, lā ilāha illā Allāh « il n’y a qu’un dieu Allah » et peut durer plusieurs heures durant lesquelles le chanteur ou la chanteuse passe d’un mode à l’autre tout en chantant tous les gīvān (poèmes) que les auditeurs improvisent au fur et à mesure que la séance avance, ce qui donne l’impression d’un concert continu, mais à la fois composé de plusieurs pièces qui sont les modes mentionnés. Chacun des « modes » (bḥūṛ ou Ìhūṛa) correspond à un état émotionnel que l’auditeur de la musique Aẓawān ressent. Le premier mode, kaṛṛ, est associé à la joie, au bien être, etc. Les chants sont gais. 13 Mais pour Wull Ḥāmidun (1990 : 89), ils sont 4 : kaṛṛ, vāġu, sənnīmä et lə-btayt. La raison de cette différence c’est que traditionnellement le mode sənnīma se divise en sənnīma əl-bayÌa « sənnīma blanche » et sənnīma əl-kaḥla « sənnīma noire ». 14 Il y a un proverbe mā ivāṣəl vāġu mən lə-btäyt Litt. « Il n’est pas capable de faire la différence entre vāġu (le deuxième mode qui est au début de la séance musicale) et lə-btäyt (qui est le dernier mode de aẓawān) », « il n’est pas capable de distinguer le début de la fin ». Ce proverbe indique que cet ordre des modes est bien connu. 435 LE LEXIQUE DE L’AẒAWAN. UNE APPROCHE ETHNOLINGUISTIQUE Le mode vāġu correspond à la colère, au courage et à la fierté : On y chante la gloire des émirs, des héros et des grands guerriers. On se vente de sa tribu. C’est aussi le mode des chants guerriers dont le but est d’encourager les combattants. Le mode lə-kḥāl, est le mode pour exprimer la mélancolie. Le mode lə-byāÌ sert aux souvenirs des amants : On y évoque les moments de joie passés entre amoureux et celui de lə-btäyt ou bäygi, à la nostalgie. On se souvient des beaux temps passés. On y réfléchit sur les effets du temps qui s’écoule et qui change les paysages ainsi que les hommes. Chaque mode provoque donc chez l’auditeur l’un de ces sentiments et c’est la combinaison des instruments des griots et des paroles, des poètes lə-mġanyīn qui envahissent l’auditeur et le font sentir l’indescriptible émotion de l’Aẓawān. lə-ġnä : C’est la poésie populaire en dialecte ḥassāniyyä (Ould Mohamed Baba 2005 : 208). Le mot provient de l’arabe classique ġinā’ « chant », ce qui démontre que cette poésie est composée pour être chantée. 2.3. Le rapport entre les modes et la poésie en arabe dialectal et en arabe classique. Il y a un rapport établi entre les modes musicaux et la poésie populaire ḥassān, lə-ġnä, et aussi avec la poésie en arabe classique, c’est ainsi que pour chaque mode il faut un mètre de lə-ġna et un mètre de l’arabe classique. Les griots chantent toujours des poèmes du mètre (ḥassānī ou en arabe classique) qui correspond au mode musical. Le tableau suivant résume ces rapports : modes musicaux mètres de lə-ġna mètres de l’arabe classique kaṛṛ vāġu lə-kḥāl lə-byāÌ bäygi əs-sġayyər əl-batt lə-kbīr əs-sġayyər lə-ḅḅayr lə-bayt al-xafīf ou al-basīṭ ar-ramal al-xafīf et al-basīṭ al-xafīf aṭ-ṭawīl et al-mutaqārib Durant la séance de l’Aẓawān, tous les poètes présents peuvent et doivent composer des gāv (quatrain) tout en respectant l’ordre qui vient d’être cité pour que les Īggīw les chantent. Quand l’Īggīw ne chante pas le gāv d’un poète. On dit l’expression : mässax gāv > Īggīw mässax gāv-u « Ce griot n’a pas voulu chanter son gāv (quatrain) ». 2.4. Les instruments 2.4.1. tidinīt (pl. tidänātən) (mot d’origine zénaga) : instrument de corde semblable à un luth que seuls les hommes īggāwən peuvent jouer. La tidinīt se compose des éléments suivants : 2.4.1.1. tāšəbbəṭ (pl. tīššəḅḅṭən) (mot d’origine Zénaga) : « les deux cordes les plus courtes de la tidinīt ». Il y en a trois souvent. 2.4.1.2. məhəṛ (pl. ämhāṛ) : « les deux cordes les plus longues de la tidinīt ». Les cordes s’appellent aussi ‘aṣbä (pl. ‘ṣab). 2.4.1.3. ət-tāmunānət ou ṣaydaḥ : Pièce en bois située au milieu de la caisse de la tidinīt et où sont fixés ses cordes. 2.4.1.4. əl-ʿūd : Le bâton au bout duquel sont fixées toutes les cordes de la tidinīt. 2.4.1.5. əž-žənbä : La peau qui recouvre la caisse de la tidinīt. 2.4.1.6. əl-gädḥa : La caisse de la tidinīt qui est faite généralement en bois d’ādrəs. 436 AHMED SALEM OULD MOHAMED BABA 2.4.2. ārdīn (pl. īrdīwən) (mot zénaga). (Synonyme: žāməʿ āngārä) : « instrument de corde semblable à la harpe qui est réservé aux femmes tīggawātən ». Il a une douzaine de cordes que les chanteuses apprennent à jouer dès leur jeune âge 15. 2.4.3. ṭbal (pl. ṭbūla) : « tambour ; timbale » 16. Le ṭbal était jadis utilisé dans les différents émirats pour annoncer beaucoup d’événements. Il y avait un rythme pour indiquer la victoire, ou la defaite, un autre pour l’appel général pour le rassemblement de la tribu etc. Locutions: xbaṭ əṭ-ṭbal = räddä əṭ-ṭbal = räytäm əṭ-ṭbal : « jouer du tambour ». räytām (pl. raytāma) : « personne qui joue du tambour ». 2.4.4. näyffārä (pl. nayffārāt) : « flûte en bois », généralement utilisé par les bergers mais qui peut être aussi utilisée parfois pour accompagner d’autres instruments. 2.4.4.1. d’abbāb (pl. d’abbābä) : « musicien et danseur qui joue de la flute ». 2.4.5. gaṣba : « flute longue en bois ». 2.4.6. ẓawẓāyä (pl. ẓawẓāyāt) : « instrument de vent comme la trompette ou autre ». 2.4.6.1. ähl əẓ-ẓwāẓi : « La fanfare militaire ». 2.4.7. ṛbāb (pl. ṛbāyəb) : « violon monocorde ». 2.4.8. umm zġayba 17 : « monocorde semblable au rebec ». 2.5. Les chansons traditionnelles des īggāwən : äšwāṛ et nḥāyä Il existe deux types de chansons traditionnelles transmises de génération en génération : äšwāṛ et nḥāyä. Chacune de ces chansons a un refrain. Ìahṛ əš-šäwṛ : c’est le refrain de la chanson pour le premier cas et, Ìahṛ ən-nəḥyä pour le deuxième. šäwr (pl. äšwāṛ) : Dans ce cas, le Ìahṛ əš-šäwṛ, c’est-à-dire son « refrain » est en ḥassāniyya. Les gāv « quatrains » qui l’accompagnent doivent avoir nécessairement la même rime que le refrain en dialectal. Exemple: šäwr ʿarīt (chanson de feu Maḥžūba mint əl-Mayddāḥ). nəḥyä (pl. nḥāyä) : Le Ìahṛ ən-nəḥyä « refrain » est en arabe classique. Les gāv qui l’accompagnent doivent avoir la même rime que le refrain qui est un vers en arabe classique. Exemple de nəḥyä: faʿaltu al-žūda fī sa‘din wafiyyi *** wa-ṣuntu aṭ-ṭarfa ‘an fi‘lin radiyyi Cette nəḥyä était souvent chantée par Maḥžūba mint əl-Mäyddāḥ (au cours des années 1960 du dernier siècle). Les gāv, dans ce cas peuvent être en dialecte, mais la rime doit être celle du vers en arabe classique qui est le refrain. Certains ašwāṛ reçoivent les noms de leurs auteurs qui sont généralement des griots des grandes familles des īggāwən (Ähl əl-Mäyddāḥ, Ähl Āḅḅa, Ähl Ngḏäy, Ähl ʿLäyyä etc.). 2.5.1. Quelques exemples d’ašwāṛ classique d’Aẓawān lə-bläydä : Un šawṛ du mode vāġu très connu. zämaṭṛag de Aḥmaddū Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ. əl-märxi : Un šäwṛ très ancien de Mḥammäd Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ lə-Kbīr (grand-père de əlMuxtār Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ qui l’a conservé et qui le jouait souvent). räwgāllä de ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Wuld Ngḏäy. gäyyäd-li žäml-i (un šäwṛ de l’Azawad). šəft əl-ġəzlān v-īgṛārā : Un šäwṛ que chantait Säymāli Wuld Hämmäd Vāl. əl-häwl bāgi v-axlāgi : Un šäwṛ ancien souvent chanté par Lubāba mint əl-Mäyddāḥ. ʿṛaft l-bīk šbīk : Un šäwṛ souvent chanté par Garmi mint Āḅḅä. qāyräb-bāš u-ʿlāš « Elle est jalouse comment et pourquoi ? (un šawṛ ancien) ». gäwwāt äryāmu kāmlāt 18. Ce šäwṛ est très ancien. 15 V. supra la description de cet instrument faite par un auteur français au XVIIe siècle. Le mot signifie aussi « fête ; célébration ; mariage etc. », exemple : igīsu əṭ-ṭbal « se rendre à la fête ». 17 umm zġayba (Litt : « Celle du petit poil »), allusion au fait que les cordes se faisait au début avec des poils de la crinière du cheval. 18 Selon la tradition orale, Sīd Aḥmäd Ladlīl était un guerrier de Awlād Mbāṛək très courageux qui fut blessé au cours d’une bataille et le guérisseur décida de lui couper le bras au vif. Au début, il n’en voulait pas, mais comme on savait que ce que l’émir lui demandait, il le lui donnerait, celui-ci lui demanda son bras blessé. Il accepta de le lui donner. L’émir fut venir tous 16 LE LEXIQUE DE L’AẒAWAN. UNE APPROCHE ETHNOLINGUISTIQUE 437 2.6. Quelques noms de d’Iggāwəns et tīggiwīt 2.6.1. Principales familles d’Iggāwəns Le premier griot au sujet duquel des informations assez complètes ont été conservées fut Wuld Nd̄aṛtu (1122 -1227 h/ 1710-1812), auteur du premier recueil de poèmes ḥassān19 conservé et l’arrièregrand-père du griot Sidāti Wuld Āḅḅä, considéré comme le plus grand Īggīw contemporain. Il y avait aussi plusieurs familles de griots très connues dans les différents Emirats de Tṛāb əlBiÌān (Idawʿīš, Brākna, Trārza, Ādrār) qui étaient souvent associés aux Émirs et leurs entourages : Ähl Āḅḅa, Ähl Bawba Židdu, Ahl ʿAwwä, Ähl al-Mayddāḥ, Ähl Mānu, Ähl Ngḏay, etc. Voici quelques noms de griots et griottes descendants de ces familles qui ont apporté des innovations, sans pour autant oublier la tradition de l’Aẓawān. əl-Ma‘lūma mint əl-Muxtār Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ : Elle est descendante de la famille Ähl əlMäyddāḥ qui sont une famille de griots très connus qui faisait partie historiquement de l’entourage de la famille émirale du Trārza (sud-ouest de la Mauritanie). Elle a créé un nouveau style musical inspiré du passé mais en introduisant des nouveaux instruments 20. Elle a été élue sénatrice de la ville de Nouakchott en 2006. Cette star et diva a joué sa musique aux États Unis, en France, au Canada, en Tunisie, au Maroc, au Sénégal etc. Dīmi mint Āḅḅä : décédée en 2011 arrière-petite-fille du grand poète Sāddūm Wuld Ndaṛtu, fille du plus grand chanteur mauritanien contemporain, Sidāti Wuld Āḅḅä. Elle était une grande vedette de la chanson mauritanienne moderne qui joua sa musique au niveau national et international (Maroc, Canada, France etc.). Elle chanta la chanson Rīšatu l-fanni (poème de Aḥmadu Wuld ʿAbd al-Qādir, grand poète mauritanien vivant) au festival de la musique arabe en Tunisie en 1974. əl-Ḥaḍṛamī Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ : Descendant de la famille de griots Ähl əl-Mäyddāḥ et fils de əlMuxtār Wuld əl-Mäyddāḥ, il fonda L’Orchestre National de Mauritanie en 1965 après avoir été formé en Guinée avec les membres de son orchestre. Pendant plusieurs années il joua de la musique moderne à l’occasion de certaines cérémonies ou des visites des chefs d’États etc. Cet Orchestre participa avec plusieurs chansons au premier film mauritanien mis en scène par feu Hammam Fall sous le titre de Terjit, vers la fin des années 1970 du siècle dernier. Parmi les chansons il y a des grands succès comme Yä-nnās šūfu ‘umlət-nä « Oh, gens voyez notre monnaie » composée à l’occasion de la création de l’ouguiya, monnaie nationale de Mauritanie en 1973. 3. Conclusions Le moment est venu d’écrire l’histoire de cette musique pour sauver cet important legs culturel transmis à travers les siècles mais qui, avec la modernisation rampante risque d’être oublié. Une mesure pour le protéger serait son enseignement dans les établissements scolaires comme le font tous les pays pour sauvegarder leur musique traditionnelle. Les vieux griots qui meurent emportent avec eux des connaissances acquises oralement. Si elles ne sont pas écrites pour les générations futures, ces connaissances se perdront pour toujours. Une collaboration étroite entre les linguistes, les spécialistes en tradition orale, les ethnologues, les ethnomusicologues, les historiens serait souhaitable afin de sauver ce patrimoine culturel menacé par la modernisation des īggāwən de la nouvelle génération qui préfèrent les synthétiseurs artificiels Yamaha à l’ārdīn et à la tidinīt qui sont pourtant capables de transmettre la plus vive émotion de l’Aẓawān avec toute sa dimension historique, culturelle et artistique. les griots pour qu’ils chantent son courage au moment où le guérisseur allait couper le bras. Ils commencèrent à jouer leurs tidinīt et à chanter : Gäwwāt äryāmu kāmlāt *** v-əÌÌīg mnäyn ivātən ṣabḥu ʿandu mətrāžmāt *** əl-yäwm ət-tīdänātən « il charme toutes ses fiancés quand il a des difficultés au champ de bataille. Toutes les tidinīt se sont rassemblées aujourd’hui autour de lui (pour l’encourager) ». 19 Pour sa biographie, v. Wuld Aḥmad Sālim & Wuld Ḥaddamīn (Eds.). 1997, p. 6. 20 Elle a publié, entre autres, un CD intitulé Dunya chez Marabi Produtions (Angoulème) en 2003. 438 AHMED SALEM OULD MOHAMED BABA Références A. Beamier (Traducteur). 1860. Roudh El-Kartas. Histoire des souvera’ins du Maghreb (Espagne et Maroc) et annales de la ville de Fès. Paris : Imprimerie impériale. Guignard, Michel. 2007. « Les griots maures et leur musique : origine et évolutions contemporaines », communication au Congrès des musiques dans le monde de l’Islam, Assilah, 8-13 août 2007. 4 Norris, H. T. 1968. Shinqīṭī folk literature and song. Oxford : Clarendon Press. Ould Cheikh, A. 1988. Eléments d’histoire de la Mauritanie. Nouakchott : Centre Culturel Français A. de St Exupéry. Ould Mohamed Baba, A-S. 2005. « Lə-ġnä, poesía popular en ḥassāniyya », Estudios de dialectología norteafricana y andalusí IX. 205-231. Ould Mohamed Baba, A-S. 2014. « Poesía amorosa ḥassāní exclusiva de las mujeres : ət-yəbrā‘ », al-Andalus-Magreb XXI. 79-95. Sieur de la Courbe. 1913. Premier voyage du Sieur de la Courbe fait à la coste (sic) d’Afrique en 1685. Paris : P. Cultru. Taine-Cheikh. C. 1988. Dictionnaire ḥassāniyya français. Paris. Wuld Ḥāmidun, Muxtār Ḥayāt mūrītānyā. al-ǧuz’ aṯ-ṯanī al-ḥayāt aṯ-ṯaqāfiyya.Tunis. 1990 : ad-Dār al-‘arabiyya li-l-kutub. Wuld Aḥmad Sālim & Wuld Ḥaddamīn (Eds.). 1997. Säddūm Wuld Ndyartu. Dīwān aš-šiʿr aš-ša’bī. Nouakchott : Institut Mauritanien des Recherches Scientifiques. SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT DESCRIPTION AND TEACHING OF ARABIC DIALECTS VICTOR PAK Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University Abstract: There is little doubt that specific features of the rhythmical structure of any given Arabic dialect or a group of dialects can cause major difficulties in understanding Arabic colloquial speech. Teaching and describing of the rhythmical structure of Arabic dialects is usually based on the segmentation in syllables. Syllable is regarded the minimal unit of prosodic description. The problem is that such a way of speech segmentation is usually based on previous experience in learning European languages. The result is that for instance the number of syllable types in descriptions of Damascus Arabic is rating from 8 to 22 where as in formal (Classical and MSA) and Egyptian Arabic we are usually speaking about one short (CV), two long (CVV, CVC) and two superlong (CVVC, CVCC) syllables. Such difference in number and types of syllables is due to the fact that in some Arabic dialects the syllables include consonant clusters consisting (in some cases) of two, three and even more consonants before and after a vocal (CCCvCCC). It must be noted as well that these clusters often arise as a result of the elision of short vowels (what usually takes place almost in all known Arabic dialects when a morpheme is added to a word causing the changes in syllable segmentation).The obvious similarity of morphological structure of Formal and Colloquial Arabic makes it reasonable to search for such minimal units of presentation and segmentation of Arabic speech which could be applied to the description of the rhythmical structure of different dialects. These units can be found in the medieval Grammatical Theory of Arabic. In their basic form they consist of a consonant with a short vowel (Cv) and a consonant with a zero-vowel (CØ). Combinations of these two kinds of units (which are known as ḥarfs) constitute a deep morphological structure with different variants of its realization on the surface phonetic level. Subsequently the rhythmical structure of different Arabic dialects can be presented in simple models of alternation of these two kinds of units. Keywords: Arabic dialects, Rhythmical structure, Ḥarf. 0. The linguistic situation in Arab world known as Diglossia causes a number of additional problems in learning, teaching and describing Arabic due to obvious differences between Literary (Standard) Arabic (which is in most cases the starting point in acquiring Arabic) and colloquial Arabic represented by local and local-social dialects. The Diglossia in linguistic situation has its impact on the state of research both of Standard and Colloquial Arabic from the point of view of the applied systems (methods) of linguistic analysis. The activities of medieval Arab grammarians in the field of standardization of Literary Arabic resulted in elaboration of an original (authentic) linguistic Theory which studies practically all levels of linguistic analysis. It is worth to note that the achievements of this Theory are widely adopted by contemporary Arab and Western linguistics both in theoretical descriptions of Arabic as well as in teaching Literary Arabic. As for dialects, we can say that the methods of traditional medieval Arabic linguistics are not used on a large scale in teaching and describing Arabic dialects, so this task is usually fulfilled in terms of European linguistics. It is worthy to note that the use of different systems of linguistic analysis for Literary and Colloquial has reasons in linguistic facts, one of those is that the same deep morphological structures have different realization on the surface phonetic level and first of all on the level of prosody. So the aim of this contribution is to share some thoughts and experiences in application of methods of linguistic analysis elaborated by Traditional (Medieval) Arab Grammatical Theory in teaching colloquial Arabic (of course for the students who already obtained basic knowledge of Standard Arabic). 1. Differences between Literary /Standard Arabic and colloquial varieties are usually found on all levels of linguistic analysis. On the other hand we may claim that the morphological system of Standard Arabic and dialects demonstrates more common features than differences. For instance, prof. Reem Basiouney when analyzing the facts of code switching between the Modern Standard Arabic 440 VICTOR PAK (MSA) and the Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) is remarking the following: “The only difference between the MSA and the ECA realizations of the same verb is in the vowel pattern and syllable structure” (Basiouney 2006: 31). In other words one and the same “deep” morphological structure in different varieties of Arabic demonstrates different realization on the surface phonetic level. It is well known to the teachers of Arabic that major problems for students whose knowledge of Arabic does not go beyond Standard Arabic lie in their incapability of correct segmentation and consequently understanding colloquial oral speech and the main reason of that is unfamiliar rhythmical structure of any given Arabic dialect or a group of dialects (which differ from the rhythmical structure of Standard Arabic). Hence the task is to make the students equipped with such methods of analysis and description of the rhythmic structure of all varieties of Arabic that will aid them to move from dialect to dialect and to consider them all as one system in varieties and the first step in this direction is to define the minimal unit of the rhythmic structure of Arabic (which we will call prosodema). 2. It must be noted that phonetic, prosodic as well as morphonological phenomena have got in European Arabic linguistics detailed description. Teaching and describing of the rhythmic structure of Arabic dialects is usually based on the segmentation in syllables. So syllables are regarded to be the minimal units of prosodic description. Such a way of speech segmentation is usually based on previous experience in learning and describing European languages. The result is that for instance the number of syllable types in descriptions of Damascus Arabic is rating from 8 to 22 (Klimiuk 2013) whereas in Standard and Egyptian Arabic we usually are speaking about one short (CV), two long (CVV, CVC) and two superlong (CVVC, CVCC) syllables. Such a difference in number and types of syllables is also due to the fact that a number Arabic dialects demonstrate syllables which include consonant clusters consisting in some cases of two, three and even more consonants before and after a vocal (CCCvCCC) 1. It must be noted as well that these clusters are often resulting from the elision of short vowels (what usually is taking place almost in all known Arabic dialects when a morpheme is added to a word causing the changes in syllable segmentation). Considering the description of so called morphological alternations we usually find rules in the form of prescriptions (in text-books) and statements (in researches) rather than linguistic explanation. For instance, the common rule states that if a word ends with a short vowel it becomes long when this word is attached to a pronoun (ḍarabti > ḍarabtī-hā). In such cases we are drawing the attention of our students to the fact that the lengthening of short vowels clearly indicates that a short vowel at the end of a word is to be considered not the final element of morphological structure of this word and we have to assume the presence of another element after it which mostly is not pronounced, but sometimes it is heard quite distinctly and could be easily identified as semivowel or glide: inti > intiy. 3. The obvious similarity (or even unity) of morphological structure of Standard Arabic and Colloquials makes it reasonable to search for such minimal units of segmentation of Arabic speech which can be applied to the description of the rhythmical structure of different varieties of Arabic. And as we suppose the explanation of Arabic rhythmical structure is better to begin with the explaining of vowel length because we consider it the key point in explaining the nature of Arabic prosody. It is worthy to note that in European linguistics facts of lengthening short vowels and shortening long vowels are closely related to the problem of classifying Arabic long vowels as a single undividable or binary dividable unit. The idea of binary character of Arabic long vowels was expressed by a number of scholars (N. Trubezkoy, V. Segal and others). Also some lexicographical works (A Dictionary of Egyptian Aradic of Badawi-Hinds 1986) and text-books are marking long vowels as double short vowels: /aa/, /ii/, /uu/. But the most astonishing and may be the most fruitful approach we find in the Medieval Arab Grammatical Theory. As Professor G. Goldenberg pointed out “Here the linguistic tradition of a language where length is phonemic <…> operates without having 1 For the description and discussion of types of syllables in Damascus Arabic see: Klimiuk 2013. SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT DESCRIPTION AND TEACHING OF ARABIC DIALECTS 441 recourse at all to the notion of length on the level of analysis. It might be explained as considering a long vowel to be V + an arresting 2 weak “consonant” (Goldenberg 1989) 3. In General Linguistics to similar conclusion came Nicolay Trubetzkoy on the ground of the functional equivalence of two types of superlong syllables in Egyptian Arabic – CVVC and CVCC, because both of them are met only in final position and are always accentuated (Trubetzkoy 2000: 201). It is worth noting too that the ability of a consonant to play a prosodic role was considered by N. Trubetzkoy as a salient feature of so called mora-counting languages, where a minimal prosodic unit is mora, and the speech is segmented not into syllables of different length but into equal units consisting of consonant and short vowel. 4. As a minimal prosodic unit or prosodeme, mora is equivalent to those minimal units of speech segmentation which had been adopted by the Medieval Arab Grammatical Theory. These units are known as ḥarfs. The term ḥarf has a widespread scientific usage in medieval Arab science and in general means a minimal or terminal unit of any kind. From the first day of teaching Arabic at Moscow State University, students get acquainted with the ḥarf-conception which had been developed by prof. Hrachia Gabutchan. This conception exposes the principles elaborated by the Medieval Arab Grammatical Theory for the segmentation of Arabic speech. As prof. Gabutchan pointed out the term ḥarf denotes: 1) the minimal unit of segmentation of phonetic word, 2) the minimal unit of segmentation of graphic word, 3) the minimal component of a morphological construction (Gabutchan 1992: 72-74). At first the ḥarf-conception was aiming to serve as a theoretical but may be more a practical tool for explaining morphological structure and principles of Arabic and Semitic writing. But it also turned out the minimal (terminal) unit of Arabic speech segmentation at several levels of the language system, including the levels of morphology and prosody. 5. Phonetically ḥarf appears as a complex unit which basically consists of a consonant and an inseparable from it short vowel; in this case the ḥarf is voweled (Cv). The position of a short vowel can be represented by zero-vowel (CØ); in that case it is unvoweled 4. Voweled ḥarfs (Cv) are known in Arabic Grammar as “moving harfes” (mutaḥarrik) and they are passing to a following ḥarf without pause. The other (CØ)-type of ḥarf is called “quiescent” ḥarf (ḥarf sākin) and is causing pause of two kinds: the first is perceived just as a consonantal stop; the other kind is usually perceived as a vowellengthening. To explain this kind of pause we apply to the thesis of binary character of long vowels in Arabic: when one half of a long vowel is belonging to the preceding “moving ḥarf” whereas the second half is formed by a “quiescent” ḥarf represented by glides – wāw, yā’, ’ālif and hamza – which are called “weak ḥarfes”. For example the word kabiir according to harf-conception has the following structure: ka.bi.y∅.r∅ , where the combination of the ḥarfs /bi. / and /y∅. / results on the surface phonetic level in formation of long vowel /ii/ through the transformation of the quiescent ḥarf / y∅ / into its other (“more phonological”) form ∅i: ka.bi.y∅.r∅ → ka.bi.∅i.r∅. It is worth noting too the fact of glottolization, like (ktiir > kti’r) mentioned by M. Klimiuk (Klimiuk 2013: 97). 2 Further the term “arresting” will be replaced by the term “quiescent” which in our opinion is closer to the term “sākin” used by the Traditional Arabic grammar Theory) 3 This concept of medieval grammarians has a great practical value and deserves in our opinion broad application in teaching Arabic because it can be used as an easy and adequate way to explain the students the nature and morphological ground of Arabic vowel length; even there will be no harm if students begin learning words containing long vowels with the pronunciation of glides what will help them avoid mistakes in accentuation, the more as glides are really pronounced in some dialects instead of the second part of a long vowel. 4 Referring to the Ḥarf-conception of H. Gabutchan, A. Sanches (Sanches.1974) pointed out that since Ḥarakat cannot be separated from the consonant and do not constitute an independent articulation they cannot be considered as vowels in a full sense and consequently Ḥarf cannot be interpreted as a consonant. 442 VICTOR PAK Combinations of these two kinds of ḥarfs – moving and quiescent – constitute the rhythmical structure (or rhythmical appearance) of any given Arabic linguistic variety 5. In Standard Arabic basic word patterns usually remain unchanged i.e. voweled ḥarfs preserve their vowels when connecting with other words or morphemes (nazala / nazalat “went down he / she” ) so we can say that Standard Arabic demonstrates relatively direct presentation of morphological structure on the phonetic level whereas in Colloquial Arabic such presentation needs a number of additional rules regulating accentuation and alternation of moving and quiescent ḥarfes (nizil / nizlit “went down he / she”). When explaining prosodic rules of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic we see that in some cases they are familiar to the students from learning Standard Arabic. For instance, both Standard and Egyptian Colloquial Arabic are prohibiting clusters of two and more quiescent ḥarfs. In both varieties these clusters are resolved by using epenthetic (linking) vowels but the range of application of this rule is different because of the vowel case-markers in Standard Arabic. The absence of such markers in ECA causes the existence of forms like bitna “our house” (< beet +na) where weak quiescent ḥarf is dropped. But in other dialects the situation is more complicated so we are observing long consonant clusters. Nevertheless it can be supposed that this is just the reason to describe them in terms of ḥarfs 6. Another important factor which has an impact on surface rhythmic structure is accentuation. In some cases it can bring quantitative changes into word structure by adding a ḥarf (mostly glide) which is not only pronounced but sometimes is written as letter: yiygi “he comes”; bitḥibbiyni “you (m/f) love me”, etc. Ḥarf is a convenient unit for quantitative measuring the length of a word and explaining the rules of accentuation: for instance, in ECA usually it is enough to count two ḥarfs from the end of a word and the first voweled ḥarf after them will be under stress (’i.k∅.ti.b∅. → ’i.k∅.ti.bi.y∅ “write you masc/fem”). In the word ’i.k∅.ti.bi.y∅ the shift of stress is caused by adding the vowel /i/ which as pointed out above implies the presence of another (often) unpronounced element, in this case – the ḥarf /y∅/ - which must be taken in consideration when counting the length of a word. The other case is when the adding of a vowel does not lead to the shift of stress (ka.bi.∅i. r∅ : ka.bi.∅i. ra.h∅. “big masc/fem”) and that is also can be explained in terms of ḥarf by the same rule: the vowel under stress is the first after counting two ḥarfs from the end of the word. It must be noted that this rule has a well-known exception (like: zumala “colleagues”, katabat “wrote she”). It is remarkable that the change of the position of stress in words like mentioned above correlates with the retaining of the second short vowel which usually is dropped (*nizilit → nizlit “went down she”, *nizilu → nizlu “went down they”). At the conclusion of this paper I would like to note that our students are constantly reminded that there are different ways to describe one and the same phenomena and in this connection the words of Leonard Bloomfield are sounding as a an instruction before the beginning a linguistic research of any kind: “The actual sequence of constituents, and their structural order are a part of the language, but the descriptive order of grammatical features is a fiction and results simply from our method of describing the forms.” (Bloomfield 1933: 213). References Badawi, El-Said; Hinds, Martin. 1986. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic. Beirut. Basiouney, Reem. 2006. Functions of Code switching in Egypt. Leiden-Boston: Brill. Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. New York: Нenry Holt and company. Frolov, Dmitry. 2000. Classical Arabic Verse: History and Theory of ‘Arūḍ. Leiden: Brill. Gabutchan, Hrachia. 1965. “K voprosu o strukture semitskogo slova (v svyazi s problemoy ‘vnutrenney fleksii’)”, Semitskiye yaziki. Vipusk 2, T. 1. Nauka Publishing House. Мoscow.114-127. 5 Here we are dealing with the rhythmical structure and possible changes in it within a word without touching the problems related to suprasegmental phenomena. The functioning of the Ḥarf on different levels including the connected speech and the Classical Arabic poetry has received detailed analysis in: Frolov, 2000. 6 As K.Versteegh (Versteegh 2004) has pointed out the Arabic traditional theory suggests different ways to explain similar situations. See: “Phonological Constraints in Arabic grammatical theory: the iltiqā’ as-sākinayn.” Univesity of Bucharest, Center for Arab Studies. Romano-Arabica New Series No. 3. 2004. 221-235. SOME THOUGHTS ABOUT DESCRIPTION AND TEACHING OF ARABIC DIALECTS 443 Gabutchan, Hrachia. 1992. “О harf-e i o vnutrenney fleksii”, Х111 Obyedinennaya nauchnaya sessiya kafedr arabskoy philologii i semitologii Moskovskogo, Sankt-Peterburgskogo, Tbilisskogo i Erevanskogo universitetov, posvyashennaya 100-letiyu so dnya rojdeniya professora B.M. Grande. Moscow State University Press. 72-74. Goldenberg, Gideon. 1987. “The contribution of semitic languages to linguistic thinking”, Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Studies Ex Oriente Lux. No. 30. (1987-1988). 107-115. Klimiuk, Maciej. 2013. Phonetics and Phonology of Damascus Arabic. Warsaw: Katedra Arabistyki I Islamistyki . Uniwersytet Waszawski. Sanches, Alcaen. 1974. “O logicheskich osnovach tradizionnoy arabskoy grammatiki”, Vestnik Moskovskogo universiteta. Seriya XIV Vostokovedeniye. No. 2. 68-74. Segal, Vladimir. 1965. “K phonologicheskoy interpretazii dolgich glasnich v arabskom literaturnom yazike”, Semitskiye yaziki. Nauka Publishing House. Мoscow. 451-458. Trubetzkoy, Nicolay. 2000. Osnovy phonologii. Moscow: Aspect Press. Versteegh, Kees. 2004. “Phonological Constraints in Arabic grammatical theory: the iltiqā’ as-sākinayn”, Romano-Arabica. New Series No. 3. 221-235. A CASE OF COLLOQUIALIZATION OF THE TEXT: THE KYIV MANUSCRIPT OF “THE TRAVELS OF MACARIUS” YULIA PETROVA A. Krymsky Institute of Oriental Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine Abstract. The present study examines the linguistic features of the well-known 17th century historical source “The Travels of Macarius Patriarch of Antioch”, written in Christian Middle Arabic by Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo. There is an abridged version of this manuscript, dating back to the 18th century, preserved in Kyiv. The scribes who probably addressed the redrafted text to a certain reader, made a lot of structural and stylistic changes. The variations in the text demonstrate that the scribes felt free in dealing with its original. As a result, a new version was created, differing from the protograph in many respects. Linguistically, the text appeared to be more “informalized” than that of Paul of Aleppo. The results of our collation of the manuscript versions show that the proportion of “colloquialized” forms and features increases across the modified text, not only at the phonetic and morphological level, but also in vocabulary and syntax. A general tendency towards “koineization” may be observed, especially in the lexical field, because the scribes made efforts to replace unknown foreign words and “high” classical variants by more common or even plainly colloquial ones. We should bear in mind that since the language variety discussed is Middle Arabic, it is scarcely possible to develop guidelines for the usage of colloquial features. Nevertheless, we point out some tendencies that are observable in the studied source and may shed light on some issues of the Arabic diglossia history. Keywords: Paul of Aleppo, “The Travels of Macarius”, Christian Middle Arabic, diglossia, colloquialisms, hypercorrection. Manuscripts under discussion The Arabic manuscript discussed in this paper is the abridged version of “The Travels of Macarius Patriarch of Antioch”. This version was composed on the basis of the diary of Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo (ca. 1627–1669), the Patriarch’s son and a prominent figure in the history of the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch. He accompanied his father Patriarch Macarius III Ibn al-Za‘īm (in office 1647–1672) in all his voyages. “The Travels of Macarius” is the journal of their first journey to Moscow through Anatolia, Constantinople, Moldavia, Wallachia, and Ukraine, which took place in the period of 1652–1659 and was undertaken with the purpose of collecting alms for the Church of Antioch, which had inherited difficult financial situation by the time Macarius became patriarch. The expanded version of Paul of Aleppo’s diary is represented by three major known manuscripts: a) Paris manuscript (Bibliothèque Nationale de France), the oldest (dated by the late 17th century) and the most complete one; b) London manuscript of the British Museum (dated 1765), a copy of the Paris manuscript; c) St. Petersburg manuscript of Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (dated 1699). The abridged manuscript of Paul of Aleppo’s diary was acquired from the famous Convent of Our Lady of Saidnaya located near Damascus, by the renowned Orientalist Agathangel Krymsky during his stay in Syria and Lebanon in the period of 1896–1898. After long “travels” the manuscript finally found itself in Kyiv in 2007 1. Our collation of the four mentioned manuscript versions 2 shows 1 For more details on Paul of Aleppo and his Journal see Feodorov 2014; for details on Kyiv manuscript see Petrova 2014. The research of the manuscript versions is being conducted in the framework of the International project for the preparation of the critical edition of the complete text of the journal of Paul of Aleppo, supervised by Dr. Ioana Feodorov (Institute for South-East European Studies of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest). 2 446 YULIA PETROVA that the Kyiv manuscript is derived from the St. Petersburg one. The abridged version seems to have been composed in the late 18th century. It was written by several scribes. Including 140 pages compared to 622 pages (311 folios) in the longest manuscript, the Paris one, it constitutes less than 1/6 of the original version of Paul of Aleppo’s travel journal. Language of Paul of Aleppo’s diary The linguistic issues of Paul of Aleppo’s travel journal were paid less attention on the part of the scholars compared to the historical and geographical sides of his notes. The first who compared the three manuscripts of “The Travels” (Paris, London, and St. Petersburg versions) and gave characteristics to their language was V. Radu, the first editor of a part of the Arabic text of the manuscript. According to him, “la langue employée dans le manuscrit est le dialecte d’Alep, avec beaucoup de fautes de grammaire et de syntaxe, des mots dialectaux, rares, d’autres usités par l’auteur dans le sens de l’époque.” (Radu 1930: 15). More correct definition of the language variety used by Paul of Aleppo has been developed in the Russian school of Arabistics. I. Krachkovskiy, the expert in the Arabic manuscript tradition, wrote that Paul of Aleppo tried to compose his work in literary Arabic, having as a standard norm the language of the Christian literature of the epoch, but he did not reach such level of education so that he could apply the literary koine. Moreover, the more account of the events became vivid, the more he switched over to a colloquialized variant, both in grammar and vocabulary (Kračkovskij 1957: 266267). The first special research devoted to colloquialisms in Paul of Aleppo’s journal was the PhD thesis by G. Pumpyan (St. Petersburg). Her conclusion was that the language of “The Travels” can be characterized as “the literary one, influenced much by Middle Arabic, i.e. by medieval urban Arabic dialects” (Pumpjan 1982: 18). The Polish Arabist M. Kowalska noted that Paul “used a simple Arabic literary language”, adopting sometimes a Syrian dialect (Kowalska 1986: 108). A number of linguistic issues of Paul’s journal have been highlighted by I. Feodorov in her numerous publications on “The Travels”, where the term “Middle Arabic” is adopted exclusively. Actually, the latter is what the academic community currently recognizes as the appropriate definition for this variety of Arabic, having replaced the initial chronological approach to it with a typological one, considering it as a mixed variety of written Arabic, irrespective of time, based on the approach developed by G. Mejdell (den Heijer 2012: 8, 22). Thus, the original text of “The Travels of Macarius” was written by Paul of Aleppo in Christian Middle Arabic of the Ottoman age. According to V. Lebedev’s term, it is “late Middle Arabic” which constitutes a special period in the development of Arabic, lasting from the 13th up to the 18th century (Lebedev 1977: 20). From the 13th century on, the Classical Arabic in its canonized form had come to be for most ordinary Arabic speakers an exclusively written, almost foreign language, and such situation remained in its essentials unchanged up to the beginning of the19th century (Holes 1995: 34). The decline of Classical Arabic brought about the growth of the colloquial influence especially on the language of non-Muslim literature. According to A. Krymsky, there existed a proverb applied by Syrian Muslim Arabic speakers, where naḥw al-naṣārā ‘the [correct] grammar of the Christians’ was mentioned among the things, considered to be absolutely impossible: sakret il-’islām w-naḥw innaṣārā w-ġinā l-yahūd ‘the drunkenness of Muslims, the [correct] grammar of the Christians and the [melodious] singing of the Jews’ (Krymskij 1971: 105). Thus, the trend to use mixed forms (classical vs. colloquial) became a typical feature of the Arab Christian manuscript tradition. The well-known classification of the Middle Arabic types proposed by J. Blau includes: a) Classical Arabic with Middle Arabic admixture; b) semi-classical Middle Arabic; c) classicized Middle Arabic (Blau 1966: 50-51). Accordingly, the Russian scholar V. Lebedev mentions three types of the literary monuments in Middle Arabic: a) texts in Classical Arabic with few colloquial features; b) texts in Middle Arabic essentially influenced by Classical Arabic; c) texts in Middle Arabic with a low degree of Classical Arabic influence (Lebedev 1977: 14). A CASE OF COLLOQUIALIZATION OF THE TEXT: THE KYIV MANUSCRIPT OF “THE TRAVELS OF MACARIUS” 447 The language variety used by Paul of Aleppo in his diary corresponds to the second group in this classification. The author who had received some kind of education available to him as a Patriarch’s son and not lacking good literary taste, made efforts to follow the standard written norm of Arabic as far as he could learn it within his environment. In his written style, which may be characterized as semi-classical Middle Arabic, three major parallel trends may be observed: 1. Colloquial influence at all language levels – not only in orthography and grammar, but also in vocabulary. The following examples may be cited 3: a) colloquial norm in phonetics (orthography): ‫( اﻟﻤﺪھﺐ‬i.e. ‫‘ )اﻟﻤﺬھﺐ‬gilded’; ‫( ﺗﺮﯾﺎت‬i.e. ‫)ﺛﺮﯾﺎت‬ ‘chandeliers’; ‫( وراه‬i.e. ‫‘ )وراءه‬behind him’; b) colloquial morphology and syntax: ‫‘ اﻟﻔﻮل واﻟﺤﻤﺺ واﻟﻌﺪس ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻌﺮﻓﻮھﻢ‬they do not know beans, hummus and lentils; ‫‘ ﻣﺎ ﻟﮭﻢ ﻗﻮه ﯾﺰﯾﺪوه‬they have no power to add anything to it’; c) agreement patterns typical for the norm of urban koine: ‫وﻏﯿﺮھﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻠﻜﺎت اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﯾﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮن ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‘ ازواﺟﮭﻢ اﻟﻤﻠﻮك وﯾﻘﺘﻠﻮﻧﮭﻢ‬and other queens who intrigued against their husbands-emperors and killed them’ (feminine plural substituted by masculine form); ‫‘ ﻣﻊ اﻛﺎﺑﺮ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬with many officials’ (‫ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ‬not agreed in number); ‫‘ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻮا ﺟﻤﯿﻊ اﻟﺤﺎﺿﺮﯾﻦ‬all those present came up’ (the verb in the preposition agreed in number); ‫‘ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﮭﺎ اﻷﻧﻜﭽﺎرﯾﮫ اﻟﻜﺜﯿﺮﯾﻦ‬it was carried by many “streltsy”’ 4 (the animate noun in plural agreed as an inanimate one; adjective ending -īn instead of -ūn); ‫‘ وﻗﺒﺎﺑﮭﺎ ﻋﺎﻟﯿﺎت ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺎت رﻓﺎع ﻣﻤﺸﻮﻗﺎت‬its domes are high, lofty, elegant and slender’ (plural feminine (and sometimes masculine) form of the adjectives with countable nouns); d) colloquial vocabulary (mostly common Levantine colloquialisms are encountered): ‫ﺑﺮا‬ ‘outside’; ‫‘ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ‬there is no’; ‫‘ ﺟﺎب‬he brought’; ‫“ اﺟﺎ‬he came”; sometimes lexical items of Northern Syrian dialect like ‫‘ رھﺠﺔ‬radiance’, ‫‘ ﻗﻤﭽﺔ‬lash’ are found as well. 2. Hypercorrections, resulting from the writer’s wish to use a more prestigious variety and to avoid stigmatized forms (Hary 2007: 275), i.e. to apply certain rules (mostly of orthography and grammar) of the standard language in the environment where they can not be used. This phenomenon is a typical feature of Christian Arabic manuscripts, composed or copied by non-Muslims who did not have a good command of the Classical language, but nevertheless tried to demonstrate their linguistic competence, sometimes going too far. Thus, the manuscript versions of Paul of Aleppo’s diary contain the following hypercorrections as typical features: a) redundant hamza and madda (a characteristic feature of the Paris manuscript): ‫( ﻛﺒﺮؤوت‬i.e. ‫‘ )ﻛﺒﺮوت‬arrogance’; ‫( ﺧﻄﺂء‬i.e. ‫‘ )ﺧﻄﺄ‬mistake’; ‫( ﺟﺂاوا‬i.e. ‫‘ )ﺟﺎؤوا‬they came’; b) interdentals instead of dental consonants: ‫( ﻣﻜﺜﻮب‬i.e. ‫‘ )ﻣﻜﺘﻮب‬letter’; ‫( ﯾﺎﺛﻮن‬i.e. ‫‘ )ﯾﺄﺗﻮن‬they come’; ‫( اﻣﺜﻠﻰ‬i.e. ‫‘ )اﻣﺘﻸ‬it was filled’; ‫( ھﺬاﯾﺎ‬i.e. ‫‘ )ھﺪاﯾﺎ‬gifts’; c) inappropriate tanwīn al-fatḥ (i.e. Acc. instead of Nom. or Gen.): ً‫‘ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻲ اﺣﺪا‬nobody remained’; ً‫‘ ﻋﻦ اﻣﺮا‬about any matter’; ً ‫‘ ﯾﺴﻜﻨﮭﺎ راھﺒﺎ‬a monk lives there’; d) mistaken grammar “classicization”: ‫( ﺑﺘﺎﺟﺎن اﻟﺒﻄﺮﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺻﺤﻨﺎن ﻓﻀﮫ‬i.e.‫ﺻﺤﻨﻲ ﻓﻀﺔ‬ ‫)ﺑﺘﺎﺟﻲ اﻟﺒﻄﺮﻛﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ‬ ْ ْ ‘with two Patriarchal mitres on two silver plates’; ‫( اﺳﺘﺪﻋﻮﻧﮫ‬i.e. ‫‘ )اﺳﺘﺪﻋﻮه‬they invited him’; ‫ﻟﻜﻲ ﻻ ﯾﺨﺮﺟﻮن‬ (i.e. ‫‘ )ﻟﻜﻲ ﻻ ﯾﺨﺮﺟﻮا‬so that they do not go out’. 3. Hybrid forms, where the classical and colloquial norms are combined: a) in orthography: ‫( ﯾﺎﺛﻮن‬with hamza omitted as colloquial feature and interdental tā’ as hypercorrection), ً‫‘ ﻛﺘﯿﺮا‬much’ (with dental tā’ instead of interdental tā’ as colloquial feature and tanwīn as a feature of classical morphology); b) in grammar: ‫‘ ﺑﯿﻌ ّﻤﺪون‬they baptize’ (combination of the colloquial preformative of the Imperfect b- and the classical plural masculine ending); ‫‘ وﺑﮫ ﻋﺸﺮون ﻛﻨﯿﺴﮫ ودﯾﺮﯾﻦ‬it has 20 churches and two monasteries’ (Nom. of the first numeral (Classical Arabic feature) and the Acc./ Gen. of the 3 Examples cited here are extracted from the Paris manuscript, being the oldest, most complete and most thoroughly copied version. However, taking into account the fact that the autograph of Paul’s diary was lost, the spelling and grammar variants mentioned should be attributed to him with care. To clarify this issue, it is advisable to refer to other extant manuscripts by his hand. 4 Members of the Russian guardsmen units. 448 YULIA PETROVA second one as a feature typical for koine); ‫‘ وھﻢ ﻻ ﯾﺰاﻟﻮا داﯾﻤﺎ ً ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻗﺎت‬they (the doors) remain closed all the time’ (mixture of genders for the plural form of the inanimate noun which in Classical Arabic would have the agreement by feminine singular form); ‫ ﯾﺒﺪﻟﻮا وﯾﺨﺮﺟﻮن‬... ‫‘ ﻛﺎﻧﻮا اﻟﻜﺎھﻦ واﻟﺸﻤﺎس‬the priest and the deacon … put on their vestment and went out’ (colloquialized and classical forms for the verbal ending); ‫‘ ﺛﻢ ﻗﺎﻣﻮا وﺻﻠﻮا اﻟﺒﻄﺮﻛﺎن ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﻤﺎﯾﺪة وﺑﺎرﻛﺎ ﻋﻠﻲ اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬then both Patriarchs rose, prayed over the food and blessed the Tsar’ (colloquialized agreement (verb in plural in preposition) and classical one (dual form agreed with the noun); ‫‘ اﯾﻘﻮﻧﺎت ﺳﻨﻮﯾﺎت ﺻﻐﺎر ﻟﻄﺎف ﻣﻔﻀﻀﺎت ﻣﺪھﺒﮫ‬small elegant silvered and gilded icons for all the year’ (three different grammar forms of adjectives for the same noun in plural). The above-mentioned trends coexist across the whole text, and Middle Arabic as specific language variety arises from their combination, i.e. it has not only plenty of colloquialisms, but also a lot of hypercorrections, typical for the Arabic Christian (or, in general, non-Muslim) manuscripts; the abundance of the latter forms adds a kind of “artificiality” to this language variety. Thus, Middle Arabic should not be viewed as merely one of the colloquialized varieties of the language. The phenomena of hypercorrection in the texts produced by non-Muslims and its combination with the colloquial features is what creates the specific character of this language variety. The characteristic feature of the manuscripts in Middle Arabic is the high degree of variation and unpredictability of the language forms applied, when classical and colloquial variants may often be found side by side within a phrase, or even a word, e.g. ‫‘ ﺛﻼﺗﮫ‬three’, ً‫‘ ﻛﺘﯿﺮا‬much’; the same word within one phrase can be written in different ways as well, e.g. ‫‘ ﺗﺎﺑﻮت‬coffin’ vs. ‫ﺛﺎﺑﻮث‬ (hypercorrection). Linguistic features of the abridged Kyiv manuscript The variation of orthography and grammar forms in Christian Arabic manuscripts might depend on the erudition level of the author / copyist, his intended audience, as well as on the language “taste” and sometimes the writer’s emotional state. The four mentioned manuscript versions of Paul’s journal demonstrate the linguistic preferences of their scribes. This can be observed mostly at the level of orthography, but in other domains as well. The abridged Kyiv manuscript, differing considerably from the other versions in structure and language, provides an interesting additional material. The compilers of the abridged version were unskillful scribes with low literacy. They felt free in dealing with the original text; as a result, the redrafted version, besides numerous scribal errors, contains an increasing number of colloquial features across the text. So, the language of the abridged manuscript appears more colloquialized than that of the original text by Paul of Aleppo. The intentional changes made by the scribes of the 18th century affected all domains of the language: orthography, grammar, vocabulary, phraseology and stylistics. As a result of my collation of Kyiv manuscript with the three other versions, the following occurrences and trends typical for this manuscript may be pointed out 5: а) in orthography and phonetics: - phonetic orthography, i.e. the modifications aimed at bringing the orthography used for Middle Arabic into closer correspondence with the colloquial phonology (in both consonants and vowels): ‫‘ اﻟﻨﺼﺎرا → اﻟﻨﺼﺎرى‬Christians’; ‫‘ ﻟﮭﻮ → ﻟﮫ‬to him’; ‫‘ زﻏﯿﺮ → ﺻﻐﯿﺮ‬small’; ‫‘ ﺻﻄﺤﮭﺎ → ﺳﻄﺤﮭﺎ‬its surface’; ‫‘ وﺑﺘﺪا → واﺑﺘﺪا‬and he began’; 5 The examples are given here based on the comparison with the expanded versions of “The Travels”, not with MSA in general. The focus is made on the comparison of the examples extracted from the Kyiv manuscript with their parallels in St. Petersburg version, the latter being a protograph for the former, according to the results of the collation. Thus, the first given example is the variant in St. Petersburg manuscript; after the arrow sign follows its modification in Kyiv manuscript. A CASE OF COLLOQUIALIZATION OF THE TEXT: THE KYIV MANUSCRIPT OF “THE TRAVELS OF MACARIUS” 449 - the classical phonemes are often substituted with a colloquial variant: ‫اﻟﻤﺤﻔﻮض → اﻟﻤﺤﻔﻮظ‬ ‘protected’; ‫‘ ﺗﺒﺖ → ﺛﺒﺖ‬he withstood’; - the redundant alif is frequently omitted in plural form of the verbs 6: ‫‘ وﻟﺪو‬they were born’; ‫‘ ﯾﺨﺮﺟﻮ‬they go out’; - the feminine noun ending tā’ marbūṭa is frequently written as the letter tā’ (‫‘ ﻣﺴﯿﺮت‬way’; ‫ارﺑﻌﺖ‬ ‘four’), while the latter in Past tense form of the verbs is written as tā’ marbūṭa (‫‘ ﻋﺎودة‬you returned’; ‫ﻣﺎ‬ ‫‘ ﻧﻈﺮة‬I didn’t see’), as well as in other cases (‫‘ اﻟﺒﯿﻮة‬houses’); - the short Syrian Arabic colloquial form of the demonstrative pronoun ha- ‘this / these’ is often written separately as ‫( ھﻞ‬combination of ha- and the article): ‫‘ ھﻞ ﺳﻨﺘﯿﻦ‬these two years’; ‫[‘ ھﻞ ﻗﺪر‬all] this amount’; ‫‘ اﯾﺶ ھﻞ اﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﺒﺎرﻛﮫ‬what a blessed nation!’. This feature is observable in the literary monuments of Syrian and Palestinian origin in general (Lebedev 1977: 61); - the redundant alif is often written after the conjunction wa-: ‫‘ واھﺬا‬and this’, ‫‘ واﺟﺒﺎل‬and mountains’; alif is often written in the demonstrative pronoun ‘that’: ‫;ذاﻟﻚ‬ - one of two letters yā’ is often omitted in the plural masculine form of relative adjectives: ‫‘ اﻟﻤﺴﯿﺤﯿﻦ اﻻرﺛﻮدﻛﺴﯿﻦ‬Orthodox Christians’; - the ending -ān is sometimes written as ً‫ا‬: ً ‫‘ طﺮﯾﻘﺎ‬two roads’; ً‫‘ ﺳﺎﺟﺪاً ﻟﻼرض وﻗﺎﯾﻼ‬bowing to the ground and saying’ (dual form); ً ‫‘ ﺷﺠﻌﺎ‬brave’ (plural form); - some examples of scribal orthographical preferences may be demonstrated as follows: The protograph ‫ﺳﻮر‬ ‫ ﯾﻨﻜﭽﺎري‬/‫ﯾﻨﻜﺠﺎري‬ ‫ﺳﺮدار‬ ‫ ﺣﯿﻨﯿﺬ‬/‫ﺣﯿﻨﯿ ٍﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﯿﺔ‬ ‫وﺟﻮھﮭﻢ‬ Kyiv manuscript ‫ﺻﻮر‬ (consistently) ‫ ﯾﻨﻜﺸﺎري‬/ ‫اﻧﻜﺸﺎري‬ (consistently) ‫ﺳﺮادار‬ (consistently) ‫ﺣﻨﯿﻨ ٍﺬ‬/ ‫ﺣﻨﯿﻨﺪ‬ (consistently) ‫( ﻣﺘﯿﮫ‬most cases) ‫( وﺟﻮھﻢ‬most cases) Translation ‘city wall’ lit. ‘Janissary’ ‘sardar’ ‘then’ ‘mantle’ ‘their faces’ b) in morphology: - nominal inflectional suffixes are frequently changed to the standard variant typical for koine: -ūn → -īn (plural) and -ān → -ēn (dual), e.g. ‫‘ ﻛﻨﺎ ﺻﺎﻋﺪﯾﻦ → ﻛﻨﺎ ﺻﺎﻋﺪون‬we were ascending’; ‫ﯾﺤﺘﺎﺟﻮﻧﮭﻢ‬ ‫‘ ﯾﺤﺘﺎﺟﻮﻧﮭﻢ اﻟﻤﺼﻜﻮﻓﯿﯿﻦ → اﻟﻤﺼﻜﻮﻓﯿﻮن‬the Muscovites need them’; ‫ﻟﮭﻢ ﺳﺘﺖ ﺳﻨﯿﻦ ﺗﻤﺎم → ﻟﮭﻢ ﺳﺘﺖ ﺳﻨﻮن ﺗﻤﺎم ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮون‬ ‫‘ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﯾﻦ‬they were on their way six years’; - the Imperfect preformative b- is more frequently used: ‫‘ ﺑﯿﺒﯿﻌﻮه اﻟﻨﺴﺂ → ﯾﺒﯿﻌﻮه اﻟﻨﺴﺎ‬the women sell it’; ‫‘ ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻌﺮﻓﻮھﻢ → ﻻ ﯾﻌﺮﻓﻮھﻢ‬they don’t know them’; ‫‘ ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻀﻌﻮن → ﻻ ﯾﻀﻌﻮن‬they do not put’; - the verbal pattern IV is frequently substituted with the pattern I or II or with other lexical means: ‫‘ ﻋﻤﺪوا اﻟﻜﮭﻨﮫ → اﻋﻤﺪوا اﻟﻜﮭﻨﮫ‬the priests baptized’; ‫‘ ﻓﺤﺒﻮه → ﻓﺎﺣﺒﻮه‬they loved him’; ‫واﺟﻠﺴﻮا ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‘they seated our teacher’ → ‫‘ وﺟﻠﺲ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬our teacher sat’; - colloquial forms of the numerals are preferred by the scribes: ‫‘ اﺗﻨﯿﻦ → اﺛﻨﺎن‬two’ (masc.); ‫ﺛﻨﺘﯿﻦ → اﺛﻨﺘﺎن‬ ‘two’ (fem.); ‫‘ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺗﻼﺗﮫ وﻋﺸﺮﯾﻦ ﺳﻨﮫ → ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺛﻠﺜﮫ وﻋﺸﺮون ﺳﻨﮫ‬about 23 years ago’; ً‫ﻓﮭﺬه → ﻓﮭﺬه اﻻرﺑﻌﻮن ﯾﻮﻣﺎ‬ ‫‘ اﻻرﺑﻌﯿﻦ ﯾﻮم‬these 40 days’; ً‫‘ ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺖ اﻻرﺑﻌﯿﻦ ﯾﻮم → ﻓﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﻤﺖ اﻻرﺑﻌﻮن ﯾﻮﻣﺎ‬when 40 days passed’; 6 The rest of the manuscript versions of “The Travels” do not have this feature, except in the grammar forms of some irregular verbs, e.g. ‫‘ رآوو‬they saw’, ‫‘ ﺟﺂاو‬they came’. 450 YULIA PETROVA c) in syntax: - some classical structures are modified according to the norm of koine: ‫→ وﺟﻤﯿﻌﮭﻢ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻓﺎت اﻟﻮﺟﻮه‬ ‫‘ وﺟﻤﯿﻌﮭﻢ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻓﯿﻦ اﻟﻮﺟﻮه‬all of them (i.e. women) have open faces’; ‫اﺧﺒﺮوﻧﺎ ان اﺑﻮ ھﺬا → اﺧﺒﺮوﻧﺎ ان اﺑﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‫‘ اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬we were told that the father of the present Tsar…’; ‫ …‘ اﻧﮭﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺪﻧﺴﺖ → اﻧﮭﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺪﻧﺴﺎ‬that they (the hands) were defiled’; ‫‘ ﻓﻲ زﻣﺎن اﺑﻮ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻠﻚ → ﻓﻲ زﻣﺎن اﺑﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬under the father of the present Tsar’; - the relative pronoun masculine form ‫ اﻟﺬي‬is frequently used without agreement in gender and number: ‫‘ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺎﯾﺔ وﻋﺸﺮﯾﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﻣﻜﺴﻮرﯾﻦ اﻟﺬي ﻏﺮﻗﺖ‬about 120 broken ships that went down’; ‫ﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ ﻛﻨﺎزي‬ ‫‘ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﯾﺤﻜﻤﻮا‬70 princes who ruled’; ‫‘ اﻻﺣﻮال اﻟﺬي ﺗﺸﯿﺐ اﻻطﻔﺎل‬the things which could make children turn grey’; ‫‘ اﻟﻄﻮاﺑﯿﺮ اﻟﺬي ﻛﺎﻧﻮا ﻋﻤﻠﻮھﺎ‬the camp which they had made’. According to V. Lebedev, this feature was observable in urban dialects of Yemen (Lebedev 1977: 61). The typical koinezied form of the relative pronoun in Syrian Arabic is illī, but it was never used in the manuscript versions of Paul’s journal; instead, the masculine form ‫ اﻟﺬي‬as a universal one is observed here, as well as in some other Christian Arabic manuscripts; - the rules of agreement are often ignored: ‫‘ ﻛﺎن ﺗﺪق اﻟﻄﺒﻮل‬the drums were beating’ (the auxiliary verb is not agreed in gender); ‫[‘ اﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻤﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻔﻌﻠﻮﻧﮫ ﻋﺒﺎد اﻻﺻﻨﺎم‬they behaved] worse than the idolaters did’ (the auxiliary verb is not agreed in number as it would be expected here); ‫وﻏﯿﺮھﻢ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﯿﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﯿﺖ اﻟﻤﻠﻚ‬ ‘and others who are not from the king’s house’ (the verb ‫ ﻟﯿﺲ‬is not in plural form); ‫ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﺮوﻣﻲ اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺪ‬ ‘modern Greek history’ (the definite article of the noun is absent). Sometimes it is difficult to discern whether we encounter a case of specific agreement or merely a scribal error; - confusion is observed in the syntax structure of the fragments which were considerably redrafted or added by the scribes: ‫‘ ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﺒﻼد ھﺬه اﺟﺎ ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﯿﻠﮫ ﺟﺎء ﻣﻄﺮ وﺳﯿﻞ ﻋﻈﯿﻢ‬in this country at night heavy rainfall and flood happened; d) in vocabulary and stylistics: - some lexical units and expressions are changed to another variant, considered by the scribes as more common and clear for the reader: ‫‘ ﺑﺘﯿﺎب رﺛﮫ → ﺑﺘﯿﺎب ﺣﻘﯿﺮه ﻣﺰدراه‬in wretched clothes’; ‫ﺧﻤﺴﺔ وﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ‬ ‫‘ ﺧﻤﺴﺖ وﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ اﻟﻒ اﻧﺴﺎن → اﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﻤﮫ‬75 thousand men’; ‫‘ ﺷﻲ ردي → ﺷﻲ ﻗﺒﯿﺢ‬something bad’; ‫ﻗﺪاﻣﻚ → اﻣﺎﻣﻚ‬ ‘before you’; ‫‘ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺒﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ اﻗﺪاﻣﮭﻢ → ﻣﻨﺘﺼﺒﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﺐ ارﺟﻠﮭﻢ‬standing on their feet’; ‫إذا ﻋُﺮض اﻣﺮ ﺿﺮوري‬ → ‫‘ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻣﺮ ﺿﺮوري‬if something urgent happens’; ‫‘ ﺗﻨﺎول ﺑﯿﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ → ﺗﻨﺎول ﺑﯿﻤﯿﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ‬he took the (right) hand of our teacher’; ‫‘ اذا ﺑﺎﺷﺮ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﮫ → اذا ﺟﺎﻣﻊ اﻟﺮﺟﻞ اﻣﺮاﺗﮫ‬if someone had contact with his wife’; ‫اﺗﻔﻖ ﺑﺮد‬ ‫‘ ﺷﺪﯾﺪ وﺿﺒﺎب‬strong cold and fog happened’ → ‫‘ اﺗﺼﻞ اﻟﺸﺘﻲ‬cold set in’; ‫وﻓﻲ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺳﺒﻌﻮن ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺎن ﯾﻌﺮﻓﻮن ﺑﻜ ّﻞ‬ ‫‘ وﻓﻲ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ ﺑﯿﻌﺮﻓﻮا ﺑﻜﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﺴﺎن ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻓﯿﮫ → اﻟﻠﻐﺎت وﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﺴﺎن ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻻ‬there are 70 interpreters at the Tsar’s gate who know all the languages, but the Arabic language – no’; - many sentences were shortened and simplified: ‫ﻟﻮ ﯾﺘﻔﻖ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻤﺤﻞ ﻣﻊ اﺣﺪاً ﻣﻦ رھﺒﺎن اﻟﺠﺒﻞ اﻟﻤﻘﺪس‬ ً‫‘ اﺣﻤﺎل اﻗﺒﺎع وﻟﻮاطﻲ ﻟﻜﺎن ﺑﺎﻋﮭﻢ ﺑﺎﻋﺰ اﻻﺛﻤﺎن ﻛﺜﯿﺮا‬if someone of the Holy Mountain monks here had cartfuls of klobuks and kalimavkions 7, he would sell them at the highest price’ → ‫وﻟﻮ ﯾﻮﺟﺪ اﻗﺒﺎع اﺣﻤﺎل اﻧﺒﺎﻋﺖ ﻓﻲ ذﻟﻚ‬ ً‫‘ اﻟﯿﻮم ﺑﺘﻤﻦ ﻏﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﺪا‬if there were cartfuls of klobuks they woud be sold that day at a very high price’; - the scribes omitted or changed many foreign words meaning the realities of other countries (such vocabulary constitutes the characteristic feature of Paul’s journal): ‫‘ ﺧﻮﺟﺎه‬his hodja’ → ‫‘ ﺷﯿﺨﮫ‬his sheikh’; ‫‘ ﺳﻠﺠﺎر‬slujer’ 8 → ‫‘ ﺳﻠﺤﺪار‬armourbearer’; ‫‘ ﺻﻮﺗﻨﯿﻜﺲ اي ﯾﻮزﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬sotnik 9, i.e. yüzbaşı’ → ‫ﯾﻮزﺑﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‘yüzbaşı’; ‫[‘ ﻣﺎ ھﻮ اﺣﺪ ﺑﺮوﻛﻮﺑﻨﯿﻜﻮس ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪاﻣﮫ‬each of you] is inferior in value to any ‘polkovnik’ (Rus. ‘colonel’) of his attendants’ → ‫[‘ ﻣﺎ ھﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺧﺪاﻣﮫ‬each of you] is lower than any of his attendants’. Intentional omission of obscure foreign words by the scribes was a typical feature in different manuscript traditions, especially if such omission did not prevent the reader from comprehension of the text (Lihačev 2001: 87). This method of stylistic simplification of the text was extensively used by 7 Items of clerical clothing worn by Orthodox Christian monks. Official formally in charge of the meat provisions at the Moldavian court. 9 A military rank of the Cossaks, lit. ‘commander of hundred men’. 8 A CASE OF COLLOQUIALIZATION OF THE TEXT: THE KYIV MANUSCRIPT OF “THE TRAVELS OF MACARIUS” 451 the scribes of the abridged recension of “The Travels”. Sometimes we observe their attempt to “arabicize” the vocabulary of European languages, e.g. the above-mentioned case with the Romanian term ‫‘ ﺳﻠﺠﺎر‬slujer’ (Turkish spelling “suljar”) which was substituted by the generally-known term ‫‘ ﺳﻠﺤﺪار‬armourbearer’. It is noteworthy that the scribal amendments which aimed at the abridgement and simplification of the text appeared in many cases “successful” with respect to the grammar. Whether consciously or not, they removed many mistaken hypercorrections, e.g. ‫‘ ﻣﺎﯾﮫ وﻋﺸﺮة ﺳﻨﯿﻦ → ﻣﺎﯾﮫ وﻋﺸﺮة ﺳﻨﻮن‬110 years’; ‫‘ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺎرﯾﺨﮫ ﺑﺴﻨﺘﯿﻦ → ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﺎرﯾﺨﮫ ﺑﺴﻨﺘﺎن‬two years ago’; ً ‫‘ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻌﺮﻓﮫ وھﻮ ﻣﻄﺮان → ﻛﺎن ﯾﻌﺮﻓﮫ وھﻮ ﻣﻄﺮاﻧﺎ‬he knew him while he was still a Metropolitan’. These examples extracted from Kyiv manuscript of “The Travels” show its scribes’ trend towards the usage of standard forms typical for koine. Colloquialization vs. classicization It is generally known that a “colloquialized standard” variety was the appropriate vehicle for some kinds of literature and writings (like popular literature, personal letters, informal notes etc.). The original Middle Arabic texts (like those of “1001 Nights”) written in a style deviated from the classical norm were usually edited in later recensions towards “classicization” (Holes 1995: 75), and the scribes of later versions of a given text displayed a tendency to produce a type of language closer to the norms of Classical Arabic (den Heijer 2012: 13). The abridged Kyiv manuscript of “The Travels” gives us a unique case of the revision of the text towards “colloquialization”. Besides the above-mentioned examples, this may be demonstrated by some quantitative data based on my collation of Kyiv manuscript with the other versions (first of all its protograph, the St. Petersburg one). Let’s see the scribes’ preference towards “colloquialization” and “classicization”, taking as significant indicator such features as realization of the verb Imperfect form (having the preformative b- or without it), the plural masculine (-ūn) and dual (-ān) endings: Typological feature Verb Imperfect form Plural masculine and dual endings Colloquialization 14 cases 34 cases Classicization 4 cases 1 case By “colloquialization” I mean that the scribes of the abridged Kyiv manuscript changed the original variant to the colloquial one (e.g. ‫‘ ﺑﯿﺒﯿﻌﻮه → ﯾﺒﯿﻌﻮه‬they sell’; ‫‘ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﯾﻦ → ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮون‬traveling’ etc.), while much more rare cases of “classicization” (changing the original colloquial variant to the classical one) show that the opposite process was not excluded as well (e.g. ‫‘ ﻻ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ → ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻤﻜﻦ‬it is impossible’). It is really difficult in some cases to explain the preference of a classical vs. colloquial variant. Nevertheless, among the cases where the change of the original variant took place, the tendency towards “simplification” and “koineization” is clearly observable. We should keep in mind that since the language variety discussed is Middle Arabic, it is scarcely possible to explain the occurrence of the usage of colloquial vs. classical features. Our task is to reveal definite tendencies observable in the studied text which may shed light on some issues of the Arabic diglossia history. The study of typological characteristics of the Arabic texts written by nonprofessionals is being paid special attention nowadays. As the researchers of Middle and Mixed Arabic state, “the most important aspect of the issue of norms and standards is the question of to what extent they should be regarded as intentional” (den Heijer 2012: 11). Again, the Kyiv manuscript of “The Travels of Macarius” is one of the interesting individual cases that show the intentional trend of the scribes to “simplify” the language in order to adapt it for some category of readers and make it closer to the spoken norm. The work of the scribes here included not only structural abridgement, but also linguistic revision of the text, rather than mere copying. Among the manuscript versions of Paul of Aleppo’s journal the abridged later recension (the Kyiv manuscript) appeared the only version 452 YULIA PETROVA redrafted linguistically to such an extent. Thus, the linguistic data of the manuscript versions of “The Travels of Macarius” is to contribute to the new promising line of research of Middle Arabic. References Manuscript sources: Podorož patriarha Makarija. Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, the Private Archive of Professor Omeljan Pritsak, Collection 10, Section 1, Item 1781. Rukopis’ В 1230. 5/10/1699. Institut vostočnyh rukopisej RAN (St. Petersburg). Manuscrit Arabe 6016. Fin de XVIIe siècle. Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Manuscript OMS Add 18427–18430. 1765. British Museum. Publications: Blau, Joshua. 1966. A Grammar of Christian Arabic Based Mainly on South-Palestinian Texts from the First Millennium. I. Louvain: Imprimerie Orientaliste. den Heijer, Johannes. 2012. “Introduction: Middle and Mixed Arabic, a New Trend in Arabic Studies”, Zack, Liesbeth & Schippers, Arie (eds.), Middle Arabic and Mixed Arabic: Diachrony and Syncrony. Leiden: Brill. 1–26. Feodorov, Ioana. 2014. “Paul of Aleppo”, Noble, Samuel & Treiger, Alexander (eds.), The Orthodox Church in the Arab World, 700–1700: an Anthology of Sources. Northern Illinois University Press. 252–275. Hary, Benjamin. 2007. “Hypercorrection”, Versteegh, Kees (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, vol. 2. Leiden–Boston: Brill. 275–279. Holes, Clive. 1995. Modern Arabic: Structures, Functions and Varieties. New York: Longman Publishing. Kowalska, Maria. 1986. Ukraina w połowie 17 wieku w relacji arabskiego podróżnika Pawła, syna Makarego z Ałeppo. Wstęp, przekład, komentarz. Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictvo Naukowe. Kračkovskij, I.Ju. 1957. Opisanie putešestvija Makarija Antiohijskogo kak pamjatnik arabskoj geografičeskoj literatury i kak istočnik dlja istorii Rossii v XVII veke, Izbrannye sočinenija, IV. Moscow–Leningrad: Izdatel’stvo AN SSSR. 259– 272. Krymskij, A.E. 1971. Istorija novoj arabskoj literatury: XIX – načalo XX v. Мoscow: Nauka. Lebedev, V.V. 1977. Pozdnij srednearabskij jazyk (XIII–XVIII vv.). Мoscow: Nauka. Lihačev, D.S. 2001. Tekstologija na materiale russkoj literatury X–XVII vekov. St. Petersburg: Aleteja. Petrova, Yulia. 2014. “The Travels of Macarius: Return of the Forgotten Manuscript of A. Krymskiy”, Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes, LII, 1–4. 357–376. Pumpjan, G.Z. 1982. Dialektizmy v putešestvii patriarha Makarija Antiohijskogo (PhD Dissertation Abstract). Leningrad: Leningradskij gos. universitet im. A.A. Ždanova. Radu, Basile. 1930. “Voyage du Patriarche Macaire d’Antioche. Texte arabe et traduction française”, Graffin, R. & Nau, F. (eds.), Patrologia Orientalis XXII. Paris: Firmin-Didot et Cie, Imprimeurs-Éditeurs. 3–200. LINGUISTIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF PERIPHERAL ARABIC TORNIKE PHARSEGHASHVILI Free University of Tbilisi Abstract: The topic of this article will debate the importance of good exploration of dialects given their different development, as opposed to the Classical Arabic development. Some Arabic dialects keep many important ancient words and structures, which are not preserved in Classical Arabic. It is better to study dialects like archeological artifacts, following step by step discoveries. The paper deals with linguistic peculiarities of peripheral Arabic dialects spoken in Central Asia and Turkey. Peripheral Arabic Dialects manifest various linguistic features, which are mainly caused by their close linguistic contact with non-kindred Indo-European, Turkic, Berber and other languages. They contain extremely rich material for the study of the history of Arabic language and its internal development tendencies. The dialectological material of peripheral Arabic recorded in Central Asia and published in Tbilisi shows that Bukhara and Qashqa-Darya Arabic Dialects have preserved many archaic features. A significant linguistic picture has resulted from the development of Arabic dialect in the non-identical linguistic environment when they co-existed, being in linguistic contact with Tajik and Uzbek languages over centuries. Keywords: Peripheral Arabic, Qashqa-Darya Arabic, Bukhara Arabic. The introductory part of this study will explain the use of the term “linguistic archaeology”. Particularly, because of the importance of the fundamental research of dialects, as they did not go through the similar stages of development as Classical Arabic (henceforth abbreviated as CA) did, rather evolved independently, therefore a lot of ancient forms and constructions which no longer exist in CA are preserved within them. Also, in these dialects we find forms from other different dialects, according to the historical processes. In such cases the linguist must act like an archaeologist. He must collect materials (i.e. texts recorded from the dialect speakers in situ), then discover interesting forms and follow the development of Arabic language step by step, because constructions preserved in these texts represent a real treasure for understanding the history and internal development process of the Arabic language. Besides, some peripheral dialects (in this case, dialects of Central Asia) retain grammatical forms with which we do not come across any more nowadays. One more specific characteristic of the peripheral dialect in question is that it developed not in the Arabic speaking environment, but with completely different, Uzbek and Tajik languages, which in their turn are parts of Turkic and Indo-European language families. Thus, we face the collision of three completely different language families that has generated some unique linguistic forms. In addition, the gathered materials do not meet the volume requirement for a full research and the dialects are not highly mentioned and circulated amongst scientists. Certainly worth mentioning is that all this information has been gathered by academician Dr. Giorgi Tsereteli (Georgian academician and linguist) and by Dr. Guram Chikovani from 1956 to 2009 (Tsereteli 1956; Chikovani 2002-2009) and all materials used in my article are the result of their researches. I will merely write down their explorations and researches in order to prove the importance of this kind of work for linguistic science. They recorded fairy-tales and other type of stories among the people of Bukhara and Qashqa -Darya regions. Regarding the location of Qashqa-Darya and Bukhara regions, they are both located in the Uzbekistan Republic, near the border of Turkmenistan and close to Tajikistan. According to historical sources the Arabic population settled in this region from the 7th to 10th centuries. In the Arabic sources, we find information saying that Arabic tribes used to be sent often to this region to defend the lands and the local population from Turkic nomad tribes. For example, in 732 A.D. 20.000 men from Iraq 454 TORNIKE PHARSEGHASHVILI were sent to this region and a combined force of Arabs and Iranians defeated the Turgesh decisively in 737 A.D. (Edmund 2007: 280). It is noteworthy that the first Arabic invaders were from different Arabic countries and regions, so they spoke their own dialects. This has influenced the dialects of Qashqa-Darya (henceforth called QDA) and Bukhara (henceforth called BA) and we can easily find the same dialect forms and structures in those two dialects. The total population of Qashqa-Darya and Bukhara regions exceeds 2 million, but these specific dialects are spoken by only a few thousands of people (approximately 2000-3000). The dialects of those regions are highly influenced by Uzbek and Tajik languages, which belong to different language groups. Generally, the dialects of central Asia are giving very huge information about language contact and this reason alone makes them so important and interesting. Below are some interesting examples of language contact, recorded in the aforementioned dialects. Examples from BA: rōden - cf. Arabic ’arḍ “land, soil, countryside” (Firuzabadi 2003: 587) (Lane 1968: 47) (Baranov 1984: 31). It is worth mentioning a form of the verb rōd / rowd. Here the BA dialect is trying to recover the historical three consonants of this verb. That occurrence in Central Asian Arabic Dialects shows that “there might be three-consonant verbs at the beginning of the development of the structure of Arabic language” (Chikovani 2009: 83). ğazīra “desert” (in BA dialect) (Firuzabadi 2003: 341) (Lane 1968: 419) (Baranov 1984: 128) A brief explanation of the existence of such a word in the dialect vocabulary is the very name of the Arabic Peninsula, which is covered by desert, and it is called ğazīrat al-ᶜarab (Chikovani 2009: 85). halo < hal = laha (after a metathesis). hal is a demonstrative pronoun. Means “that”; “exactly that”. Tsereteli pointed out to the Syrian origin of this pronoun. The other demonstrative pronouns, which are preserved in the BA dialect, probably should be of Syrian origin also: had, hadi, hat, hālān, cf. Classical Arabic ha’wlā’i (Chikovani 2009: 86). Old Syrian forms (West Syrian): hāna = hāḏa hāde = ha'wlā'i (Massarani, Segal, 1978: 511) …. . As it may be observed, the Syrian forms underwent some changes in BA dialect. We may presume that the forms and words of Syrian origin in the BA dialect are the result of language contact at the starting stage of the development of Arabic dialects, when Arabic language has mixed with local languages and created the vernacular of people of non-Arabic origin. Tsereteli mentions that if Arabic language was stemmed from the Arabic Peninsula (and the lands which are located nearby), the dialects of Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Iraq and also BA and QDA are the next stage of the development of the pre-Islamic population's language. This dialect is the result of mixing between old Arabic dialects with the language of the people in the invaded country. This mixture is actually called the Arabic dialects. This term is also mentioned by J. Vilenčik in Arabic dialectology (J. Vilenčik 1935: 721). millimi-hum < yallamu-hum / yalummu-hum, cf. CA lamma “combine, assemble”. The forms with m-/mi- prefix is inherent to the imperfective form of the verb. Vinikov supposes that forms with m-/mi- prefix are inherent to conditional sentences in BA dialect (Chikovani 2009: 81). According to Tsereteli, those forms with m-/mi- prefix indicate the durative in BA dialect, while the forms without these prefixes indicate a simple imperfect. Nowadays, it is hard to find the exact definition of using m-/mi- prefix in dialect, because it has been used without limits. intala cf. CA intalā (VII). The verb has been produced from tala form. This fact shows that the dialect can still produce some forms itself (Chikovani 2009: 81). LINGUISTIC ARCHAEOLOGY OF PERIPHERAL ARABIC 455 Examples from QDA dialect: čüpōn “shepherd” (Tajik), cf. Tk. çoban. In the dialects of Central Asia there exist two phonemes, /p/ and /č/, which are not inherent to CA, they emerged in QDA dialect through the influence of Uzbek and Tajik languages. We also see that kind of phonemes in words of Arabic origin. Like, uč-u < CA wağhu-hu, ḥač < CA ḥağğ, harap < CA harab. According to this information, we can say that QDA dialect is highly influenced by the Tajik phonetic system (Chikovani 2007: 189). taġadda “attain, come, arrive”, cf. CA ġ-d-w. It is worth mentioning that the verb ġadā doesn't have a 5th form in CA with this meaning, yet the dialect produces this verbal form. It indicates that QDA dialect has its own capability to produce verb forms (Chikovani 2007: 199). hataga - “cut something”, cf. CA hataka “cut off, hash”. This verb in QDA dialect is extremely important. Because of the isolation of this land from Arabic countries (or the countries which speak Arabic) for centuries, we have some ancient lexical units in this dialect, which are not preserved in any other dialects. That makes this dialect interesting and important to study (Chikovani 2007: 201, 210). naḫša “engraving”, cf. CA naqš “painting, carve, engrave, chisel”. We suppose that this word is the secondary loanword from Uzbek language to QDA Dialect, due to the presence of /ḫ/ instead of /q/. We have the same examples of Turkish origin words in Georgian language (Chikovani 2007:211). Lastly, one of the most important examples: zēnkēnišūfa “he loved”. This example shows that the dialect has the ability to produce words and constructions. Despite of losing the CA word - ḥabba, the dialect has not loaned any word of this kind from Tajik or Uzbek languages, rather it produced this construction from its own lexical fund (Chikovani 2007:199). As a conclusion, this showcase of the works of Chikovani and Tsereteli is an attempt to demonstrate how important it is for linguistics to study Central Asian Arabic dialects much profoundly, because it gives a lot of information about the history and the modern condition of Semitic and even non-Semitic languages. References: Chikovani, Guram. 2007. Arabic Dialects Of Central Asia, Tbilisi, “Chiron” Publishing House; Chikovani, Guram. 2009. The Bukhara Dialect of Arabic Language, Tbilisi. “Mtsignobari” Publishing House; El-Massarani, M. & Segal, V.. 1978. Arabic-Russian Dictionary of Syrian Dialect, Moscow, “Russian Language Publishing House” Baranov, A.S. 1984. Arabic-Russian dictionary.Moscow Lane, E. W.. 1968. Arabic-English Lexicon. Beirut Clifford, Edmund. 2007. Historic Cities of the Islamic World, Bosworth Publishing House Firuzabadi, Muhammad ibn al-Yaqub. Qamus Al-Muhit. 2003. Beirut THE FUNCTIONS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN ŠĀWI BEDOUIN DIALECTS STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA İSMAIL BATAN University of Vienna Abstract: This article deals with the functions of active participles in the Bedouin type dialects spoken in the Syrian Jazeera and one smaller region across the border in south-eastern Turkey. Data from Bedouin dialects of Iraq and Arabia have also been taken into account for comparison. Morphologically, the dialects treated here stand out for their frequent use of the CaCCān pattern with both intransitive and transitive Form 1 verbs. As in many other Arabic dialects, participles constitute an integral part of the verbal system and serve mainly to express different aspects, particularly the resultative, perfective, and stative. Tense reference, however, always depends on the context. The focus of this article is on the dialect of the Harran-Urfa region (Turkey), which exhibits functions of the participle found very rarely elsewhere. Notable is the use of participles in counterfactual conditional and optative clauses as well as their frequent employment to express evidentiality, i.e. to mark an utterance as second hand information. The latter function has most likely developed under the influence of similar structures in Turkish, which is the second language of almost all speakers of that dialect. Keywords: Bedouin dialects, participle, syntax, verbal aspect, Syria, Turkey. In their recently published article, Domenyk Eades and Maria Persson pointed out that there are numerous comparative studies on the phonology and morphology of Omani and Gulf Arabic dialects but relatively little is known about the degree to which these dialects contrast or correspond syntactically (Eades & Persson 2013: 343). This paper is intended as a modest addition to our knowledge about the syntax of the Šāwi Bedouin dialects spoken in the Syrian Jazeera and adjoining areas of south-eastern Turkey. Research on these Arabic Bedouin dialects is rather sparse, and none of the few studies on them is dedicated to syntax 1. The following results are drawn from mostly unpublished data we recorded among the Arabs living in and around the Turkish cities of Harran and Urfa 2, and from the two relatively large text collections from the Syrian Jazeera found in Behnstedt (2000: 516-617) and Bettini 2006. Several in-depth studies have been published that deal with the function of participles in modern Arabic dialects. Among the pioneer works were Caubet 1991, which focused on Maghrebinian dialects, and Eisele’s (1999) comprehensive study on tense and aspect in Cairene Arabic, in which he devoted a long chapter to participles. Surprisingly, there are more studies about the use of the participle in Bedouin-type Eastern dialects than in sedentary Eastern dialects. Besides the study by Eades & Persson mentioned earlier, there are several other studies concerning the similarities and differences among the various Bedouin dialects. Particularly useful are (in alphabetical order) Brustad 2000, Eksell 1985, Henkin 1992 3, and Holes 1990 and 2016. Also helpful is Denz 1971, a largely neglected monograph on the verbal system of the rural Iraqi dialect of Kwayriš. All previous studies have shown that the actual function and time reference of an active participle depend on both the semantic of the verb and the context (cf. e.g. Holes 2016: 244). Although participles, because they may govern direct objects, have a verbal nature, on the whole their nominal character prevails. This means they should not be equated with finite verbs, as has been done in several descriptions of Arabic dialects. For a linguistic sketch of Šāwi Arabic cf. Behnstedt (2000: 424-458) and Bettini 2006. The latter also includes a comprehensive list of references (pages 399-409). 2 For this dialect cf. Procházka 2003, 2013, 2014. 3 We would like to thank Roni Henkin for some very inspiring remarks on an earlier draft of this paper. 1 458 STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA; İSMAIL BATAN In the overwhelming majority of Eastern Arabic dialects, the active participle is used to express the result of an activity or a process which, at the moment of speech or at another reference point, is of ongoing relevance. We will not discuss here which aspect prevails. Eades & Persson 2013, for example, emphasized the stativity of participles, whereas Brustad 2000, Holes 1990, Holes 2016 and others give priority to their perfective (or resultative) features. In many respects Šāwi dialects conform to other Eastern Bedouin dialects. The following text illustrates the different functions of the participle in the Šāwi dialect. It is from a story which forty year old Amīna from the small town of Akçakale (Arabic Tall Abyaḏ)̣ told about her childhood. She had thrown a stone at the head of her neighbour’s boy, who had knocked over her family’s milk jar. When the boy saw the blood trickle from his head, he ran home 4… (1) w mištaki l-umm-u, umm-u rabīʻit umm-i w-abū-y waktin-ne zqār awwali […] (2) win-he ǧāye umm-u w-āni čān agūm anhazim w-arūḥ axušš ᵊb-galb al-gunn. ʻid-ne gunn, gunn ad-diǧāǧ w čān axušš ᵊb-galb-u – (3) an-nōba mtilat āni zādēne gamla. w-aḥukk min hal-gamla (4) w-xāṭle b-galb al-gunn, yiǧi (5) win-he ǧāye, “ya wali ḥaǧǧīye! ya wali (6) daḥḥǧi ši-msawwye bintič! – “He complained to his mother 5; his mother was my mother’s and father’s friend when we were young. Suddenly she came and I ran off and went into the chicken coop. We had a chicken coop then and I went inside. Immediately I was covered with lice and began to scratch myself because of them. I was still hiding inside the chicken coop when, lo and behold, she came and said (to my mother), ‘Hey haji, look what your daughter has done!’” In section (1) the narrator uses the participle because she had not personally witnessed the boy’s complaining to his mother. In sections (2) and (5), the participle indicates the sudden, and for the speaker perhaps even surprising, appearance of the boy’s mother. In section (3) the speaker uses the perfect tense to describe what happened to her at that moment. Section (4) is a good example of how the participle of telic verbs may describe both the action and the state resulting from it, in this case “I hid myself and when all that happened I was still hiding”. In section (6) the mother uses the participle to stress the apparent result of what her neighbour’s daughter had done: “What has she done that my son is now in this condition!” Because lexical features play a crucial role in the interpretation of the functions of a participle, the first sections below cover the three semantic verb classes which are most important for the analysis 6. 1. Participles of dynamic verbs First, such participles express a completed activity, the result of which is of relevance at the moment of speech or at the point of time to which the statement refers. (1) 7 Aḷḷa xāliǧ-ni kull-u b-at-taʻmīr. God AP-create-1SG all-3SG in-DF-repair “God has created me to repair everything. (~ I am very skilled)” (2) ʻAli mitʻallim ʻala sōg aṭ-ṭaqṣi. Ali AP-learn on driving DF-car “Ali has learned to drive a car (and now knows how).” 4 For the sake of clarity, in this and all following examples participles are marked by not being italicized. See below, section 6 Evidentiality. 6 We are aware that there are many more categories and subcategories which could be distinguished; but for our purposes a rough categorization is sufficient. 7 Unless otherwise indicated, the examples are taken from our own data on Harran-Urfa Arabic. Most of them are yet unpublished; a monograph on the grammar and lexicon of this dialect is in preparation. 5 459 THE FUNCTIONS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN ŠĀWI BEDOUIN DIALECTS (3) ḥayyt-in čibīr-e b-gaḷb al-gaṣṭal wāǧʻa mā snake-LINKER big-F inside DF-cistern AP-fall-FSG NEG “A big snake has fallen into the cistern and cannot get out (i.e. is still in there).” tigdar IPF-can tuṭluʻ. IPF-get.out Second, the active participle may also express “the state that is the end result brought about by the start of the activity” (Eades & Persson 2013: 355). (4) ygūl yōmin yirga ʻa-ǧ-ǧbile rāčib al-kidīše IPF-say.3MSG when IPF-go.up.3MSG on-DF-mountain AP-mount DF-horse “It is said that, when he went up the mountain riding his horse… (having mounted his horse and thus being in the state of riding).” There are cases of this usage where the object of a transitive verb actually becomes its subject 8. This is, however, not possible with all verbs, even those which are semantically very close, such as “to open” and “to close” (see below example 18). (5) had-dann fāriq mā bī mayy 9 DF-jug AP-empty NEG in-3MSG water “This jug is empty, there’s no water in it (i.e. the jug is in the state of having been emptied).” In both usages mentioned so far, the active participle of a transitive verb may either describe the state of the patient (ex. 6) or the state of the agent (ex. 7 and 8) that has resulted from the activity expressed by the verb: (6) baqčit-ne māčil-he ač-čāyir ačil. garden-1PL AP-eat-3FSG DF-weeds VN-eating “Our garden has been overrun by weeds.” (literally: “the weeds have eaten it up”) (7) Ḥasan māxiḏ gomlēga miṯil gomlēgt-i ʻaynā-ha. Hassan AP-buy shirt like shirt-1SG same-3FSG “Hassan has bought the same shirt as I have (which means he is now the owner of an identical shirt).” (8) Bettini 2006: 106/2 ʼāni 1SG maʻā-hin with-3FPL miš-an al-banāt šāylāt PF-goDF-girls AP3FPL pick.up.3FPL “J’irai avec elles. Les filles se mirent en route avec leurs provisions. (…they went in the state of having picked up (= carrying) their provisions).” amši IPF-go.1SG zahāb-hin provision-3FPL b-hač-čōl in-DF-steppe (9) šimaṭ ᵊtfungt-u ḏārib-u w mayyit ̣ PF-draw rifle-3MSG AP-hit-3MSG and dead “He produced his rifle and shot him dead.” In sentence (9) the agent is in the state of having become a murderer, the patient in the state of having been shot and therefore dead. Holes (2016: 258-259) states that such a development is relatively frequent in the Baḥārnah dialects of Bahrein. He calls these ergative verbs; e.g. maḥmal šāḥin ḥaṣa yarkis, lā? “A boat loaded with stone will sink, won’t it?”. 9 Old Arabic /ġ/ has shifted to /q/ in this dialect. 8 460 STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA; İSMAIL BATAN 2. Verbs denoting a process or change of state The participles of this category of verbs, which are often called “medium” or “middle voice” verbs, express the result of a process that has been gone through by the subject of the clause. A striking feature of Šāwi Arabic is that with these verbs (if belonging to Form I) there is a clear preference for use of the pattern CaCCān rather than CāCiC. As will be seen in the following section these CaCCān forms can contrast with either CāCiC forms or CaCīC adjectives. But there are also verbs which seem to have CaCCān participles only (like those in examples 10-13). (10) hal-ᵊbnayye nigal-at al-ḥunṭa win-he taʻbān-e w ʻargān-e AP-become.tired-FSG DEM-girl PF-carry-3FSG DF-wheat that-3FSG and AP-sweat-FSG “This girl carried the wheat and has got tired and is all sweaty.” (11) ʼīd-i xadrān-e hand-1SG AP-sleep-F “My hand has gone to sleep.” (12) Bettini 2006: 133/1 gām-aw haḏōla bī šeyx ʻind-u walad šabʻān PF-standDEM.PL there sheikh at-3MSG son AP3MPL is become.full « Il y avait un cheikh qui avait un fils et que était rassasié et bourré d’argent. » w-ṭafrān and-APbe.abundant mn-al-māl from-DFmoney In contrast to adjectives, the participle stresses that a certain state is the result of a process, and not necessarily an inherent characteristic of the person or thing. Thus ʻatgān means “it has become old” whereas ʻatīǧ just means “old”; and kabrān and zarqān mean “it has become big/small” whereas čibīr and ziqīr/ziġīr mean “big” and “small”, respectively. (13) hiyye kabrān-e mā ʻād tilid she AP-become.old-FSG NEG still IPF-give.birth.3FSG “She has become old and can no longer give birth.” There are a couple of verbs for which both the CāCiC and the CaCCān pattern exist. As far as we can see, the usage of these patterns is sometimes clearly separated but in other cases there seem to be only subtle nuances. The pattern CaCCān indicates that with some verbs the stative or durative notion prevails even if the state is the result of an activity. This is mainly the case with verbs involving knowledge and sense perception. (14) ʼinte ʻarfān-he? you-MSG AP-know-3FSG “Do you know her?” (Are you in a state of knowing her after you had become acquainted with her?) (15) samʻān-īn ᵊb-šēx hēne. AP-hear-MPL in-sheikh here “They have heard about a sheikh here.” (They are now in the state of having heard…) THE FUNCTIONS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN ŠĀWI BEDOUIN DIALECTS 461 In contrast to ʻarfān and samʻān, the forms ʻārif and sāmiʻ less express a continuing state than emphasize the recent 10 acts of “knowing” and “hearing” which still have relevance at the time of speaking. (16) ʼāni ʻārif-he 1SG AP-know-3FSG “I have become known to her (recently).” The participle of the verb mila ‘to fill’ is either māli or malyān, with the clear cut distinction that the first is only used when the agent of a clause is mentioned 11. (17) ʻAli māli kāst-u Ali AP-fill glass-3MSG “Ali has filled his glass (which is now full).” (18) al-kāse malyān-e DF-glass AP-fill-FSG “The glass has been filled ~ is full.” The sentence *al-kāse mālye “The glass is full” is grammatically incorrect – in contrast to alkāse fārqa “The glass is empty” which is structurally completely identical. However, besides fāriq, the verb firaq ‘to empty’ also possesses the participle farqān. The latter is used when one wants to state that something has apparently become empty, often with a nuance of astonishment (see below section 4 Sudden events). (19) ǧīt ta-šṛab mayy ʻad-dann winn-u farqān PF-come.1SG MODIFIERwater from DF-jug that-3MSG AP-empty IPF.drink.1SG “I came to drink some water from the jug but it has been emptied (I expected it to be full).” Another verb with two participles is ʻliǧ “to burn, to blaze (intr.)” 12. In this case ʻāliǧ is used to express the fact that something has caught fire and is therefore blazing whereas ʻalgān emphasizes the process of “having burnt down”. (20) ǧīrān-ne bēt-hum ʻāliǧ! neighbours-1PL house-3MPL AP-burn “Our neighbours’ house is on fire!” 13 (21) ǧīrān-ne bēt-hum ʻalgān neighbours-1PL house-3MPL AP-burn “Our neighbours’ house has burnt down (totally).” 10 Holes (2016: 250) mentions that the “recentness” of the action with present relevance is also very frequent in Bahreini Arabic where it is often signaled by the use of the adverb taww ‘now, just’ 11 At least at a synchronic level the two participles are derived from the same verb because only one Form I verb meaning ‘to fill’ exists. The corresponding Form VIII mtila means ‘to be or become full’ and has the participle mimtali. 12 For a possible explanation of the meaning “burn” of the root ʕlq see Behnstedt (2009: 72). 13 In this case the progressive form can also be used: ǧīrān-ne bēt-hum ǧaʕad yʕaliǧ! 462 STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA; İSMAIL BATAN 3. Translocative verbs In Šāwi dialects the participle of translocative verbs has mostly a continuous imperfect meaning emphasizing the state of being in transition between start and arrival. (22) al-ʻaše ḥāḏiṛ ʼēmat tiǧūn? – ʼiḥna ǧāy-īn DF-dinner AP-be.present when? IPF-come.2MPL we AP-come-MPL “Dinner is ready: when do you get home? – We are coming (and almost at the door).” In cases like example (22) the participle is used only if one has almost arrived. Otherwise one would say ǧaʻad niǧi, ʻa-d-darib, “We are coming, we are on the way”, or ʻalēne guṭmut šuġul, alḥaz niǧi, “We have to finish some work; we come very soon.” Although example (22) could also be interpreted as the state of being about to arrive at a location and thus indicating a kind of future, participles in Šāwi Arabic are usually not used with future time and thus differ from sedentary Syrian and urban Gulf dialects 14. 4. Sudden events Participles may be used to express that something happens suddenly or was surprising to the speaker – a function which is particularly frequent with translocative verbs. This function is frequently found in the narratives told by women from Bedouin tribes of the Syrian Jazeera. In most cases such clauses are introduced by the particle winn (or wunn) 15. (23) Bettini (2006: 69/32) ḏạ llat PF-stay-3FSG winn ṯāni second aš-šēx PARTICLE DF-sheikh “Elle resta un jour, deux, trois ; le (comme femme).” nahār ṯāliṯ day third hādiš ʻid-ha AP-enter at-3FSG quatrième jour voilà que nahār rābiʻ nahār day fourth day ydawwir-lha ta-yāxuḏ-ha IPF-search-for.3FSG to-IPF-take.3MSG-3FSG le cheikh vint chez elle en la cherchant pour la prendre The next example clearly shows that the function of the active participle in such constructions is to indicate suddenness. When the speaker repeats the last section, she uses the perfect form. (24) Bettini (2006: 164/3) w-rkab al-ixšiba and-PFDF-wood mount “Monta sur le morceau s’envola et l’emporta.” w-gūl bī-ha hičḏān winn-ha ṭāyr-e bī ṭār-at bī andin-3FSG so PARTICLE AP.flywithPF-flywithsay.IMP FSG 3MSG 3FSG 3MSG de bois, il fit comme ça, et voici que le morceau de bois s’envola et l’emportant. Il (25) ǧāy min Āḏane wunn-u šāyif wāḥad wāǧif ʻa-d-darib AP-come from Adana PARTICLE AP-see one AP-stand.up on-DF-road When he was coming from Adana, lo and behold, he saw someone standing on the road! In the following final two sections some functions of the participle in Harran-Urfa Arabic are presented which have not, or only very rarely, been attested in other dialects. 14 Cf. Lentin (2006: 553), Eades & Persson (2013: 361). Cf. Brustad (2000: 199-200) for some other dialects; and Henkin (2010: 138-141) for Negev Arabic. Henkin calls the particle win, which is also in Negev Arabic mostly used together with a participle, a “plotline presentative”. 15 463 THE FUNCTIONS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN ŠĀWI BEDOUIN DIALECTS 5. Irreal conditionals One of these features is that active participles are the default form used in the protasis of counterfactual conditional clauses if they refer to the past. The conjunction of the irrealis mood is yēlōn or lōn, which occurs with or without a pronominal suffix marking the logical subject of the clause. (26) yēlōn-ne ʻugub sāʻa rāyḥ-īn ʻa-s-sūg mā btallē-ne. if-1PL after hour AP-go-MPL to-DF-market NEG PF-get.wet-1PL “If we had gone to the market an hour later, we would not have got wet. (because the rain later stopped)” (27) yēlōn ad-duqṭōṛ mū ǧāy čān al-waǧʻān māt if DF-doctor NEG AP-come-SG PF-be.3MSG DF-sick PF-die.3MSG “If the doctor had not come, the sick man would have died.” The employment of the participle contrasts with the imperfect because the latter is used in counterfactual conditionals that do not explicitly refer to the past. Thus lōnhum ǧāyīn means “if they had come…” whereas lōnhum yiǧūn means “if they came…”. Examples (28) and (29) illustrate this difference. It should be noted that in the apodosis of both sentences the perfect is used. (28) lōn tiǧi ʻala Urfa čān ligēnā-lhe if IPF-come-3fsg to Urfa PF-be-3MSG PF-find-1pl-to.3FSG “If she came to Urfa, we would find a man for her and get her married.” zlime man w and ǧawwaz-nā-ha. PF-marry-1PL-3FSG But (29) lōn lāgī-lhe zlime b-Urfa mā rāḥ-at ʻala Almānya. if AP-find.MPL-for.3FSG man in-Urfa NEG PF-go-3FSG to Germany “If we had found a man for her in Urfa, she would not have gone to Germany.” Holes (1990 and 2016) does not mention this usage of the participle in conditionals for Eastern Arabia, but notes that the participle can be used to describe a counterfactual continuing state, as in ilforma kansal-ha willa hi māšya “He canceled the form, otherwise it would still have been operative.” (Holes 2016: 249). Conditional usage is attested in at least one example from Kuwait. (30) Brustad (2000: 263) lo ʼihiya mwaṣṣlat-la čān ya if she AP-tell-to.3MSG PF-be PF-come “If she had told him, he would have come.” Probably closely related to the usage of the participle just mentioned is its appearance in irreal optative clauses. These are usually introduced by the conjunctions ʻalwān or ʻalwa. (31) ʻalwān ʼāni mitzangil if only 1SG AP-get.rich.MSG “If I were rich!” (32) ʻalwān inte šāyif hāda! if only 2MSG AP-see.MSG this “If you had seen this!” 464 STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA; İSMAIL BATAN (33) ʻalwa m-iḥne māxḏ-īn-he! if only NEG-1PL AP-take-MPL-3FSG “If we had not bought it!” How can the use of the participle in such counterfactual clauses be explained? Here again it refers to the state that has resulted from the verbal action. However, in these two cases the speaker wants to express that at the time of reference this state has not yet become reality. This is only indicated by the use of certain conjunctions such as lōn and ʻalwān, which mark the following proposition as “non-factual”. Otherwise the same sentence would have a resultative meaning. When we take the protasis of example (29) (34a) lōn lāgī-lhe zlime b-Urfa if AP-find.MPL-to.3FSG man in-Urfa “If we had found a man for her in Urfa…” and omit the conjunction, we get (34b) lāgī-lhe zlime b-Urfa AP-find.MPL-to.3FSG man in-Urfa “We have found a man for her in Urfa (to whom she is married).” 6. Evidentiality Another prominent function of the participle in Harran-Urfa Arabic is expressing evidentiality. By evidentiality we mean the mode of description of a state or event of which the narrator was not a firstperson witness. Thus the evidential is used to signify that a narrative is second-hand. In this case, in contrast to its uses described above, the participle has a clear time reference because states or events narrated in the evidential mood always refer to the past. Therefore any kind of event one knows only from hearsay is described by using participles 16. The following passage is taken from a recording about a mentally ill girl who was taken to a sheikh for a cure. The speaker explained in detail how the sheikh treated her. Except in those parts where the narrator uses direct speech, he renders the whole story by using participles. (35) ṣāṭǝr-he ṣaṭǝrtēn ṯalāṯ w ṣāyiḥ w… w-al-ʻaǧīye gāyle bi-smi-ḷḷā b-iḏn Aḷḷa ṭayybe wāǧfe w-gāyle gāyme tlumm ʻala ḥāl-he hīčiḏ ᵊtqabbi ta-ngūl ḥayā-ha w gāyle “ʼǝnṭū-ni hdūm!” gāyil Šēx Mǝṭar “ʼǝnṭū-ni hātū-li hdūm-ha!” ᵊmnawwšīn ᵊhdūm-he mlabb … minṭī-he gāyme tilbas gāyle “tamām yā ǧiddo gurbān-ak āni ṭǝbit. daxīl.ak ǧiddo!” gāyme tilbas ᵊhdūm-ha w ṭālʻīn hiyye w Šēx Mǝṭar ǧimīʻ w gāyle “yāba! ʼāni ṭǝbit.” w gāḏib ̣ abū-ha ʻād gāyil l-aš- Šēx Mǝṭar “xayyo, ʼinte… āni tamām inte šēx-i. ši-trīd?” gāyil “ʼāni mā__rīd kullši, ʼāni miššān Aḷḷa ṭayyabit-he, ʼāni mā__rīd ᵊflūs w mǝṣāri mā arīd.” gāḏib ̣ ʻād Šēx Mǝṭar w ǧāy ʻal-Urfa. 16 He slapped her twice or thrice while shouting… The girl said, “In the name of God,” and with God’s permission she got well and stood up. And she started to recollect herself and covered her pudenda like this, saying, “Give me clothes!” Sheikh Mǝṭar said, “Give me her clothes!” They handed him her clothes; and when he gave them to her, she started to put them on and said, “Well, grandpa, owing to you I have recovered. I take refuge in you, grandpa!” She put on her clothes and then she and Sheikh Mǝṭar went out together. Then she said, “Daddy, I have recovered!” Her father took her and said to Sheikh Mǝṭar, “My brother, I am fine and you are my sheikh. What do you want?” He said, “I do not want anything, I cured her for the love of God, I do not want money, I want no money.” And then Sheikh Mǝṭar came back to Urfa. Fairy tales and other more or less fictional stories are generally narrated with active or passive participles instead of verbs in the perfect. Because this is a kind of default case, we do not give an example here. THE FUNCTIONS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN ŠĀWI BEDOUIN DIALECTS 465 In those cases in which a person was partially involved in a story, the narrative of it switches between different verbal forms depending on whether the specific incidents are being told firsthand or secondhand. In the following, perfect forms are underlined, participles not italicized. (36) ʼiḥne b-zimānāt čān ʻid-na ǧār b-al-maḥalle. huwwa māt ᵊrtiḥam ᵊngūl-lu Šēx Mǝṭar. Šēx Mǝṭar ʻālim bir xōǧa yaʻni taqwa ṣāḥib taqwa. nahāṛ rabīʻ-u wāḥad ʻāzm-u ʻala Stanbūl. rāyiḥ maʻzūm ʻala Stanbul māxiḏ Šēx Mǝṭar ᵊb-sāgt-u, maʻā, ʻala Stanbūl. Once we had a neighbour in our quarter. He died, he passed away. We called him Sheikh Mǝṭar. Sheikh Mǝṭar was a learned man and very pious, he possessed piety. One day somebody invited his friend to Istanbul. As he was invited he went to Istanbul and he took Sheikh Mǝṭar with him. To the best of our knowledge, this use of the participle has been previously mentioned only for Cilician and Negev Arabic (Procházka 2002: 200-201, Henkin 1992). Roni Henkin presented several examples of it in Negev Bedouin Arabic which resemble our findings (1992: 438-440). In the texts published by Peter Behnstedt one can find various passages in which participles could express evidentiality 17. However, the narratives in Bettini 2006 seem to have no examples of this usage. The evidential function of the participle probably goes back to the resultative with relevance to the present situation. Depending on the situation, many participles can be interpreted as expressing evidentiality. Thus example (17) ʻAli māli kāst-u “Ali has filled his glass” can also be uttered in a situation where someone who enters the room sees Ali’s full glass but was not a first-hand witness to the act of filling. However, the abundant and contingent use of participles to express evidentiality in Harran-Urfa Arabic is – in our opinion – the result of the bilingualism of Arabic speakers in that region. In Turkish, the use of the miş-perfect to express secondhand information is obligatory. The few examples from other dialects suggest that the evidential function of the participle was a linguistic device already available to speakers of Harran-Urfa Arabic for marking a proposition as secondhand information. But only under the influence of Turkish could this device have become generalized – a process which was certainly facilitated by the fact that the Turkish miş-form and the Arabic participle share their resultative and perfective functions. This hypothesis is corroborated by the fact that the other region that stands out for its abundant evidential use of participles is Cilicia (Adana, Tarsus) where also all speakers of Arabic are bilingual with Turkish. In conclusion, the Šāwi dialects in general and Harran-Urfa Arabic in particular conform to other Eastern Bedouin dialects regarding the most important functions of the active participle. But a striking characteristic of the participle in the former is the absence of future tense reference. The frequent use of the CaCCān pattern is particularly characteristic of Harran-Urfa Arabic. Other salient features are the use of the active participle in counterfactual conditional and optative clauses as well as to express evidentiality. The latter has been reported – although not with the same frequency – in Negev Bedouin Arabic and would certainly merit a cross-dialectal study. References Behnstedt, Peter. 2000. Sprachatlas von Syrien. II: Volkskundliche Texte. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Behnstedt, Peter. 2009. “Words and things”, Al-Wer, Enam & de Jong, Rudolf (eds.), Arabic Dialectology. In Honour of Clive Holes on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday. Leiden-Boston: Brill. 63-75. Bettini, Lidia. 2006. Contes féminins de la haute Jézireh Syrienne : matériaux ethno-linguistiques d’un parler nomade oriental. Firenze: Dipartimento di Linguistica, Università di Firenze (Quaderni di semitistica 26). Brustad, Kristen E. 2000. A Syntax of Spoken Arabic: A comparative study of Moroccan, Egyptian, Syrian, and Kuwait dialects. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown Univ. Press. For instance ʼawwal māhu fāyit wāḥid gāÌb al-xanǧar gāyil gāÌb-u hīčiḏ w-gāÌb-u hīčiḏ “Als er hinein wollte, da packte der einen Dolch, so erzählt man, und packte ihn so, griff ihn an” (Behnstedt 2000: 612/15). 17 466 STEPHAN PROCHÁZKA; İSMAIL BATAN Caubet, Dominique. 1991. “The active participle as a means to renew the aspectual system: a comparative study in several dialects of Arabic”, A.S. Kaye (ed.), Semitic studies in honor of Wolf Leslau on the occasion of his eighty-fifth birthday November 14th, 1991. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 209-224. Denz, Adolf. 1971. Die Verbalsyntax des neuarabischen Dialektes von Kwayriš (Irak). Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. Eades, Domenyk & Persson, Maria. 2013. “Aktionsart, word form and context: On the use of the active participle in Gulf Arabic dialects”, Journal of Semitic Studies 58. 343–367. Eisele, John C. 1999. Arabic verbs in time: Tense and aspect in Cairene Arabic. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Eksell, Kerstin. 1985. “On the function of the verbal active participle in northern Arabian narrative texts”, Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen) 46. 7–22. Henkin, Roni. 1992. “The three faces of the Arabic participle in Negev bedouin dialects: Continuous, resultative, and evidential”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55. 433–444. Henkin, Roni. 2010. Negev Arabic. Dialectal, Sociolinguistic and Stylistic Variation. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Holes, Clive. 1990. Gulf Arabic. London-New York: Routledge. Holes, Clive. 2016. Dialect, Culture and Society in Eastern Arabia. Volume 3: Phonology, Morphology, Syntax, Style. Leiden, Brill. Lentin, Jérôme. 2006. “Damascus Arabic”, Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics I. Leiden: Brill. 546-555. Mitchell, T. F. 1978. “Educated spoken Arabic in Egypt and the Levant, with special reference to participle and tense”, Journal of Linguistics 14. 227–258. Owens, Jonathan. 2008. “Participle”, Kees Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics III. Leiden: Brill. 541–546. Procházka, Stephan. 2002. Die arabischen Dialekte der Çukurova (Südtürkei). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Procházka, Stephan. 2003. “The Bedouin Arabic Dialects of Urfa”, I. Ferrando & J.J. Sanchez Sandoval (eds.) AIDA: 5th Conference Proceedings, Cádiz. 75-88. Procházka, Stephan. 2013. “Interesting Facts on Ancient Mounds – Three Texts in the Bedouin Arabic Dialect of the HarranUrfa-Region (Southeastern Turkey)”, Holes, Clive & de Jong, Rudolf (eds.), Ingham of Arabia: A Collection of Articles Presented as a Tribute to the Career of Bruce Ingham. Leiden: Brill. 203-213. Procházka, Stephan. 2014. “Lexical features of the Arabic dialects spoken in the Harran-Urfa-region (South-Eastern Turkey): A comparison with the bedouin dialects of Syria, Iraq, and Arabia”, Olivier Durand, Angela Daiana Langone, Giuliano Mion (eds.): Alf lahǧa wa lahǧa. Proceedings of the 9th AIDA Conference. Münster: LIT. 339-350. ARABIC-HEBREW CODE-SWITCHING IN THE SPONTANEOUS SPEECH OF ISRAELI ARAB STUDENTS JUDITH ROSENHOUSE SWANTECH Ltd. and Technion I.I.T. , Haifa SARA BRAND Oranim College, Tiv'on Abstract: Constant inter-language contacts affect languages, as revealed in the use of Code-Switching (CS). This article reports a research of Arabic-Hebrew CS in Israel, where Hebrew is the dominant language and Arabic is a minority language. Not much literature exists on Hebrew-Arabic CS in Israel, in spite of its frequent and increasing occurrence. This study, therefore, aims to contribute to the field. Ninety native-speakers of Arabic who were mostly students at Oranim College participated in the study. They belonged to various social groups (categorized by religion, birthplace and gender). They were urban and rural Muslims and Christians, as well as Druze and Bedouin speakers. They were recorded in 23 spontaneous conversations and in 21 semi-formal interviews following a questionnaire. No non-native speakers of Arabic participated in the conversations and interviews. CS differences have been found between the speakers' social sub-groups (i.e., religion, birthplace and gender). CS items occurred in 14% of the Druze recordings, in 7% of the Bedouins, and the rural Christians’ material, in 6% of the urban Muslims’ material, and in 4% of the urban Christians’ and rural Muslims’ material. CS rates varied also in the two discourse types (conversation or interview), the discussed topics and the linguistic elements. This article focuses on some of the linguistic findings of the study, demonstrated by morphological and syntactic examples. Most of the code-switched elements were nouns, as expected. Code-switched verbs were fewer than code-switched nouns. Many combinations of CS in noun- and verb-phrases also occurred. The findings are discussed with relation to a few sociopragmatic motivations and are compared to CS between Arabic and other languages. Keywords: Hebrew-Arabic Code-Switching, Arab communities, morphology, syntax, conversations, interviews Introduction Hebrew and Arabic are official languages in Israel. Native Israeli Arab speakers (NIAS) use Arabic in speech and writing. Most of them are fluent in Hebrew, the dominant language in Israel, as well as in Arabic, and thus are bilingual. As such, they often switch back and forth between these languages in the same utterance in conversation in what is called Code-Switching (CS). 1 Many CS researches have been conducted in the 20th century. Arabic as a minority language gets in touch with different languages such as English in the USA and in the UK, and with many other languages all over the world. For example, there are studies about Arabic- English CS in the USA (Jake & Myers-Scotton 2002; Rouchdy 1992) and in the UK (Abu Haidar 2002), Arabic-French in Algiers, Morocco and Tunisia (Bentahila & Davies 1994; Boumans & Caubet 2000; Heath 1989) and between Arabic and Dutch in the Netherlands (Boumans & de Ruiter 2002). In addition, CS studies on diglossic CS were undertaken between Standard Arabic (SA) and Colloquial Arabic (CA) in Egypt, Libya and Tunis (Bassiouney 2001; Bassiouney 2006; Boussofara-Omar 2003; Holes 1993; Mejdell 1996; Mazraani 1997). 2Arabic-Hebrew CS in Israel has not been extensively researched so far, 3 in 1 “CS refers to the use of various linguistic units (words, phrases, clauses, and sentences) from two participating grammatical systems across sentence boundaries within a speech event” (Ritchie & Bhatia 2004). Another definition is, “Classic code switching include elements from two (or more) language varieties in the same clause but only one of these varieties is the source of the morphosyntactic frame for the clause” (Myers-Scotton 2006: 241). 2 See also earlier research on diglossic CS between Colloquial and Literary Arabic (Badawi 1973; Blanc 1960; Meiseles 1980) 3 Studies exist about a particular group or two groups (see Amara 2006; Henkin 2011; Rosenhouse, 1998; Talmon 2000), but not about all the various dialect subgroups. 468 JUDITH ROSENHOUSE; SARA BRAND spite of its frequent and increasing occurrence. Our research studies the phenomenon of ArabicHebrew CS among young educated native speakers of Arabic across four Arabic-speaking communities in Northern Israel: Muslim and Christian (urban and rural), Bedouin and Druze. This article is based on Brand (2013) and focuses on code-switched morphological and syntactic elements or aspects. The findings are compared with those in the relevant literature of Arabic with three European languages (French, English and Dutch). The findings reveal numerous code-switched items, expressed in the use or disuse of definition, number and gender agreement in nouns, nominal and verb phrases, verbs and adjectives, etc. The goal of this study In light of the limited research of Hebrew-Arabic CS, the main goal of this study was to examine community-based Hebrew-Arabic CS differences between native speakers of Arabic. The next goal was to study the most commonly used CS items and to classify them by parts of speech according to their usage rates in the various groups. The third goal of this study was to compare the lexical, morphological and syntactic categories used in Hebrew-Arabic CS with those described in the relevant literature about other languages. Another goal was to examine the nature of CS from some sociopragmatic aspects. Since the literature describes CS as rule governed, we also aimed to examine into which linguistic theory our findings of Hebrew-Arabic CS can fit. Participants The participants' groups consisted of ninety students, 74 females and 16 males. All of the participants were NIAS students. Most of them were students at Oranim College near Haifa. Others were students of Haifa University or the Technion Institute of Technology at Haifa. These students were from four Arabic-speaking communities: Muslim, Christian, Bedouin, and Druze. In each of the first two groups, CS has been compared between students from towns (Haifa and Nazareth) and rural Arab villages. All the students were from locations in Northern Israel. Method and procedure The research population was comprised of young educated native speakers of Arabic, who were recorded during natural conversations and interviews. Altogether, there are 23 conversations and 21 interviews which lasted approximately eleven hours (about five hours of natural conversations and six hours of interviews). We looked for CS differences among the Arabic-speaking communities, and more precisely, among the six sub-groups, which included urban and rural Muslim and Christian students (See table 1). The data were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively (see table 1 and Table 2). Table 1 Recording conversations and interviews of the participants Druze Bedouin Conversations 4 4 Interviews 3 5 Rural Muslims Urban Christian Rural Muslims Urban Muslims 3 3 4 3 3 3 6 3 All recordings 23 21 Recordings of free, natural conversations and interviews focused on issues of daily life on and off campus, as well as culture-dependent topics, such as food and beverage, fashion, jewelry and cosmetics, music, sports, education, leisure, habits, traditions and cultural changes due to 469 ARABIC-HEBREW CODE-SWITCHING IN THE SPONTANEOUS SPEECH OF ISRAELI ARAB STUDENTS modernization and technological change. It is worth mentioning that the research population recorded their own conversations and interviews, and the interviewers were native Arabic speakers. Moreover, all the interviewers belonged to the same community as their interviewees, to maximize linguistic uniformity in terms of dialect use in the discourse, and to create a natural setting conducive to spontaneity and lack of anxiety on the interviewee’s part. The interviewers received a questionnaire written in the local urban Arabic dialect (i.e. Colloquial Arabic written in the Arabic alphabet). They were instructed to adapt the questions to their own specific dialect, and even to reformulate questions for the sake of clarity, if necessary. Some main findings Findings show that CS is found in 7% of the speech of the Israeli native Arabic speakers in the study on average. This rate is in line with findings in the CS literature between other language pairs. Nevertheless, CS rates vary among subjects of the various groups: Druze – 14%, Bedouin – 7%, rural Christians – 7%, urban Muslims – 6%, urban Christians – 4%, and rural Muslims – 4%. CS rates differed between conversations and interviews. These differences are found within a given community group and between the various groups. The CS occurrence rates in conversations and interviews among the various groups are as follows: In conversations: urban Muslims-10%, Christian and Druze-8% (each), Bedouins-7%, rural Christians-4% and rural Muslims -2%. In interviews: Druze-18%, Bedouins-7%, rural Muslims-6%, rural Christians-6%, urban Christians-4% and urban Muslims-2%. Inter-genre differences within the same group were found in three groups: Druze, urban Muslims, and rural Muslims. In addition to the overall quantitative analysis of CS in the various groups, a qualitative analysis of the lexical categories, i.e. code-switched content words and function words, was carried out. The analysis revealed differences among the various groups, even within a given group, when conversations and interviews were compared. The data suggest that out of all the occurrences of CS, nouns and nominal phrases in various syntactic structures make the most frequent category (70%), divided into single nouns with some 50% of the occurrences, and nominal phrases with 20% (see Table 2). Fewer CS occurred in verbs 4. Table 2 Occurrence of Noun and Nominal Phrases (NP) in Conversations & Interviews per Communal Group (percent) Nouns Conversations Noun NP Interviews Noun NP Urban Muslims 41 Rural Muslims 49 Urban Christians 64 Rural Christians 65 Bedouins Druze 51 54 33.8 57 0.8 52 4.7 52 34 40 12.3 56 14.4 45 3.7 14.7 8.2 19.2 17.9 36.1 In addition to the quantitative statistical analysis, the nature of CS was examined. We present here examples of the linguistic structural patterns findings of morphological, morpho-syntactic and syntactic structures. 4 In particular, the Druze participants made much use of certain Hebrew verbs (e.g. xoʃev/et ‘think’; makir ‘know’; xogegim ‘celebrate’; yatsliax ‘will succeed’; yodiʕim ‘know’). 470 JUDITH ROSENHOUSE; SARA BRAND Different lexical categories used in CS were classified to delineate the morphological and syntactic boundary of CS, and the findings were compared with those in the relevant literature. Morphological structures Morphological structures refer here to the formal structure of the word and the phrase and the way a morpheme is attached to the basis.The structures include hybrid words in which a grammaticalstructural morpheme of the basic language (Arabic) is attached to a word in the second language (L2, in our case, Hebrew). This phenomenon, as found in the Arabic speech material, includes the plural suffix –a:t, 5 Arabic bound pronouns, the Arabic definite article, and Hebrew prepositions in an Arabic sentence. Here are some examples of the plural suffix -a:t: kursa:t ‘courses’; kanjona:t ‘malls’; ʃikuna:t ‘housing projects’; hurmona:t ‘hormones’; videjukliba:t ‘video clips’; konserta:t 6 ‘concerts’. Another morphological structure is an Arabic bound pronoun attached to Hebrew nouns: maskor-ti ‘my salary’; minhag-na ‘our custom, habit’; signon-ek ‘your f. sg. style’; pilifon-ek ‘your mobile phone’. We have also found some innovated (non-existent) Hebrew forms, with the Hebrew suffix-ut attached to Hebrew nouns or adjectives. See, for instance, wa-l-ħasifut tabaʕna ‘and our being exposed’ (instead of ħasifa); kull el-ben?adamijut bitru:ħ minno ‘all his human nature leaves him’ (instead of ?enoʃijut-‘humanity’; ben?adam is ‘a human being’). Another Hebrew effect was observed when a participant once added a Hebrew morpheme to an Arabic word in ʃofe:ret basʕ ‘a female bus driver’. The definite Arabic article il- is usually attached to a Hebrew noun, for example: il-basis ‘the base, foundation’; il-kfar ‘the village’; kull il-ma?avakim ‘all the conflicts’; wiħdet il-bigrut ‘matriculation (exam) unit’; el-ʃomer ‘the guard’; il-maskoret ‘the salary’. But wherever the definite article attaches to a Hebrew expression or a title originally in Hebrew, the definite article is in Hebrew, for example: kibutz loxamei ha-geta?ot ‘name of a Kibbutz’; seret ?ismo ha-ħatufa ‘a film entitled “The Kidnapped”’ (f.sg.). Hebrew prepositions occur in Arabic sentences: be-, ba- 'in' (the most frequent preposition): ka:nu katbi:nu bi-dʒari:de ʕarabijje be-katava kti:r zɤi:re–‘it was written in an Arabic newspaper in a very small report’. See also: ʕal- ‘on, about’: jaʕeni ma ʕerifti tiʃtaltʕi ʕal isʕ-sʕaff ‘that is, you could not control the class’; le-, la- ‘to, for’: ?issa xalli:ni ?axallesʕ taħdʕi:r la-ʃiʕur-‘now let me finish preparing for the lesson’. CS was also observed in a Hebrew lexicalized construct state, with an Arabic definite article prefixed at the beginning of the Hebrew construct state, which makes it definite. See, for example,?innu ?abu:ja mumkin jesa:ʕidni fi-l-?itur naʃim ‘that my father may help me in finding women (for the research)’, and: wa-l-nivut kita, u-kti:r ʃaɤla:t ‘and classroom management and many (other) matters’. This phenomenon is well known in spoken daily Hebrew. 7 Syntactical structures We also analyzed the syntactic roles of words in code-switched phrases, clauses and sentences. In the case of Hebrew-Arabic CS, in fact, CS appeared in all the syntactic functions. Usually, the Hebrew word (often a noun or a noun phrase) appeared within an Arabic sentence, as in: u-l-zalami jedʒi:b ilmaskoret ‘and the man brings the salary’. 5 We use IPA transcription for all the Arabic and Hebrew words. Arabic words are written in italics, and Hebrew words in bold fonts. The morpheme -a:t marks the plural of feminine animate and inanimate nouns and adjectives, and many foreign loanwords. 6 Similarly, this nominal plural morpheme suffixed to a noun was found in Arab speakers’ American English: il-ho:lide:ya:t ‘the vacations’ il-kampju:tara:t‘computers’ (Rouchdy 1992). 7 Berman 1978: 250; Glinert1989:37. This phenomenon also occurs in Colloquial and Standard Arabic. ARABIC-HEBREW CODE-SWITCHING IN THE SPONTANEOUS SPEECH OF ISRAELI ARAB STUDENTS 471 Many noun phrases contained two nouns in a construct state or a noun + an adjective. See the following examples with the Hebrew construct embedded in an Arabic sentence: sʕadafet ʕaʃa:n ħufʃat pesaħ ‘I came across (it) because of Pesach vacation’; u-baʕmel teʕudat hora?a ‘and I’m doing (studying towards the) teaching certificate’. The boundary in CS in such structures is between the two components of the construct state:wa-?aγlab il-baħurim ‘and most of the young men’; signon ellibes ‘the dressing style’. These examples can be considered as reflecting morpho-syntactic structures. Similarly, the CS can be a Hebrew noun + an Arabic adjective, or vice versa. See the following examples: ma tʃa:n bi: ?ifʃarut Ɵa:neja ‘There was no second option’; fi:ʕinna ?uxlusija kti:r dʕeʕi:fe ‘we have a very weak population’; jaʕǝni madrase pra'tit ‘that is, a private school’; jaʕǝni biddi ?astanna ?arbaʕ sa:ʕa:t ʕaʃa:n hartsa?a wa:ħdi ‘That is, I need to wait 4 hours for one lecture’; ʕam biʕalmu ʕarabi meduberet ‘they are teaching colloquial Arabic’; men na:ħje ħevratit ‘from a social aspect’. We have also found Hebrew verb forms (i.e. verbal predicates) in Arabic sentences: hadi:k ilmarra hizminu ʕa:zef ʕu:d- ‘that time they invited an ʕu:d player ‘le:ʃ hinne jaʃkiʕu bi-prujekt dʒdi:d ‘why should they invest in a new project’.?inno ?atsliax fi nos?im min ha:j iʃ-ʃikel ‘that I’ll succeed in subjects of this kind’. 8 Other examples show Arabic auxiliary verbs with Hebrew verbs 9: ma kanu:ʃ maʃkiʕim fijju laha-l-daradʒe ‘they did not invest in it to this extent; u-innu hinni sʕa:ru magzimim ‘and that they began to exaggerate’; iħna ma ni?edar kama:n nitʕasek maʕa:h ‘we cannot deal also with it’; ?illi limʕallem fi:hen nehene jeʕallem ‘that the teacher in them enjoys teaching’; lo mi?afʃer li ?atʕlaʕ barri:t el-balad ‘does not enable me to get out of the village’. Negations also appear with CS, using an Arabic particle to negate a Hebrew phrase, for example: hijje mana ʕa-dʒanb, muʃ il-mana il-ʕiqarit, jumkin ‘it is a side course, not the main course, probably’; la?, miʃ ʃoletet ‘no, (she) does not control (the class etc.)’; lidaʕti, innu miʃ tov innu nedaʃʃer ʕadʒi ‘in my opinion, it’s not good to leave a boy on his own’. Hebrew negation particles occur also in verbal and nominal phrases or clauses such as: la, lo nir?a li kti:r hiʃtana ‘no, it does not seem to me (that) much has changed’; ?en ma laʕasot ‘there is nothing to be done’; lo bedijuk ‘not exactly’. CS reveals effects of the other language (Hebrew or Arabic) in gender and number agreement between a noun and its governed adjective in a noun phrase or between a verbal predicate and its subject. Thus we find, e.g. ha:da l-misʕada ‘this restaurant’. In Arabic ‘restaurant’ matʕʕam is a masculine noun, and therefore the masculine form of the demonstrative pronoun ha:da agrees with it. This is, however, in contrast with the gender of the Hebrew noun, misʕada, which is feminine, and governs in Hebrew a feminine adjective. See also: bedna niħki ʕan el-ʃinujim illi sʕa:rat ‘we want to speak about the changes that occurred’ where the Hebrew word ʃinujim is in the masculine plural, but the verb takes the feminine singular form according to the Arabic grammar; fi: wla:d ?illi mexura la-l-tilfizjo:n ‘there are children who (are) addicted to TV’ shows the same phenomenon with a human head-noun. 10 Full sentences in Hebrew have occurred in the Arabic conversations: ?ex haja ha-jom? ‘how was (it) today?’ or: ʃu:, ?ex hajta ha-hitnasut? ‘how was the experimentation?’; ʃu: ?ismo? ma'maʃ lo zo'xeret ‘what's his name? I really do not remember’. Discussion Based on the CS literature, we find our data to agree best with Muysken’s (2000) CS types. His three major CS types are Insertion, Alternation, and Congruent lexicalization. Quoting Muysken’s (2000) definitions, we demonstrate them with our CS examples: 8 In English-Arabic CS, Arabic prefixes are attached to English verbs, see: bin-use el-computer ‘we use the computer’ (Atawneh 1990) bit-ride el-bike kul jo:m ‘she rides the bike everyday’ (Atawneh 1990). In our data most of the verbs occurentirely in Hebrew. 9 This structure has been found also in English-Arabic CS: il-sʕara:ħa, ?ana kunt frightened kti:r, il-test tabaʕi yiku:n next week ‘frankly, I was very frightened, my test is going to be next week’ (Jake and Myers-Scotton 2002: 319) 10 Cf. Arabic-English CS: as-sensitivity ʕa:lija (Abu Haidar 2002) ‘the sensitivity is high’ 472 JUDITH ROSENHOUSE; SARA BRAND 1. Insertion: this pattern refers to embedding a single word or a phrase from language B in language A utterances (model ABA). For example, fi: ʕindi xalon issa ‘I have a “window” (free hour) now’; biddi ?astanna ?arbaʕ sa:ʕa:t ʕaʃa:n hartsa?a wa:ħdi ‘that is, I need to wait 4 hours for one lecture’. 2. Alternation: This pattern is found where the two languages remain relatively separated. In the beginning, the phrase or clause is in language A and it continues in language B (model A-B) as in these examples: tʕajjeb le:ʃ lama ʃe-lo naħsox be-ze? ‘O.K., why, why don’t we save in this?’; en ma laʕa’sot… beseder, ?al tid?agi, ?efʃar lismox ʕalaj, trajjaħi, xalas ‘there is nothing to be done. O.K., don’t worry, I can be trusted, relax, enough’. 11 This CS type requires better fluency in L2 than insertion. The grammatical principle involved here is adjunction. Alternation occurs at clause boundaries, where the languages do not necessarily fit together grammatically. 3. Congruent lexicalization: This is ‘the rapid back and forth switching of elements in a structure mostly shared by the two languages’ (model ABAB, Muysken, 2009: 322) as in: ?ana baħebha bas ?are:t katava ʕanha ?enha mesartenet ‘I like (to drink) it, but I read an article about it (the subject), that it causes cancer’; bedna niħki ʕan ?el-ʃinujim?illi sʕa:rat fi-l-ħivra il-druzit ‘we want to talk about the changes which occurred in the Druze society’. Hebrew words and expressions that occur in CS reflect all Hebrew registers: the high the standard and the lower register and slang. Here are examples of each of these registers: 1. High register: w-il-sinte:n ?illi baʕidha, ?ana motsi?a ha:d il-meħkar la-poʕal ‘and in the following two years, I’m executing this research’. 2. Standard register: bala:?i baʕajot miʃmaʕat ʕad ?en sof. ‘I meet with endless discipline problems’. 3. The lower register: ka:n mehamem ‘it was awesome’; fi: hamon naʃim,?illi hitslixu begadol fi nos?ei il-fizika ‘there are a lot of women who succeeded immensely (literally: made it big time) in Physics’. In general, Hebrew CS appeared mostly in the Druze (14%) and Bedouin (7%) speakers’ texts. As an explanation of this finding, we suggest their close integration with the Hebrew-speaking population. Druze and Bedouin young men serve in the army and keep close contact with Hebrewspeaking mates. Modernization and technological development and developing social concepts, including gender equality, are also to be found in the Druze villages. Also more girls live outside the village during their academic studies and interact every day with Hebrew-speaking students and other people than in the past. In addition, Druze villages, such as Daliyat al-Carmel and Isfiye, benefit from domestic tourism, which adds interpersonal and intercultural contacts with Hebrew speakers. Due to all these factors, the Hebrew competence of the members of the Druze communities in the Israeli population is enhanced and Hebrew affects their Arabic more than it does in other communities. Accordingly, our Druze participants’ speech indicates highly mixed, fluent and natural Hebrew-Arabic CS. Bedouins have similar cross-cultural connections with native speakers of Hebrew (see Amara, 2006; Henkin, 2010), but their home environments are apparently more conservative than the Druze communities. Probably therefore their CS rate is lower than that of the Druze. Summary and conclusion CS occurred differently in conversations and in interviews among the various groups and within a given group. Discrepancies between free conversations and semi-structured interviews seem to emerge because of various factors: 11 This is a case of inter-sentential CS (Poplack 1980). It entails the production of full clauses as an embedded language, and requires an advanced level of bilingual proficiency. ARABIC-HEBREW CODE-SWITCHING IN THE SPONTANEOUS SPEECH OF ISRAELI ARAB STUDENTS 473 1. The use and quality of CS requires the speaker’s Hebrew language proficiency, bilingual skills and fluency, which vary from one speaker to another. Our speakers’ formal (school) studies affect their Hebrew proficiency and usage rate. Their informal acquisition of Hebrew by conversations with family and friends, at the military service, before and during college studies, etc., seem not less effective. 2. The speakers’ social and communal background (faith, gender, and birthplace) thus also affects their Hebrew language proficiency. 3. Among members of the same group, CS discrepancies may reflect the different conversation topics in the recordings, including college life vs. modern urban daily life, vs. conservative village life, etc. 4. The Native Israeli Arab speakers’ attitudes to the Hebrew language fluctuate between extensive use, passive use and resignation. A few speakers with stronger ethnic identity tried not to use CS, in spite of their Hebrew language proficiency. CS did appear in their speech, but only in cases of lexical voids in Arabic. All the linguistic phenomena presented in this article indicate high rates of CS in the natural and fluent speech of the research population. In addition to single words, CS appears in various morphological and syntactic Hebrew structures. Furthermore, lexically, Hebrew CS words and expressions mix all the registers and in particular, the lower register and slang. The participants’ frequent CS is attributable to their Hebrew competence: They belong to the younger educated generation, live in Israel and enjoy personal and inter-cultural relations with native Hebrew speakers, established during the course of their academic studies, in addition to previous occasions in other surroundings. It can be assumed that the more inter-cultural contact with Hebrew speakers they have, the better their Hebrew competence and the more fluent their CS may be. It can also be assumed that the higher their Hebrew competence, the more use of Hebrew CS will occur in their speech. Further study of CS between Arabic and Hebrew, as well as other languages, may examine variables such as differences between speakers’ generations, effects of gender differences in the diverse communities, effects of speakers’ different educational backgrounds, etc. Phonological aspects in Arabic vs. Hebrew (or other languages) may also be interesting, e.g., how and where do native speakers of Arabic adapt L2 (Hebrew) phonetic features in their use of L2 CS, or retain their Arabic (L1) phonetic system? The issues and questions continue growing with increased bilingualism and increased language mixtures in our modern nomadic world. 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ÉTUDE DE QUELQUES RÉALISATIONS DE L’ARABE MOYEN SYRIEN DANS SÎRAT AL-ZÎR SÂLIM LUCIE SAN GEROTEO Professeur agrégée d'arabe, Laboratoire ICAR (Université Lyon II) Résumé : La sîra du Zîr Sâlim constitue le premier épisode de la geste hilalienne et relate les évènements de la guerre d’alBasûs. Parmi les différentes versions de ce texte peu étudié, le manuscrit We 822-6 datant de 1785 et provenant de Damas a été édité et traduit aux presses de l’IFPO par Marguerite Gavillet-Matar. Même s’il est probablement la recopie d’un autre texte, ce manuscrit a été peu remanié : sa langue, qui relève de l’arabe moyen syrien, est plus dialectale et plus imagée que celle des recensions égyptienne ou yéménite. Notre étude se concentre sur la prose de ce manuscrit afin d’en définir les caractéristiques linguistiques en partant des travaux de Jérôme Lentin comme premier point de référence. Ce manuscrit contient en effet des occurrences lexicales non référencées jusqu’à présent, ainsi que certaines particularités concernant la graphie ou la morphosyntaxe. Dans un second temps, il s’agit de proposer une série de facteurs entraînant des variations de la langue au sein du texte, basés sur les définitions des fonctions narratologiques établies par Gérard Genette. Ainsi, si la fonction narratologique semble la plus évidente, la langue variant d’un personnage à l’autre selon son origine géographique ou sociale mais surtout la nature de ses interactions, la fonction de régie qui a trait à l’organisation du texte par lui-même est également déterminante, ainsi que les fonctions testimoniale et de communication qui concernent l’une et l’autre le rapport au narrataire. Enfin, nous proposerons plusieurs facteurs causant des variations glossiques intraphrastiques : prose rimée, rythme global syntaxique, « pression lexicale », énoncés « sommaires ». Mots-clés : arabe moyen syrien, fonctions narratologiques, variations glossiques. Premier épisode de la geste hilalienne, la sîra du Zîr Sâlim est un texte peu étudié qui relate en particulier les évènements de la guerre d’al-Basûs. De ce récit antéislamique subsiste notamment le manuscrit We 822-6, datant de 1785 et provenant de Damas ; relevant globalement de l’arabe moyen syrien avec des insertions en arabe moyen égyptien, il a été édité et traduit par Marguerite GavilletMatar aux éditions de l'IFPO. Même s’il est probablement la recopie d’un autre texte, ce manuscrit est précieux dans le cadre de l’étude des arabes moyens (Dichy 2010 : 219-245) car il semble avoir été peu remanié. Il contient une langue plus dialectale et plus imagée que les recensions égyptienne ou yéménite (Gavillet-Matar 1994a : 63). La poésie, qui compte pour environ 40% du texte et se compose des tirades en vers des divers personnages dans une langue très oralisée, n'est pas prise en compte dans le cadre de cette recherche. Son analyse représenterait à elle seule un objet d'étude : en effet, la langue des poèmes est par nature plus ancienne que celle de la prose, rime et métrique fixant une limite aux modifications postérieures du texte. La prose fait quant à elle large place au saj‘ (prose rimée) et contient également de courts dialogues. L'extrait concerné ici (Gavillet-Matar 1994a : 42) 1 a été retenu car il contient de nombreuses variations de l'arabe moyen, des occurrences lexicales et de la prose rimée spécifiques à la Sîra, ainsi que plusieurs longs passages dialogués où les variations linguistiques sont clairement tributaires des interactions. Les énoncés illustrant notre propos ne sont pas transcrits ici à dessein, en raison de l'impossibilité d'établir une prononciation définitive pour l'époque. La traduction est celle de Marguerite Gavillet-Matar. 1 822 7a-7b 476 LUCIE SAN GEROTEO Dans cet extrait, le roi Tubba' du Yémen a décidé d'épouser al-Jalîla, promise à Kulayb, neveu de Murrah, roi des Banî Qays. Son vizir Nabhân en informe Murrah qui prévient Kulayb. Celui-ci se rend auprès d'un cheikh qui lui remet une épée aux pouvoirs magiques. Afin de définir les caractéristiques de l’arabe moyen dans ce corpus, les travaux de Jérôme Lentin sur l’arabe moyen proche-oriental à l’époque moderne nous serviront de premier point de référence, à partir duquel nous espérons proposer des observations originales. Nous nous réfèrerons à J. Lentin chaque fois que nos analyses recoupent les siennes. Par ailleurs, il convient de comprendre les variations linguistiques au sein de ce corpus littéraire entre une langue plus littéraire et une langue plus dialectale. L’étude des traits linguistiques dégagés croise ainsi nécessairement une analyse narratologique du texte, prenant en compte la situation d’énonciation et le contexte de polyglossie (Dichy 1994 : 19-42), qui indique l’origine géographique et sociale des personnages mais également la nature de leurs interactions. À cela viennent s'ajouter d'autres facteurs narratologiques, liés à l'organisation du texte, au rapport au narrataire ou au rythme de la phrase. 1. Caractéristiques linguistiques du texte : dialectalismes et traits propres à cette variété d’arabe moyen syrien Cette recension de la sîra du Zîr Sâlim présente une langue « mélangée » comportant des traits communs à de nombreux textes de la même époque, ainsi que quelques particularités. Les caractéristiques dégagées dans cette première partie ne sont pas exhaustives mais ont pour but de déterminer le type d'arabe de ce texte et de la Sîra. (a) Tout d'abord, à l'instar de la grande majorité des textes écrits en arabe moyen, la réalisation graphique de la hamza est absente, à quelques exceptions près dans l'extrait concerné (‫ ﺷﻲء‬et ‫)ﻷﺑﻐﺎ‬. À noter que le second exemple correspond à une assimilation entre ‫ ﻻ‬et ‫أ‬, la hamza pouvant servir à indiquer ce redoublement du ’alif : ("je ne souhaite pas") ‫ ﻻ أﺑﻐﻰ‬est ici noté ‫ﻷﺑﻐﺎ‬. Par ailleurs, la tâ marbûta correspond exactement à la description de Lentin (Lentin 1997 : 78-79). L'écriture du ’alif correspond aussi aux descriptions d'autres textes en AMS2 : le ’alif maqsûra, quasiment absent de la Sîra, est remplacé par un ’alif tawîla. La préposition ‫ ﻋﻠﻰ‬échappe à la règle, mais est tout de même parfois notée ‫ﻋﻼ‬. Certains cas d'emphatisation sont également recensés (‫ ; )ﺻﺎح ﺻﻮط‬ils correspondent à l'extension du trait phonétique de pharyngalisation décrit par S. Ghazeli. Toutefois, de manière caractéristique dans ce texte, les interdentales sont notées (‫ﺛﻼث‬, ‫ﺛﻢ‬, ‫)اﺧﺬه‬. Diverses notations de celles-ci comme des dentales peuvent par ailleurs être recensées pour le même lexème, comme cela peut être le cas dans des textes similaires : le mot d'AL ‫ «( ذﺧﯿﺮة‬trésor ») peut être noté ‫ دﺧﯿﺮة‬ou ‫زﺧﯿﺮة‬. Autre trait non majoritaire en AM, la désinence verbale de la 3e personne du masculin pluriel est systématiquement notée ‫و‬, exceptionnellement ‫وا‬, jamais ‫ون‬. (b) Le lexique porte une forte empreinte dialectale, avec des verbes usuels (‫ﻓﺰ‬, ‫راح‬, ‫ﺷﺎف‬, ‫)اﺟﺎ‬ (« sauter », « aller », « voir », « venir »), ainsi que l'interrogatif ‫ «( اﯾﻤﺘﺎ‬quand »). Parmi les traits propres à l'AMS, notons l'extension de l'utilisation de ‫( ﺟﻤﯿﻊ‬dans le sens de « tout/tous ») et de la préposition ‫ «( ﻗﻮام‬rapidement ») (Lentin 1997 : 297, 489). Autre trait propre de l'AM non mentionné par ce dernier mais présent dans d'autres textes de la même époque, l'interrogatif ‫ ﻋﻼﻣﻚ‬est la seule façon de rendre « pourquoi » dans la Sîra. Or, il n'intervient que dans les passages dialogués, où son préfixe prend tout son sens. À noter également la présence de ‫ «( اﺧﺘﯿﺎر‬vieux ») et de ‫اﺟﺎوﯾﺪ‬, pluriel de ‫( ﺟ َﻮﯾّﺪ‬cf. Dozy : « chez les Druzes, l'initié qui est absorbé dans les choses de la religion »). Enfin, ce passage contient l'occurrence du mot ‫ﻟﮭﯿﻦ‬, non recensé dans d'autres textes en arabe moyen proche-oriental et dont la graphie sur le manuscrit ne pose aucun doute ; il signifie « jusqu'ici ». Ici, le wâw de ‫ ﻟﮭﻮن‬en ADS et en AMS est remplacé de façon inédite par un yâ’. 2 Par convention, nous désignerons l'arabe dialectal syrien par ADS, l'arabe moyen syrien par AMS, l'arabe littéraire par AL, l’arabe littéraire classique par ALC. ÉTUDE DE QUELQUES RÉALISATIONS DE L’ARABE MOYEN SYRIEN DANS SÎRAT AL-ZÎR SÂLIM 477 (c) La langue utilisée dans cette version de la Sîra est un arabe « mélangé » tirant vers l'ADS, ce que confirme la morphosyntaxe verbale, notamment : l'utilisation des préverbes ‫ ب‬et ‫ ;ﻋﻤﺎل‬la valeur dialectale d'inaccompli concomitant des participes actifs de la plupart des verbes de mouvement, et d'accompli concomitant ou résultatif pour les autres verbes (Lentin 1997 : 658) ; la négation en ‫ ﻣﺎ‬et en ‫ «( ﻟﺴﺎ ﻣﺎ‬pas encore ») ; l'utilisation originale d'un passif vocalique/apophonique ne correspondant ni aux dialectes actuels, ni à l'AL en ‫ «( ﯾﻘﺎﻟﮫ‬appelé, nommé »), fréquemment utilisé dans le texte pour présenter un nouveau personnage. Deuxième élément de nature syntaxique, les constructions asyndétiques caractéristiques de l'AD sont très fréquentes dans la Sîra, et feront l'objet d'un paragraphe dans la seconde partie de cet article. Enfin, l'usage des prépositions et conjonctions est également particulier : la préposition suffixé ‫ﻣﻌﺎﯾﺎ‬ dans la tirade du cheikh peut ici indiquer un égyptiannisme ou l'influence du dialecte palestinien et renvoyer à l'origine géographique du personnage, comme dans la sîra de Baybars. En revanche, les particules et locutions de coordination qui ponctuent le récit ont des valeurs propres à l'AM : il s'agit de ‫ ﺛﻢ ان‬et de ‫اﻣﺎ‬. Toutes deux servent à introduire un nouvel événement dans le cours de l'histoire, alors que la conjonction ‫ و‬relie plusieurs énoncés concernant le même événement. Les éléments décrits ci-dessus permettent d'identifier un arabe moyen de variété syrienne, tendant plus vers l'ADS que vers l'AL et correspondant ainsi à un arabe moyen MoSyr2 (Dichy 1994). Cette classification correspond à l'ensemble de la Sîra même si, étant donné le caractère écrit de notre corpus, il est parfois difficile de déterminer si un énoncé est en AL ou en ADS, la différence ne pouvant être établie qu'en prononçant le texte à l'oral. La prudence doit donc rester de mise. 2) Facteurs narratologiques de variations linguistiques Il s'agit maintenant de déterminer quels types de facteurs peuvent causer des variations de cet arabe moyen au niveau narratologique, et qui représentent un choix du conteur voire du copiste. Ces facteurs ne sont pas exclusifs et ne constituent pas une règle systématique mais plutôt des tendances. Pour plus de clarté, nous avons repris les dénominations genettiennes (Genette 1972 : 261-263) des fonctions narratologiques. Fonctions narratologique et idéologique Le facteur le plus évident de variation linguistique correspond aux fonctions narratologique et idéologique (Genette 1972 : 261-263). En effet, les niveaux de langue varient selon les personnages en fonction de leur rang social, de leur origine géographique, mais surtout de la nature de leurs interactions. Certains personnages peuvent manier plusieurs registres, d'autres non. Cette incapacité peut conférer à l'un des protagonistes un caractère risible, ce qui nous amène à la fonction idéologique du récit, qui indique une implication du narrateur au sein-même du récit, en prenant parti entre les divers personnages. Ces fonctions sont illustrées par les exemples ci-dessous. Ce passage contient un nombre important de dialogues incluant quatre personnages singuliers ainsi que deux groupes qui interagissent entre eux : le vizir Nabhân, le roi Murrah, son neveu Kulayb, les gens du vizir, les Banî Qays et le cheikh. - Le vizir Nabhân s'adresse au roi et à ses propres gens dans deux niveaux de langue distincts : " . ‫ ﻓﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻮﻧﺘﻚ وﻷﺑﻐﺎ اﻻ رﺿﺎﻛﻢ‬، ‫ " ﯾﺎ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻣﺮه ﻻ ﺗﮭﺘﻢ ! اﻧﻜﺎن ﺗﻘﺪر ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻲء دﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ‬: ‫ﻓﻘﻠﻮ اﻟﻮزﯾﺮ‬ Le vizir s'exclama : « Ô roi Murrah, ne te fais pas de soucis! Si tu peux faire quelque chose, prends tes dispositions, et je te soutiendrai, car je n'ai d'autre désir que de vous satisfaire. » Dans cet énoncé, le vizir oscille entre deux modes d’expression. La langue tend vers l'ADS avec ‫ دﺑﺮ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ‬et ‫ ﺗﻘﺪر ﻋﻠﻰ‬dont les verbes existent en AL mais sont ici construits de façon typiquement dialectale, l'un avec la préposition ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬, l'autre avec le réfléchi ‫ﺣﺎل‬, dans le sens de « se débrouiller ». 478 LUCIE SAN GEROTEO La construction avec préposition ‫ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻮﻧﺘﻚ‬est également en ADS. La première proposition exclamative de l'énoncé peut aussi bien être en ADS qu'en AL ; nous n'en tirerons donc pas de conclusion. En revanche, la dernière partie ‫ وﻷﺑﻐﺎ اﻻ رﺿﺎﻛﻢ‬relève clairement de l'AL, et témoigne du respect que le vizir souhaite exprimer à l'encontre de ce roi qu'il entend soutenir face au roi Tubba'. Cette déférence est renforcée par l'utilisation du pluriel dans ‫رﺿﺎﻛﻢ‬. À noter la forme ‫ ﻷﺑﻐﺎ‬qui présente une assimilation décrite ci-dessus. Le ’alif final là où l’on attendrait un yâ’ en AL peut quant à lui indiquer un trait propre à cette variété d'arabe moyen ; cette substitution peut aussi avoir un effet comique, en attribuant au vizir une langue empruntée. En revanche, lorsque le vizir s'exprime devant ses gens, la langue est naturellement dialectale puisqu'il s'adresse à un groupe de locuteurs issus d'une classe sociale populaire, l.4-5 : " . ‫ وﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺮوح اﻻ ﺑﻠﻤﺎل واﻟﻌﺮوس ﺳﻮا‬، ‫ " اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎ اﺟﺎوﯾﺪ وﻻﻛﻦ ﺑﯿﺘﻌﻮﻗﻮ ﯾﻮﻣﯿﻦ ﺛﻼث ﺣﺘﻰ اﻧﮭﻢ ﯾﻠﻤﻮ اﻟﻤﺎل‬: ‫ﻓﻘﺎﻟﮭﻢ‬ « Ce sont des gens de bien mais ils tarderont deux ou trois jours pour rassembler l'argent, et nous ne partirons pas sans l'argent ni la mariée », leur dit-il. L'ADS est clairement rendu par le lexique (‫ ; ﺑﻨﺮوح ; ﺳﻮا‬voir aussi l'extension de l'utilisation de ‫ )اﻟﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎ‬mais aussi par la morphologie nominale et verbale (‫ اﺟﺎوﯾﺪ‬décrit ci-dessus, ici au pluriel masculin pour accompagner un nom féminin singulier ; ‫ ﺑﻨﺮوح‬et ‫ ﺑﯿﺘﻌﻮﻗﻮ‬précédés du préverbe dialectal à valeur ici de futur modal) ainsi que la syntaxe globale de la phrase (‫ ﯾﻮﻣﯿﻦ ﺛﻼث‬et ‫وﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺮوح اﻻ ﺑﻠﻤﺎل واﻟﻌﺮوس‬ ‫)ﺳﻮا‬. À noter toutefois la présence de ‫ وﻻﻛﻦ‬et de ‫ اﻟﻤﺎل‬qui relèvent de l'AL (malgré la scriptio plena du ’alif suscrit en AL) et maintiennent cet énoncé dans une langue mixte. - Le personnage de Kulayb s'adresse trois fois à son oncle, et une fois au cheikh. Les 2 premiers énoncés à son oncle ne présentent pas de niveau de langue unifié, l.7, 9-10, 12 : " ‫" ﻋﻼﻣﻚ ﯾﺎ ﻋﻢ اﺷﻮف وﺟﮭﻚ ﻣﺘﻐﯿﺮ واﻧﺖ ﺑﺬاﺗﻚ ﻣﺘﺤﯿﺮ ؟‬ « Mon oncle, pourquoi ton visage est-il changé et toi as-tu l'air perplexe? » " ! ‫" ﻟﮭﯿﻦ وﺻﻠﺖ ﯾﺎ ﻋﻢ ؟ وﷲ ﺑﻘﺎ اﻟﻤﻮة اﺧﯿﺮ ﻣﻨﻠﺤﯿﺎ‬ « Tu en es donc arrivé là, mon oncle! Alors, par Dieu, la mort vaut mieux que la vie! » " . ‫" ﯾﺎ ﻋﻢ اﺻﺒﺮﻧﻲ اﻻ ﻏﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ادﺑﺮ ﻟﻲ راي‬ « Mon oncle, patiente jusqu'à demain. Je vais réfléchir à une solution. » Le premier énoncé est ainsi typique de la Sîra, avec l'interrogatif en ADS ‫ ﻋﻼﻣﻚ‬déjà mentionné, ainsi qu'une prose rimée rendue par deux entrées du même patron : ‫ ﻣﺘﻐﯿﺮ‬et ‫ﻣﺘﺤﯿﺮ‬, ce qui renforce l’effet d’allitération. Cette élégance stylistique traduit le respect de Kulayb pour son oncle le roi Murrah, mais réfère également au rang social de Kulayb qui maîtrise le saj‘. Le second énoncé tend quant à lui plus vers l'ADS, avec notamment ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ادﺑﺮ ﻟﻲ راي‬, qui outre l'aspect lexical, contient un rappel du pronom sujet ‫ﻟﻲ‬, typique de l'AD. Kulayb a donc des modes d’expression qui indiquent à la fois sa déférence et sa proximité envers son oncle. L'on peut toutefois ajouter que le premier énoncé en saj‘ pose la nature officielle de la relation par une ouverture du discours correspondant aux codes hiérarchiques. Les deux énoncés suivants seraient plus en proie à un comportement naturel de proximité entre deux personnes de la même famille. À noter que le même type de banalisation de la langue au fur et à mesure du discours est largement observable, y compris dans d'autres langues, le début du discours servant à définir la nature de l'interaction. Quant à la brève adresse de Kulayb au cheikh, elle peut être comprise indifféremment en ADS ou en AL, l.15 : " ‫ «(" ﯾﺎ ﺳﯿﺪ ﺗﻌﻄﯿﻨﻲ اﯾﺎھﺎ ؟‬Ô maître, vas-tu me la donner? »). - Troisième personnage à interagir avec deux personnages ou groupes sociaux différents, le roi Murrah s'adresse d'abord à son neveu Kulayb, puis à ses sujets Qaysites, l.8-9 : " . ‫" ﯾﺎ اﺑﻦ اﺧﻲ ھﺬ اﻟﺘﺒﻌﻲ طﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻨﺖ ﻋﻤﻚ ! واﻧﺎ اﯾﻤﺘﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻄﻲ ﻗﻮام ﺑﯿﺮوح راﺳﻲ‬ « Mon neveu, ce Tubba'i réclame ta cousine! Si je lui dis que je ne la lui donne pas, ma tête volera aussitôt. » ÉTUDE DE QUELQUES RÉALISATIONS DE L’ARABE MOYEN SYRIEN DANS SÎRAT AL-ZÎR SÂLIM 479 " ‫ " ﻛﯿﻒ ﺗﻘﻮﻟﻮ ﯾﺎ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻗﯿﺲ ﻓﻲ ھﻠﺨﺎرﺟﻲ ؟‬: ‫واﻟﺘﻔﺖ اﻻ ﺑﻨﻲ ﻗﯿﺲ وﻗﺎل ﻟﮭﻢ‬ Puis se tournant vers les Fils de Qays : « Que dites-vous, ô Fils de Qays, de cet hérétique? » Les deux énoncés ne présentent pas vraiment de différence de type d’arabe moyen, la seule distinction réelle résidant dans les démonstratifs masculins, respectivement ‫ ھﺬ‬en AMS tendant vers l'AL dans le premier, et ‫ ھﻞ‬en ADS dans le second, ce qui renforce l'impression d'adaptation de la langue au rang social de l'interlocuteur. Sinon, l'AMS reste à forte teinte dialectale, tant sur le plan de la morphologie verbale (valeur d'inaccompli résultatif du participe ‫ طﺎﻟﺐ‬et préverbe ‫ب‬à valeur de futur modal dans ‫ ﺑﻌﻄﻲ‬et ‫ )ﺑﯿﺮوح‬que du lexique (‫ ﻗﻮام‬et ‫ )اﯾﻤﺘﺎ‬ou de la syntaxe ( ‫واﻧﺎ اﯾﻤﺘﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻠﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻄﻲ ﻗﻮام ﺑﯿﺮوح‬ ‫)راﺳﻲ‬. Fonction testimoniale Un second facteur de variation correspond à la fonction testimoniale du récit (Genette 1972 : 261263), par laquelle le narrateur atteste le degré de vérité de son histoire, la nature de ses sources. Cette fonction est généralement assurée dans une langue classicisante, tant sur le plan lexical que syntaxique. Ainsi, lorsque le cheikh évoque les pouvoirs magiques de l'épée de bois, il souhaite tout d'abord accorder une certaine solennité à son propos, mais également garantir l'authenticité de ses sources d'informations, l.20-22 : ‫ وادﺧﻞ ﺑﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن ﻋﺎدل او‬. ‫ وان ﻧﺰل ﺑﮫ اﻟﻨﺎر ﻟﻢ ﯾﺤﺮق‬، ‫ وﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﮫ وﻧﺰل ﺑﮫ اﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻟﻢ ﯾﻐﺮق‬، ‫" وھﻮ رﺻﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ رﺻﺪ‬ " . ‫ وﻻﻛﻦ اﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻠﻐﻨﯿﻤﮫ ﻓﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﮫ ارﺑﻚ وﻻ ﺑﺘﺼﯿﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن اﻻ ﻓﯿﮫ‬. ‫ وھﻮ ﺣﺮز ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮز‬، ‫ظﺎﻟﻢ او ﻋﺪو ﻓﺎﻧﺖ ظﺎﻓﺮ ﻓﯿﮫ‬ « C'est un sortilège contre tous les sortilèges. Celui qui le porte dans la mer ne se noie pas, et dans le feu ne se brûle pas. Avec lui, présente-toi devant un sultan, juste ou injuste, ou devant ton ennemi, et tu vaincras. C'est une protection contre toutes les protections. Ainsi, réjouis-toi de ton succès, car, grâce à lui, tu possèderas l'objet de tes désirs, et ce n'est que par lui que tu deviendras sultan. » L’expression tend ici nettement à l’AL par rapport au reste du texte, notamment par : l'utilisation du pronom ‫ﻣﻦ‬, de la négation de l'accompli en ‫ﻟﻢ‬, de la conditionnelle en ‫ان‬, d'apodoses introduites par ‫ف‬, de la préposition ‫ب‬, d'une partie du lexique (‫)ﺣﻤﻞ‬. À noter quelques dialectalismes : ‫ِﺣﺮْ ز‬ (« amulette », cf. Barthélémy) et ‫ﺻﺪ‬ َ ‫ «( َر‬sort », cf. Barthélémy), la structure ‫ظﺎﻓﺮ ﻓﯿﮫ‬. Cette expression classicisante assure l'authenticité d'un héritage collectif, les dialectalismes étant réservés à des énoncés concernant un engagement individuel des personnages. Ainsi, lorsque le cheikh évoque son action personnelle, sa syntaxe est “dialectalisante”, l.18-19 : ‫ واﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﺎل اﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﯿﮫ اﺛﻨﯿﻦ وﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ‬، ‫ واﻣﺎ دﺧﯿﺮﺗﻚ ﻋﻨﺪي وھﻲ ﺳﯿﻒ ﺧﺸﺐ‬. ‫" ﻻ ﺗﺤﻜﯿﻠﻲ ! اﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﯾﺎ اﻟﺨﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﺛﻨﯿﻦ وﺳﺒﻌﯿﻦ ﻋﺎم‬ " ‫ﻋﺎم وﻧﺎﻗﺶ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ اﺳﻢ ااﻟﮫ اﻻﻋﻈﻢ‬ « Ne me raconte rien! lui dit le cheikh. Car cela fait soixante-douze ans que je sais cela. Quant à ce que je tiens pour toi en réserve, le voilà : c'est un sabre de bois que j'ai couvert d'écritures pendant soixante-douze ans. J'y ai gravé le Nom suprême de Dieu (...). » Cette tendance à l'ADS est rendue notamment par l'emploi du préverbe ‫ﻋﻤﺎل‬, de la préposition suffixée ‫ ﻣﻌﺎﯾﺎ‬à la consonance égypto-palestinienne, du syntagme prépositionnel ‫واﻟﻲ‬, du participe actif à valeur dialectale d'accompli résultatif ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺶ‬. Fonctions de régie et de communication Un troisième facteur de variation est induit par la fonction de régie, que le narrateur exerce lorsqu'il commente l'organisation ou l'articulation de son texte (Genette 1977 : 261-263). Elle est ici liée à la fonction de communication, par laquelle le narrateur s'adresse directement au narrataire afin d'établir 480 LUCIE SAN GEROTEO un contact. Ces fonctions entraînent un recours à l’AL, comme dans ce renvoi intratextuel, l.17 : ‫ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ «( ﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ‬comme nous l'avons dit »). Ces fonctions de régie et de communication sont également présentes en début de chapitre, ici encore afin de conférer une solennité au récit ou de présenter le contexte d'une histoire à l'héritage collectif. Autre manifestation linguistique de cette fonction de régie, la structure syntaxique du verbe d'énonciation ‫ «( ﻗﺎل‬il dit ») varie au singulier entre ‫ ﻗﺎل‬et une forme suffixée en ‫ «( ﻗﻠﻮ‬il lui dit »), selon qu'il annonce respectivement la suite du récit ou un passage dialogué. La forme suffixée en ‫ ﻗﻠﻮ‬ne contient pas de ’alif, comme c'est le cas en ADS. La forme ‫ ﻗﺎل‬est quant à elle une forme mixte, qui peut être comprise en AL mais aussi en AMS/ADS, en prononçant la hamza en lieu du qâf. Toutefois, la fréquence de ce verbe dans les textes en AL afin d'introduire un discours rapporté du narrateur (‫)ﺧﺒﺮ‬ tend à lui conférer un caractère relevant de l’AL. Ainsi, les deux cas sont regroupés l.11-12 : " ! ‫ " اﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﺮادك ﻛﺎن ﷲ ﻣﻌﯿﻨﻚ‬: ‫ " ﻓﻘﻠﻮ‬. ‫ " ﯾﺎ ﻋﻢ اﺻﺒﺮﻧﻲ اﻻ ﻏﺪ ﺣﺘﻰ ادﺑﺮ ﻟﻲ راي‬: ‫ ﻓﻌﻨﺪھﺎ اﻟﺘﻔﺖ ﻛﻠﯿﺐ اﻻ ﻋﻤﮫ وﻗﻠﻮ‬: ‫ﻗﺎل‬ Alors Kulayb se tourna vers son oncle et lui dit : – Mon oncle, patiente jusqu’à demain. Je vais réfléchir à une solution. – Fais selon ton désir, et puisse Dieu te secourir! répondit Murrah. Ce phénomène ne concerne naturellement pas la forme au pluriel ‫ ﻗﺎﻟﻮ‬car le recours à la prononciation qâf (AL) ou hamza (ADS) ne peut être établie de façon tranchée ; par ailleurs, l'absence du ’alif orthographique qui clôt la désinence ne peut être considérée comme un critère en raison de son caractère systématique dans la Sîra. Cette alternance entre ‫ ﻗﺎل‬et ‫ ﻗﻠﻮ‬selon qu'il s'agisse de l'enchaînement dans le récit ou de l'annonce d'un passage dialogué est quasiment toujours respectée mais présente toutefois des exceptions. Par ailleurs, elle n'est pas appliquée dans les trois cas ci-dessous. Tout d'abord, lorsque le nom du personnage est annoncé, la forme ‫ ﻗﺎل‬est de règle. Ainsi, l.8 : ‫ «( ﻓﻘﺎل ﻣﺮه‬Murrah dit alors »). Par ailleurs, la forme ‫ ﻗﺎل‬est préférée à ‫ ﻗﻠﻮ‬dans le type d'énoncé suivant : "‫ " ﺳﻤﻌﺎ وطﺎﻋﺘﺎ‬: ‫ﻗﺎل‬ « À tes ordres », dit-il. On peut remarquer ici un phénomène de « pression lexicale » (Dichy 2010) qui apparaît avec l'utilisation de l'expression ‫ﺳﻤﻌﺎ وطﺎﻋﺘﺎ‬, car elle constitue en ADS un emprunt à l'AL. Cette pression lexicale s'étend au verbe ‫ ﻗﺎل‬qui n'est pas noté dans une forme tirant vers l'ADS exclusivement (‫)ﻗﻠﻮ‬, mais dans une forme mixte AL/AMS (‫)ﻗﺎل‬. En effet, le tanwîn répété de cette expression figée pousse vers l’AL. Enfin, quand ‫ ﻗﺎل‬est suivi du pronom suffixe masculin pluriel ‫ﻟﮭﻢ‬, il conserve également sa forme en AL, peut-être pour une raison de lisibilité, étant donnée la succession des deux lâm-s. Cette mise en relief de la structure du texte par le verbe d'énonciation ‫ ﻗﺎل‬est confirmée par le fait que certains copistes changent de couleur pour le faire ressortir sur la page. Ainsi, le verbe ‫ﻗﺎل‬, mais également les expressions religieuses, et aussi parfois le nom du personnage du Zîr, sont écrits en rouge par les copistes qui utilisent 2 types d'encre. Facteurs de variations glossiques intraphrastiques dans le récit Enfin, la variation glossique (Medfai 1998) intraphrastique, très présente le long de la Sîra mais difficile à cerner, dépend de plusieurs facteurs: - La prose rimée constitue le premier de ces facteurs. La logique en est assez simple : le saj‘ étant omniprésent dans la Sîra, un énoncé en ADS peut se conclure par un terme en AL pour les nécessités de la rime, et inversement. Ainsi, l.5-7 : ÉTUDE DE QUELQUES RÉALISATIONS DE L’ARABE MOYEN SYRIEN DANS SÎRAT AL-ZÎR SÂLIM 481 ‫ ﻓﺘﺒﺎدرو اﻟﯿﮫ ﻓﺮﺳﺎن ﺑﻨﻲ ﻗﯿﺲ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻘﺒﺎن وﻓﻲ‬، ‫اﻣﺎ ﻣﺎﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮه ﻓﺎﻧﮫ ﺗﻤﺸﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﯿﺪان ووﻗﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺎر اﻟﻤﯿﺪان وﺻﺎح ﺻﻮط‬ ... ‫اوﻟﮭﻢ ﻛﻠﯿﺐ ﻛﺎﻧﮫ اﻻﺳﺪ اﻟﻐﻀﺒﺎن‬ Quant à Murrah, il se mit à arpenter la place, puis, s'arrêtant à son extrémité, il poussa un grand cri. Les chevaliers qaysites accoururent vers lui comme une nuée de scarabées. À leur tête se tenait Kulayb, semblable au lion courroucé. Ici, la rime en -ân (‫ ﻣﯿﺪان‬x2, ‫ﻗﺒﺎن‬, ‫ )ﻓﺮﺳﺎن‬se conclut par un participe actif d'un verbe non agentif, présent en ADS ‫ﻏﻀﺒﺎن‬, alors que le reste de la phrase tend plutôt vers l’AL, malgré la présence de ‫َﻛﻨﺎر‬ (« bordure », cf. Barthélémy), notamment par : la structure en ‫ ;اﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻦ … ف‬le verbe ‫ﺻﺎح‬. Même si le schème ‫ ﻓﻌﻼن‬n'est pas à proprement parler dialectal, il présente une extension d'usage et de signification plus large en ADS qu'en AL. Le phénomène inverse peut également être observé, l. 12-15 : . ‫ﺛﻢ ان ﻛﻠﯿﺐ ﺗﺮﻛﮭﻢ وﻗﺼﺪ ﯾﻢ اﻟﺠﺒﻞ وﻟﻤﺎ وﺻﻞ ﯾﻠﺘﻘﻲ رﺟﻞ اﺧﺘﯿﺎر ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺮف اﻟﺠﺒﻞ وﻋﻤﺎل ﯾﻮﺣﺪ اﻟﻘﺪﯾﻢ اﻻزل‬ Kulayb les laissa donc là, et s'en alla du côté de la montagne. Lorsqu'il y parvint, il rencontra un vieillard assis sur le bord de la montagne, en train de professer l'unicité de l'Éternel. Cet énoncé tend vers l'ADS, notamment par l'emploi de ‫ «( ﯾَ ّﻢ‬se diriger vers », cf. Barthélémy), de ‫ «( اﺧﺘﯿﺎر‬vieux », cf. Barthélémy ; mot dont l'étymologie chez Kazimirski indique la capacité de libre-arbitre), de ‫ «( ﻗﺎﻋﺪ‬assis »), mais aussi de ‫ ﯾﻠﺘﻘﻲ‬sans idée de réciprocité ni préposition ‫( ب‬usage qui pourrait être déterminé comme un trait propre à cet AM). En vue de la rime avec ‫ اﻟﺠﺒﻞ‬apparaît ‫اﻻزل‬, appartenant au lexique de l'ALC, comme bien entendu toutes les références religieuses de notre texte. - En second lieu, de nombreuses variations glossiques intraphrastiques dépendent du rythme global de la phrase et de sa longueur, mais aussi de la complexité de la syntaxe. Ainsi, l.22 : " . ‫" وﻻﻛﻦ اﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻠﻐﻨﯿﻤﮫ ﻓﺎﻧﻚ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺑﮫ ارﺑﻚ وﻻ ﺑﺘﺼﯿﺮ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن اﻻ ﻓﯿﮫ‬ « Aussi, réjouis-toi de ton succès, car, grâce à lui, tu possèderas l'objet de tes désirs, et ce n'est que par lui que tu deviendras sultan. » Ici, le début de l'énoncé relève nettement de l’AL, avec l'impératif ‫ اﺑﺸﺮ‬au sens de « se réjouir » en AL, les prépositions ‫ ف‬en apodose, et ‫ ب‬pour l’instrumental. Quant à la fin de l'énoncé, elle est clairement en ADS, notamment avec le préverbe ‫ ب‬à valeur de futur modal ou hypothétique, ainsi que la préposition qui a ici une valeur instrumentale ‫ﻓﻲ‬. Ce type d'énoncé à la structure syntaxique plutôt complexe présente souvent dans la Sîra cette caractéristique d'un début tendant vers l'AL et d'une fin tendant vers l'ADS. Le fait qu'un énoncé syntaxique complexe soit souvent plus long à prononcer en AL joue vraisemblablement un rôle, car l'aspect oral du conte fait que la langue doit être rythmée afin de capter l'auditoire. En effet, les constructions asyndétiques, l'absence de vocalisation finale (du moins dans les dialectes actuels) et la plus grande proportion de sukûn-s mais aussi de verbes sourds dans le lexique usuel, font principalement que le dialecte syro-libanais est, à l'instar de tous les autres dialectes, sûrement plus rapide à prononcer que l'ALC. Le caractère parlé et les domaines d'usage non littéraires constituent naturellement un argument supplémentaire. Cette tendance à finir un énoncé en AL par de l'ADS peut donc tenir à la nature complexe de la morphosyntaxe, mais aussi à une question d'équilibre entre protase et apodose, appositions ou propositions. Enfin, on peut penser que le conteur tente par ce biais de capter l'attention de son auditoire avec une langue plus courante sur le mode du « cliffhanger » qui vient clore l'énoncé avant de passer au suivant. - Troisièmement, le phénomène de pression lexicale évoqué ci-dessus provoque naturellement des variations glossiques. Ainsi, l.17-18 : " ! ‫ " ﻻ ﺗﺤﻜﯿﻠﻲ‬: ‫ وﻟﻤﺎ وﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﯿﺐ اﻻ ﻋﻨﺪه ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻓﺴﻠﻢ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ وﻗﺒﻞ اﯾﺪﯾﮫ واراد اﻧﮫ ﯾﺤﻜﯿﻠﮫ ﻓﻘﻠﻮ‬: ‫ﻗﺎل‬ Donc, lorsque Kulayb arriva auprès de lui, comme nous l'avons dit, il le salua, lui baisa les mains et s'apprêtait à tout lui raconter. – Ne me raconte rien! lui dit le cheikh. 482 LUCIE SAN GEROTEO La présence de ‫ ﺗﺤﻜﯿﻠﻲ‬dans le passage dialogué entraîne l'utilisation, un peu avant, de ‫ﯾﺤﻜﯿﻠﮫ‬. Même si ici, il s'agit du même lexème, ce phénomène est récurrent dans la Sîra, encore que de façon plus pertinente dans d'autres passages. On peut aussi objecter que même sans ‫ﺗﺤﻜﯿﻠﻲ‬, on aurait eu ‫ﯾﺤﻜﯿﻠﮫ‬ dont l'équivalent en AC ‫ ﯾﺮوي‬n'apparaît pas dans la Sîra. À noter que l'on ne peut déterminer ici si ‫ ﯾﺤﻜﯿﻠﮫ‬correspond à la pseudo-IVe forme décrite par Lentin (Lentin 1996 : 537-544), puisque les formes I et IV seraient identiques à l'écrit. - Enfin, dernier facteur de variation glossique du récit, les énoncés “sommaires” (Genette 1972 : 130-138) – c’est-à-dire où le temps du récit est plus court que le temps de l'histoire – sont très souvent réalisés en ADS. Ainsi, l.3-4 : " ‫ " ﻛﯿﻒ ﯾﺎ وزﯾﺮ ؟‬: ‫ﺛﻢ ان اﻟﻮزﯾﺮ ﻓﺰ وﺳﺎر اﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺘﮫ ﯾﻼﻗﯿﮭﻢ ﻓﻘﺎﻟﻮ‬ Puis le vizir se leva promptement et s'en alla retrouver ses gens. – Alors? lui lancèrent-ils. Mis à part le groupe prépositionnel évoqué ci-dessus, l'énoncé est asyndétique et contient un verbe fortement dialectalisant (‫)ﻓﺰ‬. Ici, les évènements sont relatés rapidement car de moindre importance (le chemin que fait le vizir, puis le fait de retrouver ses gens). On comprend alors pourquoi la variété la plus rapide (cf. ci-dessus), tendant vers l'ADS, est de mise ici. On retrouve ce cas de figure, fréquent dans la Sîra, l.1-2 : .‫وطﺎﻟﻊ اﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮب ﻣﻦ ﻋﺒﮫ وﻧﺎوﻟﮫ اﻻ ﻣﺮه ﻓﺎﺧﺬه ﻗﺮاه وﻋﺮف ﻣﻌﻨﺎه ﻓﺴﻜﺒﺖ دﻣﻮﻋﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺪﯾﮫ‬ Il sortit la lettre de sa poche et la tendit à Murrah qui la prit, la lut, et comprit sa signification. Alors les larmes se répandirent sur ses joues. Ici, pour les mêmes raisons, la construction asyndétique que l'on retrouve en milieu d'énoncé (‫ )ﻓﺎﺧﺬه ﻗﺮاه وﻋﺮف ﻣﻌﻨﺎه‬tend à raccourcir cette partie de l'énoncé qui ne met pas en scène d'évènement majeur du récit. L'analyse linguistique succincte de cet extrait ainsi que les pistes dégagées concernant les facteurs de variations linguistiques sont représentatives de l'ensemble de la Sîra et nous renseignent sur la manière dont l’AMS oscille entre l’ADS et l’AL, en fonction des interactions et de la structure narrative. Ces facteurs non exclusifs représentent toutefois des tendances et non des règles, la variation glossique étant de mise dans tout arabe moyen. ÉTUDE DE QUELQUES RÉALISATIONS DE L’ARABE MOYEN SYRIEN DANS SÎRAT AL-ZÎR SÂLIM 483 Gavillet-Matar, Marguerite. 1994. La geste du Zîr Sâlim. Damas : Presses de l'IFPO. Vol.1, p.42 (822 7a-7b). Références Bohas, Georges, & Hassan, Iyas (éd.). 2014. Sîrat al-malik al-Zâhir Baybars. Beyrouth-Damas : Presses de l'IFPO. Dichy, Joseph. 1994. « La pluriglossie de l'arabe », Bulletin d'Études Orientales XLVI. Damas : IFEAD. 19-42. Dichy, Joseph. 2010. « La polyglossie de l’arabe, illustrée par deux corpus d’époques et de natures différentes : un échange radiophonique syrien et un conte des Mille et Une Nuits », Bozdemir, Michel, & Calvet, Louis-Jean (éd.), Les politiques linguistiques en Méditerranée. Paris : Honoré Champion. 219-245. Gavillet-Matar, Marguerite. 1994. La geste du Zîr Sâlim (2 vol.). Damas : Presses de l'IFPO. Genette, Gérard. 1977. Figures 3. Paris : Le Seuil. Ghazeli, Salem. 1977. Back consonants and backing coarticulation in Arabic. Austin : University of Austin (Texas). Lentin, Jérôme. 1997. Recherches sur l'histoire de la langue arabe au Proche-Orient à l'époque moderne. Lille : Atelier national de reproduction des thèses. Medfai, Ammar. 1998. Réalisations tunisiennes de l'arabe moyen à partir d'un corpus télévisé. Lyon : Université Lyon 2. ‫األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‬ ‫محمد شاير ‪MEHMET ȘAYIR‬‬ ‫جامعة غازي ‪ -‬أنقرة‬ ‫الخالصة‪ :‬إن الھدف من ھذه الدراسة ھو طرح األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية ألھميتھا كمخزون لغوي يمكن االعتماد عليه في توثيق ھذه اللھجة وباعتبارھا‬ ‫وثائق ثابتة ال تختلف من شخص آلخر‪ ،‬ومن مكان آلخر حيث تعكس ثقافة المجتمع وتراثه وأفكاره نظرته للحياة وذوقه اللغوي‪ .‬كما يمكن أن تعكس التغييرات‬ ‫اللغوية عبر الزمن حيث نرى أن أھل ھذه اللھجة يستعملون أمثاال وعبارات عديدة حول الجمل رغم عدم وجوده في المناطق التي يعيشون فيھا في يومنا ھذا‪ ،‬كقولھم‬ ‫»الجمل ايكون ايطلع في حدبتو تيقع تنكسر رقبتو« و»ليحوي الجمل تيعلي بابه«‪ ...‬إلخ‪.‬‬ ‫تتمحور ھذه الدراسة حول الداللة والقوافي في األمثال التي تشملھا‪ .‬إذ سيتم بحث األمثال من ناحيتين أساسيتين؛ المضمون والشكل ثم يتم تصنيفھا من‬ ‫ناحية الداللة من جھة ومن ناحية القوافي والصورة الشعرية التي تتميز بھا من جھة ثانية‪.‬‬ ‫كلمات مفتاحية‪ :‬ماردين‪ ،‬اللغة العربية‪ ،‬المحلمية‪ ،‬مذيات‪ ،‬اللھجة الجزراوية‪ ،‬األمثال‪ ،‬األمثال العربية‬ ‫‪ -1‬المقدمة‪:‬‬ ‫إن منطقة ماردين تتميز من النواحي الجغرافية والبشرية والثقافية والدينية حيث يعيش العرب واألكراد واألتراك والسريان‪ ،‬مسلمين‬ ‫ومسيحيين كما يعيش االيزدييون باإلضافة إلى مجموعات أخرى عاشت وما زالت تعيش في ھذه المنطقة الجبلية التي يحدھا من‬ ‫الشرق نھر دجلة ومن الجنوب سھول منطقة الجزيرة ومن الغرب جبل قراجاداغ ومن الشمال سھول دياربكر‪ .‬وتعتبر المنطقة كذلك‬ ‫جزيرة لغوية ثقافية بشرية كونھا مرتفعا جغرافيا من جھة وعدم مجاورتھا للھجات العربية األخرى واالحتكاك بھا من جھة ثانية‪ .‬إذ‬ ‫يبدو أن العوامل الجغرافية قد حالت دون احتكاك ھذه اللھجة باللھجات العربية األخرى ما جعلھا تحتفظ بالكثير من المفردات والصيغ‬ ‫الفصيحة القديمة‪ .‬ولھذا السبب قد يصعب الحسم في تصنيفھا؛ »أ ھي لھجة بدوية أم حضرية؟« والسبب ھو احتفاظ ھذه اللھجة بالكثير‬ ‫من األصوات الفصيحة وعلى رأسھا »القاف« و»الثاء« »الذال« وكذلك احتفاظھا بعناصر أخرى كالنون في آخر الجمع والمخاطبة‪.‬‬ ‫ولما ننظر إلى ھذه اللھجة قد ال نرى إال القليل من الفروق بين كالم المدن )ماردين ومذيات والصور( وبين القرى التابعة لھا‪.‬‬ ‫ھناك عدد كبير من الناس يتكلمون اللغة العربية كلغة أم في منطقة جبل ماردين ناھيك عن المناطق والقرى الواقعة جنوب‬ ‫ماردين والتي تتكلم العربية كذلك‪ .‬وفي ھذه المنطقة التي تتعدد فيھا اللغات وتنصھر فيھا الثقافات فتكون النتيجة غالبا تسامحا ثقافيا‬ ‫لغويا بشريا عقائديا تتميز اللھجة العربية‪-‬المستخدمة فيھا ألسباب عدة أھمھا مكانة ھذه اللھجة في الدراسات اللغوية وال سيما أنھا مھددة‬ ‫باالنقراض حيث بدأ أھلھا يھجرون الكثير من مفرداتھا وتراكيبھا وعلى رأسھا األعداد‪.‬‬ ‫وأما األمثال فاألمثال كذلك تواجه نفس المشاكل التي تواجه اللھجة بل قد تتضاعف المشكلة ھنا إذ إن األمثال تحتاج إلى‬ ‫فصاحة وبالغة وأصالة لغوية ال يمتلكھا اإلنسان أو المجتمع الذي راح يھجر لغته أو لھجته التي ال يكتبھا وال يقرأھا وال يتعلمھا في‬ ‫المدارس أساسا‪ .‬وھنا تبدأ المشكلة وھي خطر ضياع ھذا التراث اللغوي البشري االجتماعي الثقافي‪ .‬ألننا حتى لو افترضنا أن الكثير‬ ‫من األمثال مشترك‪ ،‬البد لنا من االعتراف بھذه الحقيقة وھي وجود أمثال خاصة بالمنطقة كالتي تعكس التعايش بين المجموعات‬ ‫البشرية والعقائدية المختلفة وقد ال يمكن العثور عليھا في مناطق أخرى‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬تعريف المثل‪:‬‬ ‫لقد جاء في لسان العرب‪» :‬المثل الشيء الذي يضرب لشيء مثال فيجعل مثله‪ ...‬مثل‪ :‬كلمة تسوية‪ ،‬يقال ھذا مثله ومثله كما يقال شبھه‬ ‫وشبھه« )ابن منظور‪ ،‬د‪ .‬ت‪ ٤١٣٢ ،.‬ـ ‪ .(٤١٣٦‬ويقول الفارابي‪» :‬المثل ما ترضاه العامة والخاصة في لفظه ومعناه«‪) .‬الفارابي‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (٧٤ ،٢٠٠٣‬كما يقول الميداني صاحب »مجمع األمثال« عن المبرد »المثل مأخوذ من المثال وھو‪ :‬قول سائر يشبه به حال الثاني‬ ‫باألول‪ ،‬واألصل فيه التشبيه«‪) .‬الميداني‪ .(٥ ،١٩٥٩ ،‬كما أورد تعريف إبراھيم النظام للمثل وھو‪» :‬يجتمع في المثل أربعة ال تجتمع‬ ‫في غيره من الكالم‪ :‬إيجاز اللفظ وإصابة المعنى وحسن التشبيه وجودة الكناية‪ ،‬فھو نھاية البالغة«‪) .‬الميداني‪ .(٥ ،١٩٥٩ ،‬كذلك قول‬ ‫إبن المقفع‪» :‬إذا جعل الكالم مثال كان أوضح للمنطق‪ ،‬وآنق للسمع‪ ،‬وأوسع لشعوب الحديث«‪) .‬ابن المقفع‪ ،‬د‪.‬ت‪ (٣٨ .‬ويقول ابن عبد‬ ‫ربه األندلسي في »العقد الفريد« ‪» :‬وشي الكالم وجوھر اللفظ وحلى المعاني والتي تخيرھا العرب وقدمتھا العجم ونطق بھا كل زمان‬ ‫وعلى كل لسان‪ .‬فھي أبقى من الشعر وأشرف من الخطابة لم يسر شيء مسيرھا وال عم عمومھا حتى قيل أسير من مثل« )ابن عبد‬ ‫ربه‪.(٣ ،١٩٨٣ ،‬‬ ‫محمد شاير ‪MEHMET ȘAYIR‬‬ ‫‪486‬‬ ‫وأما أھل ماردين فيقولون »كما ھاك لقال وقال ْ‬ ‫وكلقالوا واألولية كلقالوا واألولية ما كلخلوا شي لما كلقالوه وھاك لقال )‪...‬كذا‬ ‫وكذا‪ (...‬مو مجنون كان وصابنا كما ھاك لقال‪ ...‬وفي كلمة اتقل أو اتقول‪ «...‬قبل ضرب المثل‪ .‬ونالحظ ھنا أيضا التشبيه والتسوية‬ ‫حيث يتم تشبيه الحالة الطارئة بالحالة التي كانت سببا لظھور المثل‪ .‬وانتشار صيغة »قال وقال« أي صيغة الحوار في بعض األمثال‬ ‫المعروفة في المنطقة كقولھم »قال‪ :‬بال بال ال تج‪ .‬قال‪ :‬أنا جايي«‪ .‬وكذلك يقولون‪» :‬قال وقلت« للتعبير عن الكالم‪ .‬كما يقولون‬ ‫»ايمثل« أي يضرب األمثال‪ .‬وقد ال نرى عبارة أو كلمة بحد ذاتھا يتم استعمالھا للتعبير عن المثل‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‪:‬‬ ‫إن جبل ماردين الذي يعد مجاال للتعددية اللغوية والثقافية والعقائدية والبشرية كان ومازال بوتقة تنصھر فيھا الثقافات واللغات المختلفة‬ ‫حيث احتضن حضارات متعددة عبر العصور‪ .‬وھذا ما منح اإلنسان المارديني خصوصيات يتميز بھا عن بقية المجموعات البشرية‬ ‫كالتسامح والتعددية اللغوية والثقافية‪ .‬حيث تمتلك المنطقة مخزونا ھائال من القصص والنكت واألمثال التي لم يتم جمعھا وتدوينھا ومن‬ ‫ثم دراستھا بطرق علمية لتسجيلھا واالحتفاظ بھا ونقلھا إلى األجيال القادمة كمخزون تراثي يعكس مشاعر وأفكار ھذه المجموعات‬ ‫البشرية ونظرتھا للحياة وتعاملھا مع األشياء واألحداث كما يعكس الثراء الثقافي والفكري للمنطقة‪.‬‬ ‫قد تشكل األمثال تراثا لغويا أدبيا شعريا في منطقة قل فيھا الشعر والغناء العربيين تحت تأثير الموسيقى الكردية ومن بعدھا‬ ‫التركية‪ .‬والمثل قد يكون ممثال للشعر واألدب على ألسنة ناس قد ال ينطقون بالشعر وال يسمعونه وال يتعاملون معه بل وال يكتبون ويقرؤون‬ ‫باللغة التي يتكلمون بھا‪ .‬بمعنى أن األمثال قد تعد الوسيلة األدبية الوحيدة المتداولة بين الناس وخاصة األشخاص األميين الذين قد ال يتقنون لغة‬ ‫أخرى‪ .‬وأما الشباب المتعلمون فاألمثال تعتبر من العناصر اللغوية التي يھجرونھا في المنطقة وقد ال تعني لھم الكثير‪.‬‬ ‫سأقوم ھنا ببحث األمثال التي تشملھا الدراسة من ناحيتين؛ الداللة والشكل‪ .‬ثم أقوم بتصنيف ھذه األمثال من ناحية المضمون‬ ‫والمعاني من جھة ومن ناحية القوافي والصورة الشعرية من ناحية ثانية‪ .‬وقد جمعت ھذه األمثال من المسنين في ھذه المنطقة التي‬ ‫ترعرعت فيھا بصفتي أحد أبناءھا إلى أن غادرتھا في سن الخامسة عشر وكذلك من خالل الشبكة الدولية‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -1-3‬تصنيف األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‪:‬‬ ‫‪ -1-1-3‬األمثال التي تعتمد على صيغة الحوار‪:‬‬ ‫إن عبارة »قال« تعتبر عبارة يتم استعمالھا في كالم أھل ماردين بشكل واضح حيث تعطي الكالم نكھة الحكاية والقصة‪ .‬ويعبر أھل‬ ‫المنطقة عن الكالم أو الكالم الكثير الذي ال معنى له بعبارة »قال وقلت« كما أوردنا آنفا‪ .‬وھذه الصيغة التي يتم االستفادة منھا في‬ ‫القصص والحكايات نراھا كظاھرة لغوية كالمية في األمثال كذلك‪ .‬إذ تعطي المثل نكھة الحوار والكالم المتبادل كما ھو الحال في‬ ‫األمثال التالية‪.‬‬ ‫قال‪ :‬بال بال ال تج‪ .‬قال‪ :‬أنا جايي‪.‬‬ ‫قال‪ :‬ﷲ يرحم ھاك أبوك مات من جوعو‪ .‬قال‪ :‬علقلو وما أكل؟‬ ‫قال‪ :‬معك تتاكل؟ قال‪ :‬ال‪ .‬قال معك للظالم؟ قال‪ :‬ايه‪.‬‬ ‫قال‪ :‬فتو فالسوق ال احد عجبني وال انا عجبت أحد‬ ‫قال‪ :‬أيش أحلى من الولد؟ قال‪ :‬ولد الولد‪.‬‬ ‫أو كما أتى على شكل حكاية على النحو التالي وھو حوار يتم ضرب المثل به‪:‬‬ ‫قال‪ :‬ياب مسكت حرامي‬ ‫قال‪ :‬ابني جيبو وتعا‬ ‫قال‪ :‬ياب مويجي‬ ‫قال‪ :‬ابني عيفو وتعا‬ ‫قال‪ :‬أنا عفوتھو ھو مويعيفني‬ ‫‪ -2-1-3‬األمثال التي تتناول الروابط بين األقارب والتكافل االجتماعي والعالقات االجتماعية‪:‬‬ ‫عنصر الروابط االجتماعية والعالقات البشرية باإلضافة إلى التكافل االجتماعي يحتل جزء كبيرا من أمثال المنطقة وكذلك العالقات‬ ‫بين األقارب‪ .‬وھنا نبدأ بأشھر مثل متداول في ھذا المجال في منطقة جبل ماردين مع حكاية تحكى في المنطقة والمثل ھو‪:‬‬ ‫»قلبي على ولدي وقلب ولدي على الحجر«‬ ‫والمثل الذي يتحدث عن العالقة بين األبناء واآلباء له حكاية‪:‬‬ ‫يوم الواحد راح واحد مع ابنه على الكرم ولما وصلوا للكرم الولد أرى طير كلحط على الشاق قال اندار ألبوه قال‪:‬‬ ‫»ياب ھاك أشوه؟«‬ ‫قال‪» :‬ابني طيروه«‪.‬‬ ‫‪487‬‬ ‫األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‬ ‫قال سكوا اشويه رد سألو قال ‪:‬‬ ‫»ياب ھاك أشوه؟«‬ ‫قال‪» :‬طيروه بابا«‪.‬‬ ‫قال الولد سكى سكى ورد قالو قال ‪:‬‬ ‫»ياب ھاك أشوه؟«‬ ‫قال‪» :‬طيروه ابني«‪.‬‬ ‫قال كل اشويه يسألو وھو ايقل‪:‬‬ ‫»طيروه قربان وطيروه حيران«‬ ‫قال فات فيا كم سنة‪ ،‬الولد كبر والزلمه صار اختيار‪ .‬قال كرة لخ راحوا على الكرم قال النوب االختيار قال لروحه قال تقشع‬ ‫أجرب ابني أنا زيت أسأله تقشع أش تيسي‪ .‬قال قال له قال‪:‬‬ ‫»ابني ھاك أشوه ھونك؟«‬ ‫قال الولد قال‪» :‬طيروه«‪.‬‬ ‫سكى اشويه ورد سأله قال‪:‬‬ ‫»ابني ھاك أشوه ھونك؟«‬ ‫قال‪» :‬طيروه ليش مو ترى؟«‬ ‫قال رد سأله وقال له قال‪:‬‬ ‫»ابني ھاك أشوه ھونك؟«‬ ‫قال الولد رد عليه وزعق قال له قال‪:‬‬ ‫»طيروه زيت! ليش مو ترى‪ ،‬أعمي انت؟!!!«‬ ‫) ‪(1‬‬ ‫قال ھاك الوقت الزلمه قال‪» :‬طلع ورك‪ ،‬حقيقة قلبي على ولدي وقلب ولدي على الحجر«‪.‬‬ ‫وھناك أمثال كثيرة تتحدث عن العالقات بين األقارب والروابط االجتماعية نورد منھا األمثال التالية‪:‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬الوردة اتخلف شوكة والشوكة اتخلف وردة‬ ‫ب‪ -‬ايكون مونعرف امنا وأبونا تنقل السالطين جابونا‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬الدم مويصير ماي‬ ‫د ‪ -‬ايد لمواطيق اتگزا بوسا‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬ضو من ضو يعتلق‬ ‫و ‪ -‬الناس بالناس والكل با‬ ‫ز ‪ -‬ما في أمير مو يحتاج لراعي البقرة‬ ‫ح ‪ -‬درجة على درجة إلى العرش‬ ‫ط ‪ -‬اقضيا بزبل دارك وال تحتاج لجارك‬ ‫ي ‪ -‬خدامة بخدام وجارية بغالم‬ ‫ك ‪ -‬عاف امو وأبوھو وعدى خلف مرت أبوھو‬ ‫ل ‪ -‬حتى ادموع العين بالدين‬ ‫م ‪ -‬البيت بيت أبونا والغرب يطردونا‬ ‫ن ‪ -‬لغلبك انھار اغلبو بالنار‬ ‫س‪ -‬البنت في بيت أبوا شمة وشمامة اتروح لبيت االحما اتصيرلن خدامة‬ ‫ع ‪ -‬األھل بالھلو والغريب على مھلو‬ ‫ف ‪ -‬قصقوصتنا اتبين‪ ،‬بشطة الملة موتبين‬ ‫ص‪ -‬عز الكلب لخاطر اصحابو‬ ‫ق ‪ -‬المليح لروحو ايصير محبوب الناس‬ ‫ر ‪ -‬الوجع لصاحبو يجع‬ ‫ش ‪ -‬كل شي لتعجب والبس شي لتعجب الناس‬ ‫ت ‪ -‬طعم الثم تتستحي العين‬ ‫‪ -3-1-3‬األمثال التي تتضمن أسماء الحيوانات‪:‬‬ ‫الحيوانات أيضا كانت مصدرا للتشبيه ولضرب األمثال في المنطقة‪ .‬وھنا نالحظ أن الجمل ورد في أمثال المنطقة أكثر من الحيوانات‬ ‫األخرى‪ .‬وقد يكون ذلك دليال يعكس واقعھم القديم )عثمان‪ .(٢٠ ،٢٠١١ ،‬حيث ال يتعاملون حاليا مع الجمل لعدم وجوده في المنطقة‬ ‫في يومنا ھذا‪ .‬وھنا بعض ھذه األمثال التي تتضمن أسماء حيوانات كالكلب والفأر والديك والحمار والحية والبقرة‪ ...‬باإلضافة إلى‬ ‫الجمل‪:‬‬ ‫محمد شاير ‪MEHMET ȘAYIR‬‬ ‫) ‪(2‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬جا الجمل للقرش والقرش ما في‬ ‫ب‪ -‬كل أكل اجميل وقوم قبل االرجيل‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬ليحوي الجمل تيعلي بابو‬ ‫د ‪ -‬الجمل ايكون ايطلع في حدبتو تيقع تنكسر رقبتو‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬جمل وگنگريس‬ ‫و ‪ -‬ديك الفصيخ من البيضة ايصيح‬ ‫ز ‪ -‬كل وقع في ضيعة بال كليب‬ ‫ح ‪ -‬كل بقا على قد حقا‬ ‫ط ‪ -‬لما تقع البقرة تكثر السكيكين‬ ‫ي ‪ -‬الديك ايموت وعينو تبقى في االزبالة‬ ‫ك ‪ -‬غنمة الجربي من راس العين تشرب‬ ‫ل ‪ -‬طول طول سخلة عقل عقل نحلة‬ ‫م ‪ -‬نيس ياكلون جيج ونيس يقعون في االسييج‬ ‫ن ‪ -‬عصعوصة الكلب عوجايه‬ ‫س‪ -‬رزق الكليب على المجننين وه‬ ‫ع ‪ -‬ساق اذا دارت يا كلب تيعضا يا خبر تتجيب‬ ‫ف‪ -‬فرس االصيلة اتزيد عليقا‬ ‫ص‪ -‬جحرو جحر جيجه ايبيض بيضة وزة‬ ‫ق ‪ -‬كلب ليروح على الصيد بال قلبو‬ ‫ر ‪ -‬عز الكلب لخاطر اصحابو‬ ‫ش ‪ -‬الفارة موتسع في العش اديخل مكنستا معا‬ ‫ت ‪ -‬الحية موتحب الننحة اتروح وتخضر في عشا‬ ‫ث ‪ -‬الجمل حب ابنو قرط اذنو‬ ‫‪ -4-1-3‬االقتصاد والعالقات المالية‪:‬‬ ‫لقد احتلت المواضيع االقتصادية باإلضافة إلى العالقات المالية جزء كبيرا من األمثال في المنطقة‪:‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬رزق الكليب على المجننين وه‬ ‫) ‪(3‬‬ ‫ب ‪ -‬حط الفيدة على الميدة‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬سبع عمايه على عصايه‬ ‫د ‪ -‬ناطور نطرني واندار أكلني‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬ايصمد وبراس روحو ايرمد‬ ‫و ‪ -‬مال الخصيص ايروح فطيص‬ ‫ز ‪ -‬من يوم للحقوا ازغاري ما شبع منقاري‬ ‫ح ‪ -‬قوت ال تموت‬ ‫ط ‪ -‬اقليلة يه مو خلصا اكثيرة يه مو تكفاني‬ ‫ي ‪ -‬الدولة اذا ما جت الفقر يتبلبل‬ ‫ك ‪ -‬االنسان اذا شبع مويقن تيجوع واذا جاع مويقن تيشبع‬ ‫ل ‪ -‬لي يج بيدو الال ايزيدو‬ ‫م ‪ -‬جوفو شبعانة وعينو جوعانة‬ ‫ن ‪ -‬ضو من ضو يعتلق‬ ‫س ‪ -‬جا الجمل للقرش والقرش ما في‬ ‫ع ‪ -‬لما بلمعلقة وكبا بالمغرفة‬ ‫ف ‪ -‬لمالو شي مويسوى شي‬ ‫ص‪ -‬إذا ظلمك القصاب اظلم التنجرة‬ ‫‪ -5-1-3‬األمثال التي وردت فيھا ألفاظ من اللغة الصريحة‪:‬‬ ‫ھنا نرى مثلين فيھما مالمح دينية وھي‪:‬‬ ‫‪» - 1‬المسلم مالو شغل يقطع عيرو يشتغل«‬ ‫‪» - 2‬شكرنا في القز القز خري في البيعة«‪.‬‬ ‫‪488‬‬ ‫‪489‬‬ ‫األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‬ ‫والمثاالن قد يعكسان الواقع االجتماعي والعقائدي للمنطقة‪ .‬إذ نرى أن ما جاء في مثل »المسلم مالو شغل‪ «...‬وكأنه قد جاء‬ ‫على لسان النصارى أو جماعات أخرى في المنطقة ويتم استعماله من قبل المسلمين‪ .‬والمقصود ھنا ظاھرة الختان لدى المسلمين‪ .‬وأما‬ ‫ما جاء في مثل »شكرنا في القز‪) «...‬وشكرنا ھنا بمعنى الحمد والمدح( فھو مثل يستعمله الناطقون بالعربية في ھذه المنطقة‪ .‬واألمثال‬ ‫التي جاء فيھا الفاظ من اللغة الصريحة كثيرة نورد منھا ھنا األمثال التالية‪:‬‬ ‫) ‪(4‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬ال منيوك الدولتلي وال مريض الفقير )أحد مو يستخبر عليه(‬ ‫ب ‪ -‬خرى الپشون صار درمان‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬المسلم مالو شغل يقطع عيرو يشتغل‬ ‫د ‪ -‬المسلم مالو شغل‪) ...‬يقطع عيرو يشتغل(‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬شكرنا في القز القز خري في البيعة‬ ‫و ‪ -‬أكله على السلطان وخراه على الحيطان‬ ‫‪ -6-1-3‬الحياة والممات‪:‬‬ ‫الموت والشيخوخة والحياة الفانية والعمر الذي يمر‪ ...‬جميع ھذه الظواھر تحتل مكانا مھما في أمثال المنطقة وھذه بعض النماذج‪:‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬الدنيا في دومه يه تتنقضي‬ ‫) ‪(5‬‬ ‫ب‪ -‬االنھار ايغيب وشره مويغيب‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬راح ھرھرو وبق طرطرو‬ ‫د ‪ -‬الموت ما منو فوت‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬أموت وموموت من الكورعة موفوت‬ ‫و ‪ -‬مات بابو والتم الدقيق‬ ‫ز ‪ -‬عمر وعلى وراح وخلى‬ ‫ح ‪ -‬الميت مننا انقل الال يرحمو‬ ‫ط ‪ -‬شاب وما تاب‬ ‫ي ‪ -‬الميت مو يكون محروق القبر مو يضيق عليو‬ ‫‪ -7-1-3‬القناعة والسلطان والعالقة بالسلطة‪:‬‬ ‫وردت العالقة بالسلطة والسلطان والحكم وظاھرة إدارة البالد والعباد والقيادة والمسالمة والطاعة واطاعة الحاكم واالعتراف بواقع‬ ‫الحياة وباختالف أرزاق الناس ومراتبھم ومناصبھم في األمثال الماردينية‪ .‬والالفت لالنتباه فيھا ھو النظرة إلى السلطة بنظرة مسالمة‬ ‫تحث على المسالمة والطاعة واالنقياد والتماشي مع الزمن والقناعة في معظم األحوال‪ .‬حيث يمكن قراءة ذلك بوضوح في األمثال‬ ‫األربعة التالية وھي‪:‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬ ‫‪-3‬‬ ‫‪-4‬‬ ‫»اذا الزمان ما جا معك انت تعا معو«‬ ‫»لياخذ امنا تيسير عمنا«‬ ‫»إنت )أ(مير وأنا )أ(مير ومن تيسوق االحمير«‬ ‫»لمالو قصر ايھد كوخو؟«‬ ‫ونرى أن األخير يحث على القناعة والتمسك بالحياة وعدم الوقوع في اليأس وأن الحياة مراتب ودرجات كما جاء في المثل‬ ‫الذي يقول‪» :‬درجة على درجة إلى العرش« أي أن الناس مراتب ومقامات ومناصب ومرتبة فوق مرتبة حتى العرش‪ .‬واألمثال التي‬ ‫تظھر نظرة ھذا المجتمع للسلطة والسلطان يمكن تصنيفھا على النحو التالي‪:‬‬ ‫) ‪(6‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬أكلو على السلطان وخراھو على الحيطان‬ ‫ب‪ -‬اليتيم يفرح في يتمتو تتسير الكلمة كلمتو‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬إنت )أ(مير وأنا )أ(مير ومن تيسوق االحمير‬ ‫د ‪ -‬راح الكبير وضاغ التدبير‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬لمالو قصر ايھد كوخو‬ ‫و ‪ -‬قام المال قعد ابنو‬ ‫ز ‪ -‬لياخذ امنا تيسير عمنا‬ ‫ح ‪ -‬درجة على درجة إلى العرش‬ ‫ط ‪ -‬ﷲ يجابر ھاك البلد تيكون حاكمو ولد‬ ‫محمد شاير ‪MEHMET ȘAYIR‬‬ ‫‪490‬‬ ‫‪ -8-1-3‬النصائح والحكم‪:‬‬ ‫ھناك ما يمكن تسميته بالحكم في األمثال المتداولة بين الناطقين بالعربية في جبل ماردين وھي في الغالب جاءت على شكل نصائح‬ ‫وبصيغة األمر للحث على فعل الشيء الذي قد يكون فيه فائدة وترك الشيء الذي قد يكون فيه ضرر‪ .‬ونورد ھنا بعض ھذه األمثال‪:‬‬ ‫) ‪(7‬‬ ‫أ ‪ -‬سن فاسك وال توجع راسك‬ ‫ب‪ -‬يعطي االنجاص لمالو ادراس‬ ‫ج ‪ -‬ال أبوك وال أبو الشيطان‬ ‫د ‪ -‬الثوران احسن من عمى العينوه‬ ‫ھـ ‪ -‬روح لبالد العور واعور عينك‬ ‫و ‪ -‬جيران مسلم وجيران نصراني‬ ‫‪ - 4‬تصنيف األمثال من ناحية القوافي الصورة الشعرية‪:‬‬ ‫يعتمد المثل على اإلختصار وااليجاز والتشبيه في الكالم‪ .‬والصورة الشعرية تعتبر من العناصر األساسية في المثل‪ .‬وھذا ما يجعل‬ ‫المثل متداول بين الناس يسھل حفظه واستخدامه وفھمه حيث يكون له تأثيره عند استخدامه في محله‪ .‬ونرى أن الكثير من األمثال التي‬ ‫تم طرحھا من خالل ھذه الدراسة تتضمن صورة شعرية وتعتمد على أوزان معينة بصورة عامة‪ .‬كما نرى أن عددا كبيرا منھا فيھا‬ ‫قواف على النحو التالي وحسب الترتيب األبجدي‪:‬‬ ‫) ‪(8‬‬ ‫) أ(‬ ‫القرعا تتباھا بشحفة اختا الصفرا‬ ‫البرد درد والدفا عفا‬ ‫كل بقا على قد حقا‬ ‫اغسل الفيكه من ثما وكل اللحمة بدما‬ ‫صدقاتنا لعماتنا‬ ‫لياخذ امنا تيسير عمنا‬ ‫البيت بيت أبونا والغرب يطردونا‬ ‫لفيو آھا موينساھا‬ ‫عمر وعلى وراح وخلى‬ ‫حط الفيدة على الميدة‬ ‫الضرة مرة ولو كانت من قحف جرة‬ ‫جوفو شبعانة وعينو جوعانة‬ ‫انھار الغيمانة تفرح الكسالنة‬ ‫العقل زينة وحمالتو حزينة‬ ‫سبع عماية على عصاية‬ ‫) ب(‬ ‫شاب وما تاب‬ ‫)ج(‬ ‫قوت ال تموت‬ ‫الموت ما منو فوت‬ ‫) د(‬ ‫نيس ياكلون جيج ونيس يقعون في االسييج‬ ‫)ھـ(‬ ‫ديك الفصيخ من البيضة ايصيح‬ ‫)و(‬ ‫راحت تتعود وطابال االقعود‬ ‫الجوز المعدود في جراب مشدود‬ ‫)ز(‬ ‫لغلبك انھار اغلبو بالنار‬ ‫ليصبر يقدر‬ ‫ابن البكر ايخرب الفكر‬ ‫رجال عللقبور وعينو على مرا اتدور‬ ‫‪491‬‬ ‫األمثال في لھجة ماردين العربية‬ ‫راح الكبير وضاغ التدبير‬ ‫أنا مير وانت مير ومن تيسوق االحمير‬ ‫)ح(‬ ‫عزيناك انعز ال تمشي وتنھز‬ ‫)ط(‬ ‫يا اقتل ووجع يا طعم وشبع‬ ‫الوجع لصاحبو يجع‬ ‫اشتري وبيع اسمك ال يضيع‬ ‫) ي(‬ ‫يوم الضيق ايبين العدو من الصديق‬ ‫الواقع ما لو صديق والميشي ما لو رفيق‬ ‫)ك (‬ ‫اقضيا بزبل دارك وال تحتاج لجارك‬ ‫سن فاسك وال توجع راسك‬ ‫) ل(‬ ‫كل أكل اجميل وقوم قبل االرجيل‬ ‫) م(‬ ‫االبن بال ام الشة بال ثم‬ ‫محروم وأرالو اكروم‬ ‫خدامة بخدام وجارية بغالم‬ ‫)ن(‬ ‫الشبعان مالو ھاي من الجوعان‬ ‫ال ھبوة للعطشان وال سليق للجوعان‬ ‫كلمة تطلع من بين شفتين تتلي واليتين‬ ‫نحن زين وجانا وجع العين‬ ‫حتى ادموع العين بالدين‬ ‫يقعد ايبين ويقوم ايزين‬ ‫)س(‬ ‫أرى احبابو نسي اصحابو‬ ‫اليتيم يفرح في يتمتو تتسير الكلمة كلمتو‬ ‫لي يج بيدو ﷲ ايزيدو‬ ‫فوق حقو دقو‬ ‫الجمل حب ابنو قرط اذنو‬ ‫) ع(‬ ‫دللناك يا حبي ونطيت وجيت في عبي‬ ‫من يوم للحقوا ازغاري ما شبع منقاري‬ ‫اسم عيلي على جبل بيلي‬ ‫ناطور نطرني واندار أكلني‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ظاھرة األمثال الكردية والتركية المستخدمة من قبل الناطقين بالعربية في المنطقة‪:‬‬ ‫ال شك أن ھناك أمثال مشتركة بين األكراد واألتراك والعرب والسريان في المنطقة أو أمثال مأخوذة ومترجمة من ھذه اللغات‪ .‬إال أن‬ ‫ھناك بعض األمثال المتداولة بين الناطقين بالعربية بلغاتھا األصلية أي الكردية والتركية‪ .‬وقد يقوم من يورد مثال من ھذه األمثال أثناء‬ ‫حديثه قد يقوم بترجمة ھذا المثل للسامعين فيقول على سبيل المثال‪» :‬قيز قرچي خاتون اولماز« يعني »بنت القرچيه موتسير خاتون«‬ ‫أي أن الفتاة الغجرية ال تصلح لتكون سيدة‪ .‬أو قد يستشھد بمثل كردي فيقول‪» :‬شير شيره چه ژن و چه ميره« يعني »السبع سبعوه ھا‬ ‫مرة وھا رجال« أي أن األسد أسد ذكرا كان أم أنثى‪.‬‬ ‫وھناك أمثال أخرى باإلضافة إلى ھاذين المثلين الذين أوردناھما ونذكر منھا‪» :‬حاصل كھا موصل« أي أن المحصول وصل‬ ‫الموصل‪ .‬و»برا برايه بازار خويايه« أي أن »األخ أخ ولكن البد من الحساب« وكذلك قولھم »ھم حجت ھم تجارت« بمعنى "حج‬ ‫وتجارة في نفس الوقت"‪.‬‬ ‫وأما »حاصل گھا موصل« أي أن المحصول وصل الموصل فله حكاية تروى في المنطقة وتشبه األسطورة إذ يحكى في‬ ‫المنطقة أن في الماضي كان ھناك خط على شكل قناة يربط المنطقة بمدينة الموصل العراقية تمر من خالله محاصيل المنطقة فتصل‬ ‫الموصل‪.‬‬ ‫محمد شاير ‪MEHMET ȘAYIR‬‬ ‫‪492‬‬ ‫ومن ناحية أخرى ھناك ما يعكس الواقع العقائدي للمنطقة من أمثال والسيما ما يعكس التعايش بين المسلمين والمسيحيين فيھا‪.‬‬ ‫كقولھم‪» :‬جيران مسلم وجيران نصراني« أي جار مسلم وجار مسيحي‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 6‬الخاتمة‪:‬‬ ‫أوال ـ نرى أن األمثال المتداولة في المنطقة تتماشى مع اللھجة إال في حالة واحدة وھي األصوات‪ .‬واالختالف في األصوات قد يفسر‬ ‫بالضرورة التي تفرضھا القوافي وبعدم تغير الصوت في المثل رغم التغير في اللھجة مع مرور الزمن‪ .‬وقد ترد في األمثال عبارات‬ ‫غير مستخدمة في اللھجة كذلك‪ .‬كما ھو الحال فيما يتعلق بعبارة »زين« )بفتح الزاي( عند قولھم‪» :‬نحن زين وجانا وجع العين«‪.‬‬ ‫وكذلك استعمال عبارة »ناس« بدون إمالة عند قولھم‪» :‬الناس بالناس والكل با «‪ .‬إذ ال يستخدمون عبارة »ناس« في كالمھم اليومي‬ ‫ويستخدمون كلمة »نيس« بدال من ذلك‪ .‬وھذا يدل على أنھم لم يغيروا ما في األمثال القديمة من عبارات رغم تغييرھم لھا في لھجتھم‬ ‫وكالمھم اليومي‪.‬‬ ‫ثانيا ـ إن األمثال العربية التي تم طرحھا وتصنيفھا تعكس الواقع االجتماعي والبشري والمحلي والعقائدي للمنطقة‪ .‬كما تعكس‬ ‫العالقات والروابط االجتماعية واحتكاك ھذه المجموعة البشرية بالمجموعات البشرية المجاورة لھا‪.‬‬ ‫ثالثا ـ تمتلك المنطقة مخزونا كبيرا من األمثال لم يتم جمعه وتدوينه حتى اآلن وھناك أمثال خاصة بالمنطقة البد من توثيقھا‬ ‫كمخزون تراثي‪.‬‬ ‫رابعا ـ إن األمثال العربية التي تم طرحھا تتضمن قواف غنية وصور شعرية غنية من ناحية الشكل واألصوات‪.‬‬ ‫خامسا ـ عدد كبير من األمثال التي تم طرحھا يتعلق بالتكافل والتضامن االجتماعي باإلضافة إلى الروابط االجتماعية‬ ‫والبشرية‪.‬‬ ‫سادسا ـ قد يختلف شكل بعض األمثال من مكان آلخر كقولھم‪» :‬ايغيب االنھار ومويغيب شره« أو »االنھار ايغيب أو شرو‬ ‫مويغيب« وقولھم‪» :‬كل قاضي من روحه راضي« أو »كل قاضي من نفسه راضي« وقولھم »القرجيه موتقل لبني حامضوه« أو‬ ‫»الكردية موتقل لبني حامضوه«‪.‬‬ ‫المراجع‪:‬‬ ‫ابن عبد ربه األندلسي‪ ،‬أحمد بن محمد )‪ .(1891‬العقد الفريد‪ .‬تحقيق‪ :‬عبد المجيد الترحيني‪ ،‬بيروت‪ :‬دار الكتب العلمية‪.‬‬ ‫ابن منظور‪ ،‬أبو الفضل جمال الدين محمد بن مكرم )ب‪.‬ت( لسان العرب‪ ،‬دار المعارف‪ ،‬القاھرة‪ ،‬الجزء ‪٦‬‬ ‫الفارابي‪ ،‬أبو إبراھيم إسحاق بن إبراھيم )‪ ،(2003‬ديوان األدب‪ ،‬تحقيق د‪ .‬أحمد مختار عمر‪ ،‬الجزء األول‪ ،‬مجمع اللغة العربية‪،‬‬ ‫القاھرة‬ ‫الميداني أبي الفضل أحمد بن محمد بن أحمد بن إبراھيم النيسابوري‪ ،‬تحقيق‪ :‬محمد محي الدين عبدالحميد‪ (١٩٥٥) ،‬مجمع األمثال‪،‬‬ ‫الجزء األول‪ ،‬مطبعة السنة المحمدية‬ ‫‪https://www.facebook.com/pages/Arap%C3%A7a-Atas%C3%B6zleri/1460014874284098?fref=ts‬‬ ON ARABIC (EGYPTIAN) FICTION CREATED IN THE VERNACULAR APOLLON SILAGADZE NINO EJIBADZE Iv. Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Institute of Oriental Studies, Department of Arabic Studies Abstract: 1. Egyptian literature created in the dialect begins to develop intensively from the middle of the past century. Naturally, these literary texts are recorded by means of the classical Arabic graphic system, and their reproduction/deciphering occurs as that of a dialectal text (heterography). 2. Taking into account that Egyptian dialectal fiction nowadays is a finally established phenomenon, it is possible to formulate several generalized theses. Sociolinguistic aspect. a) It seems, that the Egyptian dialect is no longer only a means of oral communication – it also becomes the language of literature (resp. literary language/a means to create literary heritage). b) The fact that the dialect is recorded in a literary style, indicates that it undergoes standardization, assumes the standard language form, and the common Egyptian language – the literary koine (mostly based on the Cairo dialect) – finds itself in opposition with all the other Egyptian dialects. Finally, broadening of the Egyptian dialect to the full condition (vernacular and language of literature) means that the functions of the elements involved in the sociolinguistic situation will change; thus, literary Arabic will no longer be the only language of Arabic literature. Literary aspect. Literature created in Egypt was one of the fragments of the common Arabic literary sphere, which was based on the same language as literature of any other Arab country. At present, the situation is obviously changing: it seems that there already exists Egyptian Arabic fiction proper, which is no longer a fragment of common Arabic literature, as it uses its own – Egyptian – Arabic/dialect, rather than common Arabic literary language. Elsewhere, in other Arab countries, literature is not and will not be created in this language (dialect). At the same time, today the literary situation in Egypt contains two components: parallel coexistence of literature created in literary Arabic and fiction written in the Egyptian dialect is observable. Further development can be assumed in two ways: maintaining the two-component situation or unification in favour of literature created in the Egyptian dialect (Egyptian Arabic). Keywords: Egyptian Arabic, Arabic dialect, fiction, sociolinguistics. 