Al-Jallad. 2022. One wāw to rule them all: the origins and fate of wawation in Arabic and its orthography

Ahmad Al-Jallad

This paper attempts a history of wawation (the non-etymological waw on Arabic personal names from pre-Islamic times) based on new documentary evidence and the ever-sharpening picture of the development of the Arabic script.

SCRIPTS AND SCRIPTURE Writing and Religion in Arabia circa 500–700 CE Edited by Fred M. Donner and Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LATE ANTIQUE AND MEDIEVAL ISLAMIC NEAR EAST • NUMBER 3 Table of Contents List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .vii List of Abbreviations and Sigla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Maps of Arabia and Adjacent Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xv Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xvii 1. Scripts and Scripture in Late Antique Arabia: An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Fred M. Donner 2. The Oral and the Written in the Religions of Ancient North Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Michael C. A. Macdonald 3. The Religious Landscape of Northwest Arabia as Reflected in the Nabataean, Nabataeo-Arabic, and Pre-Islamic Arabic Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Laïla Nehmé 4. One Wāw to Rule Them All: The Origins and Fate of Wawation in Arabic and Its Orthography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Ahmad Al-Jallad 5. ʿArabī and aʿjamī in the Qurʾān: The Language of Revelation in Muḥammad’s Ḥijāz . . . 105 Robert Hoyland 6. Scripture, Language, and the Jews of Arabia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Gordon D. Newby 7. Script, Text, and the Bible in Arabic: The Evidence of the Qurʾān . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Sidney Griffith 8. Language of Ritual Purity in the Qurʾān and Old South Arabian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Suleyman Dost 9. The Invention of a Sacred Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 François Déroche 10. Script or Scripture? The Earliest Arabic Tombstones in the Light of Jewish and Christian Epitaphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Kyle Longworth 11. Religious Warfare and Martyrdom in Arabic Graffiti (70s–110s ah/690s–730s ce) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Ilkka Lindstedt v vi TABLE OF CONTENTS 12. Writing and the Terminological Evolution of the Qurʾānic Sūrah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Adam Flowers 13. The Adversarial Clansman in Qurʾānic Narrative and Early Muslim Antipatrimonialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 Hamza M. Zafer Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 4 One Wāw to Rule Them All The Origins and Fate of Wawation in Arabic and Its Orthography1 Ahmad Al-Jallad The Ohio State University “Wawation” refers to the nonetymological w/u that follows anthroponyms of Arabic origin common in pre-Islamic Aramaic inscriptions. The earliest attestation of a nonetymological final /u/ is found on the name of the Arab chieftain gindibu in the Kurkh monolith inscription recounting the battle of Qarqar (853 bce). The cuneiform script renders his name as gi-in-di-bu-ʾ, indicating that the word terminated in an u vowel that was independent of the Neo-Assyrian nominal system.2 The same ending is found on the name of the Arab chieftain ּ ‫ = ג ְַׁשמו‬/gašmū/ in Nehemiah 6:6. Here I will discuss the several hypotheses regarding the nature of wawation and argue in favor of an original nominative case interpretation. I will then develop a scenario for its development and transformation into an isolated orthographic device in standard Arabic orthography and the significance this scenario has on our understanding of the development of the Arabic script. WAS WAWATION PRONOUNCED? Before beginning with the subject matter at hand, I wish to visit the question as to whether or not wawation had a phonetic correlate. The idea that wawation could simply be an orthographic feature comes from its single surviving instance in Classical Arabic orthography, the name ‫عمرو‬, which is pronounced as ʿAmrun in context and ʿAmr in pause. The final waw is traditionally said to have been introduced to distinguish the name from its diptotic cousin, ʿumaru, which would otherwise appear identical in consonantal garb. In addition to the cuneiform and biblical transcriptions mentioned above, the distribution of wawation speaks against its status as an orthographic feature, at least in the earliest stages. Wawation was not exclusively a feature of the Nabataean writing school 1 I sincerely thank the organizers Prof. Fred Donner and Prof. Rebecca Hasselbach-Andee for inviting me to participate in the memorable colloquium at which I presented the present work. I thank the participants for the lively discussions, especially Dr. Ilkka Lindstedt for his helpful response. I also thank Marijn van Putten, Benjamin Suchard, Charles Häberl, Maarten Kossmann, Jérôme Norris, and David Kiltz for their helpful feedback on an earlier draft of this text. All remaining errors are mine. 2 On this point, see Ephʿal, Ancient Arabs, p. 75, n. 225, and Graf, “Origins of the Nabataeans,” p. 55. On the name, see Krebernik, “Von Gindibu bis Muḥammad.” 87 88 AHMAD AL-JALLAD but is indeed found on Arabic names across Aramaic corpora: the famous inscription of the king of Qedar, from Tell Masḫūṭahin in the Nile Delta (ca. 400 bce), attests this feature;3 triptotic Arabic names in Palmyrene, Hatrean, Syriac, and Taymāʾ Aramaic inscriptions terminate in w.4 Indeed, D. Graf has identified the feature on the Arabic names attested in some seventy ostraca from Beersheba.5 To account for such a widespread and uniformly deployed orthographic practice, one must argue that all these Aramaic writing traditions shared a unified convention restricted to the representation of triptotic Arabic names—a rather unlikely scenario. The more natural explanation is that the final w represented a u-class vowel. The pronunciation of the name gašmū would imply that this vowel was long. Since Hebrew had lost its original final short vowels, however, any attempt to represent a final vowel from Arabic would indeed be interpreted as long. The same would be true in Aramaic orthography, as Diem had already pointed out.6 Indeed, the transcription of wawation as [o] in a few Greek inscriptions suggests that the vowel was originally short; for [o] is the reflex of *u in the northern dialects of Old Arabic, while *ū is consistently represented as omicron-ypsilon [u].7 I therefore suggest that wawation originally reflects a final short *u vowel. Its phonetic quality is difficult to ascertain in the earliest periods: Akkadian has no means to distinguish between [o] and [u], and the spelling gšmw in the Hebrew Bible could equally reflect gašmū or gašmō—there is no reason to assume that the Masoretes preserved the original pronunciation of this name. To conclude, wawation began as a reflection of a final vowel rather than an orthographic device, and this vowel was likely etymologically short. In the body of this essay, I will turn to the identification of its origins and its ultimate transformation into an orthographic device. ORIGINS OF WAWATION Wawation is best known from its appearance on Nabataean personal names. Indeed, unlike other corpora of Aramaic, Nabataean is the only Aramaic writing tradition that occasionally furnishes a text in the Arabic language, thus foreshadowing its transformation into the Arabic script proper. The Arabic influence on Nabataean has long been recognized and points toward the widespread use of Arabic as a vernacular in the kingdom.8 The traditional source for the recognition of a major Arabic-speaking component in Nabataea was the etymology of the personal names of its inhabitants. These names are overwhelmingly 3 The well-known inscription reads zy qynw br gšm mlk qdr qrb l-hnʾlt, “That which Qayno son of Gošam