1. In the Arab world, fiction created in the dialect has a quite long history, starting from the 15th c. Usually, this literature is considered as two periods: 15th-18th cc. and from 19th c. to present. 1 However, in our view, if the functional aspect is taken into consideration (in particular, its role in the literary process and its significance for literature), the following variant of classification seems realistic: Old and Modern; Old – until the 20th c., Modern – from mid-20th c. to present. Qualitatively, the new stage begins from the middle of the 20th c. and is mostly linked with Egypt. Its specificity is determined by the following features: a) Productivity, which led to the fact that increasingly great number of artistic works are created, which are entirely (not partially) written in the dialect. b) Removal of genre restriction: since the second half of the 20th c., Egyptian dialectal fiction covers all genres of prose and poetry (and not only entertaining works – containing satire and humor, or certain insertions in texts written in Literary Arabic). c) The significant and autonomous place and role of dialectal fiction in Egyptian reality; the following formulation is more accurate: creation and establishment of Egyptian proper, i.e. Egyptian dialectal fiction. d) In general, origin of new Egyptian dialectal fiction is a phenomenon of the beginning of last century, when on the one hand works were created in which passages written in the dialect were inserted, and on the other one, works composed entirely in the dialect were of specific character, as 1 Davies 2006: 597-604. 494 APOLLON SILAGADZE; NINO EJIBADZE they represented plays (Maḥmūd Teymūr wrote his plays in doublets – literary and dialectal versions 2). Extension of the area and full covering of fiction are later phenomena, the chronology of which obviously should be counted from the 1940s (novel by Muṣṭafā Mušarrafa 3…”Qinṭara l-leḏī kafar”). At present Egyptian dialectal fiction is a finally formed and established as well as an independent fact. Naturally, for texts the Arabic graphic system is used. At this time, in general, we are dealing with a phenomenon which is qualified by A. Silagadze as heterography4, specific for the Arab reality, when one and the same (or almost the same) graphic text can be decoded in several ways – as a text in the literary language (or in classical, or the so-called standard language) and as a text in the dialect (at the same time, certain specific aspects, related to dialectal speech, are reflected in the graphics). 2. At this point, we shall not discuss any other specific aspects of the issue, we shall only offer several generalized theses. The process can actually be considered to be completed in the Egyptian literary and linguistic area. As regards the entire Arab world – the rest of the Arab countries – it is possible to define certain future dynamics by analogy. In any case, from the positions of Egyptian reality, the process causes/will cause certain changes, on the one hand, in the sociolinguistic, and on the other one, in the literary aspect, with which transformation of some fundamental linguistic and literary concepts is/will be related. It should be noted that certain transformation of concepts such as “literary language” and “dialect” is perceived by the Arab (Egyptians) themselves. E.g. Mustafa Musharrafa, mentioned above, emphasizes that the dialect is consciously chosen for his novel (Qinṭara l-leḏī kafar 5). In particular, what novelties are brought about by process of establishment of Egyptian dialectal fiction? Sociolinguistic aspect a) A fundamental novelty, which is already a fact, is that the Egyptian dialect is no longer only a means of verbal communication. After the formation and establishment of Egyptian dialectal fiction, the conditions are created for the full-fledged functioning of the Egyptian dialect: 1. Actually, it is the only means of oral communication – spoken language; 2. At the same time, it is becoming the language of literature/literary language, i.e., means to create literary heritage. b) Existence of Egyptian dialectal fiction means that this dialect is recorded in a literary way, which, in its turn, indicates that it undergoes standardization. This is one more real indicator that it gradually moves from the category of dialect to that of language, acquiring the form of a standard language. In particular, the phenomenon referred to above several times as the Egyptian dialect, is (/will be) regional/Egyptian standard-language, in fact, the Egyptian language/Standard Egyptian Arabic, mainly based on the Cairo speech. Represented in this form, it, as Common Egyptian, opposes all living spoken dialects of Egypt. Thus, the following opposition seems realistic: Language (< Egyptian speech of Cairo) : dialects (vernaculars of various regions of Egypt) c) Everything indicates that expansion of the Egyptian (Common Egyptian) dialect – absolute broadening of its functions is observable, which naturally means modification of functions of other elements involved in the sociolinguistic picture. As is known, general (Common Arabic, including Egyptian) sociolinguistic picture, is clearly diglossive 6: literary language and dialects (22 countries See, e.g., Maḥmūd Teymūr. n.d. Abū Šūša wa-l-mawkibu wa-qiṣaṣun ’uḫrā, al-Qāhira. Georgian translation by Ejibadze, N. published in 2010. 4 Silagadze 2010: 5-10; See also: Silagadze, Ejibadze 2012:17. 5 Muṣṭafā Mušarrafa, 1991, 2012. Qinṭara l-leḏī kafar, al-Qāhira. 6 In detail, see: Silagadze, Ejibadze 2012: 10-17. 2 3 ON ARABIC (EGYPTIAN) FICTION CREATED IN THE VERNACULAR 495 plus regional dialects inside the countries). It should also be noted that on the side of the literary language there are two languages – Classical Arabic (fuṣḥā) and Modern Literary Arabic/Modern Standard Arabic. Of these, the function of the former is extremely limited – it is only the written language. In speech it is completely replaced by Standard Arabic, which is realized with the full function. At the same time, its communication/spoken function is extremely limited (formal conversations, etc.) due to drastically actualized role of dialects. Finally, Standard Arabic is the literary language for the entire Arab world, it can be used for communication with the entire Arab world, however, normal, natural communication language for each country/region is the local, native dialect. As noted above, at present there are all conditions facilitating introduction of certain corrections in this picture, in case of Egypt. In particular, the basis for the fact is the circumstance that the Egyptian dialect, already as the language of literature as well, begins to function fully (which leads to re-distribution of sociolinguistics relations), whereas Modern Literary Arabic (again in case of Egypt) is no longer the only literary language (as regards Classical Arabic, apparently, there is a tendency for further limitation of its function). Literary aspect Fiction, created in Egypt, was one of the constituents/fragments of Common Arabic literary area, which was considered on the same plane as literature of any other Arab country, because it was based on the same literary language as literature of any other Arab country (in other words, the only distinguishing feature of Egyptian literature was its localization – it was created in Egypt). Today, after the establishment of the Egyptian dialectal literature, the situation is changing: there is Egyptian Arabic literature as well. It is no longer a fragment of Common Arabic literature, as it does not use the common Arabic literary language, but its own, Egyptian Arabic. Literature is not and will not be created in this language elsewhere, in other Arab countries. At the same time, at present the literary picture of Egypt contains two components, which is manifested in parallel coexistence of literature created in literary Arabic and Egyptian Arabic literature. Consequently, there are two ways for further development: maintaining this two-component picture, or unification in favour of Egyptian Arabic literature. It is also possible to visualize two ways of literary development for other Arab countries, which today form a common literary area, as they are based on the Common Arabic literary language: to keep this situation, or to realize the Egyptian variant (in the first case, Egypt can remain as the only example). In any case, it is a fact that there is dialectal Arabic fiction, which offers new themes for literary criticism analysis, in particular, those related to the determination of specificity of dialectal and nondialectal literature (created in Literary Arabic/Common Arabic). From the viewpoint of Common Arabic, it is a fact that dialectal Arabic literature is a new phenomenon, and its future will greatly influence the further dynamics of development of Arabic literature. References Davies, Humphrey. 2006. “Dialect Literature”, Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics, Brill, I, 597-604. Silagadze, Apollon. 2010. “Modern Arabic Language: Specificity and Problem of Teaching”, The Manual of Modern Standard Arabic, Tbilisi (in Georgian). -------, Ejibadze, Nino. 2010. On Arabic Diglossia, Tbilisi. Maḥmūd Teymūr. n.d. Abū Šūša wa-l-mawkibu wa-qiṣaṣun ’uḫrā, al-Qāhira. Muṣṭafā Mušarrafa, 1991, 2012. Qinṭara l-leḏī kafar, al-Qāhira. Musṭafā Mušarrafa, Qinṭara l-leḏī kafar, Translated into Georgian by Nino Ejibadze, Tbilisi, 2010. SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF PROVERBS-DIALOGUES IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC TATIANA SMYSLOVA (SAVVATEEVA) Institute of Asian and African Studies, Moscow State University Abstract: In our research we have chosen the term paremia (from the Greek – παροιμία – a stable phraseological unit with didactic meaning) to call all kinds of proverbs regardless of their internal structure. The classification of the paremias is based on the criterion of verifiability of statement proposed by British philosopher of language John Austin who divided the statements into constatives and performatives (interrogative, exclamatory and imperative statements) according to their ability/inability to be defined as true or false. The same approach existed in the medieval Arabic linguistics – Arabic rhetoric (‘ilm al-balāġa) has shown the difference between – informing (ḫabariyya) and – creating (’inšā’iyya) statements. Referring to his predecessors, As-Suyūṭī says that creation (’inšā’) is a statement in which the content by the means of the pronounced utterance finds its realization in the external situation [As-Suyūṭī 1978: 98]. He also defines creating statements as unverifiable. The paremias-dialogues consist of more than one phrase and contain statements of various communicative types. They are used for a specific communicative purpose: inference, generalization, opposition, demonstration of an example to follow, explanation of an action, etc. The peculiarity of paremia-dialogue is that it recreates the conversation and presents a short performance. The following example illustrates the basic structure of this type of proverbs (author’s speech + direct speech): qaal ’eeš ḫaaṭir l-’a‘ma qaal quffit ɛuyuun [Mahgoub –598] “One said: – What does a blind dream of? Another answered: –A basket of eyes”. However this structure can be modified by varying the author’s speech (ellipsis, different verb forms), appealing to one of the characters, personification and so on. Keywords: syntax of Egyptian Arabic, Egyptian proverbs, rhetoric, performatives, dialogue, typical meaning. 1. Terminology and approach The general term paremia (from the Greek – παροιμία, “a stable phraseological unit with didactic meaning”) that we have chosen in our research to call all types of proverbs regardless of their internal structure is used in the linguistic works of Russian scholars concerning proverbs, sayings, parables and other phrases of such kind. Paremias are a subject of research for such section of philology as Paremiology (from the Greek: paroimia – proverb and logos – word, instruction). The main purpose of these sayings is to produce a brief figurative presentation of traditional values and views, based on the life experience of a social group or nation. All of these statements share one common feature. Their general meaning is not derivable from the meanings of their components. It should be noticed that this feature is a common trait for all types of phraseological units as well. That is why the problem of correspondence between paremias and phraseological units is solved differently in linguistic traditions. European linguistic tradition considers that all phrases-clichés with figurative meaning (including paremias) should be studied by Phraseology. The term proverb is used for all kinds of clichés. Webster’s Dictionary proposes the definition of a proverb as follows: “a brief popular saying (such as Too many cooks spoil the broth) that gives advice about how people should live or that expresses a belief that is generally thought to be true” 1. As for The Encyclopaedia Britannica, it also states that a proverb is “a succinct and pithy saying in general use, expressing commonly held ideas and beliefs” 2. These two definitions are quite similar to each other and describe proverbs in general without any classification. 1 2 Webster’s Third International Dictionary, http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/proverb. Encyclopaedia Britannica, http://global.britannica.com/art/proverb. 498 TATIANA SMYSLOVA (SAVVATEEVA) According to Russian linguistic approach to the study of all kinds of proverbs and sayings, these statements should be examined in a separate branch of linguistics – Paremiology. A famous Russian linguist, whose works are dedicated mostly to paremias, Grigori Permyakov says that paremias are similar to phraseological units, but at the same time they share some features of logical propositions and, moreover, represent “miniature art works” that reflect the facts of reality, of the world around us, in a very succinct and clear form (Permyakov 1970: 11). According to another Russian linguist and orientalist Elena Koukhareva, the most appropriate and effective term for Arabic clichés is paremia as it actually refers to the whole variety of phraseological units (Koukhareva 2005: 7). Furthermore, this approach corresponds with the one in the Medieval Arabic linguistic tradition. The category that was established within this tradition is maṯal (which literally means example). However, this term has a broader meaning than proverb or saying and occupies a central place among the Arabic language clichés. In Arabic there are a lot of other terms that can be used while talking about paremias: ḥikam – “wisdom”; nawādir – “curiosities, unusual stories”; farā’id – “pearls, unique statements”; ḫurāfa, which means “a fable, a parable”. Aphorisms, proverbs, phrasal expressions are also referred to by using a term qawl – “statement, utterance” or wa‘ẓa – “instruction”. This variety of notations proves that Arabic linguistics does not see the difference between phraseological expressions and proverbs, aphoristic and other figurative sayings. The Arabs as well have not established any kind of classification for such expressions. Our approach is also based on the assumption made by Fatma Mahgoub (Indiana University (USA)) in the 70s’ in her work “A linguistic study of Cairene proverbs” (1968) that, firstly, “the structure of language determines which stylistic devices can be used effectively”, and secondly, “proverbs, as examples of literature, have a structure over and above the structure of the language to which they belong” (Mahgoub 1968: 31). Describing Egyptian proverbs in terms of their structure, F. Mahgoub underlines that repetition of certain words or phrases and frequency of their occurrence are two stylistic methods that characterize Egyptian proverbs, in general, and Cairene proverbs, in particular. Among the words that can be repeated are a simile (comparison) particle zayy , a particle of negation maa, and a vocative particle yaa. In addition, F. Mahgoub notes that a large number of proverbs are characterized by inversion. In that case the direct object is driven to the position of the topic, and thus it precedes the verb to ensure that the verb is located in a semantic focus. The other means of syntactic structure of Egyptian proverbs that perform stylistic function are the following: • juxtaposition of members of the same class ( two verbs of different tenses; two forms of the same verb); (1) ’in saraqt israq gamal, wi-in ‘išiqt i‘šaq qamar (Badawi – 580) If you steal – steal a camel, if you love – love a moon (a beauty). • ellipsis or deletion of separate words or even parts of the statements (nouns, pronouns, prepositions); (2) bayḍaa-l-u fi-l-qafas (Mahgoub – 327) [A hen] lays [eggs] for him in a cage. • structural symmetry between the parts of paremia (often supplemented by rhyming two or more parts of the statement). (3) il-ġani šakkat-u šooka baqit kull(i) balad fi-dooka wi-l-faqiir qaraṣ-u tiɛbaan qaalu skut balaaš kalaam (Taymour – 2067) A wealthy man – if a thorn pricked his finger, the whole town would bustle; a poor man – if a snake bit him, they would say to cease talking and fall silent. The author says that quite often the lexical components of a proverb are determined by the need to rhyme symmetric parts of the statement. In addition, Mahgoub indicates that some certain syntactic patterns recur in proverbs more often than others, because “they are stylistically more effective” [Mahgoub 1968: 35]: SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF PROVERBS-DIALOGUES IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC 499 - imperative + object + present tense (4) iḍrab il-’arḍ tiṭraḥ baṭṭiiḫ (Taymour – 144) Beat the ground – it gives [harvest] of watermelons. - noun + noun construct (masdar) + verb + object (5) kutr(i) d-dal‘ yikarrah(i) l-‘aašiq (Taymour – 2314) Too much affection [causes] hatred in a loving [person]. - ma … illaa or ma.. ġeer (6) ma yiḥmil hamm-ak illaa llii min damm-ak (Taymour – 2672) It is only the one of your blood (i.e. your relative) who carries (shares) your worries. - laa … wa-laa, wa-laa … wa-laa (7) laa ’iḥsaan wa-laa ḥalaawat lisaan (Taymour – 2470) [There is] neither good behavior nor pleasant talk. The following reasoning will be based on the accepted terminology and approach in this paragraph. 2. Criteria of classification of Egyptian proverbs 2.1 Formal structural criterion as a basis of classification It is well known that in Traditional Arabic Grammar Theory all statements are divided into two groups – nominal (ğumal ’ismiyya) and verbal (ğumal fi‘liyya) – depending on the part of speech that represents the initial element of the sentence – a noun or a verb, respectively. On this basis we distinguish paremias that in terms of their syntactic structure are nominal and paremias that represent verbal sentences. In addition, sentences may be composed of more than one predicative construction. Based on this characteristic we divide paremias into mono-predicative and poly-predicative structures. The former ones may be either nominal or verbal. Poly-predicative structures may consist of both – nominal or verbal predicative components. It is important to underline that any predicative structure allows its complication through the means of spreading one or both of its components, or by increasing the number of predicates: (8) il-yiid l-baṭṭaala nigsa (Mahgoub – 76; Badawi – 83) Vacuous hand is dirty. (9) baab(i) n-naggaar miḫalla‘ (Badawi – 849; Baqli – 358) The door of a carpenter is shattered. (10) rig‘it il-mayya l-magaarii-ha (Mahgoub – 430) The water returned into its course. The diverse content of the Egyptian proverbs requires an equally diverse range of syntactic structures. The syntactic form of Egyptian proverbs (paremias) varies from non-predicative structure (collocation, clause) to complex sentences and super-phrasal unities of dialogue. In each case, the optimal structure is chosen for the expression of the content. Thus, we claim that any structural complexity of mono-predicative sentence is related to the communicative aim and content of paremia. 2.2. In search of pragmatic criterion to classify Egyptian proverbs In our research we have managed to classify Egyptian paremias based on the criterion of verifiability of statement proposed by British philosopher of language John Austin who divided the statements into 500 TATIANA SMYSLOVA (SAVVATEEVA) constatives and performatives (interrogative, exclamatory and imperative statements) according to their ability/inability to be defined as true or false. Sometimes by pronouncing a statement the speaker thereby produces a specific action which is called a speech act: he informs, asks, begs, encourages, surprises his interlocutor or orders, promises something to him, etc. There are the following speech acts respectively to their functions: assertion (declarative), imperative, interrogation. J. Austin pointed out that we use language to do things as well as to assert things, and that the utterance of a statement like I promise to do something is mostly understood as doing something – making a promise – rather than making an assertion about anything. One of Austin’s well-known works is called “How to Do Things with Words”. In this book, after introducing several kinds of sentences which the author claims are neither true nor false, he analyses more precisely one of these kinds of sentences, which he calls performative utterances or just performatives 3. These utterances are characterized by two main features: – Firstly, though they may take the form of a typical indicative sentence, performatives are not used to describe (or constate) and are thus not true or false; they cannot be verified, but should be described as “felicitous” or “infelicitous”; – Secondly, to utter one of these sentences in appropriate circumstances is not just to pronounce something, but rather to perform a certain kind of action. The same approach existed in the Medieval Arabic linguistics – Arabic rhetoric (‘ilm al-balāġa) has shown the difference between “informing” (ḫabariyya) and “creating” (’inšā’iyya) statements. Referring to his predecessors, as-Suyūṭi says that creation (’inšā’) is a statement in which the content by the means of the pronounced utterance finds its realization in the external situation (as-Suyūṭi 1978: 98). He also defines “creating” statements as unverifiable. This approach of dividing the statements on the base of their communication objectives into “informing” and “creating”, or using the terms of European tradition – constatives and performatives – is applicable to the classification of paremias as well. Along with structural analysis of proverb expressions it is also important to figure out their communicative type and to understand how these syntactic schemes affect the content of proverbs. Paremia seems to be an indicator of the abstract sense which is often not directly related to the situation described within paremia itself. This is achieved by shifting paremia’s pragmatic function from the direct meaning of its formal structure to its figurative meaning. So each structural scheme corresponds with some abstract, more general sense – or so called typical meaning, not the one that can be understood from the sentence itself, but the one that characterizes a proverb as a unit. 3. The structure of dialogue as means to reveal pragmatic function of paremia The paremias-dialogues or proverbs-dialogues consist of more than one phrase and contain statements of various communicative types. Each proverb-dialogue, like any other paremia, has an objective, a purpose (it is used for a specific communicative aim: reasoning, generalization, opposition, providing an example to follow, an explanation of the act, etc.). The peculiarity of proverb-dialogue is that it recreates conversation between the participants of the situation and presents a short performance. This type of paremias is often used to support the speaker’s own ideas with a “story from life”, about the real situation that happened in the past. This adds credibility to the speaker’s speech. As for the case when interrogative statements become constituents of a proverb-dialogue, it should be noticed that those statements in that particular case do not have an interrogative intonation, similar to the one that occurs in regular interrogative sentences. F. Mahgoub considers this fact as a special feature of proverbs-dialogues, assuming that the appearance of an interrogative intonation is possible if “the speaker wants to render the proverb in a dramatic manner” [Mahgoub 1968: 19]. 3 Austin, J. L. 1962. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF PROVERBS-DIALOGUES IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC 501 Further on we analyze several examples of Egyptian proverbs-dialogues and provide some commentary on them. We propose the classification of those examples based on the formal syntactic characteristics that we have already mentioned above. The differences in the external syntactic structure are important for describing the contents of various kinds of proverbs-dialogues. • The following examples in (11) illustrate the basic structure of this type of proverbs (author’s speech + direct speech): (11) qaal ’eeš ḫaaṭir l-’a‘ma qaal quffit ‘uyuun (Mahgoub – 598) One said: “What does a blind dream of?” Another answered: “A basket of eyes”. qaal ’eeš ġaṣab-ak ‘a-l-murr qaal: ’ill-amarr(i) minn-u (Mahgoub – 600) One said: “What made you get into such a bitter situation?” Another said: “[The one that is] even bitterer”. Those examples include two utterances (speaker’s speech and interlocutor’s speech). Each of these utterances starts with the word qaal (“he said”), which represents author’s speech. It can be concluded that proverbs-dialogues, in which both utterances are preceded by the author’s qaal, have greater value when they occur in speech. Due to such full structure (author’s speech + direct speech) they contain not only an indication of the situation, but also a bond to an eyewitness – a person who directly observed the case and participated in the conversation. This helps the speaker to achieve two goals. First of all, he manages to support his own words with a real life example (although, in fact, more often it is a well-known example of folklore), and secondly, he separates himself from the portrayed situation claiming by that heavier objectivity and truth of his statements. • However, this structure can be modified by varying the author’s speech (ellipsis, different verb forms, appealing to one of the characters, personification and so on). The most obvious way to modify the original syntax scheme of proverbs-dialogues is represented in the examples (12). In contrast to the first set of examples in (11), these examples (12) do not use the word qaal as introduction for the first utterance, but this word remains in the second part of the proverb. There are such proverbs-dialogues in which author’s speech is completely missing. The most important conclusion that we make from these examples is that introductory author’s speech is optional, especially in the beginning of the first utterance of the dialogue. (12) ’eeš ġaraḍ(i) l-’a‘ma – qaal quffit ‘uyuun (Badawi – 620) What is the [main] goal of the blind? He said: “A basket of eyes”. daaḫil beet ‘aduww-ak leeh – qaal ḥabiib-ii fi-ih (Baqli – 599) Why did you enter the house of your enemy? He said: “My love is in there”. ġassil-u wi-‘mil-lu ‘imma – qaal ’ana muġassil wi-ḍaamin ganna (Badawi-623; Taymour – 2058) Wash him (i.e. the deceased) and tighten him a turban [so that he goes to heaven]! One replies: “I wash the deceased and [is able to] ensure the paradise?!” ḫalt-ii ‘and-ukum? ma-gat-š (Mahgoub – 387) Is my aunt at your place? - [No], she has not come. • The second type of varying the original structure of the proverb (13a) is by using the word qaal not in the form of third person-singular, but by changing it into third person-plural, or even 1st or 2nd person - both occur in singular or plural. Moreover, in the examples (13b) the speaker is no longer separated from the described situation, on the contrary – he drags himself into it as an eyewitness, or even becomes a part of the conversation. Obviously, such a variation is determined by the speaker’s intention and his predictions of the reaction of his interlocutor based on the evaluation of the psychological traits of the latter. In other words, when using a proverb-dialogue the speaker can choose from whose perspective it is better and more effective to describe the situation so that it would have a greater impact on the listener, that it would sound more convincing for him. The last example (13b) is a kind of culmination or superlative of this intention of the speaker. He includes not only himself in the situation, but also his interlocutor, therefore, the speaker and his listener become direct participants (actors) of this miniature drama scene. 502 TATIANA SMYSLOVA (SAVVATEEVA) (13) (13a) qaalu li-l-a‘ma il-gaaz ġaali qaal šay mistaġniyiin ‘ann-u (Baqli – 991) They said to the blind: “The gas is expensive”. He answered: “The thing that we do not need” (i.e. gas lamps). qaalu ya-fir‘oon ’eeš far‘an-ak qaal ma-lqit-š(i) ḥadd(i) yrudd(i)-ni (Badawi – 332) They said: “Oh, tyrant, what made you a tyrant?” He said: “I haven’t met anyone who would give me a fight back”. (13b) qaalu-š ḥaal ‘alil-kum qaalu ṣaḥiiḥ-na maat (Mahgoub – 608) They said (asked): “What is the condition of your patient?” They said: “Our healthy [man] has died”. niquul-u toor yiquul iḥlib-u We say to him: “A bull”. He says: “Milk it!” Version: niquul toor yiquulu iḥlibu-u We say: “A bull”. They say: “Milk it!” Version: ʔaqul-l-ak toor tiqul-li iḥlib-u I say to you: “A bull”. You say to me: “Milk it!” The following example (14) may be regarded as a representation of a mixed type of structure variation (adding or omitting the author’s speech qaal, with the simultaneous change of the form of the verb that introduce the second utterance). (14) ’eeš qultum fi-gada‘ la ‘išiq wa-la m‘ašaq qaalu y‘iish ḥumaar wi-ymuut ḥumaar (Taymour – 719) What would you say about the lad, who has never loved, nor has pretended to love? They said: “He has lived as a donkey and will die as one”. Example (15) shows that the number of utterances in proverbs-dialogues is not necessarily limited to two. The conversation can be much wider. But, obviously, to preserve the laconicism or pithiness of paremia the utterances themselves have to be short enough. (15) ti‘raf-u? qaal a‘raf-u ‘aširt-u? qaal la’ qaal tibqa ma-ti‘raf-uu-š (Baqli – 450; Mahgoub – 354) Do you know him? He said: “I know”. Did you communicate/live with him? He said: “No”. [The first one] said: “So you do not know him”. • The third type of modification of syntax structure is to specify one of the participants in the dialogue. As can be seen from the set of examples (16) one of the participants of the dialogue can be represented as some legendary or folk hero. Thus, the mentioning of the name Goha – a well-known character of small anecdotes and humor situations - marks the comical situations. However, some of them are quite philosophic and as all paremias – they hold wisdom. The participants of the dialogue may be animals of all kinds (17) that are traditional for Arab countries (and hence the Arabic folklore). Taking into account that the Arab culture has developed a precise idea of the qualities that are inherent, natural for each of these animals, their appearance within the dialogue gives all the needed associations. Each of these characters is viewed as a symbol of a certain situation (in that case additional scenery or decor is not necessary). SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS OF PROVERBS-DIALOGUES IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC (16) (17) 503 balad-ak feen ya gooḥa? qaal ’illi fii-ha mraat-i (Baqli – 403) Where is your homeland, Goha? He said: “Where my wife is”. qaal ya-gooḥa ‘idd(i) ġanam-ak qaal waḥda qayma w-waḥda nayma (Mahgoub –605) One said: “Oh, Goha, count your sheep!” He said: “One is standing and one is sleeping” (very few) qaalu li-l-baġl(i) miin ’abuu-k qaal il-faras ḫaal-i (Baqli – 985) They said to a mule: “Who is your father?” He said: “The horse is my uncle”. qaalu li-l-ḥumaar rayḥiin yi‘zimuu-k fi-l-farah qaal ya li-l-mayya ya li-l-ḥaṭab (Baqli – 987) They said to the donkey: “They are going to invite you to the wedding”. He replied: “Either the water [to carry] or the firewood”. qaalu li-l-qird(i) rabb-ina ḥayisḫaṭ-ak qaal raaḥ yi‘mil-ni ġazaal (Mahgoub –610) They said to the monkey: “The Lord will transform you!” She said: “He will make me a gazelle”. qaalu li-l-gamal zammar qaal la šafay-i malmuuma wa-la ’ayaad-i mafruuda (Baqli – 989) They said to the camel: “Play the trumpet”. He replied: “Neither the lips fold up, nor the fingers straighten out”. As for the next three proverbs (18), they all contain an appeal to an inanimate object, or to some abstract concept. We may even talk about personification in these examples. For these proverbs the absence of the second utterance in the structure is quite common, because, although the first participant of the dialogue addresses to some concept or phenomenon (a sign of that – the usage of the vocative particle), but after all he speaks of it in 3rd person. (18) qaal ya-ḫabar bi-fluus, bukra yibqa b-balaaš (Mahgoub – 606) He said: “Oh, the news, [which now] is worth the money, but tomorrow will come for free”. qaal ya-farḥa ma-tammit ḫad-ha l-ġuraab wi-ṭaar (Mahgoub – 607) He said: “Oh, joy, it has not yet been carried out, as the raven took it and flew away”. bi-yquul ya-’arḍ(i) nhaddi ma-‘alee-ki qadd-i (Mahgoub – 347) He says: “Oh, the Earth, humble yourself, there is nobody on you like me”. The structure of a dialogue is an effective way to express the meaning and the communicative purpose of a proverb. If we destroy this structure and try to reach the same aim by using a declarative statement we will not succeed. Even the analysis of a small number of examples show that this is proven to be true. References Badawi, El-Said, & Hinds, Martin. 1986. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic. Arabic-English. Beirut: Typopress. Mahgoub, Fatma M. 1968. A Linguistic Study of Cairene Proverbs. Bloomington: Indiana University. Al-Baqli, Muhammad Qandol. 1987. Al-’amṯāl aš-ša‘biyya. Al-Qāhira. As-Suyūṭi, Jalāl ad-Dīn ‘Abd ar-Raḥmān. 1978. Al-’itqān fī ‘ulūm al-Qur’ān. Т.2, 57. Al-Qāhira. Taymour, Ahmad. 1986. Al-’amṯāl al-‘āmmiyya. Al-Qāhira: Markaz al-’ahrām li-t-tarjama wa-n-našr. Koukhareva E.V. 2005. Klishé kak otrajenie nacional'nogo mentaliteta (na primere arabskih paremiy). Avtoreferat dissertacii, Moscow. Permyakov G.L. 1970. Ot pogovorki do skazki (Zametki ob obschey teorii klishé). Moscow: Glavnaya redakciya vostochnoy literaturi izdatel'stva “Naouka”. FROM EXISTENTIAL TO INDEFINITE DETERMINER: KAŠ IN ALGERIAN ARABIC LAMEEN SOUAG LACITO (CNRS) Abstract: Algerian Arabic has developed a new indefinite determiner kaš, with a number of loosely related functions. Despite its ubiquity in modern Algiers, this word is absent from 19th century sources, and appears to be a relatively recent development. More recent sources allude to it briefly without ever giving a full description. This article describes its syntactic distribution and its meaning in the dialect of Dellys (north-central Algeria) for the first time, identifying five distinct constructions in which kaš appears. It then examines this form's history based on written data. Based on the results, it reconstructs the reinterpretations that produced the present-day distribution of kaš, showing that it derives from a combination of an existential predicator with the polyfunctional morpheme ši. This finding confirms the existence of a grammaticalisation pathway from existential to indefinite quantifier, a question bearing on some scenarios proposed in the context of the debate within Arabic dialectology over the history of ši/šay'. Keywords: indefinite, Algeria, determiner, quantifier, existential, grammaticalisation. 1. Introduction 1 One of the few function words unique to Algerian Arabic is the rather polysemous word kaš, common in north-central Algeria but rare in western Algeria and unknown outside of the country. No full description of its several functions exists; these will be outlined below based on the dialect of Dellys, a small coastal city about 80 kilometres east of Algiers (all phrases and judgments below are based on Dellys except where otherwise indicated). Despite its modern ubiquity, this word is absent from 19th century sources; examination of historical data suggests that this word developed relatively recently, from a combination of existential kan with the even more protean morpheme ši. In many Arabic varieties, š(i)/šay has a variety of functions: indefinite determiner, polar interrogative marker, uncertainty marker, negator, negative indefinite pronoun, and just the noun “thing” (its original sense). While historically connected, these functions are synchronically separate, and the exact chain of development that produced them all is controversial (Obler 1990; Lucas 2010; Wilmsen 2014; Diem 2014). To understand this morpheme's history better, the whole network of cross-linguistically attested grammaticalisation chains connecting its various uses must be mapped. In this respect, the recent history of kaš in Algeria is relevant not only to the study of Algerian Arabic, but also to the study of Arabic as a whole, for the light it casts upon the connection between existential predication and indefinite quantification. 2. Synchronic functions of kaš The functions of kaš(i) in modern central Algerian Arabic – or at least in present-day Dellys – fall into two rather distinct groups: an extensive family of irrealis usages, including as a determiner and in interrogation, and an isolated but very frequent form used in negative existentials. 1 The author thanks Dominique Caubet for having encouraged him early on to investigate the usage of kaš in Algerian Arabic. 506 LAMEEN SOUAG 2.1. kaš “some/any” (irrealis indefinite determiner) To delineate the functions of this usage of kaš, it is useful to refer to Haspelmath's (1997) semantic map of the contexts in which indefinite pronouns and quantifiers may occur: Table 1 Semantic map of indefinite contexts question specific known specific unknown indirect negation direct negation irrealis non-specific conditional comparative free choice The three contexts marked in bold are those in which kaš is used, as illustrated by examples such as: 1) Irrealis non-specific: ila ma tə-ʕṛəf-š, səqsi kaš if not 2Sg-know-NEG2 ask kaš If you don't know, ask somebody. 2) Conditional: ila šət-t kaš ħaja, qul-li ‫ ﻗﻮﻟﻠﻲ‬،‫إﯾﻼ ﺷﻔﺖ ﻛﺎش ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬ if see-2MSgPf kaš thing, say-to.me If you see something, tell me. 3) Question: šəf-t kaš ħaja ki ṛəħ-t l hađik əl-pḷaṣa? ‫ﺷﻔﺖ ﻛﺎش ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻛﻲ رﺣﺖ ﻟﮭﺎذﯾﻚ اﻟﭙﻼﺻﺔ؟‬ see-2MSgPf kaš thing when go-2MSgPf to that.FSg the-place? Did you see anything when you went to that place? waħəd ‫ ﺳﻘﺴﻲ ﻛﺎش واﺣﺪ‬،‫إﯾﻼ ﻣﺎﺗﻌﺮﻓﺶ‬ one These three contexts are distinguished from the rest of the map by being necessarily irrealis. In such contexts, kaš can thus succinctly be described as an indefinite irrealis existential determiner. In the other contexts listed on the map, kaš is not used, as illustrated by contrasts such as the following. (In accordance with normal syntactic practice, *X means that X is ungrammatical, *(X) means that the omission of X makes the utterance ungrammatical, and (*X) means that the inclusion of X makes the utterance ungrammatical.) For specific indefinites, waħəd “one” is preferred, as a pronoun or as an article: 4) Specific known/unknown: (*kaš) waħəd ṛa-hu yə-xdəm f əl-jnan. ‫واﺣﺪ راھﻮ ﯾﺨﺪم ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﻨﺎن‬ (*kaš) one Prog-3MSg 3MSg-work in the garden Someone is working in the garden. A nominal with kaš can co-occur with negation, but cannot be interpreted as being within its scope: 5) balak ma ja-š kaš waħəd mən-hum perhaps not come.3MSgPf-NEG2 kaš one from-3Pl ‫ﺑﺎﻻك ﻣﺎﺟﺎش ﻛﺎش واﺣﺪ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ‬ Maybe someone among them hasn't come. / *Maybe no one has come. FROM EXISTENTIAL TO INDEFINITE DETERMINER: KAŠ IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 507 Free choice indefinites (“anyone could write that!”) are not strongly grammaticalised in this dialect; speakers either use a free relative with lli or borrow French n'importe (qui/quoi/etc). Comparative indefinites (“he's stronger than anyone in town”) are normally expressed in other ways, without using an indefinite at all. The only contexts for kaš cited so far have been limited to “someone” and “something”, but kaš is also used with other nouns, eg: 6) kaš nhaṛ y-ṛuħ l wəhṛan.‫ﻛﺎش ﻧﮭﺎر ﯾﺮوح ﻟﻮھﺮان‬ kaš day 3MSg-go to Oran Someday he will go to Oran. 2.2. kaš “Is there any...?” (interrogative existential predicator) In addition to its use as a determiner, kaš is very frequently used without further support to form interrogative existential predicates (for a similar combination of functions in a language of Vanuatu, cf. Araki re (François 2002:59–67)): 7) kašħlib əlyum? ‫ ﻛﺎش ﺣﻠﯿﺐ اﻟﯿﻮم؟‬8) kaš (*fi-h) jdid? ‫ﻛﺎش ﺟﺪﯾﺪ؟‬ kašmilk today? kaš (in-3MSg) new Any milk today? Anything new? The English translation of these sentences may suggest that they should be interpreted as elliptical. However, the existential predicator cannot generally be dropped in other contexts, even under interrogation: 9) *(kayən) ħlib? ‫ﻛﺎﯾﻦ ﺣﻠﯿﺐ؟‬ *(EXIST) milk Is there milk? Its omission cannot therefore be explained by general principles, and must rather be identified as a specific construction involving kaš. Nevertheless, kaš behaves as a determiner within this construction. As 8 illustrates, the subject must directly follow kaš; this is expected if kaš is or includes the determiner, but surprising if kaš has existential and interrogative functions alone. Likewise, in indirect questions, the apparently missing existential reappears, suggesting that kaš does not synchronically contain an existential predicator: 10) səqsi-t-u ila kayən kaš ždid ‫ﺳﻘﺴﯿﺘﮫُ إﯾﻼ ﻛﺎﯾﻦ ﻛﺎش ﺟﺪﯾﺪ‬ ask-1SgPf-3MSgDO if EXIST kaš new I asked him if there was anything new. It therefore seems preferable to analyse this construction synchronically as containing a null existential predicator with a determiner kaš. This does not reflect the diachronic situation, however, as will be seen below. 2.3. kaš ma “(is there) anything (that)...” (inanimate indefinite pronoun in focus) As a near-equivalent of kaš ħaja “something/anything”, a sui generis construction is frequently used in which kaš is placed clause-initially, followed by the complementiser ma: 11) kaš ma lqi-t f əl-ħanut? ‫ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﻟﻘﯿﺖ ﻓﺎﻟﺤﺎﻧﻮت؟‬ kaš COMP find-2MSgPf in the-shop? Did you find anything in the shop? Only an inanimate interpretation is possible; this cannot mean “Did you find anyone in the shop?” No directly corresponding in situ equivalent exists: 12) *lqit kaš f əlħanut? / *lqit kaš ma f əlħanut? / *ma lqit kaš f əlħanut? In this usage, kaš ma behaves as an inanimate indefinite pronoun in focus. 508 LAMEEN SOUAG Unlike the similar construction described in the previous section, this can also appear without further support in subordinate clauses: 13) ila kaš ma bɣi-ti tə-šri qul-i-li ‫إﯾﻼ ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﺑﻐﯿﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺮي ﻗﻮﻟﯿﻠﻲ‬ if kaš COMP want-2FSg 2Sg-buy say-ImpFSg-to.me If you want to buy anything (or: if there's anything you want to buy), tell me. This suggests that kaš in this usage is or at least contains a predicator, unlike interrogative existential kaš. 2.4. kaš ma “at all?, to any extent?” (epistemic event quantification) In many phrases using kaš ma, no indefinite argument is overtly present. In such cases, the addition of kaš ma expresses a sense of uncertainty or improbability which cannot easily be rendered into English by any one translation, roughly corresponding to “at all?”, “to any extent?”, “by any chance?”: 14) kaš ma xṛəj-t? ‫ ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﺖ؟‬15) *xṛəj-t kaš ma? 16) *kaš ma. kaš COMP go.out-2MSgPf Have you gone out, by any chance? The translation may suggest that kaš ma is an adverb, but the ungrammaticality of 15-16 rules this out. I analyse this usage as indefinite irrealis quantification, but over events rather than over arguments. Such an analysis correctly predicts that kaš ma should combine only with gradable or repeatable predicates: 17) kaš ma kli-t mən hađak əl-bəxsis? ‫ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﯿﺖ ﻣﻦ ھﺎذاك اﻟﺒﺨﺴﯿﺲ؟‬ kaš COMP eat-2MSgPf from that.MSg the-fig? Have you eaten of those figs? 18) *kaš ma kli-t hađik əl-bəxsis-a? ‫ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﻛﻠﯿﺖ ھﺎذﯾﻚ اﻟﺒﺨﺴﯿﺴﺔ؟‬ *kaš COMP eat-2MSgPf that.FSg the-fig-CntSg? Have you eaten that fig? 2.5. ma kaš “there is no” (negative existential predication) The positive existential marker “there is” in Algerian Arabic, as in Moroccan Arabic, is kayən. Standard negation in Algerian Arabic is ma ...-š(i), with the second element omitted in the presence of negative polarity items. The expected negative existential marker would therefore be *ma kayən-ši, as attested in Morocco. What is actually used, however, is ma ka(n)-š, with the n almost always absent. Diachronically, the kaš appearing in the Algerian Arabic negative existential makaš obviously has the same origin as the kaš used in irrealis functions discussed above. Synchronically, however, grouping them together poses difficulties. Unlike other usages of kaš, this alternates with kan when negative polarity items are in scope: 19) ma kaš ktab ‫ﻣﺎﻛﺎش ﻛﺘﺎب‬ 20) ma kan walu ‫ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن واﻟﻮ‬ not kaš book. not EXIST nothing. There is no book. There is nothing. This alternation suggests that kaš, in this context, is to be interpreted as an existential ka(n) plus the negative marker š, a parsing impossible for the other usages of kaš described here. Such a separation is at first sight reinforced by the fact that, unlike any of the other usages of kaš described here, its subject may equally well be definite or indefinite, although in the former case it is normally topicalised through left dislocation: FROM EXISTENTIAL TO INDEFINITE DETERMINER: KAŠ IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 509 21) əl-ktab ma kaš-u ُ ‫اﻟﻜﺘﺎب ﻣﺎﻛﺎﺷﮫ‬ the-book not kaš-3MSgDO The book isn't there / isn't around. However, this example also makes it problematic to parse ma kaš as synchronically containing negative š. As it illustrates, with topicalised or pronominal subjects, ma kaš takes direct object agreement suffixes (cf. ma kaš-ni “I'm not here/there, I'm not around”). In no other context can a direct object pronominal marker can be suffixed to the negative marker -š. 3. The textual history of kaš The paucity of writings in and about Algerian Arabic limit direct data on the development of kaš. Nevertheless, enough data is available to show that: a) the existential usages are relatively old, while the quantificational usage is more recent, most likely having emerged during the latter half of the colonial period; b) the form kaš was originally kan ši, and only gradually lost its n and, even later, its i. 3.1. kan ši, 1700-1900 In 18th and early 19th century Algerian Arabic texts, the form kaš does not exist. What we find instead is kan ši, never used as an indefinite quantifier, but used in kaš's other functions, including negative existentials: 22) Ma kan shy kiff hoo ُ‫( ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﻛﯿﻔﮫ‬mod. ma kaš kif-u ُ ‫)ﻣﺎﻛﺎش ﻛﯿﻔﮫ‬ not EXIST NEG2 like him There was no one like him. (Shaw 1758: 245) interrogative existential predication: 23) kan chi siada? ‫ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﺻﯿﺎدة؟‬ EXIST Q hunting? Is there any hunting? (Cotelle 1847: 76) (mod. kaš ṣyada? ‫)ﻛﺎش ﺻﯿﺎدة؟‬ and followed by ma: 24) kan-chi mè n-echreb? ‫( ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮب؟‬mod. kaš ma nə-šṛəb? ‫)ﻛﺎش ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮب؟‬ EXIST-Q COMP 1Sg-drink Is there anything for me to drink? (Letellier 1838: 38) By the second half of the 19th century, attestations without the n in the “Sabir” pidgin used between French soldiers and non-French-speaking Algerians suggest that n-loss had already begun in lower registers: 25) « Makach sami sami, » … Ce ne sont pas des amis. (1851: L'Illustration 18, p. 327) The syntax of this interrogative existential kan ši differed from that of modern kaš in several ways. It could be separated from the noun following it: 26) kan-chey fy-hi kettaâ. ‫ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻗﻄّﺎﻋﺔ؟‬ EXIST-Q in-3MSg bandits. mod. kaš (*fi-h) qəṭṭaʕa Are there bandits there? (Vincent 1830: 70) 27) It could be followed by a determiner, indefinite or definite: kan chi el ma fi-h ‫ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ اﻟﻤﺎ ﻓﯿﮫ؟‬ EXIST Q the water in-3MSg mod. kaš (*əl-)ma fi-h Is there any water in it? (Cotelle 1847: 88) 510 28) LAMEEN SOUAG kan-chey baâd ed-dechar EXIST-Q some the-villages mod. kaš` (*bəʕḍ əd-)dšəṛ Is there a village near here? (Vincent 1830:70) kerib near qrib li-hinné ‫ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺪﺷﺮ ﻗﺮﯾﺐ ﻟﮭﻨّﺎ؟‬ to-here l hənna In fact, while ma kan ši was already a negative existential, kan ši at this period was merely an interrogative existential “is there?”. We still find it listed with precisely these two senses in the first source to give the contracted form kaš – the dictionary of Beaussier (1871: 846, 885) : 29) kaš : 1. contr. de kan ši, y a-t-il. 2. cont. de kif aš, comment, (Alg.) ma kan ši : il n’y a pas 3.2. ka(n) ši in the early 20th century The first attestation of an epistemic use of this form is Cohen (1912: 350), who, in his grammar of the dialect spoken by Jews in Algiers, glosses kašima as “dans l'interrogatif indéfini”. But it had not yet become a determiner; ši was still used where modern speakers would require kaš: 30) ida kan ši ħaja ‫إﯾﺪا ﻛﺎن ﺷﻲ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬ if EXIST some thing (modern: ila kayn (kaš) ħaja ‫)إﯾﻼ ﻛﺎﯾﻦ ﻛﺎش ﺣﺎﺟﺔ‬ if there is anything (ibid: 352) Cohen also notes that at this time and place it was possible to combine other indefinite determiners with ši, eg baʕḍ ši nsa “some women” (ibid: 353). That fact would have facilitated the reinterpretation of kan ši as a compound determiner, even though no evidence indicates that this had yet taken place. For the negative existential, he still gives makanš / rarer makayənš, with the n retained (ibid: 252, 379). 3.3. kaš(i), 1952-present Brown (Brown 1955: 65) was the first to report that kaš had become a determiner, commenting that, in the Muslim dialect of Algiers, “the modifiers walu, kaš, and ši, all of which are usually translated as ‘some’” can be followed by an indefinite noun to form a noun phrase”. However, a slightly earlier attestation of the usage is found in Marçais' grammar of Jijel Arabic: 31) ža kaš waħəd ‫ ﺟﺎ ﻛﺎش واﺣﺪ؟‬32) t-šri kaš ħaja hn:aya ‫ﺗﺸﺮي ﻛﺎش ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ھﻨّﺎﯾﺎ‬ come.3MSgPf kaš one 2Sg-buy kaš thing here Has someone come? You could buy something here. (Marçais 1952: 469) (Brown 1955: 65) Marçais (1952: 601–602) also describes the interrogative use of kan-ši / kaš and kaš-ma in Jijel, which he considered polar question markers like French “est-ce que”, as in: 33) kaš ṣəbt šay? kaš find-2MSgPf something? “Have you found anything?” (Marçais 1952: 467) Neither author discusses the existential interrogative usage, but Jijel again furnishes examples: 34) ka(n)š(i) ħədd f əd-daṛ ‫ﻛﺎش ﺣ ّﺪ ﻓﺎﻟﺪار؟‬ kaš someone in the-house “Is there anyone in the house?” (Jijel: Marçais 1952: 469) Later work conforms to the picture seen for modern Dellys. Grand'Henry briefly notes kaš waħəd and kaš ma for Cherchell (1972: 137); Marçais (1977: 206) belatedly notes kaš waħəd for “(Cherchell, Alger, Dellys, Djidjelli, Constantine) … avec une nuance d'indéfini soulignée” [with a FROM EXISTENTIAL TO INDEFINITE DETERMINER: KAŠ IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 511 nuance of underscored indefiniteness], without commenting on the possibility of combining kaš with other nominals. More recently, Madouni-La Peyre (2003: 441) includes kaš in her dictionary for SidiBel-Abbès, briefly describing its usage; the example kaš ṭumubil “a car” suggest that it is still perceived as central Algerian, since western Algeria ordinarily uses luṭu “car”. 4. The grammaticalisation path of kaš Based on the historical data examined, it appears that, in Algiers ca. 1800, there was no morpheme kaš. Rather, there were two distinct morphemes that could be juxtaposed, with purely compositional semantics, to yield kan ši. The first was the existential predicator kayən, alternating in non-positive contexts with kan. The second was a morpheme ši with at least four functions: • noun “thing/property” – relatively rare, then and now, compared to ħaja: 35) nehhi had ech-chiy ‫ﻧﺤّﻲ ھﺎد اﻟﺸﻲ‬ remove this the-thing Remove this thing. (Letellier 1838: 71) • indefinite pronoun, with a distinct form šay(ən) – modern speakers recognise this but typically prefer ħaja, or, in negative contexts, walu: 36) me te-hadder chèy ‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻀّﺮ ﺷﺎي‬ NEG 2Sg-prepare anything Don't prepare anything. (ibid: 21) • second negator (NEG2), varying with š: 37) me-ne-qeder-ch ne-mchi NEG-1Sg-can-NEG2 1Sg-walk I can't walk. (ibid:13) ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪرش ﻧﻤﺸﻲ‬ • polar question marker (Q) – no longer used by or familiar to most speakers: 38) ta-h'b-chi ne-a'on-ek? ‫ﺗﺤﺐ ﺷﻲ ﻧﻌﺎوﻧﻚ؟‬ 2MSg-want-Q 1Sg-help-2SgObj Do you want me to help you? (ibid: 10) A fifth function of ši, as an indefinite determiner, is not documented for 19th century Algiers, which instead used baʕḍ: 39) ida baâd el-ouahhed i-saqsi ‫إدا ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻮاﺣﺪ ﯾﺴﻘﺴﻲ‬ if some the-one 3MSg-ask If someone asks... (Delaporte 1845: 56) However, the indefinite determiner function must be assumed to have existed in the region – if not necessarily in the prestige dialect of Algiers – on other grounds, since this usage of ši: • is well-attested in Morocco and Malta (Caubet 1983; 1984; Haspelmath & Caruana 1996) • is described for Jewish Algiers alongside baʕḍ by Cohen (1912: 353) • is still in use in Dellys today, in some realis contexts (from which kaš is excluded): 33) dəxl-u ši ʕibad ‫دﺧﻠﻮا ﺷﻲ ِﻋﺒﺎد‬ enter-3PlPf some people Some people came in. This situation was transformed by three successive changes, all of which took place during the colonial period, and the latter two of which were completed before independence in 1962. 1. During the 19th century, this frequent combination started to undergo phonetic erosion, losing its n and i in lower registers. This progressively advanced to higher registers over the 20th 512 LAMEEN SOUAG century, and affected both irrealis and negative combinations of kan+ši, even though their respective functions were already quite different. 2. By the start of the early 20th century, interrogative kan ši ma... “is there anything that...” was extended from phrases in which “anything” was an argument to ones in which it was only an adjunct quantifying the action. 3. In interrogative existential predicates, initial kan ši..., followed by an indefinite noun phrase, originally had two rather similar interpretations, depending on dialect: “Is there?” or “Is there any?”. During the first half of the 20th century, as interrogative ši fell out of use, this expression was reinterpreted as an irrealis indefinite determiner specifying the nominal following it. This allowed it to be extended to non-initial contexts, and ruled out the insertion of material between it and the indefinite noun phrase following it. The timing of the latter change in particular correlates with the rise of rural-to-urban migration, in which natives of the towns where kaš would rise – notably Algiers and Constantine – often came to be outnumbered by rural immigrants speaking rather different dialects of Arabic and Kabyle. This suggests that historical explanations relating to dialect contact or language contact should be considered. In fact, some dialects of Kabyle exhibit a very similar development of yə-lla ḵra “is there any(thing)?” to a quantifier laḵra; publication of further research on the nature and direction of contact is planned. As for the present, investigation of the usage of kaš across a wider geographical and social range would be desirable. Further changes may well be underway; it would notably be worth checking whether the determiner's restriction to irrealis usage is stable, and whether this form's use is expanding beyond the Central Algerian distribution reported by Marçais. 5. Conclusions Algerian Arabic kaš is the result of two morphemes merging into one during the past 200 years. Its form is the result of irregular phonetic shortening of a commonly used combination of morphemes. Its polysemy is partly inherited from its sources and partly the result of a functional expansion that gave an existential predicator the ability to function as an indefinite determiner. The latter development parallels the grammaticalisation cycle of existential “there is” > indefinite article “some/any” reported for Chinese (Tsai 2003), and contrasts with the converse grammaticalisation of “some/any” > “there is” suggested for Arabic and Mehri by Wilmsen (2014). References Beaussier, Marcelin. 1871. Dictionnaire pratique arabe-français. Algiers: Imprimerie Bouyer. Brown, Anthony F. R. 1955. A phonological and grammatical analysis of an Algerian dialect of Arabic. London: University of London. Caubet, Dominique. 1983. “Quantification, négation, interrogation: les emplois de la particule ‘ši’ en arabe marocain”, Arabica 30(3). 227–245. Caubet, Dominique. 1984. “A la recherche d’un invariant : les emplois de la particule ši en arabe marocain”, Opérations de détermination II, 33–56. Paris: Paris VII. Cohen, Marcel. 1912. Le parler arabe des juifs d’Alger. Paris: Champion. Cotelle, H. 1847. Le langage arabe ordinaire, ou, Dialogues arabes élémentaires, destinés aux français qui habitent l’Afrique. Alger: Dubos Frères. Delaporte, J.H. 1845. Principes de l’idiome arabe en usage à Alger ; suivis d’un conte arabe avec la prononciation et le mot à mot interlinéaires. Paris: Hingray. Diem, Werner. 2014. Negation in Arabic: A Study in Linguistic History. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. François, Alexandre. 2002. Araki: A disappearing language of Vanuatu. (Pacific Linguistics 522). Canberra: Australian National University. Grand’Henry, Jacques. 1972. Le parler arabe de Cherchell (Algérie). (Publications de l’Institut Orientaliste de Louvain 5). Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain. FROM EXISTENTIAL TO INDEFINITE DETERMINER: KAŠ IN ALGERIAN ARABIC 513 Haspelmath, Martin. 1997. Indefinite pronouns. (Oxford Studies in Typology and Linguistic Theory). Oxford: Clarendon Press. Haspelmath, Martin & Josephine Caruana. 1996. “Indefinite pronouns in Maltese”, Rivista di Linguistica 8(1). 213–227. Letellier, L. Victor. 1838. Vocabulaire Oriental Français, Italien, Arabe, Turc et Grec: pour la seule prononciation. Paris: L’auteur.https://books.google.fr/books?id=KeOcpKa5rIC&lpg=PR3&ots=HengeMNOXf&dq=vocabulaire%20orient al%20francais%20italien&hl=ar&pg=PP7#v=onepage. Lucas, Christopher. 2010. “Negative -š in Palestinian (and Cairene) Arabic: Present and possible past”, Brill’s Annual of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 2(1). 165–201. Madouni-La Peyre, Jihane. 2003. Dictionnaire Arabe Algérien-Français: Algérie de l’ouest. (Dictionnaires L & M). Paris: Langues & Mondes - L’Asiathèque. Marçais, Philippe. 1952. Le parler arabe de Djidjelli (nord constantinois, Algerie). Marçais, Philippe. 1977. Esquisse grammaticale de l’arabe maghrébin. Paris: Maisonneuve. Obler, Loraine K. 1990. “Reflexes of Classical Arabic šay’un in the dialects: Synthetic forms of language change”, James Bellamy (ed.), Studies in Near Eastern Culture and History in Memory of Ernest T. Abdel-Massih. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Shaw, Thomas. 1758. Travels or Observations relating to several parts of Barbary and the Levant. London: Millar. http://books.google.fr/books?id=0c4GAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA476#v=onepage&q&f=falsehttp://books.google.fr/books ?id=0c4GAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA476#v=onepage&q&f=false. Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan. 2003. “Three Types of Existential Quantification in Chinese”, Audrey Li & Andrew Simpson (eds.), Form, Interpretation and Functional Structure: Perspectives from Asian Languages, 161–179. London: Curzon / Routledge. Vincent, M. 1830. Vocabulaire français-arabe, suivi de dialogues à l’usage de l’Armée d’Expedition d’Afrique. Paris: Firmin Didot. Wilmsen, David. 2014. Arabic Indefinites, Interrogatives, and Negators: A Linguistic History of Western Dialects. (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics 14). Oxford: Oxford University Press. TOPICALIZATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC QUESTIONS LAURA ANDREEA STERIAN University of Edinburgh Abstract: This paper describes and analyses word order in questions in Baghdadi Arabic. Two word orders are possible in Baghdadi Arabic questions, one in which the interrogative pronoun occupies first position in the question and one in which the subject occupies the first position in the question and the interrogative pronouns follows it. The question in which the subject is fronted is associated with a pragmatic effect. I argue that the subject moves to a TopP position endowed with pragmatic features. Keywords: topicalization, questions, information structure. 1. Introduction This paper describes and analyses word order in questions in Baghdadi Arabic and explains interpretive effects observed. In Baghdadi Arabic questions, more than one word order is possible, such as (1), where in (1a) the subject holds the question initial position and is followed by the interrogative pronoun and in (1b) where the subject is left in-situ: (1) a. SUBJECT PRECEDES INTERROGATIVE PRONOUN Ima:n l-man inṭət li-kta:b ? Iman to-whom gave.3FS the-book ‘To whom did Iman give the book ?” b. SUBJECT IN SITU il-man inṭət Ima:n li-kta:b ? to-whom gave.3FS Iman the-book ‘To whom did Iman give the book ?’ Both (1a) and (1b) are grammatical, however with respect to the syntax the word order is different in that (1a) has the subject in initial position followed by the interrogative pronoun, while (1b) has the subject left in situ. With respect to the semantics, the difference between them is that (1a) is associated with an interpretive effect: both the speaker and the hearer are covering ground known by the both of them and the speaker is asking for some clarifications, while in 1 (b) the speaker is asking for new information. In questions with more than one interrogative pronoun out of which one is the subject, the subject interrogative pronoun holds the initial position and it is followed by the second interrogative pronoun (2): (2) man ʃ-ga:l li-Ra:ġeb who what=said.3MS to=Ragheb ‘Who said what to Ragheb ?’ In analyzing word order in Baghdadi Arabic, my starting point is the hierarchy of projections proposed in Belletti (1990), Cinque (1990) and Chomsky (1991) and extended to Arabic in Shlonsky (1997). I then propose that subjects in Baghdadi Arabic questions to move to a SpecTop position above the CP. This analysis not only accounts for word order in questions with only one interrogative 516 LAURA ANDREEA STERIAN pronoun as in (1), but it also allows for multiple interrogative pronouns in sentence initial position as in (2). The research questions this study is concerned with are: what does the word order in these questions say about the syntax ? What does the word order in these questions say about the semantics ? What does the word order in these questions say about the syntax ? I will argue that with respect to the syntax, the subject is topicalized and with respect to the semantics, the topicalised subject construction gives rise to a pragmatic effect. 2. The Syntax of Questions in Baghdadi Arabic Linguistics is concerned with how the mind acquires and processes language. Research into how the mind processes languages starts from the assumption that the human brain is endowed with the language faculty that enables it to acquire language; this language faculty is also known as Universal Grammar. Universal Grammar has principles that are common to all languages; the apparent difference between languages is given by parameters specific to each language. Baghdadi Arabic questions pose us with a puzzle: how does the universal hierarchy of projections (Belletti 1990; Cinque 1990; Chomsky 1991; Shlonsky 1997) accommodate the variation observed in (1) ? What does this variation reveal about the architecture of the grammar ? Word order in vernacular Arabic is the object of lively study (El-Yasin 1985; Brustad 2000; Owens et al 2009; Salem 2010); authors report both SVO and VSO in various Arabic vernaculars. But to my knowledge little has been investigated about word order in interrogative constructions and particularly about interrogative constructions in Baghdadi Arabic. In analyzing word order in Baghdadi Arabic, my starting point is the hierarchy of projections proposed in (Belletti 1990; Cinque 1990; Chomsky 1991) and extended to Arabic in Shlonsky (1997). I analyze subjects in Baghdadi Arabic questions to move to a SpecTop position above the CP. This analysis not only accounts for word order in questions with only one interrogative pronoun as in (1), but it also allows for multiple interrogative pronouns in sentence initial position as in (2). 2.1. The data Though word order in vernacular Arabic is the object of lively study (El-Yasin 1985; Brustad 2000; Owens et al 2009; Salem 2010), to my knowledge little has been investigated about word order in interrogative constructions and particularly about interrogative constructions in Baghdadi Arabic. In the following I present the data in questions both with regard to arguments and with respect to adjuncts. With respect to arguments, when the interrogative pronoun is the subject, it is fronted; when the interrogative pronoun is the direct object, it follows the subject, which has been fronted. When the interrogative pronoun is a prepositional object or an indirect object, the subject can either be fronted or left in situ. The question in (3) is an example in which the interrogative pronoun is the subject; the question has the word order on which the interrogative pronoun – which is also the subject - occupies first position in the question. The question in (4) is an example of direct object extraction: the interrogative pronoun – the direct object - follows the subject Iman that has moved to the first position in the question. (3) SUBJECT man ʃa:fət Ima:n bi-be:t ‘Awa:ṭif who saw.3SF Iman in-house Awatif ‘Who saw Iman at Awatif's house ?’ (4) DIRECT OBJECT Ima:n man ʃa:fət bi-be:t ‘Awa:ṭif Iman whom saw.3SF in-house Awatif ‘Whom did Iman see at Awatif's house?’ TOPICALIZATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC QUESTIONS 517 For the sake of the argument, if 4 had the subject Iman left in situ, then the order in (3) would be obtained, which is infelicitous with the reading in (4): (3) man ʃa:fət Ima:n bi-be:t ‘Awa:ṭif who saw.3SF Iman in-house Awatif #‘Who saw Iman at Awatif's house ?’ The example in (5) is a question with indirect object extraction. In (5a), the interrogative pronoun l-mən “to whom” follows the subject Iman that has moved to the first position in the question; in (5b) the subject is left in situ and the interrogative pronoun l-mən “to whom” occupies first position in the question: (5) INDIRECT OBJECT/ PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT a. subject precedes interrogative pronoun Ima:n il-man niṭat li-kta:b ? Iman to-whom gave.3FS the-book To whom did Iman give the book ?” b. subject in situ il-man niṭat Ima:n li-kta:b ? o-whom gave.3FS Iman the-book ‘To whom did Iman give the book?’ With respect to extraction of adjuncts, the subject can either be left in situ or fronted. The interrogative appears in a derived position. The example in (6) is a question with time adjunct extraction, the example in (7) is a question with locative adjunct extraction and the example in (8) is a question with manner adjunct extraction: (6) TIME ADJUNCT a. subject fronted Ima:n ʃ-wakit ra:ḥat is-so:g Iman what=time went:3FS the-market ‘When did Iman go to the market?’ b. subject in situ ʃ-wakit ra:ḥat Ima:n is-so:g what=time went:3FS Iman the-market ‘When did Iman go to the market ?’ (7) LOCATIVE ADJUNCT a. subject fronted Ima:n we:n ḥaṭṭat li-kta:b Iman where put.3FS.Perf the-book ‘Where did Iman put the book ?’ b. subject in situ we:n ḥaṭṭat Ima:n li-kta:b where put.3FS Ima:n the-book ‘Where did Iman put the book ?’ (8) MANNER ADJUNCT a. subject fronted Ima:n ʃlo:n tuṭbuḫ il-gi:ma Iman how cook.3FS the-gima ‘How does Iman cook quima ?’ 518 LAURA ANDREEA STERIAN b. subject in situ ʃlo:n tuṭbuḫ Ima:n il-gi:ma how cook.3FS Iman the-gima ‘How does Iman cook quima?’ 3. The semantics The questions with fronted subjects have a different interpretation than the ones in which the subject is left in situ. Consider again the question in (1), given below as (9) for convenience: (9) INDIRECT OBJECT/ PREPOSITIONAL OBJECT a. subject precedes interrogative pronoun Ima:n il-man niṭat li-kta:b? Iman to-whom gave.3FS the-book ‘To whom did Iman give the book?” b. subject in situ il-man niṭat Ima:n li-kta:b? to-whom gave.3FS Iman the-book ‘To whom did Iman give the book?’ As said earlier, with respect to the semantics, the difference between (9a) and (9b) is that (9a) is associated with an interpretive effect: both the speaker and the hearer are covering ground known by the both of them and the speaker is asking for some clarifications regarding it, while in (9b) the speaker is asking for new information. 4. The analysis – topicalized subject I analyze questions as the one in (9) as having a tropicalized subject. Assuming the universal hierarchy of positions (Belletti 1990; Cinque 1990; Chomsky 1991; Shlonsky 1997), consider first a question in which the subject remains in situ (10) and its structural representation in (11): (10) Whom did Jake see? (11) STRUCTURAL REPRESENTATION OF (10) TOPICALIZATION IN BAGHDADI ARABIC QUESTIONS 519 In (10), the direct object whom has moved from its base position as complement of the verb see to a derived position in an instance of wh-movement. The subject Jake remains in situ. Consider now a question with topicalized subject (9) and its derivation (12): (9) man ʃa:fət Ima:n bi-be:t ‘Awa:ṭif (12) DERIVATION OF (9) I propose that in a question like the one in (9), the interrogative expression rises from its base position to SpecCP in an instance of wh-movement, while the subject raises from SpecVP to TopCP. The left periphery of the sentence has been argued to be associated with pragmatic effects (Chomsky 1995; Torrego 1998; Lopez 2003; 2009). This straightforwardly accounts for the pragmatic effect observed in questions like (a). 5. Conclusion In this paper I discussed questions in which the subject appears fronted. I showed that such questions are associated with pragmatic effects. I argued that the subject moves to a derived position in TopCP; this position is associated with pragmatic effects. References Belletti, Adriana. 1990. Generalized Verb Movement: Aspects of Verb Syntax. Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier. Brustad, Kristen E. 2000. The syntax of spoken Arabic. A comparative study of Morocccan, Egyptian, Syrian and Kuwaiti dialects. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1990. Types of A’-dependencies. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1991. “Some Notes on Economy of Derivation and Representation”, Principles and Parameters in Comparative Grammar. Current Studies in Linguistics, Series 20, ed. Robert Freidin. 417-454. Cambridge, MA and London: The MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. El-Yasin, Mohammed Khalid. 1985. “Basic word order in Classical Arabic and in Jordanian Arabic”, Lingua 65. 107-122. Lopez, Luis. 2003. Steps for a well-adjusted dislocation. Studia Linguistica 57. 193-231. Lopez, Luis. 2009. A derivational syntax for information structure. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Owens, Jonathan and Robin Dodsworth and Trent Rockwood. 2009. “Subject-verb order is spoken Arabic: Morpholexical and event-based factors”, Language Variation and Change 21. 39-67. Salem, Murad. 2010. “Bare nominals, information structure and word order”, Lingua 120. 1476-1501. Shlonsky, Ur. 1997. Clause structure and word order in Hebrew and Arabic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ ‪MEHMET HAKKI SUÇİN‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي‪ ،‬أﻧﻘﺮة‪-‬ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ‪ :‬اﺳﺘﮭﺪﻓﺖ ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ طﻼب اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وأﺳﺎﺗﺬﺗﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن‬ ‫طُ ِﺮ َح ﻋﻠﯿﮭﻢ ﻟﺴﺒﺮ ﻣﻮاﻗﻔﮭﻢ وآراءھﻢ‪ .‬وﺷﺎرك ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن طﻼب اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻷﺧﯿﺮة ﻟﻔﺮوع اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﻜ ّﻞ أﻧﻮاﻋﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ "ﻟﻐﺔ وأدب" و"ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ"‬ ‫و"ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ"‪ .‬وھﺬه اﻟﻔﺮوع ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟ َﺴﺒْﻊِ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ أﻧﺤﺎء ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ ﺷﺮﻗﮭﺎ وﻏﺮﺑﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ھﺬه اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﺎرﯾﺦ ﺗﺄﺳﯿﺴﮭﺎ ھﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﺗﺎﺗﻮرك‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻠﺠﻮق‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ دﺟﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أول ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ "ﻗﺎوﻣﺖ" ﻟﻔﺘﺮة‬ ‫طﻮﯾﻠﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﺤﺴﺎب اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻷﺳﺒﺎب ﺗﺘﺒﺎﯾﻦ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻷﯾﺪوﻟﻮﺟﯿﺎ واﻟﺒﯿﺪاﻏﻮﺟﯿﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﺎﺣﯿﺔ ‪ :‬ﻟﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻟﻄﻼب‪ ،‬ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫إن اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﺟﺪﯾﺪ إﻟﻰ ﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ .‬إذ إن ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻤﯿﺔ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ وﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﺮﺳﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮى ﺑﺼﻮرة ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ )ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ‪ .(2013 ،‬وﻧﻈﺮاً ﻷن ﺗﺪرﯾﺴﮭﺎ ﺟﺮى‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺸﯿﺎ ً وطﺮق ﻏﯿﺮ ﺗﻮاﺻﻠﯿﺔ أﻗﺮب إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﻮاﻋﺪ واﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ )‪ ،(Suçin, 2015‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ "اﻻﻋﺘﺮاف" ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺤﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﯿﺮة وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﯾﺮ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪-‬اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﺘﻰ اﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻت‪ ،‬و"اﻛﺘﺸﺎف" اﻟﺪارﺳﯿﻦ واﻟﻤﺪرﺳﯿﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺪ ﺳﻮاء أن ھﻨﺎك ازدواﺟﯿﺔ ﻟﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎت ﻣﮭﻤﺔ أﻣﺎم ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎطﻘﯿﻦ ﺑﻐﯿﺮھﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻢ إدراج ﻣﺎدة "اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ" أول ﻣﺮة ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ أﻧﺤﺎء ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺮر ﻗﺴﻢ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة وذﻟﻚ ﻋﺎم ‪ 1996‬ﻛﻤﺎدة اﺧﺘﯿﺎرﯾﺔ‪ .‬أدرج ﺑﻌﺪ ذﻟﻚ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﻧﻘﺮة ھﺬه اﻟﻤﺎدة ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻘﺮراﺗﮭﺎ ﻋﺎم ‪،2005‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺘﮭﻤﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل ﻋﺎم ‪ 2010‬وﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﻘﻠﯿﻠﺔ اﻟﻤﺎﺿﯿﺔ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(1‬‬ ‫إن ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻛﺎن وﻣﺎ زال ﻣﻮﺿﻮع ﻧﻘﺎش ﻟﺪى اﻟﻤﮭﺘﻤﯿﻦ ﺑﺘﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎرھﺎ ﻟﻐﺔ أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ .‬ھﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ ﯾﺆﯾﺪون إدراج اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻤﻘﺮرات‪ ،‬وﻣﻦ ﯾﻌﺎرﺿﻮن ذﻟﻚ‪ .‬وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺘﻢ ﻟﺤﺪ اﻵن دراﺳﺔٌ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺴﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻟﻄﻼب واﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﺑﺼﻮرة ﺗُﻤ ّﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﯿﯿﻢ ﯾﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎرﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮار ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎم ﺑﮫ ﻋﺪد ﻣﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺜﯿﻦ ﺑﺪراﺳﺎت ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل ﻻ اﻟﺤﺼﺮ ;‪(Shiri, 2013; Al-Mamari, 2011‬‬ ‫)‪.Hashem-Aramouni, 2011‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﮭﺪف ھﺬه اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ طﻼب اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وأﺳﺎﺗﺬﺗﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن طُ ِﺮ َح ﻋﻠﯿﮭﻢ ﻟﺴﺒﺮ ﻣﻮاﻗﻔﮭﻢ وآراءھﻢ‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﺎرك ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن طﻼب اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻷﺧﯿﺮة ﻟﻔﺮوع اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﻜ ّﻞ‬ ‫أﻧﻮاﻋﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ "ﻟﻐﺔ وأدب" و"ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ" و"ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ"‪ .‬وھﺬه اﻟﻔﺮوع ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟ َﺴﺒ ِْﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ أﻧﺤﺎء ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ھﻮ‬ ‫وارد ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.1‬‬ ‫اﺳﻢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﺗﺎﺗﻮرك‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻠﺠﻮق‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ دﺟﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫اﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺪﯾﻨﺔ‬ ‫)اﻟﻠﯿﺴﺎﻧﺲ(‬ ‫‪600‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ‬ ‫اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫‪350‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ‬ ‫أرﺿﺮوم‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫‪400‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻧﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪240‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وآداﺑﮭﺎ‬ ‫دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪250‬‬ ‫ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﺴﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﺟﻤﺔ اﻟﺸﻔﻮﯾﺔ واﻟﺘﺤﺮﯾﺮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪2200‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮع‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :1‬ﺑﯿﺎﻧﺎت ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ أﺟﺮﯾﺖ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ ﺑﻜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺪرﺟﺎت اﻟﻌﻠﻤﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ ‪MEHMET HAKKI SUÇİN‬‬ ‫‪522‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺗﻮزﯾﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻮع اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت واﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺪراﺳﯿﺔ واﻟﺤﺼﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(2‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﺗﺎﺗﻮرك‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻠﺠﻮق‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫أرﺿﺮوم‬ ‫أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻧﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪/‬ـﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻢ ﺗﺪرﯾﺴﮭﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫‬‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪/‬ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫‬‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫‬‫دﻣﺸﻖ‬ ‫‬‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫‬‫‪2‬‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ دﺟﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺪراﺳﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺪد اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‬‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮع ﻋﺪد‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‬‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‬‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :2‬ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ إﺟﺮاء اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎﻧَﯿْﻦ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة وطﻠﺒﺔ ھﺬه اﻷﻗﺴﺎم ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت دﯾﻤﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻀﻼً ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻔﮭﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﻣﺎ ﯾﻤﺖ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ ﺑﺼﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺄﻗﻮم أدﻧﺎه ﺑﺘﻨﺎول ﻛﻞ واﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎﻧﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮرﯾﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺣﯿﺚ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺪﯾﻤﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ واﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﻟﻮاردة ﻓﯿﮭﻤﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .2‬اﻟﺘﺤﻠﯿﻞ اﻟﺨﺎص ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ )اﻟﻤﻠﺤﻖ ‪ (1‬أن ﻣﺎ ﯾﻘﺎرب أرﺑﻌﺔ وﺳﺒﻌﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب ھﻢ ذﻛﻮر وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺷﺮق وﺟﻨﻮب ﺷﺮق اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮل )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(3‬‬ ‫ذﻛﺮ‬ ‫أﻧﺜﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮع‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪284‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :3‬ﺗﻮزﯾﻊ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻣﻮﺿﻮع اﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺣﺴﺐ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪73,9‬‬ ‫‪26,1‬‬ ‫‪%100‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم ﻟﻠﻄﻼب أي اﻟﻠﻐﺔ أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن ﻓﯿﮭﺎ داﺧﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة‪ ،‬ﻧﻼﺣﻆ أن أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻤﻮاطﻨﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﮭﻢ إﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﻷﻗﺴﺎم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(4‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪238‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :4‬اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم ﻟﻠﻄﻼب‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪83,5‬‬ ‫‪13,3‬‬ ‫‪3,2‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ أﺟﺎب ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻄﻼب أﻧﮭﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻮا ﻣﺎدة ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﺣﺪى ﻟﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(5‬‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻢ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪216‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ : 5‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻣﺎدة ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪76,6‬‬ ‫‪23,4‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ أﻓﺎد ‪ %82‬ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒﺎ ً ﻣﻦ اﻟ ُﻤ ْﺴﺘَﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﻢ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮن درﺳﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻟﻤﺪة ﺳﺎﻋﺘﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أﻓﺎد ﺟﺰء ﻣﮭ ّﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ اﻟﺒﺎﻗﯿﻦ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﻢ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮن درﺳﺎ ً ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻟﻤﺪة ﺛﻼث ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻷﺳﺒﻮع )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(6‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪523‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺘﺎن‬ ‫‪ 3‬ﺳﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻋﺔ واﺣﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪179‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :6‬ﻋﺪد اﻟﺤﺼﺺ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪82,1‬‬ ‫‪15,1‬‬ ‫‪2,3‬‬ ‫‪,5‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺪرﺟﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﻤﻘﺮرات ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﻓﮭﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪:(7‬‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪/‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪153‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :7‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﺎھﺎ اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪53,5‬‬ ‫‪28,7‬‬ ‫‪22,4‬‬ ‫‪6,6‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮى ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ 7‬أن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة ھﻲ أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻤﺎ ً ﻓﻲ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ .‬وﯾﺄﺗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ھﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﻮاﻟﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ دﻣﺸﻖ أو ﺑﯿﺮوت وﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﻐﺪاد‪ .‬وﻓﻲ ﺧﺎﻧﺔ "أﺧﺮى" ذﻛﺮ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﻮن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ "اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﯿﻨﯿﺔ"‪ .‬وﯾُﻠﻔﺖ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺄن أي ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻻ ﯾُﻌﻠّﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮل )ﻣﺎردﯾﻦ‪ ،‬أﻧﻄﺎﻛﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺮد‪ ...‬إﻟﺦ‪(.‬‬ ‫‪ 2.1‬وﺿﻊ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن اﻟﻄﻼب ﺳﺌﻞ اﻟ ُﻤ ْﺴﺘَﻄﻠﻌﻮن ﻋﻦ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺬي ھﻢ ﻓﯿﮫ ﻋﺒﺮ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺑﮭﺬا اﻟﺸﺄن‪ ،‬وﻗﺪ ﺷﺎرك اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻏﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ )اﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺄﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ(‪:‬‬ ‫• أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ أﺳﺘﻄﯿﻊ أن أﻣﯿﺰ ﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ أو اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺠﺐ أن ﺗُﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺗَﻌﻠﱡﻢ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾُﺴﮭّﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬أي ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺮى ﻓﺈن اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﯿﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ طﻼب اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ واﻋﻮن ﻟﻠﻔﺮق ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ .‬وھﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬أي ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻓﮭﻨﺎك اﻋﺘﻘﺎد ﺑﺄن ﺗﻌﻠﱡ َﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺳﯿﺴﮭﻞ ﺗﻌﻠّﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ھﺬا‪ ،‬ھﻨﺎك ﻣﻦ أﻓﺎد ﺑﺄﻧﮫ ﯾﺆﯾﺪ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﯾﻦ أﺳﺎس ﻟﻠﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻓﺈن ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب أﻓﺎدت ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺬي ﯾُﻤﻜﻨﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم اﻻﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﯾﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻟﮭﺠﺘﮫ‪ .‬وھﺬا ﯾﻌﻨﻲ أن ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻟﯿﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺬي ﯾﻤﻜﻦ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻦ إﺟﺮاء ﺗﻮاﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ أن ﻣﻮﻗﻒ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ إﯾﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬وھﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﺄن ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﯿﺲ ﻛﺎﻓﯿﺎ ً ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪ .‬وھﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﯾﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ وﻋﻲ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻷﺗﺮاك ﺑﺄھﻤﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ ھﻨﺎك ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻷﺗﺮاك ﯾﺆﻣﻨﻮن ﺑﺄن‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻛﺎﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﯾﻌﺘﻘﺪون ﺑﺄن ﻟﻠﻔﺼﺤﻰ دور ﻟﻠﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻓﮭﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺻ َﻞ دون اﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻊ َﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻷم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ أن أﺗﻮا َ‬ ‫• ﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻷن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫• أﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وإذا أﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﯿﻦ اﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻣﺘﻐﯿﺮات ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻨﺲ واﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم وﺗﻠﻘﻲ أو ﻋﺪم ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﺎدة اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت وﺳﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﺤﺼﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻤﻌﻄﯿﺎت أدﻧﺎه‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ ‪MEHMET HAKKI SUÇİN‬‬ ‫‪524‬‬ ‫‪ 2.2‬ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﯿﺮ إﺟﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟ ُﻤﺴﺘَﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ إﻟﻰ ﻓَﺮْ ق ﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﻟﺠﻨﺲ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﻣﮭﺎرة اﻟﺘﻤﯿﯿﺰ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬وﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﻤﺎ‬ ‫ھﻨﺎك ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ أوﺳﻊ ﻟﻠﺬﻛﻮر ﻣﻦ اﻹﻧﺎث‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ اﻻﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ واﻓﻘﺖ اﻹﻧﺎث ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ أﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺬﻛﻮر‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2.3‬ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺘﻌﺮض وﺿﻊ إﺟﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن ﻧﺠﺪ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ :‬ﻟﺪى اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ھﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﮭﺎرة ﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‪ ،‬وﺗﻤﯿﯿﺰ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﮭﺎ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ھﻲ ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫)اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ أو اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ(‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ أن ھﺆﻻء اﻟﻄﻼب ﻟﺪﯾﮭﻢ ﻗﻠﻖ أﻗﻞ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وھﺬا ﯾﺒﯿﻦ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ھﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ واﻋﻮن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻮاﻗﻌﯿﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ودور اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ اﻟﯿﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2.4‬ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ درس اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﯿﺮ أﺟﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن إﻟﻰ وﺟﻮد ﻓﺮق ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ درس ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬وﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬا اﻷﺳﺎس ﻓﺈن اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮن درﺳﺎ ً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﺪﯾﮭﻢ ﻣﮭﺎرة أﻛﺒﺮ ﺑﺘﻤﯿﯿﺰ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬واﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎج اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻏﯿﺮ ھﺬا ﻓﺈن إﺟﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ھﺆﻻء اﻟﻄﻼب ﺑﻨﻌﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﺪ‪" :‬أﺷﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪم ﻓﮭﻤﻲ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﺤﺪث أﺣﺪھﻢ وﻟﻐﺘُﮫ اﻷم ھﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ"‪ ،‬أﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺮد اﻹﯾﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻟﻤﻦ ﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻧﻔﺴﮫ ﯾﻨﺴﺤﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﮭﺎرة إﻣﻜﺎﻧﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﮭﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻓﺈن اﻟﻤﺠﯿﺒﯿﻦ ﺑﻨﻌﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎرة "ﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻷن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﯿﺔ‪ ".‬ھﻢ طﻼب اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮا أي ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪ .‬وھﺬا ﯾﺸﯿﺮ إﻟﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻮازي ﺑﯿﻦ درﺟﺔ "ﺗﻌﺮﱡض أو ﻣﻮاﺟﮭﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻟِﻠﱠ ْﮭﺠﺔ" واﻧﺘﺒﺎھﮫ إﻟﻰ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ اﻻزدواﺟﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ )‪ (diglossia‬ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ .‬ﯾَﻌﺘﻘﺪ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ "ﺗﻌﺮﱠﺿﻮا" ﻟِﻠَ ْﮭﺠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺄن ﻋﺪم ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﯾﺆﺛﺮ ﺳﻠﺒﺎً‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻼﺣﻆ ﺑﺄن‬ ‫اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻟﻢ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﱠﻮْ ا درﺳﺎ ً ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﯾﺘﺨﺬون ﻣﻮﻗﻔﮭﻢ اﻧﻄﻼﻗﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ "أﯾﺪﯾﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ"‪ .‬وﻗﺪ اﻋﺘﺒﺮ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺬﯾﻦ اﺗﺨﺬوا ھﺬا اﻟﻤﻮﻗﻒ أن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‬ ‫ھﻲ ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﺑﮭﺪف ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ اﻟﻮﺣﺪة اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 2.5‬ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﺤﺴﺐ اﻟ ﻔَ ْﺮق ﺑﺴﺎﻋﺎت درس اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﯿﺔ‬ ‫ھﻨﺎك ﻓَﺮْ ق ﺑﯿﻦ إﺟﺎﺑﺎت اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎرة "ﯾﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ أن أﺗﻮاﺻﻞ دون أي اﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻷم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪".‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﻋﺪد ﺳﺎﻋﺎت دراﺳﺔ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﯿﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬه اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة ھﻢ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮن درس ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻟﻤﺪة ﺛﻼث ﺳﺎﻋﺎت أو أﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫أﺳﺒﻮﻋﯿﺎً‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﯿﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺒﺎرة "أﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪ ".‬أﻛﺒﺮ ﻟﺪى اﻟﺬﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﺪرﺳﻮن ﺛﻼث ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻟﮭﺠﺔ أو أﻛﺜﺮ أﺳﺒﻮﻋﯿﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .3‬ﺗﺤﻠﯿﻞ ﺑﯿﺎﻧﺎت أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺄﻗﺪم أدﻧﺎه ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎت اﻟﺪﯾﻤﻐﺮاﻓﯿﺔ واﻟﺸﺨﺼﯿﺔ ﻋﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء ھﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﺷﺎرﻛﻮا ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن )اﻟﻤﻠﺤﻖ ‪ (2‬واﻟﺬﯾﻦ‬ ‫ﯾﻮاﺻﻠﻮن أﻧﺸﻄﺘﮭﻢ اﻷﻛﺎدﯾﻤﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ أﻗﺴﺎم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﺪى ﺳﺒﻊ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﻧﺴﺒﺔ ھﺆﻻء ﺣﺴﺐ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﻣﺬﻛﻮرة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.8‬‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﻧﻘﺮة )أﻧﻘﺮة(‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻏﺎزي )أﻧﻘﺮة(‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل )اﺳﻄﻨﺒﻮل(‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳﻠﺠﻮق )ﻗﻮﻧﯿﺔ(‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ )ﻛﯿﺮﯾﻚ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ(‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﺗﺎﺗﻮرك )أرﺿﺮوم(‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ دﺟﻠﺔ )دﯾﺎرﺑﻜﺮ(‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :8‬اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﻨﺘﺴﺐ إﻟﯿﮭﺎ أﻋﻀﺎء ھﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪21,1‬‬ ‫‪17,5‬‬ ‫‪15,8‬‬ ‫‪14,0‬‬ ‫‪12,3‬‬ ‫‪10,5‬‬ ‫‪8,8‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪525‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﺤﺪث ﺑﮭﺎ اﻷﻛﺎدﯾﻤﯿﻮن داﺧﻞ أﺳﺮﺗﮭﻢ ﻓﮭﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪:(9‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ : 9‬اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻷم ﻷﻋﻀﺎء ھﺌﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪77,2‬‬ ‫‪17,5‬‬ ‫‪5,3‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺪول أن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة أو اﻷﻛﺎدﯾﻤﯿﯿﻦ أﻓﺎدوا أن ﻟﻐﺘﮭﻢ اﻷم ھﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﯾﻠﯿﮭﺎ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻹﻟﻤﺎﻣﮭﻢ ﺑﺈﺣﺪى ﻟﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻘﺪ أﺟﺎب اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﻮن ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪:(10‬‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ ‪ /‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫وﻻ واﺣﺪة‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ : 10‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ إﻟﻤﺎم اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪50,9‬‬ ‫‪29,8‬‬ ‫‪29,8‬‬ ‫‪10,5‬‬ ‫‪5,3‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻼﺣﻆ أن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟ ُﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ "دﻣﺸﻖ أو ﺑﯿﺮوت"‪ ،‬وﺑﺎﻟﺪرﺟﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫‪ %30‬ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒﺎ ً‪ .‬وﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﻐﺪاد ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %10‬ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒﺎً‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺈن ‪ %30‬ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ أﻓﺎدوا ﺑﺄﻧﮭﻢ ﻻ ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن أو‬ ‫ﯾﻔﮭﻤﻮن أي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ .‬وﺗﺴﺎوي ﻧﺴﺒﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﻻ ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن أو ﯾﻔﮭﻤﻮن أي ﻟﺠﮭﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﺬﯾﻦ ﯾﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫إذا ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻄﯿﺎت ﻣﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﺤﺪث ﺑﮭﺎ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ وﯾﻔﮭﻤﻮﻧﮭﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ھﺬه اﻟﻨﺴﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪:(11‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺪم‬ ‫أﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :11‬اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺬي ﯾﺮاه اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة إﻟﻤﺎﻣﮭﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪59,0‬‬ ‫‪38,5‬‬ ‫‪2,6‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ وﺟﮭﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن ﺳﺆاﻻً إﻟﻰ اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻣﻔﺎده "ﻟﻮ ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﺳﺘﺪرّﺳﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ھﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺿﺮورة‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﮭﺎ ﺑﺮأﯾﻜﻢ؟"‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ إﺟﺎﺑﺎﺗﮭﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻨﺤﻮ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪:(12‬‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪/‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫أﺧﺮى‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ : 12‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺿﺮورﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺪرﯾﺲ ﻓﻲ رأي اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪57,9‬‬ ‫‪36,8‬‬ ‫‪3,5‬‬ ‫‪1,8‬‬ ‫ﻧﺮى أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟ ُﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ ﯾﻔﯿﺪون ﺑﺄن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻤﮭﺎ ھﻲ "دﻣﺸﻖ أو ﺑﯿﺮوت"‪ .‬وﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة ﺑﺎﻟﺪرﺟﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ أﺷﺎر ﺑﻌﺾ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ إﻟﻰ أن اﻟﻄﻠﺐ اﻟﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺠﻮء اﻟﺴﻮرﯾﯿﻦ إﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ ﻧﺘﯿﺠﺔ اﻟﺤﺮب اﻷھﻠﯿﺔ ھﻮ اﻟﺴﺒﺐ اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻦ‬ ‫وراء ارﺗﻔﺎع ھﺬه اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵراء اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻓﯿﻤﺎ ﯾﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺪراﺳﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﻼﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺟﺎﺑﻮا ﻛﻤﺎ ھﻮ ﻣﺒﯿﻦ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺪول‬ ‫‪.13‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ ‪MEHMET HAKKI SUÇİN‬‬ ‫‪526‬‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪد‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻟﺪراﺳﯿﺔ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﮭﯿﺪﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪2‬‬ ‫وﻻ واﺣﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :13‬ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻋﻞ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻣﻊ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ؟‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺌﻮﯾﺔ‬ ‫‪50,9‬‬ ‫‪15,8‬‬ ‫‪12,3‬‬ ‫‪7,0‬‬ ‫‪7,0‬‬ ‫‪3,5‬‬ ‫‪3,5‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﻼﺣﻆ ﻓﺈن أﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ )ﺣﻮاﻟﻲ ‪ (%51‬ﯾﺘﺒﻨﻮن ﻓﻜﺮة ﺿﺮورة ﺗﻜﺜﯿﻒ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻒ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻄﻠﻌﯿﻦ ﺣﻮل ﺿﺮورة ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻒ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ واﻟﺮاﺑﻊ واﻷول ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺘﺴﻠﺴﻞ‪ ،‬وﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ اﻟﻤﺪاﻓﻌﯿﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻔﻮف ﻛﻠﮭﺎ‪ %7 ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3.1‬وﺿﻊ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻨﺎول وﺿﻊ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻈﯿﺖ ﺑﺄﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﻟﺪى ھﺆﻻء اﻷﻋﻀﺎء ھﻲ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺠﺐ إدﺧﺎل اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت إﻟﻰ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻓﺮوع اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫• ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾُﺴﮭﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﺤﺴﺐ ھﺬه اﻟﻤﻌﻄﯿﺎت ﻓﺈن اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﯿﺔ اﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﯾﺆﻣﻨﻮن ﺑﺈدﺧﺎل اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ .‬إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ھﺬا ﯾﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ أﺳﺎﺳﺎً‪ ،‬وﯾﺴﻮد اﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎد ﺑﻀﺮورة ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﯿﻞ ھﺬا‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺎس‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﻈﯿﺖ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ھﻲ اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‬ ‫•‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﻟﻔﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ وﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‬ ‫•‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻟ ُﻤﻠِ ّ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺒﺎه أن اﻟﻄﻼب وأﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﯾﺘﻮاﻓﻘﻮن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﯿﺔ ﻋﺪم ﻛﻔﺎﯾﺔ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 3.2‬ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب وﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎل اﻟﻤﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب واﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ﻣﺎ ﯾﻠﻲ )اﻟﺠﺪول ‪.(14‬‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎرات ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫أﻋﻀﺎء ھﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺪل‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺤﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎري‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﺪل‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺤﺮاف‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﯿﺎري‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2,19‬‬ ‫‪1,23‬‬ ‫‪2,26‬‬ ‫‪1,23‬‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2,98‬‬ ‫‪1,38‬‬ ‫‪3,05‬‬ ‫‪1,33‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ھﻲ ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﻟﻔﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ‬ ‫وﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪1,25‬‬ ‫‪0,74‬‬ ‫‪1,64‬‬ ‫‪1,04‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪527‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ أي ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪2,28‬‬ ‫‪1,29‬‬ ‫‪2,41‬‬ ‫‪1,27‬‬ ‫‪1,48‬‬ ‫‪0,79‬‬ ‫‪2,25‬‬ ‫‪1,21‬‬ ‫‪4,39‬‬ ‫‪0,92‬‬ ‫‪3,96‬‬ ‫‪1,12‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾﺴﮭﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫‪3,72‬‬ ‫‪1,22‬‬ ‫‪3,86‬‬ ‫‪0,91‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫‪2,23‬‬ ‫‪1,02‬‬ ‫‪2,17‬‬ ‫‪1,22‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪول ‪ :14‬ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب وﻣﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻋﻠٮﺒﻨﻮد اﻻﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺤﺚ ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ اﻟﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺒﻨﻮد ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب وأﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ أن ﺑﻨﺪي "ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎف" ﻗﺪ ﺣﻈﯿﺎ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ أﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ أﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻟﺪى‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت"‪ ،‬و"ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻼب‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﻮد اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻈﯿﺖ ﺑﻤﻮاﻓﻘﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب أﻛﺜﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .4‬اﻟﺨﺎﺗﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ أظﮭﺮت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أن ھﻨﺎك ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻻ ﺑﺄس ﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب )‪ %24‬ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒﺎ ً( ﻟﻢ ﯾﺘﻠﻘﻮا أي درس ﺣﻮل اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وھﺬا ﯾﻌﻨﻲ أﻧﮭﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﯿﺘﺨ ّﺮﺟﻮن ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺗﮭﻢ دون "اﻟﺘﻌﺮﱡ ض" ﻷي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﺒﯿﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼل اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أﻧﮫ ﻻ ﯾﺘﻢ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ھﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺎطﻘﯿﻦ ﺑﻐﯿﺮھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﯿﺪ اﻟﻌﺎﻟَﻢ وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻻﯾﺎت اﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪة‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﯾﻜﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺪ ﻻﺣﻈﻨﺎ أن ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻘﺎھﺮﯾﺔ وﻟﮭﺠﺔ دﻣﺸﻖ وﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺑﻐﺪاد‪ .‬واﻟﻤﻼ َﺣﻆ أن‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷﻧﺎﺿﻮل ُﻣ ْﮭ َﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ أﻗﺴﺎم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ أظﮭﺮت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أن أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻤﻮاطﻨﯿﻦ اﻷﺗﺮاك ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺮب ﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﺪﯾﮭﻢ إﻗﺒﺎل ﻷﻗﺴﺎم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وھﺬا‬ ‫أﻣﺮ ﺗﺠﺐ دراﺳﺘﮫ‪.‬‬ ‫وھﻨﺎك وﻋﻲ ﻻ ﯾُﺴﺘَﮭﺎن ﺑﮫ ﻟﺪى اﻟﻄﻼب واﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﺑﻀﺮورة دﻣﺞ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑﺮاﻣﺞ ﻓﺮوع اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وذﻟﻚ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻔّﻆ ﻟﺪﯾﮭﻢ ﺣﻮل ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎل إﻟﻰ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﯿﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫وأظﮭﺮت اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ أن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻄﻼب واﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﯾﻌﺘﻘﺪون أن ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺒﯿّﻦ أن ‪ %30‬ﺗﻘﺮﯾﺒًﺎ ﻣﻨﮭﻢ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﻄﯿﻌﻮن اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ أي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹطﻼق‪ .‬وﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ھﺬه اﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻟﯿﺔ ﻧﻈﺮًا ﻟﻠﺪور اﻟﺨﻄﯿﺮ اﻟﺬي ﺗﻠﻌﺒﮭﺎ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺮى اﻟﺴﻮاد اﻷﻋﻈﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة أن اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﺪرﯾﺴﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻔﻮف ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻣﺔ أي ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧﯿﺮة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺪراﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ھﻨﺎك ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ ﻛﺒﯿﺮ ﺑﯿﻦ ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ اﻟﻄﻼب واﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬة ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮاء ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻮاﻗﻒ إﯾﺠﺎﺑﯿﺔ أو ﺳﻠﺒﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺮاﺟﻊ‬ ‫‪Hashem-Aramouni, Eva. 2011. 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Ankara: PEGEM Akademi.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ‪" .2013 .‬اﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ ..‬ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺲ واﻟﯿﻮم"‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻛﺘﺎب‪ :‬اﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﮭﺠﺮ‬ ‫– اﻟﺠﺰء اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ )ﺗﺤﺮﯾﺮ ﺳﻠﯿﻤﺎن إﺑﺮاھﯿﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي(‪ .81-72 ،‬اﻟﻜﻮﯾﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺘﺎب اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ ‪MEHMET HAKKI SUÇİN‬‬ ‫‪528‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﺤﻖ ‪ - 1‬اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫أﻋﺰاﺋﻲ اﻟﻤﺸﺎرﻛﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺔ أﺳﺌﻠﺔ أدﻧﺎه أﻧﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻜﻢ ﺑﯿﺎن رأﯾﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﻮاﺿﯿﻊ اﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻜﻢ‪ .‬ﯾﺮﺟﻰ أن ﺗﺸﯿﺮوا إﻟﻰ اﻟﺨﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﻤﺠﺎورة‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺨﯿﺎر اﻷﻗﺮب إﻟﯿﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎدة‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻷﺟﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻮﻧﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ دراﺳﺔ أﻛﺎدﯾﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻦ ﺗُﻘﺪم ﻟﻄﺮف ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻧﮭﺎﺋﯿﺎ ً‪ .‬أﺗﻤﻨﻰ أن ﺗﻜﻮﻧﻮا‬ ‫ﺻﺎدﻗﯿﻦ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﻲ ﺟﺰﯾﻞ اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ اﻵن ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻜﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﺣﺘﺮاﻣﻲ‬ ‫د‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ‬ ‫ذﻛﺮ‬ ‫أﻧﺜﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻨﺲ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺘﻜﻢ اﻷم )اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ /‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻜﻠﻤﻮن ﻓﯿﮭﺎ داﺧﻞ اﻷﺳﺮة(‪:‬‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪..............‬‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫ھﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﯿﺘﻢ أي درس ﻹﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻻ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ أﺗﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﯿﺖ‬ ‫إذا أﺧﺬﺗﻢ درس ﻟﮭﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄي اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت أﺧﺬﺗﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪ /‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪.......‬‬ ‫أﺷﺮ ﺑﺈﺷﺎرة )×( ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺨﯿﺎر اﻷﻗﺮب إﻟﯿﻚ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﯿﺎرات اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫أواﻓﻖ‬ ‫أواﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ‬ ‫أﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﯾﺪ‬ ‫أﻋﺎرض‬ ‫أﻋﺎرض ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ‬ ‫أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ أﺳﺘﻄﯿﻊ أن أﻣﯿّﺰ ﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ أم اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﺛﻨﺎء اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬أﺳﺘﻄﯿﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﯿﯿﺰ ﺑﺄي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻗﻠﻖ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﺤﺪﯾﺚ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻷم اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﺧﺸﯿﺔ ﻋﺪم اﻟﻔﮭﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ أن أﺗﻮاﺻﻞ دون أي اﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻷم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﻤﻜﻨﻨﻲ أن أﺗﻮاﺻﻞ دون أي اﻧﻘﻄﺎع ﻣﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺘﮫ اﻷم اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﺘﻜﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻷن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪم ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﯾﻌﯿﻖ اﻟﺘﻔﺎھﻢ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﺎس‪.‬‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻟﺠﮭﺎت ﻣﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ وﺟﺪت ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ وﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺪاﯾﺔ ﺛﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬أي ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻢ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾُﺴﮭﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﻗﻒ أﺳﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وطﻼﺑﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪرﯾﺲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮى اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‬ ‫‪529‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻠﺤﻖ ‪ - 2‬اﺳﺘﺒﯿﺎن ﻋﻀﻮ اﻟﮭﯿﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﯾﺴﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺘﺎذ اﻟﻌﺰﯾﺰ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺔ أﺳﺌﻠﺔ أدﻧﺎه أﻧﺎ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ رأﯾﻜﻢ ﻓﯿﮭﺎ‪ .‬أرﺟﻮ أن ﺗﺠﯿﺒﻮا ﻋﻠﻰ ھﺬه اﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﺴﺘﺨﺪم اﻷﺟﻮﺑﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻮﻧﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ دراﺳﺔ‬ ‫أﻛﺎدﯾﻤﯿﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻦ ﺗﻘﺪم ﻟﻄﺮف ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻧﮭﺎﺋﯿﺎ ً‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻢ ﻣﻨﻲ ﺟﺰﯾﻞ اﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﺣﺘﺮاﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫د‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺻﻮﺗﺸﯿﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﺘﻜﻢ اﻷم )اﻟﻠﻐﺔ‪ /‬اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﺑﮭﺎ داﺧﻞ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ(‪:‬‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪........‬‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ‬ ‫أي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن ﺑﮭﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﺄي ﻣﺴﺘﻮى؟‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪ /‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪ .......‬وﻻ واﺣﺪة‬ ‫إذا ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮن أي ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ھﻲ درﺟﺔ إﺗﻘﺎﻧﻜﻢ ﻟﮭﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ؟‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪.......‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺪم‬ ‫وﺳﻂ‬ ‫أﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﻛﻨﺘﻢ ﺳﺘﺪرﺳﻮن ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺎ ھﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﯿﻤﮭﺎ ﺑﺮأﯾﻜﻢ؟‬ ‫أﺧﺮى )ﺣﺪدوھﺎ( ‪.......‬‬ ‫اﻷردن‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺪاد‬ ‫دﻣﺸﻖ‪ /‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎھﺮة‬ ‫ﺑﺮأﯾﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ أي ﺻﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗﻞ ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﯾﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ؟‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻒ ‪3‬‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻒ ‪2‬‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻒ ‪1‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤﻀﯿﺮي‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻒ ‪ 4‬ﻛﻠﮭﺎ‬ ‫وﻻ أي ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‬ ‫أﺷﯿﺮوا ﺑﺈﺷﺎرة )×( ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺨﯿﺎر اﻷﻗﺮب إﻟﯿﻜﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺨﯿﺎرات اﻟﺘﺎﻟﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أواﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎف‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫أواﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ أي ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﯾﺴﮭﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻷﺧﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫أﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﺎﯾﺪ‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﯾﺠﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﯿﻢ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺛﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫أﻋﺎرض‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﻟﻐﺔ ﻣﯿﺘﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﮭﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻼﺗﯿﻨﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ھﻲ ﻟﻐﺎت ﻣﺼﻄﻨﻌﺔ ﻟﻔﻘﺖ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺗﺨﺮﯾﺐ وﺣﺪة اﻟﻌﺮب اﻟﻠﻐﻮﯾﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻋﺎرض ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﯿﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺿﺮورة ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻢ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ واﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻣﻌﺎ ً ﯾﻤﻜﻦ أن ﯾﺸﻮش ﻋﻘﻠﮫ‪.‬‬ BAˁD(A) DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES: GLISSEMENTS SÉMANTIQUES ET PHÉNOMÈNES DE TRANSCATÉGORISATION CATHERINE TAINE-CHEIKH Lacito - CNRS/Université Paris III et Inalco Résumé: La racine BʕD est largement attestée en arabe, notamment dans des lexies invariables dont les valeurs et les emplois sont en partie divergents. Le rôle le plus fréquent est celui de fonctionnel. En effet, baˤd est employé dans la plupart des dialectes arabes comme préposition, en général avec le sens temporel de ‘après’. Une forme souvent étoffée est également usitée pour marquer une subjonction. Cependant, baˤd (ou une de ses variantes) a aussi des emplois adverbiaux. Il y exprime alors diverses nuances temporelles (‘après’, ‘ensuite’, ‘déjà’), mais tend également à assumer des emplois de particule énonciative (Caubet 1995, « Enunciative particles in Moroccan Arabic : bəˤda and zəˤma »). Enfin, baˤd et baˤd ənn, quand ils sont suivis d’un pronom suffixe, fonctionnent assez souvent comme des pseudo-verbes, avec des valeurs bien distinctes. Au-delà de la description de ces différents emplois, l’article se propose d’éclairer les évolutions sémantiques et les changements catégoriels par une comparaison interdialectale. Mots-clés: arabe, adverbe, spatio-temporel, aspectuel, discursif, transcatégorisation Introduction La racine BʕD fait partie des racines attestées dans l’ensemble du domaine arabe. Elle y est représentée par des unités verbales, nominales et/ou adjectivales, qui ont généralement en commun le sème de ‘distant/distance, lointain/éloignement’. Parallèlement à ces unités lexicales, on trouve des lexies invariables (préposition, subordonnant et adverbe) qui ont pris une certaine importance dans les dialectes, alors qu'ils occupent une place réduite dans les dictionnaires d'arabe les plus anciens. C'est à eux que je vais m'intéresser pour suivre leurs emplois et leurs évolutions sémantiques à travers l'ensemble des dialectes arabes 1. 1. Succession (spatio-temporelle) et postériorité (dans le temps) En général, la lexie invariable exprime un ordre dans la succession (par opposition à ‘avant’), mais l'idée de proximité est plus ou moins latente. Sa forme dépend de sa fonction: préposition, subordonnant ou adverbe. 1.1. Préposition En arabe classique, baˤda signifie ‘après’. D'origine nominale, à marque accusative -a, et forme diminutive buˤayda ‘shortly after’, cette préposition ‘de 2e classe’ est l'une des prépositions temporelles les plus importantes (Procházka 2008: 700). Un équivalent dialectal, avec ou sans -a final (baˤda/baˤad/baˤd), est attesté dans presque tous les dialectes, à l'exception du ḥassāniyya, du parler juif du Tafilalt, du maltais et de l'arabe de Chypre (Procházka 1993: 82-86) 2. La préposition est souvent usitée dans un sens spatial. 1 Certains exemples cités ont été adaptés (pour la transcription des voyelles longues ou pour le découpage en morphèmes). Par ailleurs, les abréviations suivantes ont été employées: PR = pronom, SUFF = suffixe. 2 La préposition ˤāgəb qui est usitée en ḥassāniyya (en concurrence avec uṛa pour le sens spatial) est fréquente aussi dans les 532 CATHERINE TAINE-CHEIKH 1.2. Noyau d’une locution conjonctive Pour marquer la subordination, baˤd(a) est suivi de mā (ou ma), aussi bien en classique que dans les dialectes. Seul Reichmuth (1983 : 301) signale un emploi possible de baˤad- comme variante de baˤad ma- ‘nachdem’ dans la Shukriyya soudanaise. Avec cette valeur, la locution conjonctive présente peu de variations dialectales, si ce n’est baˤdi ma au Caire (Woidich 2006: 382) et (mən) baˤd ma à Damas (Salamé & Lentin 2010: 164). Les auteurs écrivent les deux éléments séparément ou non, mais la différence fait sens au moins pour Feghali (1928: 442) qui distingue baˤdma ‘après que’ de baˤd ma ‘il n’est pas encore’ (le verbe étant alors généralement accompagné de l’élément négatif -š). 1.3. Adverbe En arabe classique, cette même racine se retrouve dans baˤdu ‘later’ — un des adverbes ayant une terminaison invariable particulière en -u (Prochazka 2008: 700). Dans les dialectes, les formes adverbiales se distinguent souvent par l'ajout d'un suffixe à nasale: ainsi baˤadēn(ik) ‘dann, danach’ au Soudan (Reichmuth idem: 307) et baˤdēn à Damas, avec une valeur temporelle (‘après, plus tard; ensuite’) ou spatiale (‘après, plus loin, au delà’). Pour ce même parler, Salamé & Lentin (ibid.) signalent aussi (mən) baˤd-a/(mən) baˤd-mənna/o ou [< Eg., rare] baˤdīha ‘après cela, ensuite’. La présence de min devant baˤd se retrouve notamment dans les parlers tchado-soudanais (Roth-Laly 1969) et, sous une forme réduite (> mbaˤd) à Tunis (Singer 1980: 269, note 5) 3. 2. De la succession dans le temps à la continuité aspectuelle Dans un certain nombre de parlers du Moyen-Orient, baˤd exprime les limites de l'action (ou de l'état) en précisant s'il y a continuité ou cessation. La transformation en pseudo-verbe se traduit par la présence obligatoire d'un pronom suffixe, qui s'accorde avec l'indice personnel du verbe (ex. -ak en (3)) et assume la fonction de sujet dans les propositions non verbales (ex. -u en (4)). Cette grammaticalisation est souvent limitée à certains contextes. 2.1. L’arabe classique L'usage grammaticalisé de l'adverbe n'est pas attesté en classique, mais Fleisch (1961: 465) a relevé des emplois coraniques où baˤdu, en contexte interrogatif, prend le sens de ‘encore’ et où min baˤdu, en contexte négatif, prend celui de ‘ne... plus ensuite’, ‘ne... pas encore’. 2.2. Les parlers libanais selon Feghali Dans sa Syntaxe..., Feghali revient à plusieurs reprises sur les emplois de baˤd. Les valeurs oscillent selon les cas entre la réitération, la duration et la continuation. i) Employé seul sans les suffixes personnels, baˤd indique au Liban qu’un état, un fait ou une action se produira à nouveau, en partie ou en entier, dans un avenir plus ou moins lointain. Baˤd, qui ne pourra alors se trouver que dans une proposition nominale ou verbale à sens futur, se traduit par ‘encore, de nouveau’ comme dans (1928: 460) : (1a) qarreb baˤd ‘approche-toi encore’ (1b) ǧder ḍṛob-u baˤd ‘ose le frapper de nouveau !’ 4 dialectes de Mésopotamie, de la péninsule arabique et dans les parlers bédouins de Jordanie. 3 La présence de min est plus rare après baˤd et les Libanais la réserveraient même, d’après Feghali (1928: 395-6), aux usages prépositionnels. Noter aussi le cas de mən-bəˤd ‘depuis’ à Tripoli (Pereira 2010: 327). 4 Baˤd, qui se place indifféremment avant ou après le mot qu’il accompagne et qu’il modifie, exprime quelquefois la nuance de menace, d’ironie etc. BAˁD(A) DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES: GLISSEMENTS SÉMANTIQUES ET PHÉNOMÈNES DE TRANSCATÉGORISATION 533 ii) Feghali donne ensuite des emplois de baˤd (‘généralement non suivi de suffixe personnel’) en proposition interrogative ou négative – jamais affirmative – devant des formes verbales au parfait (accompli) de sens passé. Il les rapproche des emplois de la langue classique et donne l'exemple suivant pour le libanais (idem: 461): (2) waqtä baiyu ma kan-š baˤd ǧä men ˀamârkä ‘À ce moment, son père n'était pas encore revenu d'Amérique.’ iii) Cependant, Feghali avait auparavant étudié un emploi plus explicite de la continuité devant des imparfaits précédés de ˤan (sauf s’il s'agit d'une action habituelle). Dans cet usage, l’adverbe baˤd se combinait avec les pronoms suffixes dans (idem: 45): (3) ṣâṛ eḍ-ḍohr u baˤd-ak ˤan telˤab ‘il est déjà midi et tu joues encore’ iv) Il avait signalé par ailleurs (idem: 68) des emplois duratifs de baˤd sans ˤan en phrase nominale (où la présence de ˤan est exclue): (4) mbâreḥ kan baˤd-u ɣâyeb ‘il était encore absent hier’. 2.3. Autres dialectes moyen-orientaux Des emplois réitératifs et/ou continuatifs de baˤd ont été signalés ailleurs au Moyen-Orient. Voici une tentative de classement de ces différents usages 5. i) À Mardin (Grigore 2007: 254), ‘encore’ est rendu à l’aide de baˤd seul. L'adverbe précède le sujet de la proposition nominale et il n’y a pas de PR SUFF: (5) ǧa təšrīn, aṃṃa s-sǧār baˤd wrāq-ən ḫəḏər ənne ‘L’automne est venu, mais les feuilles des arbres sont encore vertes’. ii) Dans l’arabe palestinien (Bauer 1926: 91), baˤd ‘noch’ + PR SUFF a été grammaticalisé et apparaît comme l'auxiliaire du continuatif en proposition nominale: (6a) baˤd-ni fāṭin ‘ich erinnere mich noch’. (6b) baˤd-o ǧdīd ‘es ist noch neu’. (6c) baˤd-kun muš mittifḳīn ˤa rāi ‘seid ihr noch unschlüffig ?’ D’après Cowell (idem : 546), on retrouve en syrien la même construction (baˤd ‘still, yet’ + PR en proposition nominale): (7) ˀəbn-o ẓ-ẓgīr baˤd-o təlmīz ‘His youngest son is still a student’ 6 SUFF iii) Pour Damas, cependant, Salamé & Lentin (idem: 165) dressent un tableau plus complexe des usages de baˤd(-) ‘encore’ 7. Ils opposent en effet les emplois en phrase nominale, où les PR SUFF sont obligatoires (sauf en phrase nominale existentielle, cf. (8a)) et ceux en phrase verbale où ils ne le sont pas (cp. (8e) et (8f)). Par ailleurs, baˤd(-) ne peut jamais être associé à la négation en phrase nominale (de (8a) à (8d)), alors qu'il n’apparaît qu’associé à la négation ma en phrase verbale ((8e) et (8f)): (8a) baˤd fi ˤandak ? ‘tu en as encore ?’ (8b) t-televizyōn baˤd-o ždīd ‘le téléviseur est encore neuf (est tout récent)’ (8c) baˤd-na bə-r-rabīˤ ‘nous sommes encore au printemps’ (8d) baˤd-ak hōn ? ‘tu es encore / toujours là ?’ (8e) baˤd ma šəft-o ‘je ne l’ai pas encore vu’ (8f) baˤd-ni ma rəḥət ‘je ne suis pas encore parti, je n’[y] suis pas encore allé’. À l’exception du cas de Chypre, peu explicité par Borg (2004:161): paˤa ‘still, not yet (with the neg. particle)’. Cependant, en syrien, on emploie aussi ləssa ‘still, yet’, soit dans la même construction, soit avec des formes conjuguées ləssāt-, ləssāˤ-… — avec ou sans PR SUFF. 7 Les auteurs précisent que l’emploi de baˤd n’est pas nouveau, mais que son emploi a beaucoup augmenté dans la période récente sous l’influence du libanais. 5 6 534 CATHERINE TAINE-CHEIKH iv) D’après les exemples donnés par Woodhead & Beene (1967: 39), les emplois de baˁad ‘still, yet’, en arabe irakien, semblent variables. En effet, les PR SUFF apparaissent après baˤd s'il vient en tête d'une proposition affirmative, que le prédicat soit verbal (9a) ou non verbal (9b), mais ils n'apparaissent pas dans les autres cas. (9a) baˤd-a da-yākul ‘He’s still eating.’ (9b) baˤad-ha marīḍa ‘She’s still sick’. (9c) xaḷḷaṣit l-ō baˤad? ‘Have you finished yet?’ (9d) lākin baˤad ma-šāfa li-ṭ-ṭabīb ‘But he hasn’t seen the doctor yet.’ (9e) waṣṣa s-sayyāra gaḅul šahar lākin baˤad ma-stilamha ‘He ordered the car a month ago but he still hasn’t received it.’ v) En Arabie de l’Est (Holes 2001: 46), la présence d'un PR SUFF après baˤad semble régulière, que baˤd ait le sens de ‘still’ (10a) ou celui de ‘not yet’ avec mā (10c) – même si baˤd suit le prédicat nominal (10b) –, mais il arrive aussi que le PR SUFF soit absent (10d): (10a) ana baˤad-ni ǧāhla ‘I was still a child (at that time).’ (10b) iḏa ṣaġīr baˤad-əh... ‘if he’s still young’ (10c) baˤad-ək mā ġazzēt-əh? ‘haven’t you cut it (= crop) yet?’ (10d) mitzawwiǧ hāda, lō baˤad? ‘is he married yet, or not?’ Ici la présence du PR SUFF n'est limitée ni à la position préverbale de baˤd, ni aux propositions affirmatives. Ceci montre la limite des convergences entre les différents dialectes. 3. Retour sur la notion Contrairement aux emplois précédents de baˤd, qui impliquaient une notion de succession ou de dépassement (ponctuel ou durable), ceux qui suivent sont associés à un sémantisme plus complexe — avec un fonctionnement d'adverbe (sans PR SUFF) ou de locution conjonctive. 3.1. De l’itération à l’addition L'adverbe baˤad (ou une variante) est usité avec les sens de ‘aussi’, ‘même’, ‘au surplus’. i) Baˤad a le sens de ‘too, also’ dans l'arabe du Golfe (Qafisheh 1977: 48) comme dans les parlers d'Arabie de l'Est (Holes ibid.), ainsi dans: (11a) ġaylami baˤad digal...mawwilaw fī-h baˤad ‘the mizzen is also a mast – they attached rigging to that too’. (11b) liḥya baˤad, yirabbi lih baˤad ‘a beard too, he’s growing himself too’.... Mais Holes attribue aussi à baˤad les valeurs de ‘even’ et de ‘more, another, once more’. Cette dernière valeur est attestée également en irakien (Woodhead & al. ibid.): (12a) baˤad š-itrīd? ‘What else do you want? (12b) xilaṣ! ˀāni š-ˤalayya baˤad? ‘That settles it! What does it matter to me anymore? ii) En Syrie, baˤdēn a le sens de ‘then, also, then too’ selon Cowell (idem: 519) et de ‘en plus, en outre’ selon Salamé & Lentin (idem: 164), du moins à la capitale. iii) Le sens de ‘au surplus’ a été relevé au Maghreb, notamment pour ubaˤad à Takroûna (Marçais & Guiga 1958-62: 339) et pour baˤda à Tanger (Marçais 1911: 232): (13) baˤda-taˤaṛf-o ‘Au surplus tu le connaitras!’ BAˁD(A) DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES: GLISSEMENTS SÉMANTIQUES ET PHÉNOMÈNES DE TRANSCATÉGORISATION 535 3.2. Un recentrage sur le moment envisagé D’autres valeurs impliquant un recentrage temporel ont été relevées au Maghreb. Elles concernent principalement l’adverbe baˤda/bəˤda et, plus rarement, des subordonnants. 3.2.1. D’après Marçais (1977: 262), l'adverbe semble pouvoir s’employer du Maroc à la Libye avec le sens de ‘déjà’. Pour l’Est maghrébin, on a le témoignage de Cohen (1975: 244) pour Tunis juif et celui de Marçais & Guiga (idem: 341) pour Takroûna, ces derniers affirmant par ailleurs (contra Stumme 1896: 139, in fine; 161) que ce sens était connu aussi à Tunis. Pour l'Algérie, on a des attestations dans les départements d’Alger et de Constantine (d'après Marçais 1911: 232 citant Beaussier), ainsi qu’à Saïda (Marçais 1908: 185), mais Madouni précise que, dans l’Ouest algérien (2003 : 60), bäˤda ‘déjà’ est un adverbe exclamatif: (14) bäˤda wṣalti ! ‘tu es déjà arrivée !’ Au Maroc, le sens de ‘déjà’ – défini comme ‘fait acquis dès le moment envisagé, présent, passé ou futur’ par Marçais & Guiga (ibid.) – est bien attesté (Colin 1993: 103), mais il n’est qu’un des nombreux sens de bəˤda. Quant à Caubet (1995), elle considère qu’en marocain, bəˤda a pour sens originel ‘d’abord, déjà’ et que déjà dans cette première série d'emplois il y a anticipation ou retour vers le point de vue d’un autre locuteur – que la chose visée soit temporelle ou aspectuelle. Caubet précise encore que c’est seulement dans cet emploi comme ‘adverbe d’aspect’ que bəˤda n'apparaît pas en deuxième position. 3.2.2. Parallèlement à ces emplois adverbiaux de bəˤda, on a relevé au Maroc celui de baˤd comme subordonnant avec le sens temporel particulier de ‘lorsque, quand, au moment où’ (Loubignac 1922: 365; Heath 2002: 497). 3.3. Des emplois argumentatifs 3.3.1. Le glissement sémantique d’un sens temporel à un sens causal ou consécutif est fréquemment attesté dans les langues du monde. C’est ce qui se produit pour certains subordonnants dérivés de baˤd au Maghreb. Chez les bédouins Zaër du Maroc, c’est baˤdmā ‘après que’ (distinct de baˤd ‘quand’) qui signifie aussi ‘puisque’ (Loubignac ibid.). Dans les dialectes tunisiens de Takroûna (Marçais & al. ibid.), de Gabès (Marçais & Farès 1932: 239) et des juifs de Tunis (Cohen idem: 259260), en revanche, c’est une locution spécifique qui se distingue, par son second élément əlli/el(li)/ellä, de la locution baˤd-ma ‘après-que’ et qui signifie ‘du moment que, puisque’ (à l'instar de baˤd ˀan en arabe classique). 3.3.2. Au Maghreb occidental, ce sont surtout les emplois argumentatifs de l'adverbe qui se sont développés, jusqu'à prendre des valeurs modales fortes ou plus affaiblies. i) À propos du sens pris par l'adverbe baˤda à Tanger, Marçais écrit (1911: 232): (15) « Le sens de cet adverbe est difficile à préciser [...]; d'une façon générale baˤda indique que l'état ou l’action exprimés par la proposition dans laquelle il se trouve succèdent à d'autres états ou à d’autres actions dont l’idée plus ou moins précise existe chez celui qui parle et chez ses interlocuteurs. Suivant les cas, on peut rendre baˤda par ‘et alors; au surplus; justement’ : ḫaḷḷaṣni baˤda ‘Et alors, paie-moi!’[...] » Pourtant, l’évolution n'est pas en soi étonnante et on en retrouve quasiment toutes les étapes dans les sens relevés à Damas pour u baˤdēn ? À côté de la valeur consécutive ‘[s’il se passe telle ou telle chose] alors, ensuite’, la locution y a pris en effet des valeurs très modales: ‘et après, que s’est-il passé ?’, ‘et alors ?!’, ‘et puis quoi encore ?’ (Salamé & al. ibid.). 536 CATHERINE TAINE-CHEIKH Chez les Zaër, les emplois de l’adverbe paraissent essentiellement argumentatifs d’après les traductions données par Loubignac (ibid.): ‘tout d’abord, au moins ; en premier lieu, d’ores et déjà, en tout cas’. Cependant l’existence, à côté de baˤdā, de la forme baˤdāk (et de sa variante baˤdāki usitée parfois en s’adressant à une femme), est caractéristique d’une dimension intersubjective importante. Ceci peut trouver une explication dans le fait que ‘comme articulation du discours, [baˤda] marque une attitude ironique ou critique de l’énonciateur qui s’attendait à autre chose’ (Caubet 1993: 229), ainsi dans: (16) šəfti-h baˤda ! ‘Ça y est ! Tu as fini par le voir !’ ‘Tu l’as vraiment vu !’ ‘Ah bon, tu l’as vu ?!’ ii) Dans l’article de 1995 où elle approfondit l’analyse, Caubet fait remarquer que dans un autre contexte, bəˤda peut être rendu par ‘as for X, as far as X is concerned’ et qu'il est alors très souvent usité avec la première personne: (17) āna, bəˤda ‘as for me, as far as I am concerned, Me, at least !...’ Elle précise (1995: 24) « This particular usage is very much linked to intersubjective modal values; behind the expression āna bəˤda, a number of things can be implied, but they all have in common the singling out of the speaker » et conclut (idem: 25) « [...] With bəˤda, one situates oneself not only vis-a-vis a point in time, but vis-a-vis a person (usually the other speaker); it is not only temporal but modal, in the intersubjective sense. This gliding from aspect and time to modality creates such as exclusion or singling out which can be linked to positive and negative connotations ». iii) En ḥassāniyya, il existe un adverbe baˤd (sans voyelle finale) dont les emplois sont assez proches de ceux qu’on vient de voir au Maroc pour bəˤda, mais avec une valeur souvent plus atténuée. Pour Cohen (1963: 224), baˤd est à peu près explétif: il ne fait que renforcer la valeur d’insistance de gāˤ ‘donc, alors, en fait, en réalité’ en (18) et celle de vāydä ‘bref’ en (19). (18) itämm [...] yətˤälläm baˤd gāˤ ləˤṛāb ‘il n’a donc, après tout, qu’à apprendre l’iˤṛāb’ (19) əl-vāydä baˁd mšäynä ‘bref nous sommes allés…’ Bien qu'on le trouve dans d’autres contextes, comme gûl-l-u baˁd... ‘dis-lui donc...’, la valeur propre de baˁd comme particule d’insistance, de renforcement (‘quand même, donc, quant à’) n’est pas toujours nette. Ce qui frappe, en revanche, c’est que baˁd se place régulièrement en seconde position et qu’il tend à souligner le lexème ou le syntagme qui vient avant lui. Voici deux exemples empruntés aux Contes de Mauritanie de Tauzin (1993: 76-7, 14-5) où baˤd, très fréquent mais presque explétif, vient régulièrement en seconde position (souvent mais pas uniquement après un pronom), constituant ainsi une forme de soulignement du topique: (20) gâmu gâˤ gālû en-hum mā tlâw sāmîn esm-he. aˤṭâw-he baˤd el-ˤâvye, žabṛət baˤd eṛ-ṛâḥa menhum. ˤâdet ellâ tmaṛṛag ẓṛaˤ-he we [...] yaqeyr baˤd mâ-hi muˤayyaṭ l-he u lâhi məhyûne u... « Ils ont dit alors qu’ils ne diraient plus son nom. Ils l’ont laissée en paix, elle a fini par être tranquille. Elle faisait sortir le mil, ... Mais on ne l’appelait pas, elle n’était pas fatiguée et.... » En (21), le premier baˤd est dans un passage narratif et le second, dans un dialogue: (21) ˤâdu hûme ellâ mneyn yugvu ḥess le-ḥwâṛ ellâ iḥannen. rvəd baˤd huwwe u temm mâši u huwwe ṣâg eblu u temm mâši. […] gâlu : « hâḏe baˤd maˤnâh ennu mâ ḥrek ». « Eux, chaque fois qu’ils se levaient, ils entendaient les cris du chamelon. Et lui, il était parti en poussant son troupeau, il était parti. [Eux…] Ils ont dit : ‘Ça, ça veut dire qu’il n’a pas bougé’ ». À l’oral, baˤd est normalement accentué, alors que ce qui précède est souvent prononcé avec une intonation montante. Quand baˤd vient à la fin, comme dans l'exemple (22) de Heath (2004 : 27), c’est en fait toute la proposition qui a été ‘topicalisée’: (22) ḏāk huwwa l-ḥagg baˤd ‘that sure is the truth’ // ‘c’est la pure vérité’ BAˁD(A) DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES: GLISSEMENTS SÉMANTIQUES ET PHÉNOMÈNES DE TRANSCATÉGORISATION 537 Baˤd est, avec gâˤ et gḅâl, l'une des particules discursives usitées en ḥassāniyya. Toutes trois peuvent être rattachées à des lexies relevant du champ sémantique spatio-temporel (‘après’, ‘au fond’, ‘avant’). Baˤd, la plus fréquente, est peut-être la plus explétive, même si, en (18), baˤd renforce peutêtre moins gâˤ qu'elles ne se renforcent l'une l'autre. 4. Approximation ~ restriction Après le caractère secondairement restrictif de bəˤda ‘as for X’, voici d'autres cas présentant assez clairement un aspect restrictif ou d’approximation, constitutif d'un ‘à côté’ notionnel. 4.1. L’‘à côté’ spatial Baˤd a, dans l’arabe du Golfe, la valeur particulière de ‘next to’ (Qafischeh (idem: 48): (23) d-dāyra baˤd šīšt l-bānzīn ‘The department is next to the gas station.’ 8 4.2. L’‘à côté’ argumentatif i) À Takroûna (Marçais & al. idem: 340), la préposition baˤad, au sens de ‘hormis, en dehors de’, est une particule restrictive. ii) Au Maroc, baˤdmā/baˤ̇adma est un subordonnant à valeur restrictive, avec le sens de ‘quand bien même’ chez les Zaër (Loubignac ibid.) et de ‘même si, si bien que’ à Tanger (Marçais ibid.) – un sens attesté dans toute l’Oranie, mais non dans la province de Constantine et dans le Sud algérien. 4.3. L’‘à côté’ aspecto-temporel 4.3.1. Dans quelques parlers, baˤd est à la base de la formation d’un pseudo-verbe. i) D'après Feghali (idem: 463), le dialecte libanais emploie, au début du XXe siècle, la particule adverbiale ši entre baˤd- et un verbe – au parfait ou à une forme participiale – pour indiquer qu’une action vient de se passer tout récemment: (24a) baˤd-u ši ǧa ‘il vient tout juste d’arriver’ Il en est de même avec un participe transitif (24b), alors qu’avec le participe de certains verbes intransitifs, la même nuance est exprimée sans la particule ši (24c): (24b) baˤd-ne ši ˀâkel ‘je viens juste de manger’ (24c) baˤd-ne râǧeˤ ‘je viens de revenir’ ii) Pierret (1948: 332) et Heath (2004: 27) – deux auteurs ayant fait leurs enquêtes dans l’Est de l’aire hassanophone (en Mauritanie ou au Mali) – considèrent que baˤd ən(n)- (+ PR SUFF) prend le sens d'‘être sur le point de’ 9. 8 On a donc, dans ce dialecte particulier, une évolution comparable (mais dans l’ordre inverse) à celle de l'ancien français où ‘auprès’ (< bas latin ad pressum ‘auprès, serré contre ou avec’) a précédé ‘après’ adverbe puis préposition (Rey 1994: 98). 9 Dans le reste de l’aire hassanophone, c'est kīv-änn- (+ PR SUFF) qui forme un pseudo-verbe de même sens (Taine-Cheikh 2004). 538 CATHERINE TAINE-CHEIKH 4.3.2. Dans d’autres parlers, on observe des développements parallèles. i) En Égypte (Badawi & al. 1986: 787), lissa (/lisā- + PR SUFF) est l'équivalent de baˤd, au sens de ‘still, (not) yet’ en (25) et au sens de ‘just, just now, only recently’ en (26): (25) lissā-ku ma-ruḥtū-š ‘haven’t you gone yet?’ (26) ˀis-sitt illi kānit lissa gayya min ˤand id-duktūr farhadit ‘the lady who had just come from the doctor’s fainted.’ ii) En maltais, għad + PR SUFF devant un verbe indique — comme kemm/kif dans le même contexte – qu’une action vient juste d'arriver (Aquilina 1990 : 933-3). Dans ce parler, għad ne signifie pas ‘encore’, comme baˤd, mais son équivalent yéménite (ˤād) prend en revanche ce sens lorsqu’il est suivi d’un PR SUFF (Rossi 1939: 42). 4.4. L’‘à côté’ événementiel i) ÀTakroûna (Marçais & al. idem: 341) et chez les Marāzîg (Boris 1958:40), en Tunisie, baˤdla est employé comme subordonnant avec le sens de ‘après que’, mais aussi dans le sens de ‘il s’en est fallu de peu que’ ou ‘peu s’en fallut que’ (suivi généralement d'un verbe au parfait). Ainsi chez les Marāzîg, où baˤd alla est une variante de baˤd-la (de même que baˤd ma et baˤd en): (27) ɣer ma ṣabbatəš elmoṭaṛ baˤd alla ɣni maṛṛa waḥda ‘s’il avait plu (mais il n'a pas plu) il serait devenu riche d’un seul coup’. ii) Baˁd änn, toujours suivi d’un verbe à l’accompli, prend également le sens de ‘faillir, être sur le point de, être près de’ en ḥassāniyya: (28) baˁd änn-i ṭəḥt ‘j’allais tomber, j’ai failli tomber, j’étais sur le point de tomber’ La particularité du ḥassāniyya est que, dans ce parler (à la différence des parlers tunisiens), il y a formation d'un pseudo-verbe, avec accord obligatoire (co-référence) entre le PR SUFF et l'indice personnel du verbe (comme avec kīv-änn-) – donc une lexicalisation plus poussée qu’en Tunisie. Conclusion Les particules invariables dérivées de la racine BʕD ont connu un développement très important dans les dialectes arabes, avec des variations formelles assez limitées, mais avec des changements de sens notables, d’un champ sémantique à un autre et à l’intérieur même de chacun des champs sémantiques (temporel/spatial/aspectuel/modal/argumentatif...). Ces développements sont relativement différents dans les parlers moyen-orientaux et dans les parlers maghrébins. Parmi les premiers, on relève notamment une lexicalisation de baˤad (avec ou sans PR SUFF) pour exprimer le continuatif. Parmi les seconds, on relève des valeurs adverbiales particulières, notamment temporelle (‘déjà’) et argumentative (‘quant à, donc’). Enfin on relève parfois une lexicalisation d'une locution composée de baˤd suivi d’un second élément qui, dans d’autres contextes, a souvent un emploi de subordonnant. Les transcatégorisations répertoriées ici constituent des évolutions peu fréquentes dans les langues du monde (cf. Heine & Kuteva 2002). En revanche, des développements parallèles ont été observés entre baˤd, lissa et ˤād d’une part, baˤd änn et kīv-änn d’autre part. BAˁD(A) DANS LES DIALECTES ARABES: GLISSEMENTS SÉMANTIQUES ET PHÉNOMÈNES DE TRANSCATÉGORISATION 539 Références Aquilina, Joseph. 1965. Maltese. London: The English Universities Press Ltd. Badawi, El-Said & Hinds, Martin. 1986. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic. Arabic-English. Beirut: Librairie du Liban. Bauer, Leonhard. 1926. Das Palästinische Arabisch. Die Dialekte des Städters und des Fellachen. Leipzig (4e éd.). Borg, Alexander. 2004. Comparative Glossary of Cypriot Maronite Arabic (Arabic-English). With an Introductory Essay. Leiden-Boston: Brill. Boris, Gilbert. 1958. Lexique du parler arabe des Marazig. Paris: Klincksieck. Caubet, Dominique. 1993. L’arabe marocain. Louvain: Peeters. Caubet, Dominique. 1995. « Enunciative particles in Moroccan Arabic: bəˤda and zəˤma ». Cremona, Joe, Holes, Clive & Khan, Geoffrey (eds), Proceedings or the 2nd International Conference of l'AIDA. Trinity Hall (University of Cambridge). 21-29. Cohen, David. 1963. Le dialecte arabe ḥassānīya de Mauritanie. Paris: Klincksieck. Cohen, David. 1975. Le parler arabe des Juifs de Tunis II. Étude linguistique. The Hague-Paris: Mouton. Colin, Georges S. (1993). Le dictionnaire COLIN d’arabe dialectal marocain, édité par Zakia Iraqui-Sinaceur. Rabat-Paris: Al Manahil. Cowell, Mark W. 1964. A Reference Grammar of Syrian Arabic. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. (rééd. 2005) Feghali, Mgr Michel. 1928. Syntaxe des parlers arabes actuels du Liban. Paris: Geuthner. Fleisch, Henri. 1961. Traité de philologie Arabe: Préliminaires, Phonétique, Morphologie Nominale. Beyrouth: Imprimerie Catholique. Grigore, George. 2007. L’arabe parlé à Mardin – monographie d’un parler arabe périphérique. Bucarest: Editura Universitāṭii din Bucureṣti. Heath, Jeffrey. 2002. Jewish and Muslim Dialects of Moroccan Arabic. London-New York: Routledge Curzon. Heath, Jeffrey. 2004. Hassaniya Arabic (Mali)–English–French Dictionary. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Heine, Bernd & Kuteva, Tania. 2002. World Lexicon of Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Holes, Clive. 2001. Dialect, Culture and Society in Eastern Arabia. 1. Glossary. Leiden: Brill. Loubignac, Victorien. 1952. Textes arabes des Zaër. Transcription, traduction, notes et lexique. Paris: Librairie orientale et américaine Max Besson. Madouni-La Peyre, Jihane. 2003. Dictionnaire Arabe Algérien–Français. Algérie de l’Ouest. Paris: Langues & MondesL’Asiathèque. Marçais, Philippe. 1977. Esquisse grammaticale de l'arabe maghrébin. Paris: Librairie Adrien-Maisonneuve. Marçais, William. 1908. Le dialecte arabe des Ūlâd Bṛāhîm de Saïda (département d’Oran). Paris: Champion. Marçais, William. 1911. Textes arabes de Tanger. Paris: Leroux. Marçais, William & Fares, Jelloûli. 1932. « Trois textes arabes d'El-Ḥâmma de Gabès » (suite), Journal Asiatique CCXXI, 193-269. Marçais, William & Guiga, Abderrahmân. 1958-61. Textes arabes de Takroûna II. Glossaire. Paris: Geuthner. Pereira, Christophe. 2010. Le parler arabe de Tripoli (Libye). Zaragoza: Instituto de estudios Islámicos. Pierret, Roger. 1948. Étude du dialecte maure des régions sahariennes et sahéliennes de l'Afrique occidentale française. Paris Imprimerie nationale. Procházka, Stephan. 1993. Die Präpositionen in den neuarabischen Dialekten. Wien: VWGÖ. Procházka, Stephan. 2008. « Prepositions ». Kees Versteegh (editor-in-chief), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics III (Lat-Pu). Leiden: Brill. 699-703. Qafisheh, Hamdi 1997. NTC’s Gulf Arabic-English Dictionary. Chicago: NTC Publishing Group. Reichmuth, Stefan. 1983. Der arabische Dialekt der Shukriyya im Ostsudan. Hildesheim-Zürich-New York: Georg Olms Verlag. Rey, Alain, dir. 1994. Dictionnaire historique de la langue française. Paris: Le Robert. Rossi, Ettore. 1939. L’arabo parlato a Ṣanˤâˀ. Grammatica - Testi - Lessico. Roma: Istituto per l'Oriente. Roth-Laly, Arlette. 1969-72. Lexique des parlers arabes tchado-soudanais. Paris: CNRS. Salamé, Claude & Lentin, Jérôme. 2010. Dictionnaire d’arabe dialectal syrien (parler de Damas). Lettre B. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00504180 Singer, Hans-Rudolf (1980). XVI. Texte aus Tunis. Fischer, Wolfdietrich & Jastrow, Otto (eds), Handbuch der arabischen Dialekte. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 266-70. Stumme, Hans. 1896. Grammatik des tunisischen Arabisch. Leipzig: Hinrichs. Taine-Cheikh, Catherine. 1988-98. Dictionnaire Ḥassāniyya-Français. Paris: Geuthner. Taine-Cheikh, Catherine. 2004. « De la grammaticalisation de ‘comme’ (comparatif) en arabe », Haak, Martine, de Jong, Rudolph & Versteegh, Kees (eds), Approaches to Arabic dialects: Collection of articles presented to Manfred Woidich on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. Leiden-Boston: Brill. 309-328. Tauzin, Aline. 1993. Contes arabes de Mauritanie. Paris: Karthala. Woidich, Manfred. 2006. Das Kairenisch-Arabische. Eine Grammatik. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. Woodhead, Daniel R. & Beene, Wayne. 1967. A Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic: Arabic-English. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت دﺧﯿﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺳﻌﺮد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺎروق ﺗﻮﺑﺮاق ‪FARUK TOPRAK‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ أﻧﻘﺮة‬ ‫‪Abstract: Arabic Dialect of Siirt, a city located in the south-eastern part of Turkey, includes a lot of loanwords. Since‬‬ ‫‪centuries, the Arabs, the Turks, the Kurds, the Arameans have been living together. Therefore, they had been borrowed from‬‬ ‫‪each other some words and they use them until current age.‬‬ ‫‪Keywords: Arabic dialects, Siirt Arabic Dialect, Arabic dialects of Turkey.‬‬ ‫ھﻨﺎك ﻋﺪة ﻛﻠﻤﺎت دﺧﯿﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ ﺳﻌﺮد‪ ،‬اﻟﻮاﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻨﻮب ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ أﺑﺮز أﺳﺒﺎب وﺟﻮد‬ ‫اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﯿﻠﺔ‪ ،‬أو اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﺎرة‪ ،‬ھﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﯾﺶ ﺷﻌﻮب وأﻗﻮام ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ً إﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮون‪ .‬وﻟﺬا‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻄﺒﯿﻌﻲ أن ﺗﺴﺘﻌﯿﺮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻟﻐﺔ أﺧﺮى ﻛﻤﺎ أﺧﺬت اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى ﻋﺪة ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ .1‬أﻛﺜﺮ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﺪﺧﯿﻠﺔ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻻً وأﺻﻮﻟﮭﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ دراﺳﺘﻨﺎ وﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻨﺎ أن طﺮﻓﺎ ً ﻛﺒﯿﺮاً ﻣﻦ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ھﻲ ﻓﺎرﺳﯿﺔ اﻷﺻﻞ أو ﻛﺮدﯾﺔ اﻷﺻﻞ‪ ،‬وﯾُﺬﻛﺮ أن ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺘﯿﻦ ﺗﻨﺤﺪران ﻣﻦ‬ ‫أﺻﻞ واﺣﺪ إﻻ أﻧﮭﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻼن ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﻤﺎ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ أﻟﻔﺎظ أو ﺗﺼﺮﯾﻔﺎت ﺗﻤﯿﺰھﻤﺎ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ أﻛﺜﺮ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻻً ﻧﺬﻛﺮ "‪"mēhvān‬‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻀﯿﻒ” ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﮭﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ھﻲ "ﻣﮭﻤﺎن" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ و"‪ "mêhvān‬ﻓﻲ اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺪﺧﯿﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺘﯿﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﻌﺪ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ِھﺶ)‪ (həš‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻋﻘﻞ" ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻓﺎرﺳﻲ‪ ،‬إذ أن ‪:‬اﻟﻌﻘﻞ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ ھﻮ "ھﻮش"‬ ‫•‬ ‫َد َرﻧﮓ )‪ (darang‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ‪:‬ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ" وھﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻛﺮدﯾﺔ‪ .‬أﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﯾﻤﺔ ﻓﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺘﻤﮭﻞ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﺄﻧﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻜﺚ"‪Lügat-ı ).‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫‪(Halîmî 2013: 175-6‬‬ ‫• ﺑُﻮش )‪ (bōş‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻛﺜﯿﺮ"‪ ،‬وﯾﺪل ﻋﻠﻰ ذﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻧﺼﮫ‪:‬‬ ‫)‪ : Feth-i bâ-i Arabî ile çok ve büyük demek olur, bisyâr ve azîm ma’nasına.(Lügat-ı Halîmî 2013: 96‬ﺑﻮش‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﻌﺒﺎرة ھﻲ‪" :‬ﺑﻮش" ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺘﺢ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﯾﻌﻨﻲ اﻟﻜﺜﯿﺮ واﻟﻌﻈﯿﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫• داﯾﺔ )‪ (dāye‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻷم ﻏﯿﺮ اﻟﺤﻘﯿﻘﯿﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺗﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻮﻟﺪ وﺗﺮﺿﻌﮫ وﺗﺸﺮف ﻋﻠﯿﮫ‪ .‬أﺻﻞ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﺎرﺳﯿﺔ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗُﻨﻄﻖ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ "ﺗﺎﯾﮫ" أﯾﻀﺎ ً )‪(ʻAmīd: 484‬‬ ‫َزﺑَﺶ )‪ (zabaš‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺒﻄﯿﺦ أو اﻟﺒﻄﯿﺦ اﻷﺣﻤﺮ وﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺤﺘﺔ وﺗُﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫• ﺗﺨﺘﯿﺔ )‪ (taḫtiyye‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺒﺴﺎط"‪ .‬ﻟﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ أﺻﻮﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺒﻂ وﻧﻈﻦ أﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻓﺎرﺳﻲ أو ﻛﺮدي رﻏﻢ أﻧﮭﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ھﺎﺗﯿﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺘﯿﻦ ﺑﮭﺬا اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪ .‬وﯾُﺬﻛﺮ أن "ﺗﺨﺖ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﯾﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻚ"‪.‬‬ ‫• ﻧَ ﱡﺨﻮش )‪ (naḫḫōš‬ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻛﺮدي ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻤﺮﯾﺾ"‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﻼﻓﺖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ أن ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "اﻟﻤﺮﯾﺾ" ﻻ ﺗُﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻌﺮدﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻹطﻼق‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾﺎ ِرﯾﺔ )‪ (yāriyye‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻤﺰاح أو اﻟﻤﻤﺎزﺣﺔ"‪ .‬ﻓﺈن ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "ﯾﺎر" ﻟﮭﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﯿﺔ واﻟﻜﺮدﯾﺔ‪ ،‬أﻣﺎ اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ﺗﺆدﯾﮫ ﻓﻲ ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ ﻓﻜﻤﺎ ﺑﯿﻨﺎه‪.‬‬ ‫• ﭼﺸﻨﮫ )‪ (češne‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻨﻮع أو ﺷﻲء ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ"‬ ‫• ﭘژﮔﯿر)‪ (pežgēr‬ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺎد ﺗُﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺮوف اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺪم ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺘﮭﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻄﻖ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ وﻣﻌﻨﺎھﺎ "اﻟﻤﻨﺸﻔﺔ"‪ .‬وﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺪﯾﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﮭﺎ ﺗُﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﯿﺮ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﺣﺘﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻵراﻣﯿﺔ ) ‪Heinreichs‬‬ ‫‪.(1990: 55‬‬ ‫َﺣ ْﻮش )‪ (ḥawš‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻔِﻨﺎء‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ اﻟﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺑﯿﻦ اﻟﺒﯿﺖ واﻟﺠﺪار اﻟﺬي ﯾﺤﯿﻂ ﺑﮫ"‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫• ﭼﺎرﯾﮫ )‪ (čāriyye‬اﻟﻌﺒﺎءة ھﻲ ﻧﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﻼﺑﺲ اﻟﻔﻀﻔﺎﺿﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﯾﺘﻢ ارﺗﺪاؤھﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﺴﺎء ﻓﻮق اﻟﻤﻼﺑﺲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻮرة أدﻧﺎه وﻓﻲ إﯾﺮان ﯾﺴﻤﻰ ﭼﺎدُر‪ .‬ﯾﺸﯿﺮ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺟﻢ إﻟﻰ أﻧﮭﺎ ﻓﺎرﺳﯿﺔ اﻷﺻﻞ ‪ :‬ﭼﺎدرﺷﺐ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﺧﯿﻤﺔ اﻟﻠﯿﻞ أو ﻟﺒﺎس‬ ‫اﻟﻠﯿﻞ" )‪ ،(Türkçe Sözlük 1988: 281‬ﻓﺘﻐﯿﺮ ﺷﻲء ﻣﻦ أﺻﻠﮭﺎ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﭼﺎرﯾﮫ وﻓﯿﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ‪) çarşaf‬ﭼﺎر ﺷﻒ(‪ .‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﭼﺎرﯾﮫ ﻣﻌﺮّﺑﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﭼﺎدرﺷﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎروق ﺗﻮﺑﺮاق ‪FARUK TOPRAK‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫•‬ ‫‪542‬‬ ‫ﻧﻼﺣﻆ أن ھﻨﺎك ﻛﻠﻤﺎت أﺟﻨﺒﯿﺔ ﺗﻌﻮد إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻟﻐﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﮭﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ məstekke‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻠِﺒﺎن أو اﻟ ِﻌﻠﻜﺔ" وأﺻﻠﮫ ﯾﻮﻧﺎﻧﯿﺔ ‪ mastiche‬وﻧﺠﺪھﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ واﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎطﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺑﯿﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ واﻟﻌﺮاق )‪.(Heinreichs 1990 : 57‬‬ ‫‪ sakkōyē‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ " اﻟ ِﺴﺘﺮة أو اﻟﺠﺎﻛﯿﺖ"ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ إﯾﻄﺎﻟﻲ‪ sacco :‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺺ ﻋﻠﯿﮫ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻟﺴﺎﻣﯿﺔ‬ ‫)‪ (Heinreichs 1990: 63‬واﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﻲ )‪.(Türkçe Sözlük 1988:II/1248‬‬ ‫‪ pəštōyē‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻤﺴﺪس أو اﻟﻔﺮد" ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ إﯾﻄﺎﻟﻲ أو ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ أو أﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺢ إﺳﻤﺎ ً ﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻼح ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺘﺸﯿﻜﯿﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫‪(Türkçe Sözlük 1988:II/1189).Pistole‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﻟﻢ ﻧﺠﺪ ﻟﮭﺎ أﺻﻮﻻ وﻟﻢ ﻧﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺬورھﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ أﺧﺬت ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔُ ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت ﻋﻦ طﺮﯾﻖ ﻣﺎ واﺳﺘﺴﺎﻏﺘﮭﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ أھﻢ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت‪:‬‬ ‫ﺼ َﺮة )‪ (ḥamṣaṛa‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺒَ َﺮد"‪.‬‬ ‫َﺣ ْﻤ َ‬ ‫ﺻﺔ )‪ (ṣḫōa‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎه ‪ :‬اﻟﺨﺎﺗَﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ طﺮﯾﻖ ﻣﺤﺎدﺛﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻋﺮب ﺷﻤﺎل أﻓﺮﯾﻘﯿﺎ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮدة ﻋﻨﺪھﻢ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ‬ ‫ُﺧﻮ َ‬ ‫اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ إﻻ أﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺘﻮﺻﻞ إﻟﻰ أﺻﻠﮭﺎ وﻟﻢ ﻧﻮﺛﻘﮭﺎ ﺗﻮﺛﯿﻘﺎ ً ﻋﻠﻤﯿﺎً‪ .‬وھﻨﺎك ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻗﺮﯾﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﮭﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﻨﻄﻖ وھﻲ‪ īsoqsa‬ﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺎت اﻵراﻣﯿﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻜﯿﺔ ﻓﻲ إﯾﺮان )‪.(Heinreichs 1990 : 108‬‬ ‫ﺑِﺨﺖ )‪ (bəḫt‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻣﺒﻜﺮاً أو ﺑﺎﻛﺮاً"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗُﻮﻣﺎﻧﻲ )‪ (tōmānī‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻜﻤﺜﺮى أو اﻹﺟﺎص"‪.‬‬ ‫َﺣ ِﻮﯾﺲ )‪ (ḥawīs‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺜﻮب‪ ،‬اﻟﻠﺒﺎس"‪.‬‬ ‫َﺣﻮﺟﺤﺎ ّرة )‪ (ḥawğḥārra‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻔﻠﻔﻞ اﻷﺧﻀﺮ"‪.‬‬ ‫أﻓﺎر )‪ (afār‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻤﻜﺎن‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﻮﺿﻊ" وﯾﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن ﻓﺴﺪ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "اﻷﺛﺮ" ﻓﺘﺤﻮل إﻟﻰ "أﻓﺎر"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷ ْﻌ َﺮاﯾَﺔ )‪ (ša‘rāye‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻗﻠﯿﻞ"‪ .‬رﻏﻢ أن "ش ع ر" أﺻﻞ ﺛﻼﺛﻲ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ إﻻ أﻧﮫ ﻻ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ ﺑﮭﺬا اﻟﻤﻌﻨﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫زاﺑُﻮق )‪ (zābōq‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺸﺎرع أو اﻟﺰﻗﺎق"‪.‬‬ ‫َز ْﻣﺒَ ِﺮﯾﺶ )‪ (zambarīš‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻮﺳﺎدة‪ ،‬اﻟﻤﺨﺪة"‪ .‬ﯾﺒﺪو أﻧﮭﺎ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗُﻮﺗﺔ )‪ (tūtē‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻗﻠﯿﻞ ﺟﺪاً"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑَﺎط )‪ (sābāt‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﻣﻤﺮ ﻣﻘﻨﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺼﻮرة أدﻧﺎه‪ ،‬وﺗُﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻨﺎطﻖ ﺑﻼد اﻟﺸﺎم‪Ba‘albakī ) .‬‬ ‫َ‬ ‫‪(1995 : 616‬‬ ‫‪543‬‬ ‫دراﺳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت دﺧﯿﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺔ ﺳﻌﺮد اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‬ ‫وﻧﺼﺎدف ﺑﯿﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ھﺬه اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ أﻟﻔﺎظﺎ ً ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ أو آراﻣﯿﺔ ﻗﺪﯾﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺎش – وﻣﺎ زال ﯾﻌﯿﺶ‪ -‬اﻟﻌﺮب واﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎن ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ً إﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮون‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﻌﺎروا ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﮭﻢ ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﻋﺪة‪ .‬وﻣﻦ أﺑﺮز ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت‪:‬‬ ‫• طَ َﻮاش )‪ (ṭawāš‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺰﯾﺖ"‪ .‬ﻟﯿﺴﺖ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺑﺤﺘﺔ ووﺟﺪﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ إﺣﺪى اﻟﻤﻌﺎﺟﻢ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ܛܘܫ وھﻮ ﻓِﻌ ٌﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎه‪:‬‬ ‫"طﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻄﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺢ"‪ (Costaz 1986: 125).‬وﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻞ أﺧﺬه اﻟﻌﺮب وﻏﯿﺮوا ﺷﯿﺌﺎ ً ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﯿﮫ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﱠﺎط )‪ (šabbāṭ‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻠﺺ‪ ،‬اﻟﺴﺎرق" وﻗﺎل ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻜﮭﻨﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎن أن أﺻﻞ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪(Sākā 1985 : I/88).‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫َ‬ ‫ِﻋ ْﺮ ِوي )‪ (ʻirwī‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎه "اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮدع أو ﻣﺨﺰن اﻟﺤﻄﺐ أو ﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﺎدﻟﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺒﯿﺖ"‪ .‬ﻋﺜﺮﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻤﻌﺠﻢ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ أن ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫•‬ ‫ﺗﺆدي ﻣﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻤﻌﻠﻒ" ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪(Costaz 1986: 263).‬‬ ‫َﺣ ِﺰﯾﻘَﺔ )‪ (ḥazīqa‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "ﺷﺪﯾﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻢ أو ﻣﺘﯿﻦ" وﯾﺒﺪو أﻧﮫ ﻣﺄﺧﻮذ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪.‬ﻷن اﻟﻔﻌﻞ "ܚܙܩ"ﻣﻌﻨﺎه ﻓﻲ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‬ ‫•‬ ‫" َﺷ ﱠﺪ"‪(Costaz 1986: 102).‬‬ ‫ﺻﻨﱠﺎح )‪ (ṣannāḥ‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ أو اﻟﺘﻠﻤﯿﺬ" وﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ ﯾﺪل اﻟﻔﻌﻞ ܨܢܚ"اﻟﺠﻤﻊ أو اﻟﺤﺼﺮ") ‪Costaz 1986:‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫‪ ،(303‬وﻟﺬا ﻧﺮى أن ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﻘﺔ أو ﻣﻨﺤﺪرة ﻣﻦ أﺻﻞ ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ وﺟﻮد ﻣﺪﯾﻨﺔ ﺳﻌﺮد ﻓﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﻋﺪة دﺧﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻟﮭﺠﺘﮭﺎ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﺘﺼﺮ ھﻨﺎ ﻣﺎ دﺧﻠﺘﮭﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮون‬ ‫أو ﺳﻨﯿﻦ وﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ اﻟﻔﺼﺤﻰ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ أﺑﺮزھﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫ُﻛﻮﺗِﻲ )‪ (kūtī‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﺴﻲء أو اﻟﺮديء أو اﻟﻘﺬر واﻟﻮﺳﺦ" وأﺻﻠﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ‪kötü :‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫• ﭼﺎخ ‪ /‬ﭼﺦ )‪ (čāḫ‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ "وﻗﺖ‪ ،‬زﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺮة" وﻗﺪ ﯾﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻀﺎﻓﺎ ً إﻟﻰ "إﯾﺶ" )ﻣﺎ ؟( وﯾﺪﻏﻢ ﻓﯿﺼﯿﺮ "إ ﭼﺎخ؟" ﯾﻌﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺘﻰ؟‬ ‫وأﺻﻞ ھﺬه اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ ھﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ ‪ çağ :‬وﯾﺆدي ﻣﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟﻌﺼﺮ‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﺮن إﻟﺦ‪."..‬‬ ‫• أُودَة )‪ (ōda‬ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﯿﺔ ﺣﻠﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ "اﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ" اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ وﺗﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﻌﺮﺑﯿﺔ أﯾﻀﺎً‪.‬‬ ‫• أَﺗﱠﺔ )‪ (ette‬ﻣﻦ اﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن ﺗﻜﻮن ﻣﻦ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺔ اﻟﺘﺮﻛﯿﺔ ‪ ata‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆدي ﻣﻌﻨﻰ "اﻟ َﺠ ﱡﺪ‪ ،‬اﻷﺟﺪاد أو اﻵﺑﺎء"‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬اﻟﻤﻮازﯾﻦ واﻷﺑﻨﯿﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﯿﺔ اﻟﺘﺼﺮﯾﻒ واﻟﻤﻮازﯾﻦ ‪ /‬اﻷﺑﻨﯿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎت اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﺎرة ﻣﻦ اﻟﻠﻐﺎت اﻷﺧﺮى ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﯾﺒﮭﺎ وﺻﻮﻏﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻮاﻟﺐ ﻋﺮﺑﯿﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﯾﺴﮭﻞ اﻟﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﮫ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﯿﻞ اﻟﻤﺜﺎل أن ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻧﺨﻮش )ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ اﻟﻤﺮﯾﺾ( ﺗُﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻠﮭﺠﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻠﯿﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ً ﻣﺬﻛﺮاً ﺳﺎﻟﻤﺎ ً ﻛﺄﻧﮭﺎ إﺳﻢ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﻓﯿﻘﺎل‪ :‬ﻧﺨﻮ ِﺷﯿﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أﻣﺎ اﻷﺑﻨﯿﺔ ‪ /‬اﻷوزان اﻷﺧﺮى‪ ،‬اﻷﻛﺜﺮ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻓﮭﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫َﻣﻔَﺎ ِﻋﯿﻞ‪ :‬ﺗُﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ َﻣ ْﮭ َﻮان )اﻟﻀﯿﻒ( ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻮزن وﯾﻘﺎل‪َ :‬ﻣ َﮭﺎ ِوﯾﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫• ﻓَ َﻌﺎ ِﻋﯿﻞ‪ :‬أي ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺗﺰﯾﺪ ﺣﺮوﻓﮭﺎ ﻋﻦ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﺣﺮوف وﺑﮭﺎ ﺣﺮف ﻣﺪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗُﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻮزن‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘَﻨَﺎﺗِﯿﺮ ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘَ ْﻨﺘُﻮر )اﻟﺒﻨﻄﻠﻮن‬ ‫ﺻﻨَﺎﻧِﯿﺢ )ﺟﻤﻊ ﺻﻨﺎح اﻟﻤﺬﻛﺮ آﻧﻔﺎ ً وﻣﻌﻨﺎه اﻟﺘﻠﻤﯿﺬ(‪.‬‬ ‫أو اﻟﺴﺮوال(‪ .‬وﻣﺜﺎل آﺧﺮ ھﻮ َ‬ ‫• ﻓُ َﻌﻞ ‪ :‬وزن ﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﮫ اﻷﺳﻤﺎء اﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻔﺮدھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ وزن ﻓُ ْﻌﻠَﺔٌ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ أُ َوط )اﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ( ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ أُودَة‪ .‬وﯾﺠﺐ ھﻨﺎ أن ﻧﻨﺘﺒﮫ إﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﯿﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺮاءة اﻟﺤﺮف اﻷﺧﯿﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ُ‬ ‫َ‬ ‫• ﻓِ َﻌﻞ ‪ :‬ﺗُﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ھﺬا اﻟﻮزن ﻛﻠﻤﺎت ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮدھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ وزن ﻓِ ْﻌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺷﻮﺷَﺔ )اﻟﻜﺄس‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﺪح( ھﻲ ِﺷ َﻮش‪.‬‬ ‫• ﯾُﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﺳﻤﺎء اﻟﺪﺧﯿﻠﺔ ‪ /‬اﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﺎرة ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ً ﻣﺆﻧﺜﺎ ً ﺳﺎﻟﻤﺎ ً ﺣﺴﺒﻤﺎ اﻗﺘﻀﺖ ظﺮوف اﻟﻘﺮاءة‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﭘﺎرات )اﻟﻨﻘﻮد( ﺟﻤﻊ ﭘﺎرة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎروق ﺗﻮﺑﺮاق ‪FARUK TOPRAK‬‬ ‫•‬ ‫‪544‬‬ ‫ﻓَ َﻮا ِﻋﯿﻞ ‪ :‬وزن ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻊ ﻷﺳﻤﺎء ﯾﺄﺗﻲ ﻣﻔﺮدھﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ وزن ﻓﺎﻋﻮل أو ﻓﺎﻋﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﺠﻤﻊ زاﺑﻮق )اﻟﺸﺎرع أو اﻟﺰﻗﺎق( ﻣﺜﻼً َز َواﺑِﯿﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻤﺼﺎدر‬ ‫‪ ‘Amīd‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﻋﻤﯿﺪ‪1236 .‬ھـ‪ .‬ﻓﺮھﻨﮓ ﻋﻤﯿﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﮭﺮان‪ :‬اﻧﺘﺸﺎراﺗﺎﻣﯿﺮ ﮐﺒﯿﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Sākā‬إﺳﺤﺎق ﺳﺎﻛﺎ‪ .1985 .‬ﻛﻨﯿﺴﺘﻲ اﻟﺴﺮﯾﺎﻧﯿﺔ‪ .‬دﻣﺸﻖ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ أﻟﻒ ﺑﺎء‪ ،‬ﺟـ ‪ ،1‬اﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ اﻷوﻟﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ Ba‘albakī‬روﺣﻲ ﺑﻌﻠﺒﻜﻲ‪ .1995.‬اﻟﻤﻮرد‪ :‬ﻋﺮﺑﻲ – إﻧﻜﻠﯿﺰي‪ .‬ﺑﯿﺮوت‪.‬‬ ‫‪Heinreichs, Wolfhart. 1990. Studies in Neo-Aramaic. Atlanta: ScholarPress.‬‬ ‫‪[el-]Halîmî, Lutfullah b. Ebu Yusuf. 2013. Luğat-ı Halîmî. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları.‬‬ ‫‪ Beirut: Dār el-Machreq.‬ﻗﺎﻣﻮس ﺳﺮﯾﺎﻧﻲ – ﻋﺮﺑﻲ – إﻧﻜﻠﯿﺰي – ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ ‪Louis Costaz, S.J.1986.‬‬ ‫‪Türkçe Sözlük.1988. Ankara: Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları.‬‬ AL-öIŠBĀ÷ IN ANCIENT AND MODERN ARABIC DIALECTS ZVIADI TSKHVEDIANI Akaki Tsereteli State University Abstract: Al-öiâbÁ÷ is one of the interesting dialectical phenomena discussed by the medieval Arab grammarians (Sibawayh, Ibn Ğinnī …). The analysis of the dialectical forms shows that al-öiâbÁ÷ or assimilative lengthening of short a, i and u vowels by adding homorganic semi-vowels to them (a+öalif>Á, i+y>× and u+w>æ). In some chapters of al-KitÁb by Sībawayhi al-öiâbÁ÷ denotes lengthening of /u/, /a/, and /i /vowels in the 2nd and 3rd pronoun suffixes, of i in the broken plural of mafÁ÷il type and of u and i in the nominative and the genitive. It is extremely interesting to analyze the cases of adding affixes and enclitics to the stem morpheme regarded as alöišbā÷ by medieval Arab grammarians. This vernacular material can be evidenced in modern dialects as well. Thus, on the one hand, in the Arabic dialects in word-forms of isolated position short vowels are unstable and positionally determined. The same is the case in modern dialects. On the other hand, long vowels are produced by adding affixes and enclitic elements to the stem in the pausal position of a phrase. The analysis of al-öiâbÁ÷ in the works of medieval Arab grammarians shows that as a dialectic phenomenon (that of a colloquial language) it belongs to the class of very limited phenomena. At the same time, in general some forms in modern Arabic dialects originated from the pausal forms of Ancient Arabic as evidenced by the analysis of al-öiâbÁ÷ cases. Keywords: Ancient and modern Arabic dialects, lengthening of vowel. Al-öiâbÁ÷ is one of the most interesting linguistic phenomena discussed by the medieval Arab grammarians. The term is used to denote non-compensatory vowel lengthening in the anlaut, inlaut and auslaut of a word-form in the pausal and contextual position (Ibn Ğinnī undated: 121-123). Examples of al-öiâbÁ÷ can be found in abundance in poetry, in ÷ilm at-tağw×d (the Science of Qur÷ānic Recitation), Hadith and oral speech. The significant sources of al-öiâbÁ÷ are: 1) al-Kitāb by Sībawayhi; 2) Taqrību n-našri fī l-qirāöāti l-÷ašri by Ibn al-Ğazariyy; 3) KitÁbu â-âi÷r by öAbæ ÷Aliyy al-FÁrisiyy; 4) al-ÕaáÁöiá by Ibn Ğinn×; 5) KitÁbu l-öináÁfi fī masÁöili l-ÕilÁfi bayna n-naÔwiyyīna l-baáriyyīna wal-kūfiyyīna by öAbæ al-BarakÁt al-öanbÁriyy; 6) Ma÷Ánī l-quröÁn by al-öAÕfaâ; 7) Tashīlu l-fawÁöidi watakm×lu l-maqÁáidi by Ibn MÁlik; 8) Šifāöu al-ġalīli fīmā fī kalāmi l-÷arabi mina d-daÕīli by ShihÁbu d-D×n al-ÕafaÓ× etc. In some chapters of al-KitÁb by Sībawayhi (hāËā bābu äabāti l-yāöi wal-wāwi fī l-hāöi l-latī hīa ÷alāmatu l-öiÊmāri waÔaËfihā, hāËā bābu mā yulÔaqu t-tāöa wal-kāfa l-latayni lilöiÊmāri öiËā Óāwazta l-wāÔida and hāËā bābu l-öiâbÁ÷i fī l-Óarri wa r-raf÷i waÒayri l-öiâbÁ÷i wa l-Ôarakati kamā hiya) alöiâbÁ÷ denotes lengthening of /u/, /a/, and /i/ vowels in the III and II person pronoun suffixes, of /i/ in the broken plural of mafÁ÷il type and of u and i in the nominative and the genitive. Sībawayhi views a>ā process (-kā(h), -kī(h) = -kah, -kih 2nd masc. and fem. sg.) as a result of adding -ka/ki and the following –hu/hā pronoun suffixes to the -CCVC- stem of the imperfective. In his al-ÕaáÁöiá Ibn Ğinn× devotes a special chapter entitled Bābu fī maãli l-Ôarakāti to the pronunciation of a vowel with alöiâbÁ÷; he also deals with this issue in the chapter Bābun fī muÊāra÷ati l-Ôurūfi lil-Ôarakāti wa lÔarakāti lil-Ôurūfi. According to Sībawayhi, al-öiâbÁ÷ results in the vowel maintenance/preservation by its lengthening; it also strengthens the consonant with which a vowel makes up a syllable. al-öiâbÁ÷ (öušbi÷a / yušba÷u) indicates to the length/completeness of sounds (Compare al-öitmām and aä-äabāt (Sībawayhi 1982: 189) and öitmāmu á-áawti bil-Ôarakati (ad-Dānī 2005: 177). According to the Arabic Grammatical tradition, the degree of the sound completeness is determined by 546 ZVIADI TSKHVEDIANI lengthening of short vowels (Gobronidze 1991: 42; Blanc 1967: 298). According to the phonological analysis conducted by Sībawayh, u, i and a vowels can be lengthened by adding homorganic semivowels/glides to them: u+w>ū, i+y>ī and a+öalif>ā, i. e. phonetically long vowels are analyzed as combinations of a vowel with one the three glides. Their combination produces long vowels as a result of assimilative process. Lane also points out that short vowels reach completeness by adding homorganic semi-vowels (Lane 1968: 1496). Apparently, some grammarians believed that phonetically long vowels are the result of a ‘lengthening’ (al-öišbā÷) of the short vowels (Versteegh 2007: 233), i. e. u+u>ū, a+a>ā, i+i>ī. Schaade argues that the 'lengthening' of final short vowels is a result of forceful organ straining producing strong voice (Schaade 1911: 66). Sībawayhi refers to the term al-öiâbÁ÷ as he discusses the lengthening of final u and i vowels in the nominative and the genitive and points out that those who avoid using al-öiâbÁ÷ speak fast and lose final vowels. He describes this process as tamãīã: “faöammā l-laËīna yušbi÷ūna yumaããiãūna” (Sībawayhi 1982: 202). In other words, in this case öi÷rāb vowel is preserved by using al-öiâbÁ÷. In other cases he uses such terms as aä-äabāt (‘continuance, consistency’) and al-öitmām ('completion') (Sībawayhi 1982: 189). Under these terms he implies a vowel lengthening by means of combining vowels and glidas. In Arabic long vowels are discussed as: 1) Primary, found in the root stem and having regular equivalent in Semitic languages; 2) Secondary, not included in the root stem but having grammatical or lexical-grammatical function. As a rule, grammatical long vowels have equivalents in the Semitic languages; 3) Secondary long vowels of morphonological or only phonetic origin, formed as a result of consonant reduction, diphthong narrowing and compensatory lengthening of historical short vowel in some syllables (Belova 1999: 29). It is extremely interesting to analyze the cases of adding affixes and enclitics to the stem morpheme regarded as al-öišbā÷ by medieval Arab grammarians. This vernacular material can be evidenced in modern dialects as well. The cases of vowel lengthening at the point of convergence of stem morphemes, –CV(C) suffix and -CV enclitics are identified as al-öiâbÁ÷ and considered to be one of the peculiarities of ancient Arabic dialects. Each and every system of short and long vowels is determined by prosodic regularities operating in any given dialect or group of dialects or, in other words, the nature of the vowel depends on its position and that of the stress in a syllable. The ‘lengthening’ of short vowels in an auslaut of a wordform is caused by stress. Long vowels formed by means of al-öiâbÁ÷ do not have any morphological or lexical-morphological functions. In the poetic texts al-öiâbÁ÷ is often preconditioned by the poetic meter and as such does not always reflect the peculiarities of oral speech (dialect). al-Farrāö attributes the cases in which al-öiâbÁ÷ is not caused by poetic meter to the speech of Ṭayyö tribe. For instance, unÌūr instead of unÌur, munÕūr instead of munÕur, áayārīf instead of áayārif, ramaytīhi instead of ramaytihi, öādam instead of öādām, ÷aqrāb instead of ÷aqrab, öatāna instead of öatayna, etc. (al-Farrāö 1983: 152). Ibn Ğinnī have identified such forms in the dialects of Hijaz and HuËayl tribes (Ibn Ğinnī undated: 123). ÷Abd al÷Azīz Sāfī al-Ğīl provides a detailed analysis of al-öiâbÁ÷ in poetic texts referring to a wide diversity of sources. He also deals with the cases of spontaneous vowel lengthening in the verb stems – for instance, he touches upon al-öiâbÁ÷ occurring when 3rd person pronoun suffixes are added to the conditional mood forms of the incomplete verbs (Sāfī al-Ğīl 2013: 687–706). According to Sībawayhi, in the ancient dialect of Hijaz in bihī, ladayhī, bidārihī we encounter hū instead of -hī, for instance: Êarab-(h)ū, laday-hū rağul (Sībawayhi 1982: 189), i. e. unlike ancient east dialects (the speeches of Tamīm tribal confederation, öAsad and Qays tribes) there is no -i-hu/-īhu/-ay-hu>-i hi/-ī-hi/-ay-hi progressive assimilation in Hijaz. Compare -ī-hum in modern dialects: alÛā(h) yiÕallī-hum līki ‘May God preserve them for you’. Compare distant/distance assimilation of hum and -kum u>i in the 3rd and 2nd person plural pronoun suffixes in the speech of Banū Bakr bin Wāöil tribe of Rabī÷a origin: minhim and minkim (Sibawayhi 1982: 197). In all positions the AL-öIŠBĀ÷ IN ANCIENT AND MODERN ARABIC DIALECTS 547 pronunciation of -hu with al-öiâbÁ÷ as -hū is attributed to the speech of Hijaz, ancient Arabic tribe of Hawāzin and the speech of the Yemenis inhabiting near Hijaz (al-öAndalusiyy 1993: 541). According to ad-Dumyāãiyy, 3rd person dual and plural pronoun suffixes following ī are pronounced with alöiâbÁ÷ (ad-Dumyāãiyy 1998: 123). Sībawayhi points out that because of the homorganic nature of hā’ and öalif and the similarity/resemblance between öalif, wāw and yāö, in the contextual position it is better CV/–öalif/-w/y not to be followed by al-öišbā÷: ladayh(i) māl, wahāËā öabūh(u) kamā tarä while in the consonant cluster öitmām should be preferred: “öaäbatū l-wāw wal-yāö”, but some Arabs apocopate the sound following h [i. e. wāw and yāö] to avoid consonant cluster and because -h is surrounded by consonants and unheard just as öalif (Ôarf Õafiyy nahwu öalif): minhu yā fatä, aáābathu ğāöiÔa (Sībawayhi 1982: 195). Thus, in these cases minhu and aáābathu can be read as minu/minū aáābatu/aáābatū, ladayhi as ladayh and öabūhu as öabūh. According to this proposition, in ancient Arabic dialects 3rd pers. sg. masc. pronoun suffix vowels and glides are followed by -h -hu (contextual position) and -hū (with alöišbā÷) (pausal position) and consonants by -u, -ū (with al-öišbā÷ in the contextual position). Compare vowels followed by -h, -hu/i in the speech of ÷Uqayl and Kilāb tribes (there are both possibilities/options – “iÕtiāran”), while in other dialects they are always followed by -h (“iÊãirāran”) and consonants by -u, -hu (Ibn Mālik 1967: 24). In modern dialects (Egyptian Arabic (Cairo speech)) after vowels 3rd pers. sg. masc. object pronoun suffix -hū- can be regarded as al-öišbā÷ when other suffixes follow: warra-hū-lu ‘he showed it to him’; negational -š follows as well: ma-nsiti-hū-š ‘you (fem.) did not forget him’, ma-÷uddam-hū-š ‘not in front of him’ (Woidich 2006: 326), ma-tinsahū-š / ma-tinsīhū-š / ma-tinsuhū-š ‘don’t (masc. s./fem. s./pl.) forget him’, or: ikkalām ma-minnūš fayda ‘talking is worthlles’ (Woidich 2007: 332), ma-darastū-š ‘I/You (masc. s.) did not learn it (masc.)’, i. e. restored (?) -h has a long vowel:÷arrafnahū-ha/÷arrafna-hō-ha ‘We introduced her (fem.) to him (masc.) (masc.) (fem.)’. Similar is the 2nd sg. Object pronoun suffix -kī: ma-÷rifti-kī-š ‘I didn’t recognize you’, ma-šuftikī-š. In ancient Arabic dialects al-öiâbÁ÷ of the 2nd masc. and fem. sg. Object pronoun suffixes -ka/-ki is to be found in a pause. Sībawayhi views the next final -h as 3rd masc. and fem. sg. Object pronoun suffixes: öu÷ãīkāhu, öu÷ãīkīhi, öu÷ãīkāhā, öu÷ãīkīha. Rabin and al-Ğindī refer to the perfective form öa÷ãaitukāhu (Rabin 1951: 151; al-Ğindī 1983: 706). As Sībawayhi puts it, -h is Õafiyya and mahmūsa (voiceless) (Sībawayhi 1982: 200). Accordingly, they must have been pronounced as follows: öu÷ãīkā(h),öu÷ãīkī(h), öu÷ãīkāha, öu÷ãīkīha (öu÷ãīkā(h)<öu÷ãīka(h), öu÷ãīkāha<öu÷ãīkaha, öu÷ãīkāha<öu÷ãīkaha, öu÷ãīkīha<öu÷ãīkiha). Sībawayhi also points out that a and i are morphologically relevant. According to öĀl Ġunaym, al-öiâbÁ÷ forms of -kā(h),-kī(h), -kāha, -kīha can be identified in modern Arabic of Najd: “wahāËihi l-lahğatu lā tazālu musta÷mala fī lahğati öahli Nağd” (öĀl Ġunaym 1985: 130) as well as, though rarely, in the speech of the people coming from Baghdad al-öAnbār 1. Based on the work of al-Khalīl, Sībawayhi analyzes an example of Êarabtīh(i). He notes that in this case yāö is added to [-ti-] (-tiy>-tī). This occurs because -h sounds so weakly that it can hardly be heard – “waöinnamā fa÷alū Ëālika bil-hāöi liÕiffatihā” (Sībawayhi 1982: 200), i. e. in this case ‫ﺿ َﺮ ْﺑﺘِﯿ ِﮫ‬ َ / Êarabtīhi is pronounced as Êarabtī(h). Something similar takes place in the Arabic dialect of Egypt: širibtī(h), Õadtī(h); Compare Õadtīha, daÕaltīha with Õədīha in Damascus Arabic etc. According to some sources, Ê(>Ì/ì)arabtī(h) was common in the speech of ÷Adī Ribāb (öĀl Ġunaym 1985: 128) and Rabī÷a (al-ḪafāÓ× 1998 :278) tribes in the central Najd region of al-Washm. al-Gindi assumes that such forms reflect the speech peculiarities of öIyād and Namir Arabs of Rabī÷a group settled in Hira (al-Gindi 1983: 708). According to Ibn Õaldūn, the settlements of Rabī÷a clans were to be found in Upper Mesopotamia: bayna l-ğazīra wal-÷irāq. Rabī÷a clans also inhabited Najd 1 I was provided with this information by PhD students from Iraq Hazim Mohammed Hussein, Ali Husseyin Hasan and Widaad Jasim Mohammed. They confirm that it can be traced in al-KāÌimiyya district of Baghdad, especially in the speech of the population of MaÔallat al-öAnbāriyyīn neighborhood, mostly that of the elder generation (for instance, öa÷ãōkā(h) öa÷ãōkē(h) forms). 548 ZVIADI TSKHVEDIANI and Hijaz (Kindermann 1995: 353). It should be noted that in al-÷Āliya (Hawāzin near Medina where Sa÷d ibn Bakr, Ğušam ibn öAbī Bakr Naár ibn Mu÷āwiyya clans known as öA÷ğāz Hawāzin lived) dialect in a pause in the 2nd masc. sg. Possessive pronouns -a vowel was preserved: la-kah ‘to thee’ ÷alay-kah ‘upon thee’, fī dāri-ka(h) ‘in the house’, unlike the speech of other Arabs: la-k, ÷alay-k, fī dāri-k. In pausal forms -h (hāö as-sakt) often represents a long vowel (Rabin 1951: 151). Accordingly, -ka(h) was pronounced as -kā(h). It should be noted that the deletion of final shot vowels is integrally related to the fact that, in both Old Arabic and the Modern vernacular dialects, with few exceptions, the phonemic opposition of vowel and consonants quantity is neutralized in pausal position. In some modern dialects this applies only to unstressed vowels (Hoberman 2008: 564). According to Sībawayhi, in the nominative and the genitive al-öiâbÁ÷ emphasizes the consonant with which a short vowel makes up a syllable. Sībawayhi notes that in cases when the vowel was absent (without a vowel), the consonant could not have been pronounced clearly: ”wayadulluka ÷alā öannahā mutaÔarrika qawluhum: min maömanīk, fayubayyinūna n-nūn falaw kānat sākinatan lam tuÔaqqaqu n-nūn”, while in the accusative al-öiâbÁ÷ forms are absent because al-fatÔ is lighter and more mobile. Therefore, Sībawayhi compares it to hamza in intervocalic position when its pronunciation is intermediary: bayna bayna (Sībawayhi 1982: 202). Thus, on the one hand, in the Arabic dialects in word-forms of isolated position short vowels are unstable and positionally determined. The same is the case in modern dialects. On the other hand, long vowels are produced by adding affixes and enclitic elements to the stem in the pausal position of a phrase. The analysis of al-öiâbÁ÷ in the works of medieval Arab grammarians shows that as a dialectic phenomenon (that of a colloquial language) it belongs to the class of very limited phenomena. At the same time, in general some forms in modern Arabic dialects originated from the pausal forms of Ancient Arabic as evidenced by the analysis of al-öiâbÁ÷ cases. References: al-öAndalusiyy, öAbū Ḥayān. 1993. Tafsīru l-BaÔri l-muÔīãi. al-Óuzöu s-sābi÷u. Bayrūtu: Dāru l-kutubi l-÷ilmiyyati. Belova, Anna. 1999. Ocherki po istorii Arabckogo yazika “Essays on the history of the Arabic language”. Moskva: “Vostochnaya literatura”. Blanc, Haim. 1967. The Sonnorous vs. Muffled Distinction in Old Arabic Phonology. To Honor Roman Jakobson: Essays on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday. The Hague & paris: Muton. 295: 308. ad-Dānī, öAbū ÷Amr. 2005. Ğāmi÷u l-bayāni fi l-qirāöāti s-sab÷i l-mašhūrati. Bayrūtu: Dāru l-kutubi l-÷ilmiyyati. ad-Dumyāãiyy, Šihāb ad-Dīn öAÔmad. 1998. öIttiÔāfu fuÊalāöi l-bašari fi l-qirāöāti l-öarbata ÷ašr. Bayrūtu: Dāru l-kutubi l÷ilmiyyati. al-Farrāö, öAbū Zakariyyā YaÔya bnu Ziyād. 1983. Ma÷ānī l-quröān. al-Óuzöu ä-äānī. Bayrūtu: ÷ālamu l-kutubi. al-Ğindī, ÷Alam ad-Din. 1983. al-LahaÓātu l-÷arabiyyatu fī t-turāäi. “Heritage of Arabic Dialects”. al-qismu ä-äanī. TarāblusTūnis: ad-dāru l-÷arabiyyatu lil-kitābi. Ibn Ğinn×, öAbū l-FatÔ ÷Uämān. Undated. al-ÕaáÁöiá. al-Qāhiratu: dāru l-kutubi l-miáriyyatu. Gobronidze, Nunu. 1991. “Termini “al-öiâbÁ”-i sibavaihiseuli interpretatsiit”. “Sībawayhi’s Interpretation of the Term alöiâbÁ÷”, Studia Semtica V. 41-43. öĀl Ġunaym, Sāliha Rāšid Ġunaym. 1985. al-LahaÓātu fī l-kitābi li-Sībawayhi. Ğidda: Dāru l-madaniyy. al-ḪafāÓī, Šihāb ad-Dīn. 1998. Šifāöu l-Òalīl fimā fi kalāmi l-÷arabi mina d-daÕīli. Bayrūtu: Dāru l-kutubi l-÷ilmiyyati. Hoberman, Robert D. 2008. “Pausal Forms”, Verteegh, Kees (general ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic language and Linguistics, volume III. Leiden-Boston: Brill. 564-570. Kindermann, H. 1995. “Rabī÷a and MuÊar”, Bosworth, C. E., Van Donzel E., Heinrichs W. P., and Lecomte G. (eds.), The Encyclopedia of Islam, volume VIII. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 352-354. Lane, Edward William. 1968. An Arabic-English lexicon, part V. Beirut: Librairie du Liban. Ibn Malik, öAbū ÷Abd al-Lāhi. 1967. Tashīlu l-fawÁöidi watakm×lu l-maqÁáidi. al-Qāhiratu: Dāru l-kutubi l-÷arabiyy. Rabin, Chaim. 1951. Ancient West Arabian. London: Tailor’s Foreign Press. Sāfī al-Ğīl, ÷Abd al-÷Azīz. 2013. “Ìāhiratu öišbā÷i l-Ôarakāti fī l-÷arabiyyati bayna Ê-Êarūrati wal-iÕtīāri dirāsa waáfiyya taÔlīliyya”, BuÔūä öislāmiyya wal-iÓtimā÷iyya III: 677–739. Schaade, Arthur. 1911. Sībawayhi’s Lautlehre. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Sībawayhi, öAbū Bišr ÷Amru bnu ÷Uämān.1982. al-kitāb, al-Óuzöu r-rābi÷u. al-Qāhiratu: Maktabatu l-ÕāniÓī. Verteegh, Kees. 2007. “Haraka”, Verteegh, Kees (general ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic language and Linguistics, volume II. Leiden-Boston: Brill. 232-236. Woidich, Manfred. 2006. “Cairo Arabic”, Verteegh, Kees (general ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic language and Linguistics, volume I. Leiden-Boston: Brill. 323-333 EPENTHESIS, ASSIMILATION, AND OPACITY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC ISLAM YOUSSEF University College of Southeast Norway Abstract: This paper addresses the lack of epenthesis in Baghdadi Arabic within consonant sequences that undergo assimilation vis-à-vis other sequences. The investigation of vowel epenthesis within various types of sequences reveals that heterogeneous final clusters are broken up by epenthesis, whereas final true geminates stay intact. Moreover, false geminates arising from morpheme concatenation do induce epenthesis, but not false geminates arising from total assimilation or heterogeneous clusters arising from partial assimilation. I argue that the lack of epenthesis in these sequences is due to assimilation, which results in a doubly linked representation and some discrepancy with the underlying form. This is developed into a unified autosegmental account of total and partial assimilation in relation to epenthesis, which is coupled with a unified optimality theoretic account based on a high-ranking constraint that captures the resistance of assimilated sequences to epenthesis. Keywords: autosegmental phonology, epenthesis, assimilation, geminates, Baghdadi Arabic 1. Epenthesis in Baghdadi Arabic Underlying final consonant clusters in Baghdadi Arabic (henceforth BA) are broken up by an epenthetic vowel, which surfaces as [i] or [u] depending on the quality of the surrounding consonants (see Youssef 2015 for a detailed discussion). Epenthesis takes place when the cluster is followed by a pause, but never when it is followed by a vowel-initial morpheme (1a). If a CC cluster is followed by a morpheme beginning with a single consonant, epenthesis occurs between the first two members of the new sequence (i.e. CiCC), as exemplified in (1b) (Blanc 1964: 56, Altoma 1969: 19). (1) Epenthesis/non-epenthesis in word-final consonant clusters a. ɡalˤub ‘heart’ ɡalˤb-a ‘his heart’ ʔibin ‘son’ ʔibn-ak ‘your M.SG son’ b. ɡalˤub-ha ‘her heart’ ɡalˤub-hum ‘their heart’ ʔibin-na ‘our son’ ʔibin-kum ‘your PL son’ On the other hand, underlying initial consonant clusters are optionally broken up by epenthesis when the word is preceded by a pause (2a), whereas no epenthesis takes place if the cluster is preceded by a vowel-final morpheme (2b). If preceded by a morpheme ending in a single consonant, [i] is always inserted between the first two members of the new sequence (i.e. CiCC), and C2 will syllabify as coda for the syllable containing the epenthetic vowel (2c) (Erwin 1969: 74-5). In sum, the data in (1b) and (2c) suggest that a sequence of three consonants across a word or a morpheme boundary is always split between the first and the second. (2) Epenthesis/non-epenthesis in word-initial consonant clusters a. b. c. ktaːb / kitaːb tˤwiːl / tˤuwiːl ʃtira ktaːb mudda tˤwiːla ʃtiσreːσt i kσtaːb joːσm i tˤσwiːl ‘book’ ‘long’ ‘he bought a book’ ‘a long period’ ‘I bought a book’ ‘a long day’ btˤaːna / bitˤaːna nnaːm / ninaːm haːði btˤaːna ma nnaːm haσl i bσtˤaːσna raσħ i σnnaːm ‘lining’ ‘we sleep’ ‘this is a lining’ ‘we don’t sleep’ ‘this lining’ ‘we’re going to sleep’ When sequences of more than three consonants are encountered across a word boundary, the epenthetic vowel is placed before the last two members (i.e. CCiCC), regardless of the position of the 550 ISLAM YOUSSEF word boundary (Erwin 1963: 34), as in (3a). This means that epenthesis has to refer to the whole structure on the phrase level. In longer sequences of five consonants, the rule applies to break first the last three-consonant sequence (CCCiCC) and then the remaining three-consonant sequence (CiCCiCC) (3b), while resyllabification guarantees that the resulting structure is in accord with the syllable structure of the language (cf. Abu-Salim 1980: 3-4). (3) Epenthesis in underlying four- and five-consonant sequences ‘crow’s food’ a. /ʔakl ɣraːb/ → ʔakσl iɣσraːb/*ʔakil ɣraːb /ʃif-t l-waziːr/ → ʃifσt i lσwaσziːr/*ʃifit lwaziːr ‘I saw the minister’ /hind t- riːd/ → hinσd i tσriːd/*hinid triːd ‘Hind wants’ ‘collecting the money’ b. /ʤamʕ l-fluːs/ → ʤaσmiʕσ li fσluːs /ɣasl l-qmaːʃ/ → ɣaσsilσ li qσmaːʃ ‘washing the cloth’ 2. Geminates, Assimilation, and Epenthesis A compelling result of autosegmental theory (Goldsmith 1976) is the distinction between false and true geminates. True geminates are an inherent part of Arabic templatic structure, whereas false geminates tend to arise through total assimilation, morpheme concatenation, or syncope. Representationally, a true geminate is a single node linked to two timing slots and a false geminate is a sequence of two identical consonants, as schematized in (4) (see Clements & Keyser 1983, Hayes 1986a). (4) Skeletal representation of geminates a. x x b. x x Ci (true geminate) Ci Ci (false geminate) While heterogeneous final clusters in BA are split by epenthesis, a word-final true geminate cannot be disintegrated. Hayes (1986a) attributes this cross-linguistic tendency to a principle of geminate integrity (or “geminate blockage” in Schein & Steriade’s (1986) terms). Another strategy to avoid epenthesis in BA is degemination, by which a true geminate is reduced to a single consonant before a consonant-initial morpheme (Broselow 1980). Gemination is retained before any vowel-initial morpheme (Erwin 1969: 76). These facts are exemplified in (5a-b). (5) Epenthesis/non-epenthesis and true geminates a. /sitt/ → sitt/*sitit ‘lady’ /sitt-na/ → sitna/*sittna ‘our lady’ /sitt-a/ → sitta/*sita ‘her lady’ b. /dazz/ → dazz/*daziz ‘he sent’ /dazz-ha/ → dazha/*dazzha ‘he sent her’ /dazz-a/ → dazza/*daza ‘he sent it’ /dazz l-maktuːb/ → dazz i lmaktuːb ‘he sent the letter’ On the other hand, false geminates arising from morpheme concatenation pattern like other consonant sequences in inducing epenthesis (Majdi & Winston 1993: 173) and no degemination applies before a consonant-initial morpheme. The underlying form /fut-t/ in (6) is comprised of a tfinal stem attached to the first person singular suffix -t; and epenthesis ensues. (6) Epenthesis/non-epenthesis and false geminates /fut-t/ → futit/*futt ‘I passed’ /fut-ti/ → futti/*futi ‘you F.SG passed’ /fut-t bil-qasˤir/ → futit bilqasˤir/*futt i bilqasˤir ‘I passed by the palace’ Just like true geminates, false geminates resulting from total assimilation block the application of epenthesis and behave as if the morpheme boundary has been deleted. Let us take the case of the EPENTHESIS, ASSIMILATION, AND OPACITY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC 551 assimilation of the definite article l- to a following coronal consonant. Recall that four- or fiveconsonant sequences (on the phrase level) are respectively broken up in the following fashion: CCiCC and CiCCiCC. If the last two consonants of the sequence constitute a geminate (GG) resulting from total assimilation, epenthesis applies regularly (CCiGG and CiCCiGG), as in (7a). However, if the geminate appears immediately before the last consonant, epenthesis applies before and/or after but not internal to the geminate, i.e. CiGGiC or CCiGGiC (Rose 2000: 111). As shown in (7b), the expected forms in which the epenthetic vowel splits the false geminate (namely *CGiGC and *CiCGiGC) are not attested. Degemination is out of the question here, or else the resulting phrase would be ambiguous. For instance, ħisaːb i sniːn ‘counting years’ would also mean ‘counting the years’, which is not the case. (7) Epenthesis in sequences that include assimilated geminates ‘eating the figs’ a. /ʔakl l-tiːn/ → ʔakσl i σttiːn ‘he sent the shirt’ /dazz l-θoːb/ → daσzz i σθθoːb b. /ħisaːb l-sniːn/ → ħiσsaːσb iσssiσniːn/*ħisaːb sisniːn ‘counting the years’ ‘scars of the years’ /ʤarħ l-sniːn/ → ʤarσħ iσssiσniːn/*ʤariħ sisniːn In a rule ordering fashion, assimilation has to precede epenthesis in order to derive the correct surface form, as shown in (8). The output will resist epenthesis because of geminate integrity, which also seems to operate on this type of false geminates. If epenthesis were ordered before assimilation, it would bleed it and only the optional unassimilated form [ħisaːb lisniːn] would surface. (8) Rule-ordering of total assimilation and epenthesis /ħisaːb l-sniːn/ Underlying Representation ħisaːb s-sniːn l- Assimilation ħisaːb i s-siniːn Epenthesis [ħisaːb i ssiniːn] Surface Representation To summarize so far, strings of two contiguous identical consonants separated by a morpheme boundary are split by epenthesis (6), while similar strings that result from assimilation are not (7). The immunity of the latter type of geminates to epenthesis has been the subject of various studies focusing on Arabic. A provisional explanation, following Guerssel’s (1978) arguments for Moroccan Arabic, is that assimilation across a morpheme boundary serves to obliterate the boundary, blocking other processes that may apply in the same environment. Hence, a process like epenthesis is disallowed to split not only a true geminate, but also a false geminate that results from assimilation. Interestingly, non-geminate clusters resulting from partial assimilation are also unsusceptible to epenthesis. (9) presents cases where a final cluster is optionally broken up by epenthetic [i]. 1 If no epenthesis applies, the proper environment for obligatory nasal place assimilation (NPA) is created. And once assimilation has taken place, epenthesis will no longer have the context to operate (cf. AbuSalim 1988: 59). (9) Non-epenthesis in partially assimilated clusters ʤamb/ʤanib/*ʤamib ‘beside’ ʤawaːnib ‘sides’ ðamb/ðanib/*ðamib ‘sin’ ðnuːb ‘sins’ ʕuɱf/ʕunuf/*ʕuɱuf ‘violence’ ʕaniːf ‘violent’ As shown in (10), epenthesis has to precede partial assimilation in order to derive the nonassimilating output [ʤanib], which appears like a rule ordering paradox vis-à-vis (8). If NPA, which is obligatory, were ordered before epenthesis, it would either feed it and give the incorrect form *[ʤamib] or simply give [ʤamb] with no epenthesis. 1 Despite the free variation between the assimilating and epenthetic outputs in BA, the latter is more common. 552 ISLAM YOUSSEF (10) Rule-ordering of partial assimilation and epenthesis /ʤanb/ Underlying Representation /ʤanb/ ʤanib Epenthesis —— —— Nasal Place Assimilation ʤamb [ʤanib] Surface Representation [ʤamb] The fact that epenthesis cannot split clusters that have undergone assimilation, total or partial, is an instance of phonological opacity. I argue that assimilation always results in a doubly linked structure and some discrepancy with the underlying form and this applies equally to the outputs of partial and total assimilation. Since both types of assimilation involve action at the level of the individual feature, a unified representational analysis in the autosegmental framework is favored (namely, shared features rather than features that agree in their values). Total assimilation of the definite article is illustrated autosegmentally in (11a). Two adjacent C-place [coronal] features merge into one, and this creates the morpheme-specific environment in which [s]’s C-manner [fricative] spreads leftward. The output is a false geminate [ss] that shares place and manner (as well as voicing) features. Nasal place (partial) assimilation is illustrated in (11b). Here a coronal nasal /n/ assimilates regressively to a labial stop, but the trigger and target share only their C-place [labial] features; their distinct C-manner features are kept intact. Once there is assimilation, the partially similar output cluster [mb] cannot be separated by an epenthetic vowel. (11) Sample autosegmental representations of total and partial assimilation a. /l-sniːn/ → [s-siniːn] b./ʤanb/→ [ʤamb] /l/ →[s][s] /n/ →[m] [b] C-place C-manner C-manner C-place C-manner [coronal] [fricative] [nasal] [labial] [stop] The essence of this analysis is that assimilatory feature linkage (or sharing) in any consonant sequence provides immunity against epenthesis. 2 If this pertains to false geminates formed by assimilation across a morpheme boundary – just like nongeminate clusters that have undergone partial assimilation – it becomes unnecessary to treat these outputs as true geminates or to assume deletion of morpheme boundaries. 3. Constraint Interactions While the opaque interaction of epenthesis and assimilation in BA poses a challenge to a derivational model of phonology, a non-derivational model like Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) allows for a unified account of these multiple operations within a single constraint ranking. The current section presents one such analysis. To account for vowel epenthesis in word-final consonant clusters, we need the constraints *COMPLEX CODA and DEP-V, defined in (12a-b). And to account for the effect of geminates on epenthesis, we need the general constraint against geminates in (12c). (12) (a) *COMPLEX CODA: Syllables should not have complex (branching) codas. (b) DEP-V: Do not insert a vowel. (c) NOGEM: Single consonantal melodies that are associated with adjacent timing slots are disallowed in the output. 2 Alternative, but somewhat similar, accounts have been reported for a number of languages including Palestinian Arabic (Abu-Salim 1980, 1988), Toba Batak (Hayes 1986b), Japanese (Tsujimura & Davis 1988), and Yir Yoront (Odden 1988). 553 EPENTHESIS, ASSIMILATION, AND OPACITY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC That epenthesis generally splits final clusters entails ranking the constraint against branching codas, *COMPLEX CODA, lower than DEP-V. Moreover, the fact that epenthesis does not affect true geminates suggests that NOGEM is also ranked lower than DEP-V (cf. Baković 2005: 296). These rankings are displayed in Tableau (13) for /sitt/ ‘woman’, where the optimal candidate keeps the geminate intact (that is, without epenthesis). (13) True geminates: DEP-V >> NOGEM , *COMPLEX CODA /sitt/ a.  b. DEP-V sitit sitt NOGEM *COMPLEX CODA *! * * As noted earlier, false geminates resulting from morpheme concatenation pattern like other consonant clusters in inducing epenthesis. Nonetheless, the previous ranking cannot account for surface forms where two adjacent identical consonants belong to different morphemes, such as /fut-t/ ‘I passed’. To formulate an even higher ranked markedness constraint against the ill-formed output *[futt] would also rule out outputs with a false geminate arising through assimilation since there is no surface representational distinction between the two (see 4b). However, the distinction can be captured if the new constraint refers to the domain in which NOGEM applies, as in (14). Note that this constraint is vacuously satisfied in Tableau (13). (14) NOGEM/MORPHᵎ: Geminate consonants across morpheme boundaries are disallowed in the output. Tableau (15) illustrates the constraint ranking for /fut-t/, essentially that NOGEM/MORPHᵎ is ranked above DEP-V. This ranking predicts a surface form with epenthesis, [futit]. (15) False geminates: NOGEM/MORPHᵎ >> DEP-V >> NOGEM, *COMPLEX CODA /fut-t/  a. b. futit futt NOGEM/MORPHᵎ DEP-V NOGEM *COMPLEX CODA * *! * * Recall that false geminates resulting from assimilation are immune to epenthesis, even in cases where the geminate is formed across a morpheme boundary, as in the output of l-assimilation. Sequences resulting from partial assimilation behave in a similar fashion, and I argued in Section 2 that assimilatory feature linkage is what blocks epenthesis in both cases. The typical geminate integrity effect does not suffice here, and I propose the constraint LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY in (16a), which operates only on assimilated sequences. Assuming that assimilation involves feature spreading, a markedness constraint that motivates the process, such as (16b) for l- assimilation, must dominate a faithfulness constraint against feature insertion, such as (16c). In other words, the C-manner feature pertinent to the faithfulness violation is newly shared between trigger and target in a doubly linked structure. It follows that the constraint in (16a) does not apply to non-assimilating sequences with merged identical features, such as /fut-t/ in (15). (16) (a) LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY: Given an output sequence C1C2, if C1 violates FAITH[Fi], and C1 and C2 share [Fi], then the sequence may not surface as C1VC2. (b) LINK C-manner/CdefC: Given an output C1C2 sequence where C1 is the definite article, if C1 and C2 share a feature [coronal], then the C-manner feature on C2 must link to C1. (c) DEP C-manner: Do not associate a C-manner feature to a segment that did not have it underlyingly. The effect of l-assimilation on epenthesis is demonstrated in Tableau (17). To derive spreading, LINK C-manner/CdefC is ranked higher than DEP C-manner. And for our purposes, epenthesis-inducing syllable structure requirements are lumped together into a PHONOTACTICS constraint. The fully faithful 554 ISLAM YOUSSEF candidate (17a) violates both LINK C-manner/CdefC and PHONOTACTICS, whereas candidates (17b) and (17c) incur one violation each. Candidate (17d) circumvents both violations at the cost of splitting a doubly linked structure, and hence it falls victim to LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY. The winning candidate (17e) conforms to all three top-ranked constraints, but still violates NOGEM/MORPHᵎ. (17) PHONOTACTICS, LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY, LINK C-manner/CdefC >> NOGEM/MORPHᵎ >> DEP-V >> NOGEM, DEP C-manner DEP C-manner *! NOGEM *! *! DEP-V NOGEM/MORPHᵎ *! LINK C-manner/CdefC …b lsniːn …b lisniːn …b ssiniːn …b sisniːn …b i ssiniːn LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY a. b. c. d.  e. PHONOTACTICS /ħisaːb l-sniːn/ * * *! * * * * * * * * For NPA, two parallel constraints are required: a highly ranked assimilation-driving markedness constraint which demands certain feature(s) on the trigger to be extended to the target (18a) and a violable faithfulness constraint against the insertion of a place feature (18b). (18) (a) LINK C-place/NC: Given an output NC sequence, then the C-place [labial] or [dorsal] feature on C must link to N. (b) DEP C-place: Do not associate a C-place feature to a segment that did not have it underlyingly. Tableau (19) reveals that the same ranking schema captures the interaction of epenthesis with NPA (i.e. partial assimilation). The constraint LINK C-place/NC outranks NOGEM/MORPHᵎ since the process applies across morpheme boundaries (irrelevant here) and, by transitivity, it outranks DEP-V as well. The non-assimilating candidates (19a) and (19c) are ruled out. The assimilating suboptimal candidate (19d) fails on LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY or even on the lower-ranked constraint DEP-V. The optimal output (19b) violates *COMPLEX CODA in addition to DEP C-place. Recall, however, that there is variation between the assimilating and epenthetic outputs in BA, making candidates like [nib] (19c) optimal for some speakers. Here the correct output falls out for free, given the re-ranking: LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY, *COMPLEX CODA >> LINK C-place/NC >> DEP-V, ceteris paribus. The significance of LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY becomes apparent as it eliminates the output [mib], whereas *COMPLEX CODA eliminates [nb] and [mb]. This confirms the idea that a doubly linked assimilatory representation grants stability to a sequence of consonants, whether or not they forms a geminate. 555 EPENTHESIS, ASSIMILATION, AND OPACITY IN BAGHDADI ARABIC (19) LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY, LINK C-place/NC >> NOGEM/MORPHᵎ >> DEP-V >> *COMPLEX CODA, DEPC-place DEPC-place *COMPLEX CODA DEP-V NOGEM/MORPHᵎ LINK C-place/NC n LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY /ʤanb/ b a. *! * C-place C-place [coronal] [labial] m b  b. * * C-place n i [labial] b c. *! * C-place C-place V-place [coronal] m i [labial] b d. *! * * C-place V-place [labial] The basic ranking pattern is summarized in the following Hasse diagram. To predict assimilation, LINK [Fi]/DOMAIN crucially dominates DEP [Fi]. And to predict the lack of epenthesis upon assimilation, LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY crucially dominates NOGEM/MORPHᵎ and DEP-V. (20) Constraint rankings LINK[Fi]/DOMAIN LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY NOGEM/MORPHᵎ DEP-V DEP[Fi] NOGEM *COMPLEX CODA 556 ISLAM YOUSSEF 4. Conclusion Assimilation can be viewed autosegmentally as a spreading imperative requiring a feature to be multiply linked or extended in its domain in the output (Padgett 1995). By investigating cases of total and partial assimilation in BA which opaquely interact with epenthesis, I argued that it is the multiply linked structures of the output sequences which make them impossible to be split, whether or not they form false geminates. This conclusion was formalized in Optimality Theory, essentially by means of the high-ranking constraint LINK [Fi]-INTEGRITY. References Abu-Salim, Issam. 1980. “Epenthesis and Geminate Consonants in Palestinian Arabic”, Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 10 (2). 1-11. Abu-Salim, Issam. 1988. “Consonant Assimilation in Arabic: An Autosegmental Perspective”, Lingua 74 (1). 45-66. Altoma, Saleh J. 1969. The Problem of Diglossia in Arabic. (Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs XXI). MA: Harvard University Press. Baković, Eric. 2005. “Antigemination, Assimilation, and the Determination of Identity”, Phonology 22 (3). 279-315. Blanc, Haim. 1964. Communal Dialects in Baghdad. MA: Harvard University Press. Broselow, Ellen. 1980. “Syllable structure in two Arabic dialects”, Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 10 (2). 13-24. Clements, George N. & Keyser, Samuel J. 1983. CV Phonology: A Generative Theory of the Syllable. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Erwin, Wallace M. 1963. A Short Reference Grammar of Iraqi Arabic. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Erwin, Wallace M.1969. A Basic Course in Iraqi Arabic. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Goldsmith, John A. 1976. Autosegmental Phonology. PhD dissertation, MIT. (Distributed by the Indiana University Linguistics Club, Bloomington). Guerssel, Mohand. 1978. “A Condition on Assimilation Rules”, Linguistic Analysis 4 (3). 225-254. Hayes, Bruce. 1986a. “Inalterability in CV Phonology”, Language 62. 321-51. Hayes, Bruce. 1986b. “Assimilation as Spreading in Toba Batak”, Linguistic Inquiry 17 (3). 467-499. Majdi, Basim & Winston, Millicent. 1993. “Gemination and Antigemination in Iraqi”, Eid, Mushira & Holes, Clive (eds.), Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics V. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.163-194. Odden, David. 1988. “Anti anti-gemination and the OCP”, Linguistic Inquiry 19. 451-475. Padgett, Jaye. 1995. “Partial Class Behavior and Nasal Place Assimilation”, Suzuki, Keiichiro & Elsinga, Dirk (eds.), Proceedings of the Southwest Optimality Theory Workshop. The University of Arizona Coyote Papers, Tuscon, AZ. 145-183. Prince, Alan, & Smolensky, Paul. 1993/2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Piscataway: Center for Cognitive Science. Revised version published by Blackwell, 2004. Rose, Sharon. 2000. “Rethinking Geminates, Long-Distance Geminates, and the OCP”, Linguistic Inquiry 31 (1). 85-122. Schein, Barry & Steriade, Donca. 1986. “On Geminates”, Linguistic Inquiry 17 (4). 691-744. Tsujimura, Natsuko & Davis, Stuart. 1988. “The Morphophonemics of Japanese Verbal Conjugation: An Autosegmental Account”, Proceedings of the Fifth Eastern States Conference on Linguistics. 488-499. Youssef, Islam. 2015. “Vocalic Labialization in Baghdadi Arabic: Representation and Computation”, Lingua 160. 74-90. NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA LIESBETH ZACK University of Amsterdam Abstract: This paper compares two 19th century works, Muḥammad Qadrī’s Nouveau guide de conversation française et arabe (1868) and Ya‘qūb Naḫla’s New Manual of English and Arabic Conversation (1874). These works have some common aspects: both were written by prominent Egyptians, had the dual purpose of teaching Arabic to foreigners and teaching the foreign language to Egyptians, and tried to achieve these aims by presenting word lists and dialogues. The dialogues are especially interesting, as they contain valuable information about Egyptian Arabic as it was spoken in the 19th century. The paper examines how the two works present both the foreign and the Arabic language, and how they deal with the use of Egyptian Arabic versus classical Arabic. It also describes similarities and differences in the colloquial Arabic as presented by these works, focusing on some phonological, morphological, and syntactic features, and concludes with a sample of words that have become obsolete in Cairo Arabic. Keywords: Egyptian Arabic, 19th century, textbooks, language description, language change Introduction This paper presents two hitherto little-known 19th century sources of Egyptian Arabic. 1 The first is Muḥammad Qadrī’s 2 book Nouveau guide de conversation française et arabe, 3 or al-Durr al-nafīs fī luġatay al-‘arab wa-l-faransīs (“The precious pearls concerning the languages of the Arabs and the French”), published in 1868. The other is Ya‘qūb Naḫla’s 4 New Manual of English and Arabic Conversation, 5 or al-Tuḥfa al-murḍiya fī ta‘allum al-luġa al-ingilīziyya (“The pleasing treasure for learning the English language”) from 1874. Most descriptions of Egyptian Arabic from the 19th century were written by orientalists, such as Wilhelm Spitta and Karl Vollers. Works by non-native speakers always raise the questions of how well they mastered Arabic, how much time they spent in the Arab world, how and from whom they learned Arabic, etc. Likewise, books written by native speakers pose problems of interpretation, such as possible interference from the written language, and influence from other (for instance rural) dialects. An interesting example is al-Ṭanṭāwī’s Traité de la langue arabe vulgaire from 1848. AlṬanṭāwī was originally from the Delta, and went to live in Cairo at the age of 13. The question whether the dialect presented in his book is Cairo Arabic has been discussed by Blanc (1973–74: 383) and Woidich (1995: 285), and both came to the conclusion that this indeed must have been the case. While Naḫla was from Cairo, Qadrī was born in Middle Egypt. The question of influence from a rural dialect therefore plays a role here as well. The difference between al-Ṭanṭāwī’s work and those of Qadrī and Naḫla is that al-Ṭanṭāwī’s was written in Arabic script, while Qadrī and Naḫla’s works 1 The research for this paper was done as part of a research project entitled “The making of a capital dialect: Language change in 19th-century Cairo”, which is funded with a VENI grant from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research. 2 Written as Mohamed Cadri on the title page. He also used the alternative spelling Mohamet/Mohammed Cadry in his publications. I will write the names of the authors according to the academic Arabic transcription. 3 Subtitled: Ouvrage élémentaire et classique, contenant une nouvelle méthode très facile pour apprendre aux Indigènes à parler le français et aux Européens à parler l’arabe en peu de temps. Hereafter referred to as Nouveau guide. 4 Written as Yacoub Nakhlah on the title page. 5 Hereafter referred to as New Manual. 558 LIESBETH ZACK contain both Arabic script and transcription. The transcribed texts will provide more phonological information about the dialect than can be retrieved from a text written in Arabic script. Qadrī and Naḫla’s books have some common aspects: both authors were prominent Egyptians who mastered foreign languages and had teaching experience. Both books were written for a dual purpose: they were meant to be a guide for foreigners learning Arabic, and for Egyptians learning a European language (French and English, respectively). They therefore constitute excellent material for a comparison, both in methodology and in contents, i.e. the language as it is described in the two works. The paper will start by describing the two authors. Then the two books will be compared with respect to contents, methodology, and transcription systems. Lastly, the paper will highlight some phonological, morphological, syntactic, and lexical features, comparing the data given in the two books, and comparing these data with modern Cairo Arabic. 1. The authors Muḥammad Qadrī Pasha (1821–1888) was born in Mallawī in the province of Al-Minyā by an Anatolian father and an Egyptian mother. He was educated in his home town and in Cairo, where he studied English, Italian, French, Turkish, and Persian at the famous Madrasat al-’alsun (“the School of Languages”), and Arabic and Islamic law at the Azhar University. He was an important figure in Egyptian society: he was private teacher to the crown prince, worked as an advisor to the Mixed Courts, and held the posts of Minister of Public Instruction (wazīr al-ma‘ārif) and Minister of Justice (wazīr al-ḥaqqāniyya). Qadrī wrote several works on law, including a work on Islamic Personal Status Law. 6 He also wrote several conversation books for Arabic, such as the one under discussion in this paper. 7 Ya‘qūb Naḫla Rūfayla Bey (1847–1905/1908) was a Copt from Cairo. He attended the Coptic School, where he became a teacher of English and Italian after he graduated, and later was appointed director of the school. Thereafter he held posts at the governmental press and the press of the Tawfīq Society, as well as several other governmental posts, such as secretary of the Fayyūm railways. He founded the newspaper al-Waṭan and established several schools in Cairo and the Fayyūm. His most famous publication is Tārīḫ al-’umma al-qibṭiyya (“The History of the Coptic Community”), while he also wrote several other books on language. He was the founder of al-Nādī al-miṣrī al-ingilīzī li-lmuḥāwarāt (“the Anglo-Egyptian Discussion Club”), where young Egyptians could practise their English conversation. 8 2. The books 2.1. Contents of Qadrī’s Nouveau guide (1868) Qadrī’s Nouveau guide starts with a long preface in French about the history of Egypt and ends by stating the purpose of the book: to make it easier for Europeans to learn Arabic and for Arabic speakers to learn French (MQ xiv). 9 The book consists of more than 800 pages, published in two volumes. Part one is a vocabulary divided into categories, such as “des fruits”, “des meubles”, “des domestiques”, “maladies et accidents”, and many others. This is followed by a section entitled “exercises pratiques sur la conjugaison des verbes avoir et être”, which contains sample sentences rather than conjugation tables. Part two, which takes up the biggest part of the book (pp. 218–839) is entitled “phrases familières et conversations sur les verbes”. It contains sixty chapters with phrases in the form of dialogues, which all revolve around a verb, such as “répondre”, “demander”, “donner”, “acheter”, etc. See al-Ziriklī (2002: 10) and Cilardo (2009). For the other titles see Galtier (1905: 33–34, nos 7–8, 19). These were unfortunately not at my disposal. 8 See al-Miṣrī (1992: 380) and http://arz.wikipedia.org/wiki/‫ﯾﻌﻘﻮب_ﻧﺨﻠﺔ_روﻓﯿﻠﮫ‬. 9 I will henceforth refer to the works as MQ (Muḥammad Qadrī) and YN (Yaʿqūb Naḫla) followed by the page number. 6 7 559 NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA 2.2. Colloquial and literary Arabic in Qadrī’s Nouveau guide In the preface (MQ xv), Qadrī states that “J’ai traduit chaque phrase littéralement et vulgairement”. The kind of ‘vulgar Arabic’ which is used, is not further specified. The author explains neither how Arabic is pronounced, nor the transcription system that he uses. Neither did he take into account Arabic learners of French who did not know the Latin alphabet or how to pronounce French, as they are given no hints about the pronunciation of French. It is therefore clear that this book could not be used to learn French or Arabic without the help of a teacher. In the vocabulary, the French word is given in the left column, followed by transcribed (colloquial) Arabic, and in the right column, literary Arabic. The words given in the vocabulary are sometimes pure classical Arabic, even in transcription, and sometimes colloquial, even in Arabic script. For instance, “le visage” is given as al wadj-ho 10 in transcription (MQ 2), including the case ending, and not the colloquial wišš. However, a typically dialect item is al hanak [al-ḥanak] for “la bouche” (MQ 3), which is also written in the right column containing literary Arabic, beside fam. The division between colloquial in transcription and literary Arabic in Arabic script is therefore not applied very rigorously. For *ǧ, Qadrī often uses the transcription dj, for instance in al djism “le corps” (MQ 1), and maramhoum yrouhou il djinéneh “they want to go to the park” (MQ 260). Sometimes he uses the letter g for *ǧ, indicating the pronunciation of Cairo, e.g. al fagr “l’aurore” (MQ 16), although dj remains the transcription he uses the most frequently. This raises the question whether this is a reflection of literary Arabic, or of another dialect, for instance Qadrī’s rural dialect from the Minyā region11 or Levantine Arabic. Qadrī uses dj in purely colloquial context, where a pronunciation according to literary Arabic would be wholly unexpected, so it is more likely that it is a reflection of non-Cairene colloquial Arabic. Noticeable is also that Qadrī writes *q with c, ck or k, e.g. wact “temps” (MQ 300), dakîk “exact” (MQ 76). However, this does not have to mean that he realised *q as q or k. 12 There are many other early works that represent ’ < q with q (e.g. Spitta 1880) or ḳ (e.g. Probst 1898), which is merely used to indicate a glottal stop that was historically *q, in order to distinguish it from original hamza. Naḫla also uses k for *q. The familiar phrases are given in four columns spread over two pages: French and Arabic transcription on the left page, and colloquial Arabic in Arabic script, and literary Arabic on the right page, e.g. MQ 578–579: Voulez-vous me répondre? biddakchi tidjàwibni ‫ﺑﺪﻛﺸﻰ ﺗﺠﺎوﺑﻨﻰ‬ ‫ھﻞ ﺗﺮﯾﺪ أن ﺗﺠﯿﺒﻨﻰ‬ Many of the supposedly colloquial phrases contain some classical Arabic, such as the use of abi and yourîd an in the following example (MQ 208–209): Mon père veut que je soit médecin abi yourîd hakîm an akoun ‫أﺑﻰ ﯾﺮﯾﺪ ان اﻛﻮن‬ ‫ﺣﻜﯿﻢ‬ ‫ان أﺑﻰ ﯾﻮد أن أﻛﻮن‬ ‫طﺒﯿﺒﺎ‬ This is especially the case in the first part containing the sample sentences with “être” and “avoir”. In the second part, the colloquial contains fewer literary Arabic features. Sometimes the colloquial phrases in transcription and in Arabic are not the same, as in the following two examples (MQ 336–337 and 618–619): 10 I will cite the transcribed Arabic from these two works as it is written in the originals. Only when the original is ambiguous, I will add an academic transcription between square brackets. The transcription method used by the two authors will be explained in section 3.1. 11 Mallawī is in the area where *ǧ is pronounced ǧ / ǵ / d (see Behnstedt–Woidich 1985: map 10). 12 In his home town, *q is realized as g (see Behnstedt–Woidich 1985: map 6). 560 LIESBETH ZACK Jusqu’à quelle heure êtes-vous resté au bal? hal caadt zamàn thawil fil ballou ‫ﻗﻌﺪت ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﻛﺎم‬ ‫ﻓﻰ اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﻰ أى ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻜﺜﺖ ﻓﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺎﻟﻮ‬ Que demandez-vous? Je ne demande rien. enta thablib [sic; read thalib] èh Manich thalib hadjeh ‫اﻧﺖ ﻋﺎوز اﺋﮫ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﯿﺶ ﻋﺎوز ﺷﺊ‬ ‫ﻣﺎذا ﺗﻄﻠﺐ – ﻣﺎذا ﺗﺮوم‬ ‫ﻻ أطﻠﺐ ﺷﯿﺌﺎ‬ In the first example, the colloquial in Arabic script is a literal translation of the French, while the transcription gives a slightly different meaning. In the second example, the transcription has thalib [ṭālib] and hadjeh [ḥāǧeh], while the Arabic has ‘āwiz and šē’ or šay’. It is unclear why the colloquial phrases in transcription and in Arabic do not match, as Qadrī does not explain this. However, one possible explanation is that it was done to give the reader more than one option, without wasting too much space by giving both alternatives in transcription and in Arabic script. 2.3. Contents of Naḫla’s New Manual (1874) Naḫla’s New Manual was intended both for foreigners who wanted to learn Arabic and for Egyptians who wanted to learn English (YN Preface). This is very similar to Qadrī’s purpose, as is the title of the book, which suggests that Naḫla knew and was inspired by Qadrī’s book. Naḫla provides a preface in both English and Arabic. In the Arabic preface, Naḫla praises the study of languages, because, as he writes: man ta‘allama luġata qawmin ’amina makrahum li’annahu bi-ma‘rifati luġatihim yumayyizu ḫayrahum wa-šarrahum “whoever learns a nation’s language is safe from their cunning, because with the knowledge of their language he can distinguish between the good and the bad”. In the English preface, he explains that the grammatical rules he gives “are so framed, that in observing them they will render the student competent to speak the language and make himself clearly understood by all classes of Arabs.” What Naḫla refers to as “the language” here is, therefore, the Arabic language. This confirms what can be noted from the rest of the contents of the work. It caters more to the needs of learners of Arabic than to learners of English, as it starts with a grammar of Egyptian Arabic, but no grammar of English is given. The grammar (42 pages) describes the “article”, “noun”, “gender”, “number”, “adjective”, “pronouns”, “verb”, “adverbs”, “prepositions”, “conjunctions”, and “the negative” in a clear and accurate way. 13 The second part of the work is an English–Arabic vocabulary. The vocabulary is not divided into subjects, like Qadrī’s, but is arranged alphabetically. The third part contains “familiar phrases and conversations” which cover such topics as “meeting”, “blame”, “the laundress”, and “in a shop”. While the grammar is only given in transcribed Arabic, the second and third parts contain both transcription and Arabic script. With 277 pages, Naḫla’s work is not as voluminous as Qadrī’s. 2.4. Colloquial and literary Arabic in Naḫla’s New Manual While Qadrī referred to both literary and ‘vulgar’ Arabic, Naḫla is less clear in the preface about the type of Arabic he describes. He only refers to neutral “Arabic” and writes that the Arabic in the grammar is “not strictly applicable to the Grammatical construction of the language”. The meaning of this statement becomes clear in the heading with which the grammar starts: “rules adapted to vulgar conversational Arabic” (YN i). In Naḫla’s vocabulary, the division between colloquial and literary Arabic is more clear-cut than in Qadrī’s. For instance, the distinction is made between colloquial bad bokrah and classical ba‘d ġad “after tomorrow”, or colloquial zay baad [zayyǝ ba‘ḍ] and classical miṯl ba‘ḍ “alike”, or the loanword contrato “agreement” which is only given in transcription but not in Arabic script (YN 4). The same can be said about part three containing the “familiar phrases”: the dialect is given in transcription, and the text given in Arabic script is in literary Arabic, although it contains some colloquial features, such as the frequent use of the verb ‫راح‬, e.g. (YN 206): 13 Naḫla’s grammar, as well as many of his “familiar phrases”, were copied almost verbatim by Mosconas in his English & Arabic Dictionary, see Zack (2016: 232). 561 NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA I was going to your house. ana kont râyih lak fil beit – kont râyih beit-kom ‫ﻛﻨﺖ راﯾﺤﺎ اﻟﻰ ﺑﯿﺘﻜﻢ‬ The right column contains the dialectal lexical item rāyiḥ, although the construction with the predicate in the accusative and the preposition ’ilā is classical Arabic. 3. Linguistic comparison of the works This section will compare the language in the two works on a few points of transcription, phonology, morphology, and syntax. These points have been chosen because the language of the two books, when compared side by side, shows some remarkable differences, even though the books were published in the same city and only six years apart. 3.1. Transcription The following table shows a comparison of the transcription systems used by Qadrī and Naḫla. 14 Table 1 Comparison of transcription methods short vowels long vowels ǧ ḥ x s š ṣ ḍ ṭ ẓ ‘ ġ q y Qadrī a, e, i, o, ou â, ê, î, ô, ou dj, g h kh s, ç ch s, c d t, th dh ø, ’, ’e (final)18 gh c, ck, k y Naḫla a, e, i, o â, ee 15, ay/ei, 16 î, ô, oo 17 g h, hh kh s sh s, ss d, dd t, tt z ø, ’, a, h, circumflex on the following or preceding vowel 19 gh k y Neither of these are systems in which one phoneme is represented by one letter. 20 There are differences in transcription that are caused by influences from the spelling of French in Qadrī’s case and English in Naḫla’s. For instance, the use of ou in Qadrī’s work for both u and ū indicates the French spelling of this phoneme, while Naḫla uses ee for ī and oo for ū, as is usual in English. These differences are also found in the consonants: Qadrī sometimes uses c and ç for s and ṣ, while Naḫla doesn’t, and Qadrī uses ch for š, while Naḫla uses sh. The phonemes that are most foreign to English 14 I have only included here the phonemes which are of interest; so I have left out l, m, n, etc. For ī. 16 For *ay > ē. 17 For ū. 18 Qadrī sometimes uses ü to render the combination i‘, e.g. türafch irradjil deh [ti‘rafš irrāǧil deh] “Connaissez-vous cet homme?” (MQ 474). Also double i is used for this purpose: samiitich il kalam illi coultou lak [sami‘tiš ilkalām illi qultūlak] “Avez-vous entendu ce que je vous ai dit?” (MQ 528). It is possible that the ü is a typo (of which there are plenty in Qadrī’s work), as it resembles ii. 19 E.g. îmil mâroof [i‘mil ma‘rūf] “Do me the favour” (YN 215). 20 This was done for the first time for Egyptian Arabic by Spitta in his Grammatik (1880). 15 562 LIESBETH ZACK and French, i.e. the emphatics, ‘ayn, and ḥā’, show inconsistencies in how the authors write them. An example is the ṭā’, which is written by Qadrī with t or with th, and by Naḫla with t or with tt. The ‘ayn is the least stable, and is either not represented at all, or with a letter or symbol that does not reflect its pronunciation very accurately, such as h, a, or an apostrophe. 3.2. Phonology This paragraph will highlight one phonological feature, namely the pausal ’imāla. This is a phenomenon in which the final -a is raised to -eh or -ih before a pause. It is well known that Cairo had pausal ’imāla until the second half of the 19th century; it was of the type that does not occur after guttural or emphatic consonants. Its disappearance around the turn of the century has been described by Blanc (1973–74), who consulted a great number of 19th-century sources, but not the two under discussion here. It is therefore interesting to see if they confirm Blanc’s findings. The ’imāla is reflected inconsistently in Qadrī’s word list, as we see for instance in the list of fruits on p. 20, with some ending in -eh, and others in -a(h): lozeh “amande” and abou-farweh “chataigne” reflect ’imāla, while moza “banane”, kharrouba “caroube”, kirèsah “cerise”, lamouna “citron”, safardjala “coing” and tîna “figue” do not have ’imāla. Theoretically, there could be three reasons for this: 1. It reflects the gradual disappearance of pausal ’imāla, here in a state of transition; 2. It is a mixture of colloquial pronunciation with final ’imāla and literary Arabic pronunciation without it; 3. Some forms are given in their context form and others in pausal form. This question is answered when looking at the phrases. There, the pausal ’imāla is applied rather systematically. For instance, in issâ’a ziâda an khamseh [issā‘a ziyāda ‘an ḫamseh] “il est plus de cinque heures” (MQ 796), khamseh is in pausa and therefore has ’imāla, while ziâda is not in pausa and therefore has no ’imāla. 21 There are many more examples like this which prove the existence of pausal ’imāla. It is therefore likely that in the word list, a combination of pausal forms and context forms is given. Naḫla’s work gives a very different picture of pausal ’imāla. He explains in the grammar (YN ii) that feminine words end in -ah, e.g. gineinah “garden”, medînah “town”, sanah “year”. He does not hint at the existence of the pronunciation -eh. Nor do we see any pausal ’imāla in the rest of the book, except once when Naḫla writes kilmeh “word” (YN 227), and more regularly in the demonstrative deh (“that” m.), e.g. izzay êreft deh “how did you know that?” (YN 233). deh has been noted by Blanc (1973–74: 380–381) to be one of the lexical items to have survived the longest with pausal ’imāla, together with kide “so”, hine “here” and ge “he came”, which he indicated as vestiges of the old feature in a situation of transition. 3.3. Morphology 3.3.1. Pronominal suffixes This section discusses three pronominal suffixes: -Vha “her”, -Vkum “your (pl.)” and -Vhum “their”.22 Nowadays these suffixes have undergone vowel harmony, meaning that the first vowel has taken on the same quality as the second vowel: -aha, -ukum, and -uhum. However, in the 19th century these suffixes existed in two forms: the ones in use today, and forms with i as their first vowel, i.e. -iha, -ikum, and -ihum. 23 Table 2 gives a comparison of the two works. issâ’a has no ’imāla, because ’imāla did not occur after the ‘ayn. V= vowel. These are the forms used after two consonants. 23 These forms are still seen in many locations in the Delta, see Behnstedt–Woidich (1985: map 157). 21 22 563 NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA Table 2 Comparison of the pronominal suffixes 3rd sg. f. 2nd pl. 3rd pl. Qadrī -iha / -aha • inta rouhtiha maa min “Avec qui y êtes-vous allé?” (MQ 266) • mà rouhtahàch aslan “Je n’y ai jamais été” (MQ 246) -ukum • intou kân andokoum michmich “Vous aviez eu des abricots” (MQ 134) -uhum • hommà kân andohoum innàb “Ils avaient eu des jujubes” (MQ 134) Naḫla -iha / -aha • issmaha ayh “What is her name?” (YN 97) • nafsi-ha “herself” (137) -ikum • intom andikom have” (YN 63) “you -ihum • ây-wa ya-seedi gibtehom “Yes Sir, I have [brought them]” (YN 252) Table 2 shows that both Qadrī and Naḫla use the two forms of the 3rd person sg: -iha and -aha. However, in the 2nd and 3rd person plural, Qadrī only has the forms with u which are used nowadays, and Naḫla only uses the old forms with i. 3.3.2. Future markers Qadrī consistently uses the future marker rāyiḥ in its declined form, e.g. yàtara ashàbak ràyhin yfdalou kitir firrif? “Vos amis resteront-ils long temps à la campagne?” (MQ 338). Naḫla only uses the simple imperfect for indicating the future, e.g. al bosta sâfret [?] – te-sâfir al nehâr deh bâd addohr. “Is the post gone?” – “It will go this afternoon” (YN 262). 24 However, he uses (once) the prefix ḥa- or ha-: 25 konna ha-ne-geeb feekom cabboot “We were near being a capot” 26 (YN 275). ḥa/ha is a shortened, grammaticalized form of rāyiḥ (which was first shortened to raḥ, giving the historical path rāyiḥ > raḥ > ḥa). In the 19th century, the three forms existed side by side (e.g. Spitta 1880: 353 mentions all three of them). 3.4. Syntax In this section, one specific syntactic matter will be discussed, namely the interrogative use of -š. 27 Until the 19th century, -š was placed after the verb or pseudoverb 28 to indicate a polar question. Spitta states that the -š indicated a negative meaning, and that it is actually the negation ma-…-š with omission of the ma-: 24 In the grammar (YN xiv), he writes: “The form of the present, which is also used for the future, is made a real present by prefixing the letter b, as, ana b-aktib, I am writing”. Most phrases given by Naḫla with the English translation “will” or “shall” can actually be interpreted as having a modal rather than a real future meaning, for example addeek talâteen gineih fil koll “I will give you thirty pounds for the whole” (YN 263). 25 It is unclear which one, as Naḫla sometimes writes ḥ with one h and sometimes with hh. The use of the future marker ḥain combination with the verb kān, as in the following example, indicates that something was about to happen (but didn’t, in the end). 26 Capot (in piquet, a card game): to win all the tricks (see Oxford English Dictionary Online www.oed.com). 27 I will only focus on the use, and not on the origin of the particle; the latter has been the subject of two recent monographs (Diem 2014 and Wilmsen 2014) with quite different views. 28 E.g. a preposition, in the case of a prepositional sentence, or bidd- “to want”. 564 LIESBETH ZACK In negative questions (nonne 29), often the first part of the negation, mâ, is omitted, and only the second part ś, śı̊ , śe̊, is kept, e.g.: ‘andakśe̊ qirśên “don’t you have two piasters?” (Spitta 1880: 415–6) [my translation from German] A similar view was expressed by Willmore: Mâ is not infrequently omitted, especially in interrogative sentences, where an affirmative answer is expected or astonishment implied at the existence of something, as ma‘aksh fulûs? haven’t you any money? lakshe ikhwa? have you no brothers? kuntish henâk? weren’t you there? […]. (Willmore 1901: 298) Other grammars also translate the questions introduced with -š with the negation, and state that this kind of question is used when expecting an affirmative reply (e.g. Vollers 1890: 150 and Nallino 1900: 72). It is tempting to link this -š to ma-…-š and translate it with a negation, but this is not the way Qadrī and Naḫla translated this particle. They both translated sentences with only -š without a negation, in English or French, as well as in literary Arabic, 30 as in these two examples from Qadrī: • inta andakchi hodoum ‫“ ھﻞ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺛﯿﺎﺑﺎ‬As-tu du linge?” (MQ 156–157) • biddokoumchi tirouhou mahall innahardeh ‫“ ھﻞ ﺗﺮﯾﺪون ان ﺗﺘﻮﺟﮭﻮا اﻟﯿﻮم اﻟﻰ ﺟﮭﺔ‬Voulez-vous aller quelque part aujourd’hui?” (MQ 256–257) Qadrī gives negative questions with ma-…-š: • yâni anà ma andich maïa ‫“ اﻟﯿﺲ ﻟﻰ ﻣﺎء‬N’ai-je pas d’eau?” (MQ 156–157) • ma andoukoumchî rîcha tiçallifouha-li ‫“ أﻣﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻛﻢ رﯾﺸﺔ ﺗﻌﯿﺮوﻧﻨﻰ اﯾﺎھﺎ‬N’avez-pas une plume à me prêter?” (MQ 158–159). Contrary to Qadrī, Naḫla has some sentences that show that for him, questions with and without -š had the same meaning: • tê-raf râh wa illa là – têrafsh huwa râh wa illa là ‫“ أﺗﻌﺮف اذا ﻛﺎن ھﻮ ذھﺐ أو راح‬Do you know if he is gone?” (YN 208) • karayt al gornâl – karaytsh fil gornâl ‫“ ھﻞ ﻗﺮأت اﻟﺠﻮرﻧﺎل‬did you read the papers?” (YN 233) A similar example is found in Haggenmacher (1892: 47): ḥadd (ḥaddisch) ga w ana bárra “has someone come while I was out?”. Naḫla, moreover, has one puzzling example of a question with ma-…-š: 31 • ma tekhalliksh lamma tetghadda way-yâna – ma tekhalliksh netghadda sa-wa ‫ھﻞ ﺗﻔﻀﻞ وﺗﺘﻐﺪى ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ “Will you stay and take dinner with us?” (YN 245). At first sight this sentence appears to have the negation ma-…-š, but this does not fit with the meaning of the sentence, as it is not meant as a prohibitive. I therefore suggest that rather than the negation, the ma- needs to be interpreted as the ma- which is placed before the imperfect in order to give the imperative more emphasis. 32 This, in combination with the question particle -š, gives the sequence ma-txallikš. However, I have not found evidence in any other sources for this construction, and therefore this analysis must remain speculative. 33 4. Vocabulary Some vocabulary used in the two works has become obsolete. As Ottoman Turkish was replaced by Arabic as the language of administration in the second half of the 19th century, the role of Turkish became less dominant in Egyptian society, and many Turkish words started to disappear from 29 This is the particle used in Latin when expecting an affirmative reply. Also the “dubitativen Sinn” attested by Woidich (2006: 358), e.g. ma‘akše sigāṛa salaf “kannst du mir vielleicht eine Zigarette leihen?” (“could you perhaps lend me a cigarette?”) is less pronounced in many examples from the 19th century, e.g. houwa louch arabiieh? “A-t-il une voiture?” (MQ 156) is merely asking a fact. 31 For the meaning “in order to” for lamma, not attested in Badawi–Hinds (1986), see Woidich (2006: 379). 32 E.g. ma-tīgi (see Woidich 2006: 298). 33 A similar construction using miš for emphasis is well known, e.g. miš tiḫalli bālak w inta sāyi’ “paß doch auf, wenn du fährst” (“do be careful when you drive”) (Woidich 2006: 341). 30 565 NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA Egyptian Arabic. The following are just a few examples: bàch takhtah “commode” (MQ 42); 34 tozlok “eye-glasses” (YN 153), nowadays naḍḍāra; 35 khôdja (MQ 146) / hodja (MQ 376) “teacher”, nowadays mudarris; îlchi “ambassador” (YN 5), nowadays safīr; djanbàz “maquignon” (“horsedealer”) (MQ 65); mir yakhur “écuyer” (“stableman”) (MQ 67). However, it was not only Turkish vocabulary that disappeared. There are also many Arabic words in the two works that are not in use anymore today in Cairo, such as: • bidd + suffix / yirīd “to want” (many examples, e.g. anà biddi adjàwbak “Je veux vous répondre” (MQ 578), tereed or biddak ayh “what do you wish?” (YN 191)), which was used besides ‘āwiz/‘āyiz; • ‘aṭa “to give” (e.g. MQ 460); • waddar “to lose” (MQ 352); • ’adr ’ē “how much”, e.g. abouk omrou cadr èh “Quel âge a monsieur votre père?” (MQ 232), kâm or kadr ayh “how much?” (YN 66) (’add ē nowadays); • min šān “for, in order to” (e.g. MQ 318, YN 260) (nowadays ‘a(la)šān); • wa’t “weather” (only Qadrī, e.g. MQ 268 arouh in màkanchi il wact radi “J’irai, s’il ne fait pas mauvais temps”) and hawa “weather” (only Naḫla, e.g. YN 238 al ha-wa itghayyar “the weather is changed”). wa’t is a calque of the French temps, which means both “weather” and “time”; this word never gained popular use. 36 hawa is still in use with the meaning of “wind”, but has been replaced with the word gaww for “weather”; • ḥanak, fumm “mouth” (e.g. MQ 3, YN 95). The former is nowadays only used for the mouth of an animal or in a pejorative way for the mouth of a person, while the latter is still used in Cairo for the mouth of an object (e.g. a pipe), but not for the mouth of a person, 37 except in certain expressions; 38 • mara “woman” (e.g. MQ 10, YN ii), nowadays only used pejoratively; • ‘amnawwil “last year” (e.g. YN 197 am-na-oo-wil); this was the usual word for “last year” (with a remnant of tanwīn; nowadays, only issana lli fātit is used); • kitīr “very” (e.g. MQ 352, YN 181); • maḥzam “towel” (YN 172 mahhzam, mahâzim ‫)ﻣﺤﺰم‬. I have found only one other instance in Chagavat (19?: 312), while the other sources from the 19th century that I consulted only give fūṭa; 39 40 • haggāla “widow” (YN 190 haggâlah), a North-African word that I haven’t found in other dictionaries of Egyptian Arabic (the usual word is ’armala). P P P38F P Many of these lexical items, although now obsolete in Cairo, can still be found in the Egyptian countryside, such as bidd, ‘aṭa, ḥanak, and mara. 41 Conclusion Qadrī and Naḫla wrote their books with the intention to teach Arabic to foreigners, and a European language (French and English respectively) to Egyptians. With respect to design and purpose, the two works are very similar, and it is likely that Qadrī’s French book inspired Naḫla to write a similar work in English. The idea of how to teach a foreign language, however, was rather underdeveloped in both works. In providing only a vocabulary and dialogues, Qadrī’s work could only be useful for looking up certain words or phrases as the need arose, but did not do much in the way of teaching the 34 The word taḫta is still used with the meaning of “school bench” or “blackboard”, see Badawi–Hinds (1986: 123). From Turkish gözlük. The t in tozlok is probably a typo, as Spiro (1897: 455) has kuzluk. 36 Newman (2002: 5) mentions zaman, which was used with the same meaning by Rifā‘a al-Ṭahṭāwī, one of the pioneers of the translation movement. This word did not survive either. 37 See Badawi–Hinds (1986: 229). 38 See Badawi–Hinds (1986: 672). 39 Spiro (1895: 133) has “apron”. This is related to ḥizām “belt”, as the apron is tied around the waist. This could also be the link with Naḫla’s meaning of “towel”, as this can be tied around the waist as well. 40 It is mentioned in Marcel (1869: 560). 41 See Behnstedt–Woidich (1985: maps 385–386, 406) and Woidich (1995: 281–284). 35 566 LIESBETH ZACK languages. Naḫla went one step further, providing a grammar of Egyptian Arabic, but failed to give an English grammar for his Arabic speaking readers. The colloquial Arabic presented in the two books is typical for the dialect of Cairo in the 19th century, except for Qadrī’s use of dj for *ǧ, beside occasional g, which points to a different dialect. When comparing the two works, some differences come to light. Pausal ’imāla, which according to Blanc (1973–74) disappeared from Cairo Arabic at the end of the 19th century, is still preserved in Qadrī (1868), but is almost totally absent from Naḫla (1874), which indicates that its disappearance started somewhat earlier than Blanc indicated. Also in the use of the future marker, Naḫla’s language shows a closer link to modern Cairo Arabic than Qadrī’s, as the latter used the declined forms rāyiḥ, rayḥa, rayḥīn, while the former used the shortened prefixed form ḥa- which is in use nowadays. However, in other respects Qadrī’s language is closer to the dialect of Cairo of today, especially in the use of the object/possessive suffixes. There are several explanations for the differences in language use between Qadrī and Naḫla. Although they were both prominent Egyptians residing in Cairo, their religious background, upbringing, education, and age (Qadrī was 26 years Naḫla’s senior) were very different, which must certainly have led to differences in language use. The dialect of Cairo was a dialect in a transitional stage, in a period of time in which some features disappeared and new features emerged. Therefore, it is not surprising that these two sources give different accounts of certain features. The subject of language change in Cairo in the 19th century is complex, and the scope of this article only allowed us to discuss a few interesting items. A monograph on this subject is currently being prepared by the author, which will hopefully shed more light on this interesting period in the history of Cairo Arabic. References Badawi, El-Said & Hinds, Martin. 1986. A Dictionary of Egyptian Arabic: Arabic–English. Beirut: Librairie du Liban. Behnstedt, Peter &Woidich, Manfred. 1985. Die ägyptisch-arabischen Dialekte. Vol. 2: Dialektatlas von Ägypten. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Blanc, Haim. 1973–74. “La perte d’une forme pausale dans le parler arabe du Caire”, Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph 48. 375–390. Cadri, Mohamed: see Qadrī, Muḥammad. Chagavat, Michel Bey Saleh. 19?. Vocabulaire français-italien-arabe, contenant les mots en français, en italien et en arabe, la prononciation figurée et les phrases les plus usitées de la conversation. Cairo: Emin Hindié. Cilardo, Agostino. 2009. “Muhammad Qadri Pasha al-Hanafi”, Katz, Stanley N. (ed.), The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Legal History. http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/acref/9780195134056.001.0001/acref-9780195134056-e-561 (accessed 10 May 2015). Diem, Werner. 2014. Negation in Arabic: A Study in Linguistic History. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Galtier, Émile. 1905. “Sur une forme verbale de l’arabe d’Égypte”, BIFAO 4. 31–38. Haggenmacher, Karl. 1892. Grammatik des ägyptisch-arabischen Vulgärdialektes. Cairo: Boehme & Anderer. Marcel, J.J. 1869. Dictionnaire français-arabe des dialectes vulgaires d’Alger, d’Égypte, de Tunis et de Maroc. 2ème édition. Paris: Maisonneuve. Miṣrī, Īsīs Ḥabīb al-. 1992. Qiṣṣat al-kanīsa al-qibṭiyya wa-hiya tārīx al-kanīsa al-urṯūduksiyya al-miṣriyya allatī assasahā Mār Murqus al-Bašīr. Vol. 4: Min sanat 1517–1870.[Cairo]: s.n. Mosconas, Demetrius. 1884. English & Arabic Dictionary Accompanied by Dialogues & Useful Notes for the Use of the British Army of Occupation. Cairo: s.n. Naḫla, Ya‘qūb. 1874. New Manual of English and Arabic Conversation = al-Tuḥfa al-murḍiya fī ta‘allum al-luġa alingilīziyya. Cairo: The Khèdive’s Press. Nallino, Carlo Alfonso. 1900. L’Arabo parlato in Egitto: grammatica, dialoghi, e raccolta di circa 6000 vocabili. Milano: Ulrici Hoepli. Newman, Daniel L. 2002. “The European Influence on Arabic during the Nahda: Lexical Borrowing from European Languages (ta‘rīb) in 19th-Century Literature”, The Journal of the Korean Association of Arabic Language and Literature 5. 1–32. Probst, Friedrich. 1898. Arabischer Sprachführer in ägyptischem Dialect. Neue Ausgabe. (1st printing 1892.) Qadrī, Muḥammad. 1868. Nouveau guide de conversation française et arabe, ouvrage élémentaire et classique, contenant une nouvelle méthode très facile pour apprendre aux Indigènes à parler le français et aux Européens à parler l’arabe en peu de temps = al-Durr al-nafīs fī luġatay al-‘arab wa-l-faransīs. Cairo: Imprimerie de P. Cumbo. http://menadoc.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/ssg/content/titleinfo/402959 NINETEENTH-CENTURY CAIRO ARABIC AS DESCRIBED BY QADRĪ AND NAḪLA 567 Spiro, Socrates. 1895. An Arabic-English Vocabulary of the Colloquial Arabic of Egypt. Cairo: Al-Mokattam Printing Office; London: Bernard Quaritch. Spiro, Socrates. 1897. An English Arabic Vocabulary of the Modern and Colloquial Arabic of Egypt. Cairo: Al-Mokattam Printing Office; London: Bernard Quaritch. Spitta-Bey, Wilhelm. 1880. Grammatik des arabischen Vulgärdialektes von Aegypten. Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs’sche Buchhandlung. Ṭanṭāwī, Muḥammad ‘Ayyād al-. 1848. Traité de la langue arabe vulgaire = Aḥsan al-nuxab fī ma‘rifat lisān al-‘arab. Leipsic: Guillaume Vogel Fils. Vollers, K. 1890. Lehrbuch der Aegypto-arabischen Umgangssprache. Cairo: s.n. Willmore, J.S. 1901. The spoken Arabic of Egypt: Grammar, Exercises, Vocabularies. London: David Nutt. Wilmsen, David. 2014. Arabic Indefinites, Interrogatives, and Negators: A Linguistic History of Western Dialects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Woidich, Manfred. 1995. “Das Kairenische im 19. JH.: Gedanken zu Ṭanṭāwī’s ‘Traité de la langue arabe vulgaire’”, Dialectologia Arabica: A Collection of Articles in Honour of the Sixtieth Birthday of Professor Heikki Palva. Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society. 271–287. Woidich, Manfred. 2006. Das Kairenisch-Arabische: eine Grammatik. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Zack, Liesbeth. 2016. “Arabic language guides written for the British Army during the British Occupation of Egypt, 1882– 1922”, Schmidt-Brücken, Daniel, Schuster, Susanne, & Wienberg, Marina (eds.), Aspects of (Post)Colonial Linguistics: Current Perspectives and New Approaches. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. 1–26. (KPL/CPL;9) Ziriklī, Ḫayr al-Dīn b. Maḥmūd al-. 2002. al-A‘lām: qāmūs tarāǧim li-ašhar al-riǧāl wa-l-nisā’ min al-‘arab wa-almusta‘ribīn wa-al-mustašriqīn. Vol. 8. 15th ed. Beirut: Dār al-‘ilm li-l-malāyīn. THE USE OF TABOO – RELATED WORDS IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO (IM)POLITENESS MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA University of Silesia Abstract: The paper discusses the use of intimate body part terms by young Egyptians in the light of their social background. The analysis concerns words under the category of macrolinguistic (observed by all speakers and not contextspecific) taboo (Hongxu & Guisen 1990), semantically associated with two forbidden domains: sexuality and excretion, and thus, culturally stigmatized in a double way. Another feature of this vocabulary is the lack of orthophemisms (neutral expressions) and its consequence: vulgarization. The study revealed that the use of intimate body part names is a highly tabooed linguistic practice and it is related to the speaker’s level of education. People educated at private universities and those with no academic education use this vocabulary more often than the group educated at state universities. In this group a significant difference was revealed between male and female usage of these words: women tend to maintain verbal hygiene at all times. No particular difference was observed among private university students. These results correspond with the speakers’ perception of the level of taboo associated with intimate body terms. Moreover, the following euphemistic strategies were identified: metaphor and metonymy, remodeling, contraction, omission, onomatopoeia, baby talk as well as the use of English and Modern Standard Arabic. Keywords: Egyptian Arabic, taboo, politeness, euphemism, sociolinguistics Introduction This study examines the terms used in Egypt to name intimate body parts in the context of the social background of the speakers. The vocabulary discussed herein is limited to a group of four words that constitute the strictest taboo related to the human body: (1) ṭīz ‘ass’, (2) kuss ‘cunt’, (3) zibb ‘dick’ and (4) zubr ‘dick’. These words were selected because they are semantically associated with two forbidden domains: sexuality and excretion, and therefore, undergo a double stigmatization. As pointed out by Hongxu & Guisen (1990), such words represent macrolinguistic (observed by all speakers of the community and not context-specific) taboo. Qanbar classifies this vocabulary as unmentionable (Qanbar 2011:91). Words such as (5) biḍān ‘balls’, ‘testicles‘ or (6) ṣidr ‘chest’, ‘breasts’ were not analyzed because, though they are undoubtedly sexually connoted, they do not belong semantically to the realm of excretion. The tabooness of the words selected in this paper leads speakers to avoid them and, if possible, eschew situations in which they would be required. Such behavior is consistent with Brown & Levinson’s theory of politeness (Brown & Levinson 1987). However, when necessary, euphemisms are used - for example, when talking to children, with whom conversations about excretion are usually impossible to avoid. On the other hand, such expressions are used frequently by certain people to insult others or simply in order to sound vulgar. Thus, when talking about urination, it is possible to use the euphemistic verb (7) yiʿmil bibbī ‘to pee’ or (8) yiʿmil ḥammām ‘to make toilet’, especially when conversing with a child as well as the dysphemistic: (9) yiṭarṭar ‘to piss’, (10) yišuḫḫ ‘to piss’, (11) yiʾiḥḥ ‘to piss’. Usually the dysphemistic use is considered to be restricted to male users, although the current data do not confirm such a belief. As we can see, there are no orthophemisms – neutral expressions to render the meaning of intimate body parts without a significant change of register. It might appear that such neutral expressions are provided by Modern Standard Arabic (hereafter: MSA), since it is possible to borrow the MSA verb (12) yabūl ‘to urinate’ and use it as a non-taboo term. However, this kind of borrowing requires a strictly defined context – for example, a conversation with a physician, TV talk show or university lecture. Used in a different 570 MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA setting it might be either very unnatural (and often unacceptable) or even perceived as vulgar. Similarly, when it comes to intimate body parts, we can see a significant difference in the degree tabooness of MSA and EA lexemes: (13) ʿaǧīza ‘buttocks’ or (14) miqʿada ‘bottom’ sound softer than (1) does; ((15) farǧ ‘vagina’ evokes different connotations than (2). The same can be said about the opposition of (16) qaḍīb ‘penis’ and (3) or (4). This applies also to the whole realm of human intimacy - for exapmle, sexual acts: (17) yuḍāği‛ ‘to copulate’ – (18) yinīk ‘to fuck’; body secretions and waste: (19) ġā’iṭ ‘excrements’ – (20) ḫara ‘shit’ and many other body-related topics. The examples shown above may be classified as either orthophemisms or euphemisms, while their EA counterparts are regarded vulgar and marked by a strong taboo. This does not, however, mean that it is always possible to resort to MSA when taboo is involved. To some extent it is obvious that the absence of colloquial expressions to name intimate body parts is due to the fact that the words discussed here are culturally forbidden. Breaking the taboo associated with them leads to a strong emotional reaction. As shown by numerous studies, taboo words elicit greater automatic reactivity than neutral words, manifested in immediate memory tasks or increased skin conductance response (Manning & Melchiori 1974, Javier & Marcos 1989, Mackay & Shafto & Taylor & Marian 2004, Guillet & Arndt 2009; Jay & Caldwell-Harris & King 2008). Another consequence of the tabooization of such terms is their vulgarization. Intimate body part names are seen as indecent and some can be used derogatorily: (21) ṭīzak ḥamra 'your ass is red’, (22) inta ṭīz ‘you are a dweeb’, (23) šūṭa ḫara ‘bad (shitty) shot’. Both male and female body part names undergo vulgarization, although in the case of EA, it is possible to observe that the term for female genitals is not only vulgar, but can be abusive when used to address people. While it is impossible to offend anyone by calling them (3) or (4) (the expression inta zibb or inta zubr is simply nonsensical), addressing someone (24) ya kuss or (25) inta kuss ‘you (are a) cunt’ are among the heaviest terms of abuse. The transition from “awkward” or “unspoken” to “offensive” (in this case extremely offensive) marks the boundary level of tabooness, above which the word starts to undergo semantic satiation. As Khanfar (2012:8) points out, such words usually change their meanings completely. This can be observed in the numerous lexical forms derived from (2): (26) kaskūs ‘coward’, (27) kass ‘to chicken out’ e.g. kass wi hirib ‘he chickened out and fled’, (28) kassīs ‘ass kisser’, (29) mikassāti ’ass kisser', (30) mitkassis – passive participle of kassis ‘to kiss ass’. Some of these words (28 – 30) are no longer used, although, they can be found in the dictionary of EA by Badawi and Hinds (1986). (31) kuss ummak ‘your mother’s cunt’ is probably the heaviest Arabic insult, also present in other dialects. The current study The aim of this study is to answer two questions: Is there any correlation between the use of tabooed terms referring to the body and the social background of the speaker? What kind of strategies do people employ to avoid mentioning taboos? The first question stems from the complexity of Arab culture. The taboo is gradable and depends largely on factors such as gender, age or class affiliation. For example, in Egypt we find significant differences in the way women and men communicate. Women’s speech is characterized by self-restraint and avoidance of tabooed expressions. At the same time, class stratification (with the upper middle class being under the strong influence of the West) might be another reason for the emergence and deepening of the differences between groups. On the other hand, the taboo associated with body parts necessitates the resort to euphemisms or other ways to express awkward content including topics classified by many speakers as unmentionable. The material used in this work consisted of examples of the spoken variety of language, collected during field research in 2013; additionally, written online communication excerpts were analyzed. The method applied in the study was twofold: (1) quantitative: a questionnaire concerning the use of particular lexical forms (apart from the four words on which the main attention of this paper focuses, it also included words naming activities related to sexual and excretory functions, as well as other body-related expressions). The respondents were asked whether and under what circumstances they use particular words. Among those possible circumstances they were asked to choose from: a) in everyday speech, b) in writing, c) on the Internet (non-anonymously), d) in the presence of people of THE USE OF TABOO – RELATED WORDS IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO (IM)POLITENESS 571 the same sex, e) in the presence of people of the opposite sex, f) in the presence of parents, g) in the presence of older people / strangers. Furthermore, the subjects were asked to enumerate the expressions used to mitigate the taboo of particular words and euphemistic strategies. It is necessary to note that, since the study is based on data from speakers, it does not necessarily show the actual use, but rather reflects their intention and evaluation. In terms of qualitative (2) study, in-depth interviews were conducted about Egyptian attitudes towards tabooed vocabulary. The study involved 60 people aged 18-35 mostly from Cairo and Alexandria. The subjects were divided into 3 groups according to their type of education: Group 1: Students/ graduates of private universities Group 2: Students/ graduates of state universities Group 3: Individuals with secondary education or lower This criterion was adopted because in Egypt education is strongly correlated with social class. The class system is characterized by a relatively low social mobility, despite the fact that since the Nasserite revolution in 1952 Egypt assumed the policy of equal chances and free education for everyone (De Koning 2009:49). This led to the formation of the middle class, whose hallmark was university education and an aspiration to a lifestyle free from menial labor (De Koning 2009:47). Since the 1970s, the declining quality of state education has given impetus to a growth in private education that starts as early as in kindergarten. In today‘s Egypt private (international) education is extremely expensive and available only to the affluent stratum of the society. Their graduates are fluent in English and often in other foreign languages, which brings them culturally closer to the West. De Koning believes that in Egypt the most important form of cultural capital is cosmopolitan capital, manifested in the knowledge of a "globally dominant culture", including consumer culture and diploma from an institution associated with the West (De Koning 2009:51). Study results The observation of the individual linguistic behavior of Egyptians has shown that people classified into groups 1 and 3 have similar habits when it comes to openness towards taboo topics. This is frequently manifested in a dismissive attitude towards social norms. However, such behavior was rarely observed in group 2. The results are shown in the form of charts, where the numbers from 0 to 6 reflect the tabooness of the words, perceived subjectively by the respondents. Charts 1 - 6 show the declared usage of the words: (1), (2), (3) and (4). There is a separate chart set for (1) and the remaining three have been grouped together due to the significant similarity of the results. Based on the answers given in the survey the following scheme was adopted: 0 – Neutral, used freely regardless of the communicative situation and interlocutors; 1 – Embarrassing, however used in everyday speech, non-anonymous online forums, in the presence of parents/ grandparents/ relatives/ older people/ opposite sex; 2 – Embarrassing, however used in everyday speech: in the presence of parents/ grandparents/ relatives/ elderly people/ opposite sex; 3 – Embarrassing, used in everyday speech: in the presence of older people/ opposite sex; 4 – Embarrassing, used in everyday speech: in the presence of opposite sex; 5 – Embarrassing, used in everyday speech only in the presence of people of the same sex; 6 – Unmentionable; For greater clarity, color gradation of the charts was adopted; the lighter shades of grey mark a lower level of taboo. However, number 6 is colored in red, which refers to the fact that words labeled 6 cannot be used under any circumstances. 572 MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA Chart 1a : ṭīz, group 1, women Chart 1b : ṭīz, group 1, men Chart 2a: ṭīz, group 2, women Chart 2b: ṭīz, group 2, men THE USE OF TABOO – RELATED WORDS IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO (IM)POLITENESS Chart 3a: ṭīz, group 3, women Chart 3b: ṭīz, group 3, men Chart 4a: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 1, women Chart 4b: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 1, men 573 574 MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA Chart 5a: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 2, women Chart 6a: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 3, women Chart 5b: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 2, men Chart 6b: kuss , zibb, zubr, group 3, men Chart 1 shows the use of (1) in group 1. Among the well-educated of Egyptian society there is hardly any difference in how men and women perceive this word. Slightly more men considered this expression as unmentionable, but taking into consideration the relatively small number of respondents, this difference is not significant. About 20% of men and the same number of women considered this word to be neutral. Therefore, we can conclude that the assessment is highly individual and and no one particular view dominates. In the case of chart 2, which shows the responses in group 2, the difference between men and women is significant, as almost 80% of women considered the term unmentionable, while 20% viewed it as neutral. In the case of men the results do not differ significantly from the responses in group 1, and, thus, there is no one particular majority outlook. In group 3, there is something of a discrepancy in the responses of the women; about 40% regarded (1) as neutral and as many as 50% said it was unmentionable. At first glance, this raises some doubts, which will be addressed in more detail in the following discussion. Over 40% of men in this THE USE OF TABOO – RELATED WORDS IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO (IM)POLITENESS 575 group recognized (1) as neutral, and less than 20% as unmentionable. At the same time, more than 20% of them felt that this word could be used only in all-male company. In terms of (2), (3) and (4), in group 1, once again the responses of men and women were similar. 50% of women considered these words mentionable only in the company of friends, and over 40% said they were unmentionable. Slightly more than 40% of men classified them as mentionable among male friends and a similar number found them unmentionable. Also a slightly higher number of men said these words can be used in the presence of the opposite sex and older people, but not relatives. In group 2, again there was a significant difference between the answers of men and women. Over 90% of women considered these words unmentionable, while only 5% said that, under certain circumstances (even in the presence of the opposite sex), these words could be used. In group 3 the difference between men and women was almost as indicative; 70% of women considered these words unmentionable, yet 20% of them classified them as neutral. This shows that the use of tabooed words is affected not only by the speaker’s level and quality of education but also by other factors, and the groups of people presented here as similar do not necessarily form a homogenous structure. Among men 40% believed (2), (3) and (4) to be unmentionable and 30% rated them 5 (mentionable only among male friends). When compared to the women’s responses, a smaller number of men recognized these words as neutral. Discussion In this section the results of the quantitative study in the context of the data obtained from interviews will be discussed. (1) is perceived very differently among Egyptians; group 3 proved to be the most heterogeneous – 40% of women considered the word to be neutral, which is very close to the number of those who viewed it as unmentionable (50%). With males the situation was not so definite, but the discrepancy was also high. This inconsistency is probably due to the fact that this group is very strongly represented in Egypt and therefore, its members may represent different levels of society (from office workers to illiterate people) In general, it should be noted that all the words presented here are most commonly avoided by women belonging to group 2. Some of them did not even know the words naming the male sexual organ. However, 50% of group 1 thought these words could be used among friends. In this group, almost no difference between men and women was recorded. This fact may be due to the cosmopolitan lifestyle of these people who draw patterns from Western culture, where the social roles of men and women are not as clearly defined as in the Arab world. At the same time, the huge differences in this respect in group 2 may spring from the very nature of Arab culture, where women are required to strictly follow the norms of (verbal) modesty and restraint, hence the high level of avoidance of the words discussed here (90%). This corresponds in some sense to the middle-class politeness criterion (MCPC) described by Allan & Burridge (2006:34). When it comes to the frequency of use, (1) and (2) are used more often than (3) and (4), due to the fact that they can be used to formulate insults. (2) creates an exceptionally vulgar expression with ummak added to refer to the recipient’s mother, and (1) is found in such expressions as (21) and (22) as well as (32) ṭīz ummak ‘your mother’s ass’, (33) ṭīz ahlak ‘your relatives’ ass’. The effect of the insult in both cases is strengthened by ancestral allusion. The strategy of directing the abuse to the interlocutor’s relatives rather than to him/ her personally is combined here with a reference to sexuality and excretion. The use of such insults is referred to as ʿīb ‘shame’, which signifies trespassing beyond the sphere of morals associated usually with sexual purity. Furthermore, these words can be used in expressions classified as ḥarām ‘forbidden’– a type of religious prohibition. These include for example the highly abusive (34) yilʿan ṭīz ummak ‘may your mother’s ass be cursed’. 576 MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA Euphemistic strategies In the choice of euphemistic strategy, a fundamental role is played by such factors as: social affiliation of the speaker, individual sensitivity to taboos and education. The upper middle class consists of people who are usually fluent in English; therefore, for them, referring to this language is one of the basic strategies whenever there is a need for a euphemism. Such words as “vagina“, “penis”, “buttocks”, “bottom” as well as “cunt”, “cock”, “dick” and “ass” are employed, and the choice is usually determined by the speaker’s command of English. Some people educated at private universities or studying outside Egypt are in fact bilingual, and so for them the use of “cunt”, “dick” and “ass” would be vulgar linguistic behavior. Such people opt for the more neutral “vagina”, “penis” and “buttocks”. For those less fluent in English, using the former group may have a euphemistic function. The use of foreign language is adopted to create distance between the speaker and the topic through the choice of emotionally unmarked lexemes. This is explained in the study by Harris et al. in the study of reprimands and emotional vocabulary that is “felt stronger in L1 than in L2” (Harris & Aycicegi & Gleason 2003) as well as in Opitz & Degner’s study (2012) indicating that “the affective valence of L2 words is processed in a less immediate way due to delayed lexical access”. The reference to MSA may have similar functions: it creates distance by changing the register and making the utterance sound more serious. Terms such as (15) or (16) may also carry a religious association. Interestingly, as highlighted by the interviewees, these words might be taboo for nonreligious people, while people with a good knowledge of religious writings often perceive them as neutral. Furthermore, the use of such expressions as: (35) ʾaʿḍāʾ tanāsulīya ‘reproductive organs’, (36) ʿaḍw ḏakarī ‘male organ’ or (14) actually combines two strategies - the use MSA and metonymic circumlocution – a frequent technique for responding to taboos in Egyptian (see: Wilmsen 2010). In the case of women in group 2 the metonymic circumlocution is a common technique – for example, (37) ʾamākin ḥassāsa ‘sensitive areas’, (38) manṭiʾa ḥassāsa ‘sensitive area’. Metonymy of place is met in the use of (39) taḥt ‘under’ referring rather to a large area of human body without specifying the denoted object. Metaphorical (40) bulbul ‘nightingale’ and (41) hamāma ‘pigeon’ are used to refer to the male reproductive organs. However, these words are considered almost as vulgar as (3) and (4) by some of the women in group 2, especially those living in cities. On the other hand, those who lived in villages used these terms in conversations with their children, which clearly shows that they are not vulgar for them. Other examples of metaphors are: (42) ḫabūr and (43) ḫazūʾ referring to penis, both meaning ‘a stick’ and usually not considered as vulgar, although for some they are bīʾa (primitive, characteristic of the less educated part of the society). Also, an interesting example is the use of the noun (44) bitāʿ ‘thing’ to describe penis or vagina. The word usually refers to an object whose name the speaker cannot remember or do not consider it to be important for the message. Its use signals a distancing technique by which both male and female genitals can be denoted without the risk of flouting socially accepted codes of conduct. It is also one of the most common ways of talking about menstruation. Baby talk is a strategy used by women, not only in communication with children, but also as a technique of mitigating the tone of tabooed words in other communicative situations. This category is broad and highly diversified, mainly because it comprises a large amount of words created individually for personal use. Such words are either the result of conventional use between the mother and child or produced ad hoc as a strategy of camouflage in the presence of strangers. Examples of such words are: (45) sūsū, (46) tūktūk, (47) būsi for the female genitals; (48) būba for buttocks. Depending on the speaker, the word (49) tūta may refer to the male or female genitals (or both); the same applies to (50) zanbūr, which, however, is not used in conversation with children. As mentioned previously, the names of intimate body parts can be used as insults, although for a large majority of the society, their softer counterparts are preferable. Among the techniques used for this purpose shortening by contraction can be mentioned, as in (51) kummak ‘your sleeve’ instead of (31). Another similar remodelling/ root modification can be seen in (52) kuskusi ‘couscous’ instead of (2). Male respondents claimed that this expression was characteristic of “women’s speech”. However, THE USE OF TABOO – RELATED WORDS IN EGYPTIAN ARABIC A SOCIOLINGUISTIC APPROACH TO (IM)POLITENESS 577 the majority of women considered it vulgar and embarrassing. Another method is the metonymic change of (2) into (53) rigl ummak ‘your mother’s leg’. Other techniques include: onomatopoeia: (54) tītak ḥamra ‘your beep is red’ instead of (21), where tīt is a signal used on radio and television to mask vulgarities and obscenities. The sound similarity between tīt and ṭīz appears to be crucial here. For this insult, however, the most common technique is omission: ḥamra ‘red’, considered amusing rather than vulgar. Summary To sum up, it should be stressed that: - the use of intimate body part names is a highly tabooed linguistic practice; - the use and non-use of these words both depend on the social background of the speaker; - group 1 and 3 use this type of vocabulary more often than group 2, which corresponds to the perception of their level of taboo; - there is a significant difference between male and female usage of these words in group 2, while no such difference occurs in group 1; - women in group 2 usually maintain verbal hygiene at all times; - the choice of a euphemism depends largely on the communicative situation (For example, in a conversation with a physician it is not possible to use the baby talk strategy); - euphemisms used frequently among a certain group of people can be considered vulgar among others; - social background may determine speaker’s level of sensitivity to the topic of intimate body parts. The presentation of the results was based on a premise that specific situations of the use may be related to a gradation of tabooness: the least tabooed are expressions that can be used in any situation, including non-anonymous online discussions, where all information easily reaches a large group of recipients. In such situations, to avoid the use of tabooed expressions can be seen as a strategy of selfpresentation. The words used in the presence of the speaker’s parents are less tabooed than those that are used in the presence of unknown older people. The politeness in this case is governed by the prospect of future benefits, which does not apply to interactions with strangers. Also, the use of certain terms among friends is a factor strengthening the in-group membership, which applies in particular to insults; such a function is based on the closeness of the relation between speakers and is characteristic for men, especially in group 3. At the end of the discussion it is necessary to address a few problematic issues. Firstly, the small number of respondents in the current study makes it impossible to extrapolate the results in terms of the entire Egyptian society, which is highly heterogeneous and in which various attitudes towards the discussed problem can be found. Secondly, the answers given by the respondents have a declarative character and the truthfulness of the responses has not been tested in any way. In addition, certain types of linguistic behavior, including the use of tabooed vocabulary may be unconscious. This, however, has no effect on the study because the information on the declarative level is sufficient for this kind of discussion. Finally, the results for (2), (3) and (4) were grouped together due to the similar responses, though, in fact, they represent two completely different levels of vulgarity. Those levels are marked by the pragmatic function of (2) as an insult, which makes the word relatively frequent regardless of the fact that it is more vulgar than (3) and (4). References Allan, Keith, & Burridge, Kate. 2006. Forbidden Words: Taboo and the Censoring of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Penelope, & Levinson, Stephen. 1987. Politeness. Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. De Koning, Anouk. 2009. Global Dreams. Class, Gender, and Public Space in Cosmopolitan Cairo. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. 578 MAGDALENA ZAWROTNA Dilworth, Parkinson. 1985. Constructing the Social Context of Communication. Terms of Address in Egyptian Arabic. Berlin, New York, Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. Guillet, Rebecca, & Arndt, Jason. 2009. “Taboo Words: The Effect of Emotion on Memory for Peripheral Information”, Memory & Cognition 37 (6). 866-879. Harris, Catherine, & Aycicegi, Ayse, & Gleason, Jean. 2003. “Taboo Words and Reprimands Elicit Greater Autonomic Reactivity in a First Language than in a Second Language”, Applied Psycholinguistics 24. 561–579. Hongxu, Huang, & Guisen, Tian. 1990. “A Sociolinguistic View of Linguistic Taboo in Chinese”, International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 81. 63-86. Jay, Timothy & Caldwell-Harris, Catherine, & King, Krista. 2008. “Recalling Taboo and Nontaboo Words”, American Journal of Psychology 121(1). 83-103. Khanfar, Adil Malik. 2012. “Euphemism in Arabic: Typology and Formation”, Journal of the College of Arts. University of Basrah, 61. 1-34. Mackay, Donald G., & Shafto, Meredith & Taylor, Jennifer K., & Marian, Diane. 2004. “Relations between Emotion, Memory, and Attention: Evidence from Taboo Stroop, Lexical Decision, and Immediate Memory Tasks”, Memory & Cognition 32 (3). 474–488. Manning, Susan, & Melchiori, Maria. 1973. “Words that Upset Urban College Students: Measures with GSRs and Rating Scales”, Journal of Social Psychology 94 (2). 305-306. Opitz, Bertram, & Degner, Juliane. 2012. “Emotionality in a Second Language: It’s a Matter of Time”, Neuropsychologia 50 (8). 1961-1967. Qanbar, Nada. 2011. “A Sociolinguistic Study of The linguistic Taboos in the Yemeni Society” MJAL 3 (2). 86-104. Wilmsen, David. 2010. Understatement, “Euphemism, and Circumlocution in Egyptian Arabic: Cooperation in Conversational Dissembling”, Owens, Jonathan & El Gibaly, Alaa (eds.), Information Structure in Spoken Arabic. London: Routledge. 243 – 259. LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES : MEDIAS SOCIAUX ET PARLERS JEUNES AU MAROC. LE CAS DE BOUZEBBAL KARIMA ZIAMARI GRAL (FLSH-Meknès) / LaCNAD – INALCO (Paris) ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI LaCNAD – INALCO (Paris) Résumé : Les parlers jeunes au Maroc sont parmi les pratiques linguistiques les plus médiatisées à travers les réseaux sociaux. Ces derniers sont les moteurs des pratiques linguistiques et œuvrent à leur reproduction et circulation. Comment les médias sociaux médiatisent-ils les parlers jeunes ? Quels parlers jeunes sont-ils mis en scène ? Et quelles interprétations de ces phénomènes pouvons-nous avancer ? A travers une série animée, Bouzebbal, créée par Mohamed Nassib, nous interrogerons ces liaisons dangereuses entre langues et médias sociaux dans le cadre des rapports entre culture et société. Les médias, en général, sont des « agents » redoutables dans la reproduction des perceptions des usagers, les médias sociaux, en particulier, encouragent la diffusion, la reprise, la circulation, l’interaction et surtout le mimétisme des opinions, des idéologies, des pratiques et représentations linguistiques. Les parlers jeunes au Maroc, passant par les médias sociaux, s’enrichissent de cet entourage. Si Bouzebbal, à travers son héros, bénéficie d’un succès sans égal c’est entre autres parce qu’il associe ce que permettent les médias sociaux et internet aux pratiques linguistiques jeunes. Mots-clés : médias sociaux, darija, parlers jeunes, pratiques linguistiques, représentations sociolangagières. Les médias sociaux sur internet jouent un rôle considérable dans la circulation des idéologies, des opinions et des représentations. Ils participent de nouvelles dynamiques sociolinguistiques puisqu’ils permettent la diffusion et la circulation des langues (Caubet 2013), comme ils peuvent susciter ou accompagner les politiques linguistiques d’un pays (Miller 2012 et 2010). Cet article vise à s’intéresser aux parlers jeunes du Maroc d’aujourd’hui à travers une production, la série animée Bouzebbal, qui utilise les potentialités de diffusion et de reprise d’internet, et qui s’avère être à la fois reflet et moteur de pratiques des parlers jeunes. La réflexion s’ancrera dans un intérêt pour l’étude des rapports entre culture et société (Mattelart & Neveu 2008) et interrogera tout d’abord le lien entre langues et médias sociaux. De quelle manière les médias sociaux participentils à diffuser des pratiques langagières ? Ce lien, ces liaisons dangereuses, de par les grandes capacités de diffusion des médias sociaux, peut ainsi faire écho et avoir des répercussions sur l’expansion de certaines pratiques. A travers l’exemple de la série et du personnage Bouzebbal, nous poserons quelques pistes de réflexion générales en termes de médiatisation des représentations et des pratiques langagières. Nous verrons ensuite quel(s) type(s) de parler(s) jeune(s) est (sont) employé(s) dans la série, ainsi que les représentations véhiculées. 1. Les liaisons dangereuses : langues et médias sociaux 1.1. médiatisation et mimétisme Bouzebbal est un personnage créé par Mohamed Nassib en 2012, dans une série intitulée ḥikāyāt bouzəbbāl (les aventures de Bouzebbal). L’objectif de Nassib était de créer un dessin animé 100% marocain, selon lui, avec des techniques d’écriture à jour dans le domaine (3D, synchronisation 580 KARIMA ZIAMARI; ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI labliale…). Il s’agit d’une série de quatorze épisodes produits sur trois années avec quelques bonus entre les épisodes conçus, pour annoncer un épisode ultérieur ou pour se positionner par rapport à des événements d’actualité (le recensement, la fête de l’Aïd, les matchs de football de l’équipe Raja…). Bouzebbal est non seulement très bien classé (sur le web), en termes de nombre de vues, mais il est aussi extrêmement repris. Plusieurs séries copiant jusqu’au nom, Bouzebbal (avec les mêmes personnages et les mêmes caractéristiques linguistiques et sociales), ont vu le jour après l’apparition de celui de Mohamed Nassib. Ainsi, Bouzebbal constitue la référence médiatisée la plus suivie actuellement, par les Marocains et particulièrement les jeunes, au travers des principaux réseaux sociaux (Facebook) et plateformes de diffusion de vidéos (Youtube). Image 1 : Rapport de socialbakers.com, octobre 2014 (Capture d’écran). Bouzebbal n’est toutefois pas la première expérience de création de personnage, de dessin animé, sur internet au Maroc. On peut citer celle de Rachid Jadir qui a réalisé la série en 3D Ras Derb, reprise par Maroc Télécom1 (Mrabet 2010). Les médias comme « agents signifiants » (Hall 2008 : 139) « ne transfèrent pas des représentations ou des connaissances. Ils constituent des formes représentatives avec lesquelles chaque usager interagit, à partir de son propre projet, avec par ailleurs ses systèmes de représentations et ses propres potentialités. » (Bélisle et al. 1999 : 204). Les types de médias, internet, qui nous intéressent ici s’appuient et dépendent tout particulièrement de l’interaction avec le public, lui-même usager plus ou moins expert des mêmes outils médiatiques (dans les limites et les contraintes économiques et sociales qui leur sont propres). Mohamed Nassib remporte un tel succès avec Bouzebbal grâce à sa très bonne maîtrise du fonctionnement d’internet, en termes de circulation et de reprise. Son public s’empare de la série et du personnage principal parce que le programme imite et reproduit certaines de leurs pratiques et représentations linguistiques, sociales, politiques… Les médias sociaux ont ceci de particulier que les usagers sont au centre et participent à la circulation et la diffusion des contenus. Bouzebbal comme production et comme personnage participe du « meme » (mimétisation), c'est-à-dire d'une logique de diffusion-reprise d’idées, de pratiques, etc., sur le plan de la diffusionreprise d’une manière de parler, d’un registre, d’un style culturel et langagier. A l’image de cette définition du « meme », la diffusion-reprise de Bouzebbal présente elle-même un caractère viral. Bien entendu, Bouzebbal n’est pas compris de tous et reste hermétique pour certains, même s’il interpelle potentiellement toute la société marocaine, il parle plutôt aux générations les plus jeunes selon des stéréotypes virilistes et populaires. 1.2. Discours produits : représentations et résonnances sociolangagières En dehors du côté technique très performant, la série véhicule un ensemble de prises de positions et de stéréotypes sur le plan politique, social, culturel, religieux et linguistique. L’auteur, Mohamed Nassib, âgé d’une trentaine d’années, a commencé comme rappeur et a étudié les techniques audiovisuelles : prise de vue et son. Il a continué à apprendre en autodidacte sur 1 La télévision reste en effet trop frileuse, ce sont surtout la publicité et les opérateurs de télécoms qui mettent en avant la culture jeune. LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES : MEDIAS SOCIAUX ET PARLERS JEUNES AU MAROC. LE CAS DE BOUZEBBAL 581 internet. L’idée de départ était d’exploiter un « troll » 2 célèbre et de l’adapter à la société marocaine. Dans une interview accordée à l’émission Ajyal (sur la chaîne 2M, en 2013), à la question « Qui est Bouzebbal ? », Mohamed Nassib répond que le mot Bouzebbal 3 est polysémique et, selon lui, daté des années 1990. Bouzebbal est perçu par certains comme « une personne dure et agressive », un « voleur », une personne « pauvre et démuni[e] », mais en tout cas, chacun comprend le mot selon sa perception du monde. De même pour le personnage de Kilimini 4 : un « lettré, un intello », « riche, aisé », « normal, monsieur tout le monde », « frimeur, fils à papa » (frimija : fromage, supporteur du WAC 5). La série a une vocation humoristique et utilise « une darija compréhensible, simple », selon Nassib, qui présente sa série comme un reflet de la société, intégrant une dimension « réaliste, inspirée de ce que nous vivons et voyons dans notre société ». Bouzebbal est un jeune homme au physique ingrat, avec de gros yeux globuleux, un corps chétif, des dents cassées et abîmées à force de fumer. Il est toujours habillé d’un survêtement noir (une contrefaçon) avec des sandales en plastique. Il appartient à un milieu social pauvre et habite un quartier fictif de Casablanca appelé « ḥayy dəbbān : le quartier des mouches ». Bouzebbal est l’emblème d’une jeunesse perdue, sans avenir, et relativement affranchie de la norme : il a quitté l’école très tôt et est peu instruit, il est pauvre, paumé, voleur, fumeur, menteur… Sa famille est composée d’un petit frère, de parents analphabètes, dont le père est retraité et séjourne souvent en prison. Ses amis sont tout aussi perdus que lui. Il a un parler typiquement jeune et urbain, il ne comprend pas le français. Dans la série, cette darija est défendue et valorisée. Certaines expressions récurrentes de Bouzebbal, sont désormais célèbres, comme : « broble:::::m ā ‘šīr-i ». Bouzebbal use de l’agressivité, de la violence, du cynisme et de l’opportunisme. Il maudit les classes aisées, représentées dans la série par le personnage de Kilimini. Il véhicule également l’image d’un adolescent frondeur, dont l'accent et le style linguistique sont associés aux milieux populaires et à la jeunesse. Selon, Boutieri (2014), Bouzebbal apporte une critique horizontale, « d’en-bas » (« nous sommes les fils du peuple » « wlād əš-šə‘b »), des classes aisées qui, pour lui, ne peuvent être qu’humiliantes « ḥəggāra », capitalistes et profiteuses. Il incarne, en même temps, la perte de valeurs sociales traditionnelles, et, pour lui, le plus fort a toujours le dernier mot (aucune solidarité avec les amis, le plus intelligent essaie de piéger les autres…). Il ne remet pas en cause les stéréotypes concernant les rapports hommes/femmes, il en profite en tant que représentant d’une masculinité agressive et sûre d’elle. Bouzebbal critique aussi la religion, n’hésitant pas à donner des arguments religieux, justement, quand celle-ci sert d’excuse dans les pratiques individuelles (par exemple : ne pas aller travailler sous prétexte que l’on fait la prière du vendredi) ; mais également dans son usage politique au Maroc, quand la religion est instrumentalisée dans des discours et postures démagogiques et dogmatiques de politiciens. Ainsi, il pointe, met à jour et à distance l’hypocrisie, les mises en scène de soi pour préserver une face consensuelle. Ces thématiques sont aux centres des préoccupations de la société marocaine, elles sont reprises et discutées dans les médias sociaux. Bouzebbal s’inscrit ainsi dans son époque, montrant la société marocaine aux prises avec la diffusion de l’idéologie capitaliste libérale, dans la mesure où « l’idéologie est une fonction du discours et de la logique des processus sociaux plutôt que le reflet de l’intention d’un agent. » (Hall 2008 : 168). Le personnage de Bouzebbal dérange et fait parler de lui. Il est à la fois dénonciation et autodérision, il flatte autant qu’il met à jour les « bas-instincts », le mauvais esprit, l’hypocrisie, 2 Un troll est un internaute qui poste intentionnellement des messages polémiques, provocants, cherchant la discorde, sur des sites, des blogs, des forums ou groupes de discussion. 3 zəbbāl : éboueur, avec la construction bū-, servant à produire des sobriquets. 4 Kilimini : du français "qu'il est mignon !" 5 Il existe deux clubs de football à Casablanca : le Raja (en vert), le club populaire, et que supporte Bouzebbal et ses amis ; et le Wydad (WAC, en rouge), le club que supporte Kilimini et les « fils à papa ». 582 KARIMA ZIAMARI; ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI l’esprit négatif de tout-un-chacun, à travers un parler vrai et cru, tout en faisant preuve d’humour et de créativité. Son succès autant que son procès sont significatifs. Il est autant dénonciateur de certains problèmes qu’il les incarne et les banalise, il se situe toujours dans les extrêmes. Il symbolise autant une « subculture déviante » (Hall 2008 : 137) que la culture dominante (mais sans fard). Son discours, tant dans la forme que dans le contenu, devient « une arène de lutte sociale » dans la mesure où, comme l’écrit Stuart Hall : dire que le discours peut devenir une arène de lutte sociale et que tous les discours impliquent certains présupposés sur le monde n’est pas la même chose que d’attribuer une fois pour toutes certaines idéologies à certaines classes, de façon nécessaire ou déterminée. Les éléments et les termes idéologiques n’« appartiennent » pas nécessairement aux classes de cette façon-là, ils ne découlent pas nécessairement et inévitablement des positions de classes. (Ibid. : 158-159). Et, puisque « les locuteurs sont autant “parlés” par leurs langage qu’ils le parlent. » (Ibid. :149), voyons maintenant plus précisément quelles pratiques langagières sont mises en œuvre dans la série. 2. La série Bouzebbal : Analyse linguistique Après avoir présenté les langues en présence ainsi que les représentations qui leur sont liées, nous proposerons une description des caractéristiques linguistiques du parler jeune mis en scène. 2.1. Quelles langues utilisées et quelles représentations ? 2.1.1. Quelle darija ? Dans la série, la langue utilisée est la darija. Mais, il arrive que l’on utilise d’autres variétés d’arabe pour accentuer un effet, comique ou autre, d’autres langues sont aussi sollicitées. Les langues en présence dans la série rendent compte de ce qui se passe réellement au Maroc sur le plan sociolinguistique. Concernant les pratiques, les variétés de la darija reflètent les représentations de toute une jeunesse. Le casablancais est la variété du « peuple », comme cela est dit dans la série, alors que le fassi est une variété de la « bourgeoisie ». La darija, celle de Casablanca est, de loin, celle qui domine, c’est la variété de Bouzebbal et de ses amis : 1) Dalma : wa dāba ḫlə‘ti:::::-ni ṃāṃā ġətti:::::-ni wa wəṛṛəq l-i əḷ-ḫəl‘a dyāl bəṣṣāḥ ! Waouh ! Tu m’as fait peuuuur ! Maman couuuuuvre-moi ! Regarde bien la vraie peur ! Bouzebbal : wa māṃā::::: ! Oh maman ! Dalma : wa tta tṛəžžə:::::::l wəlli tgūl ṃṃwi Mais toi, deviens un homme et la prochaine fois, tu diras « ṃṃwi » (maman) L’usage de tta, nta (toi), du semi-auxiliaire wəlli et la labiovélarisation (ṃṃwi) sont quelques caractéristiques de la variété casablancaise. La série met en avant certaines représentations stéréotypées sur les autres variations. Kilimini et tous ceux qui sont associés aux classes aisées casablancaises sont affublés d’un accent citadin, très souvent fassi. /r/ réalisé [R] : 2) Kilimini : (d’une manière efféminée, voix mielleuse) būlīsi twəḍḍRāt l-i məRt-i Monsieur le policier, j’ai perdu ma femme /q/ réalisé [’] : 3) Le psychologue : ’ōl l-i ā wəld-i bāš ta-tḥəss ? ḫaṣṣ-ək t‘əḅḅəR u t’ōl šnu ‘ənd-ək, ntāya hna bāš t‘əḅḅəR bāš t’ōl lli bġīti Dis-moi mon fils, comment tu te sens ? Tu dois t’exprimer, dire ce que tu as, toi tu es ici pour t’exprimer et dire ce que tu veux LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES : MEDIAS SOCIAUX ET PARLERS JEUNES AU MAROC. LE CAS DE BOUZEBBAL 583 L’usage du mot « ḅāḅa » (papa) au lieu de « ḅḅa ou ḅḅwa » dévoile l’appartenance à une classe aisée et est stigmatisé : quelqu’un de « dur » ne dirait pas ḅāḅa, selon la culture des jeunes comme Bouzebbal, c’est donc Kilimini qui l’utilise : 4) Kilimini : smə‘tī-h, ddī-ni wəlla n‘əyyəṭ lī-k ‘la ḅāḅa Tu l’as entendu ? ramène-moi ou j’appelle papa 2.1.2. Le français Le français est la langue des riches et la langue de l’avenir, celle qui pourrait garantir un travail. Dans un entretien d’embauche, on pose à Bouzebbal des questions en français, il est vite écarté puisqu’il ne le parle pas : 5) Patron : alors Bouzebbal parlez-moi un peu de vous Bouzebbal : no français, marocain, marocain Patron : ah sməḥ lī-ya je ne peux pas t’accepter Ah excuse-moi, je ne peux pas t’accepter Le français est une langue discriminante : ceux qui le parlent peuvent s’insérer dans le domaine du travail, ceux qui sont privés de ce capital linguistique sont voués à l’échec et à la marginalisation. Image 2 : Capture d’écran de l’épisode 9 (7’03) Les 7 complexes, dont le complexe de ne pas maîtriser le français : « firansiyya = ‘ənd-ək / dāriža = ma f yəddī-k š » (tu parles) français, tu es quelqu’un / (tu ne parles que) darija, tu es démuni Cette langue non maîtrisée n’échappe pas à la dérision de la part de Bouzebbal. La série offre plusieurs exemples de l’humour associé au français. Dans une réunion avec deux personnes, qui veulent exploiter la célébrité de Bouzebbal, négocient avec lui et sa copine (E. 13) 6. 6 E. = épisode. 584 KARIMA ZIAMARI; ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI 6) La femme : Apparemment tu n’as pas compris la question… La copine : a:::::ywa ma:::dame je vo aller aux toilettes Voyons donc madame, je veux aller aux toilettes Bouzebbal : nā:::::::r-i ẓəṃṭā:::::t-ək f əl-frounçais, zīdi-ha zīdi-ha l-kəlma l-əxra Waouh ! Elle t’a déchirée en français, rajoute-lui, rajoute-lui le dernier mot La copine : ’ina hiyya ? Lequel ? Bouzebbal : dīk lli kānət tša tšfəṛṛəḥ-na hādīk mama::ṣi vos affaires et soṛti Le mot-là qui nous faisait plaisir ce ramassez vos affaires et sortez 7) Bouzebbal : āna n-niveau ṭā:::lə‘, ‘əqliyya complemente l-qṛāya l-français aš-šāy bi n-na‘nā‘ le thé le thé le thé Moi, j’ai un bon niveau, une bonne mentalité, les études, le français, le thé à la menthe le thé le thé le thé 7 Les autres langues présentées dans la série sont l’anglais et l’espagnol, mais elles sont moins sollicitées que les autres. 2.1.3. L’arabe standard Le rapport à l’arabe standard est assez particulier. L’idée la plus constante et la plus récurrente est que c’est une langue qui vient d’ailleurs. L’épisode 11, dédié à cette problématique, présente un reporter d’une chaîne étrangère qui vient faire un documentaire sur le quartier de Bouzebbal. Le reporter parle strictement en arabe standard, le cameraman qui l’accompagne joue le rôle de médiateur, traducteur et négociateur, parce que tout simplement Bouzebbal ne veut pas partager cette langue avec ces interlocuteurs. Quand, parfois, il utilise l’arabe standard, c’est d’une façon humoristique et pour susciter le rire. Par exemple, la description qu’il donne de son ami Khouzouzou (E. 11) : 8) 7 ḫuzūzu š‘ayḅī:::ṭa ta-ydīr-ha b əṣ-ṣāḅūn ḫibra f lə-qti::ṣā::ḍ ḥīt əṣ-ṣāḅun rḫəṣ mən əd-dəhn, ləṃḍāḍəṛ ’aw əl-ḫiyyāgāt mġəṭṭi bī-hum əl-‘aynīn ḥīt mdəlyīn u nā‘sīn ‘ādi la ḥəqqāš ta-yəqṛa lktūba bəzzāf ḫuṣūṣan ṭəbb al-’a:::‘šāb, ən-nīf ’āla ḥādda ta-yšəmm bī-ha aṭ-ṭaṛīḍa ’aw al-farīsa ‘ala bu‘di ’amyāl, al-famm ’azṛaq al-lawn natīžata at-tažārib l-məḫbariyya fi at-tadawwuq kull mā yaḫuṣṣu at-tadāwu bi al-’a‘šāb, al-wažh mažhūl aš-šakl ’aw šibh munḥa::rīf l-ḥəṭṭa sūfi::::ṭma min ’ažli taḥarrukin ’asra‘ fi l-ma::ydā:::n wa iḫfā’ ’adawāt al-žarī:::::ma bimā fī-ha an-naqša, aṭ-ṭṛīfa wa al-gaṛṛu tumma al-ġānā’i:::m, əs-sbərdīla mdəṛḥa ṭnāš l-mya f əš-šṭay::ba rā’iḥa ‘aṭiṛa wa zakiyya tudakkiruka bi ’ayyām əṭ-ṭufūla al-mansiya ka tsā‘əd ‘la žariy al-masāfāt əṭ-ṭawīla bi kulli ’insiyābiya wa hīyya āl-makān al-mufaḍḍal li iḫfā’ amwāl aṣ-ṣaḍa::qa. Khouzouzou une crête qu’il fait avec du savon, expert en économie, parce que le savon est moins cher que le gel. Les lunettes cachent ses yeux tombants et mi-clos, c’est normal puisqu’il lit beaucoup surtout les livres de la médecine homéopathique. Le nez est une lame tranchante, il lui permet de sentir le gibier à des milles de distance, la bouche est noircie à cause des expériences de laboratoires dû aux dégustations de tout ce qui concerne la médecine homéopathique, le visage est méconnaissable ou ressemble à un trapèze, les fringues : un survêtement pour un mouvement plus rapide dans le domaine et pour cacher les preuves du délit : y compris le couteau, le shit et les cigarettes et le butin, les baskets d’occasion, 60 dh en friperie, une odeur fraiche et agréable te fait penser à ton enfance oubliée, qui aident à courir les longues distances avec fluidité et c’est l’endroit favori pour cacher l’argent de l’aumône. Référence à la chanson de Naima, thé à la menthe, diffusée sur les plateformes de partage de vidéos. LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES : MEDIAS SOCIAUX ET PARLERS JEUNES AU MAROC. LE CAS DE BOUZEBBAL 585 La série reflète une part de la réalité des pratiques linguistiques, ainsi : au-delà de ce que raconte Bouzebbal, il y a une autre interprétation des langues en termes d’usages, de poids et de représentations. A l’image de la situation linguistique au Maroc, Bouzebbal joue d’un dualisme linguistique. D’une part un parler franc et affranchi de la norme dominante : une darija jeune, crue, avec de nombreux emprunts à d’autres langues, particulièrement le français. Et d’autre part, un parler qui se range du côté de l’élite : le français, un parler arabe citadin (utilisation du /q/), entre autres. (Ziamari & De Ruiter sous presse). 2.2. Les parlers jeunes Le succès de la série tient, entre autres, dans l’usage d’une variété jeune affranchie de la norme dominante. La série médiatise un parler usant de toutes les caractéristiques des parlers jeunes marocains. Le parler jeune est principalement un vecteur d’identité et de culture (Caubet et al. 2004). La catégorisation « jeune » mérite toutefois d’être explicitée en ce sens qu’elle pose un problème de définition (Trimaille & Billiez 2007). Selon B. Lamizet (2004 : 77) : Être “jeune” consiste à se reconnaître porteur d’une identité en transition : il s’agit de ne se reconnaître dans aucune forme stabilisée d’identité sociale et culturelle et, par conséquent, à se reconnaître une identité en mutation. C’est en ce sens, et avec cette dimension proprement transitoire, qu’existe l’identité “jeune”. La transition et la mutation qui caractérisent ainsi la catégorie « jeune », accentuent « la difficulté de définir un langage des jeunes, puisqu’une telle identité ne saurait s’identifier à un type homogène de pratique linguistique et d’usage culturel » (Ibid.). Du point de vue linguistique, on recense des traits et caractéristiques récurrents (Trimaille & Billiez 2007) mais ceux-ci ne sont pas constants, restent en mutation, en transition. Ainsi, on retrouve toujours une dimension transgressive, mais c’est l’objet de cette transgression qui varie. Au niveau lexical, par exemple, on note la création de mots nouveaux ou la remise au goût du jour de certaines formes linguistiques existantes (Lamizet 2004). Ces termes véhiculent une dimension ludique, cryptique et souvent plurilingue (Vicente 2004 ; Ziamari 2007). Les parlers jeunes marocains se caractérisent par une forte transgression des tabous et de l’ordre social, plus que par la transgression de normes linguistiques. On relève bien des créations lexicales, mais relativement peu de formes innovantes ou de néologismes contrairement aux parlers jeunes en français (verlan, par exemple). 2.2.1. Lexique 9) Narrateur : u mərra bārək f ši-žṛīda m‘a ši-ṣāṭa:: qəṛṭāṣa wəḷḷāh bābā-h Obama 8 ma ‘ənd-u bḥāl hād-əl-qəṛṭāṣa ! Des fois il s’assoit dans un jardin avec une meuf tellement canon que je te jure même Obama, ce bâtard (« son père »), il a pas une bombe comme elle ! qəṛṭāṣa (bombe, balle de pistolet) désigne une belle femme (un canon, une bombe) par glissement de sens et ṣāṭa est une réactualisation de ṣāṭ (un grand homme). Outre ces déplacements de sens (12) et remise au goût du jour d’anciens mots (13), on trouve aussi des créations de toutes pièces (10) ou par dérivation (11) : 10) ‘šrān bouzebbal wəlla əz-zən kolo kolo Les gars, Bouzebbal est devenu fou, il a pété un plomb 8 Il s’agit ici d’une référence à une phrase insultante de Mohamed El Ouafa, alors ministre de l’enseignement marocain, qui a fait couler beaucoup d’encre en 2012. Dans une rencontre avec des instituteurs, il a lancé : « wəḷḷāh Obama bābā-h ma ‘əndu bḥāl hād əl-’i‘dādiyya lli kāyna f əl-məġṛib » Je te jure que même Obama, ce bâtard (« son père »), n’a pas un collège comme celui que nous avons au Maroc. 586 KARIMA ZIAMARI; ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI 11) dawāwa (parlotte) dérivé de dwāya (le fait de parler), le nom verbal de dwa-yədwi (parler). 12) ā ‘šīr-i thəlla mon pote, casse-toi thəlla signifie prends soin (de toi), on l’utilise lorqu’on prend congé de quelqu’un, d’où le glissement en « bye, ciao » et « casse-toi ». 13) ‘šīr (ami) pl.‘əšrān ‘əṭṭāy (balance, cafteur) à partir du sens de « donneur » Certains mots ou certaines expressions sont créées en passant par l’emprunt au français (14) ou à l’arabe standard (15) : 14) kilimini (fils à papa), du français « qu’il est mignon ! » 15) qātšila (tueuse) pour désigner un joint bien garni (qui tue / déchire). 2.2.2. Phonétique et prosodie L’affrication de /t/ prononcé [tš] est aussi caractéristique des parlers jeunes : 16) ‘əlləq ‘əlləq məttši məttši ! File ou tu es mort ! L’allongement à des fins expressives est systématique, dans la série, tous les personnages l’exagèrent : 17) broble::::::::::::::::::::::::m ā ‘šī:::::r-i C’est vraiment un problème mon ami ḷḷāh yḥā::::::::fḍ-ək S’il te plaît (Dieu te garde) 2.2.3. Rimes et joutes verbales Comme cela a été montré dans de nombreux travaux (Labov 1978 ; Lepoutre 1997 ; Bertucci & Boyer 2013) les joutes verbales, les insultes et vannes rituelles font partie intégrante des échanges imprégnés de la culture des rues (Lepoutre 1997). Ainsi que le note D. Lepoutre (Ibid. : 173-174) : « le principe des vannes repose fondamentalement sur la distance symbolique qui permet aux interlocuteurs de se railler ou même de s’insulter mutuellement sans conséquences négatives. » Dans la série, on recense des vannes, des insultes, et une certaine violence verbale accompagnant les échanges et structurant les relations entre les personnages. 18) La chanson en rimes : Problem ā ‘šīr-i kilimini la vache qui rit ntūma ḥdīw ši-wāḥəd mən ġīr-i a šīfūr zīd ksīri C’est un problème mon pote, la vache qui rit, Vous, surveillez quelqu’un d’autre, Eh, le chauffeur, fonce ! ġa nəbqāw dīma ‘əšṛān dīma gūd dīma nišān houhou dəṛb d-dəbbān u fīn tbān marikān wəlla talyān houhou Nous resterons toujours potes Toujours droits, toujours directs houhou Le quartier des mouches est meilleur que l’Amérique ou l’Italie houhou LES LIAISONS DANGEREUSES : MEDIAS SOCIAUX ET PARLERS JEUNES AU MAROC. LE CAS DE BOUZEBBAL 587 19) waḫḫa wəllīti məšhūṛ ma dərti ḥətta motor Même si tu es devenu célèbre, t’as même pas de moto (tu n’as rien fait de ta vie) wəld ‘əmm-i hāni mənn-i tša-tšə‘rəf tšġənni hāk dərhəm u bə‘‘əd mənn-i Cousin, fous-moi la paix, tu sais chanter, tiens une pièce et casse-toi (éloigne-toi de moi) L’extrait suivant présente un combat rituel, une joute verbale utilisant les vannes et les rimes, entre Bouzebbal et Kilimini dans le quartier de ce dernier, ce qui lui donne de l’assurance. Chacun doit accepter le défi, montrer ses prouesses verbales et surenchérir pour gagner ou renforcer son image de leader. Ici, le défi est (re)lancé par l’énoncé biyyǝn lī-ya (montre-moi). 20) Kilimini : dāba gōl lī-ya kāyn ši wəlla nəmšī Maintenant, dis-moi, il se passe quelque chose ou je me barre […] Kilimini : šūf ṛā-ni mRəmḍən qləb ‘lī-ya wəlla nnəddm-ək yāllāh ‘īš ā kānīš ! Ecoute, je fais le ramadan, casse toi ou tu le regretteras, ouste, casse-toi (fais ta vie, caniche) ! Bouzebbal : šətt-ək bāġi tākl-ni, yāllāh biyyən lī-ya ! Je vois bien que tu veux me bouffer, allez ! Montre-moi ! Kilimini : nākl-ək u nfəršḫ-ək Je te bouffe et je te tabasse Bouzebbal : yāllāh biyyən lī-ya Allez, montre-moi ! Kilimini : nšədd-ək nžəndḫ-ək Je t’attrape je te déchiquète Bouzebbal : yāllāh biyyən lī-ya Allez, montre-moi ! Kilimini : wəllāh ḥətta nnəddm-ək Je te jure tu vas le regretter 2.2.4. La violence verbale Transgresser l’ordre social, les codes sociaux, nous l’avons dit, est une spécificité indéniable des parlers jeunes. Une certaine violence verbale peut accompagner les échanges. A titre d’exemple, cet échange (21), qui a lieu dans une salle de cours à la faculté, de propos insultants, violents et inappropriés au contexte spatial et symbolique qu’est la salle de cours : 21) Bouzebbal : lli fhəmt ’anna l-qism d əl-fəlsāfa ma fī-h š titī::z, bnā::dəm koll-o msū:::di, šūf hādḫiyy-na ki dāyər bḥāl moka mwiki mwiki u dāk-ḫiyy-na wəžh-u bḥāl dārbīn-u b məqla d əssəfnāž u fəmm-u bḥāl lavabo Ce que j’ai compris c’est que dans la classe de philo il y a pas de belles meufs, les gens sont rafistolés, regarde ce mec comment il est : on dirait un hibou et l’autre, il a un visage on dirait qu’on l’a frappé avec une poêle à beignets (gros et déformé) et sa bouche comme un lavabo Une fille : āš hād-əl-mustāwa ? C’est quoi ce niveau ? Bouzebbal : sməḥ lī-ya ā l-mə‘ti ma dwīt š m‘ā-k wa sīr īwa sīri u nti wəžh-ǝk mnəqqəṭ bḥāl əṭṭəḅṣīl dyāl lə-‘dəs, u ntāya ā l-mgəmməl.. Excuse-moi Monsieur Maaṭi (tu es masculine), je t’ai pas sonnée, casse-toi visage tacheté on dirait une assiette de lentilles, et toi le pouilleux.. Un garçon : nta mā:::::::l-k ṛā-h s-sty::::::::::le hāda āš ta təfhəm ntāya f ši-pièce hāda smīt-u métal hāda C’est quoi ton problème, c’est le style ça, qu’est-ce que t’y connais, toi, dans ce genre de pièce ça, ça s’appelle métal 588 KARIMA ZIAMARI; ALEXANDRINE BARONTINI Bouzebbal : šna hū::::wa smīt-u s-style ttūma lli ma lqā::: š bāš yḥəssən u ma yəlbəs ysəmmi ṛāṣ-u mstī::::li, sī::::r a l-ḅālā:::wi ṛā-h ḥwāyž-ək māzāl fī-hum ṛīḥt əḷ-ḅāl Quoi ? Ça s’appelle le style ? Celui qui trouve pas de quoi aller chez le coiffeur, ni de quoi acheter des fringues, il se prétend stylé ! Casse-toi tu pues la friperie ! En définitive, les productions langagières citées et relevant du parler jeune sont extrêmement reprises : elles sont relayées sous forme de slogans publicitaires, sous forme d’images ou d’extraits partagés sur internet, les réseaux sociaux étant des espaces permettant la circulation et la démultiplication de ces pratiques et représentations langagières. D’un autre côté, la série elle-même reprend ce qui fait événement, ce qui fait le buzz, dans les médias (télévision, internet…) : des dérapages verbaux de ministres aux clips musicaux qui sont partagés sur la toile. Comme elle relaie et met en scène des expressions de jeunes marocains anonymes. Sortir ces pratiques langagières de l’anonymat contribue énormément à leur reproduction. La série est donc, à la fois, source et écho de reprises, et la boucle est pour ainsi dire bouclée, les liaisons deviennent dangereuses. Références Bélisle, Claire, Bianchi, Jean, & Jourdan, Robert. 1999. Pratiques médiatiques. 50 mots-clés. Paris : CNRS Editions. Bertucci, Marie-Madeleine, & Boyer, Isabelle. 2013. “ ‘Ta mère, elle est tellement...’ Joutes verbales et insultes rituelles chez des adolescents issus de l'immigration francophone ”, Adolescence 3. 711-721. Boutieri, Charis. 2014. “Morocco On-Trial: De-colonial Logic and Transformative Practice in Cyberspace”, Herrera, L., & Sakr, R. (ed.), Wired Citizenship: Youth Learning and Activism in the Middle East. London-New York : Routledge (Taylor & Francis). 39-59. Caubet, Dominique. 2013. “ Maroc 2011-Messagerie instantanée sur l’internet marocain : facebook, darija et parlers jeunes ”, Benitez Fernandez, M., Miller, C., De Ruiter, J.J., & Tamer, Y., Evolution des pratiques et représentations langagières dans le Maroc du XXIe siècle (volume 1). Paris : L’Harmattan. 63-87. Caubet, D., Bulot, Th., Léglise, I., & Miller, C. (ed.). 2004. Parlers jeunes ici et là-bas, pratiques et représentations. Paris : L’Harmattan. Hall, Stuart. 2008 [1982]. “ La redécouverte de l’‘idéologie’ : retour du refoulé dans les media studies ”, Hall, S. / Cervulle, Maxime (ed.), Identités et cultures. Politiques des cultural studies. Paris : Editions Amsterdam. 129-168. Labov, William. 1978. Le parler ordinaire : la langue dans les ghettos noirs des Etats-Unis. (Tome 1). Paris : Editions de Minuit. Lamizet, Bernard. 2004. “ Y a-t-il un ‘parler jeune’ ? ”, Bulot, Th. (ed.). Les parlers jeunes (pratiques urbaines et sociales), Cahiers de Sociolinguistique 9. Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes. 75-98. Lepoutre, David. 1997. Coeur de banlieue : codes, rites et langages. Paris : Odile Jacob. Mattelart, Armand, & Neveu, Eric. 2008. Introduction aux Cultural Studies. Paris : La Découverte. Miller, Catherine. 2012. “ Observations concernant la présence de l’arabe marocain dans la presse marocaine arabophone des années 2009-2010 ”, Meouak, M. et al. (dir.), De los manuscritos medievales a internet: la presencia del árabe vernáculo en las fuentes escritas, Zaragoza : Universidad de Zaragoza. 419-440. Miller, Catherine. 2010. “ Langues et medias dans le monde arabe/arabophone. Entre idéologie et marché, convergences dans la glocalisation ? ”. <halshs-00578851> Mrabet, Ayla. 2010. “ Le Mag ”, Telquel 437. http://m.telquel-online.com/archives/437/mag1_437.shtml Trimaille, Cyril, & Billiez, Jacqueline. 2007. “ Pratiques langagières de jeunes urbains : peut-on parler de ‘parler’ ? ”, Galazzi, E., & Molinari, C. (ed.), Les français en émergence. Bern : Peter Lang. 95-109. Vicente, Ángeles. 2004. “ Le parler arabe des jeunes musulmans de Ceuta : un effet du processus de koinèisation marocaine ”, Bulot, Th. (ed.), Les parlers jeunes (pratiques urbaines et sociales), Cahiers de Sociolinguistique 9. Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes. 61-73. Ziamari, Karima. 2007. “Development and Linguistic Change in Moroccan Arabic-French Code switching”, Miller, C. et al. (eds), Arabic in the City. Issues in dialect contact and language variation. Londres : Routledge. 275-290. Ziamari, Karima, & De Ruiter J.J. Sous presse. “ Langues au Maroc : réalités et évolutions des pratiques et des représentations ”, Dupré, B. (ed.), Le Maroc au présent. Paris : Sindbad-Actes Sud. Format (A4) finit : 20,5 cm / 29 cm Font: Times New Roman (Size: 11 / 9 / 7), Arab_Transcription (Size: 11 / 9 / 7) Tiparul s-a executat sub cda. 3854 / 2016, la Tipografia Editurii Universităţii din București

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AIDA-11=George Grigore and Gabriel Bițună (eds.). Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide. Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015. Bucharest: Editura Universității din București, 2016. (ISBN 978-606-16-0709-9).

AIDA-11=George Grigore and Gabriel Bițună (eds.). Arabic Varieties: Far and Wide. Proceedings of the 11th International Conference of AIDA – Bucharest, 2015. Bucharest: Editura Universității din București, 2016. (ISBN 978-606-16-0709-9).

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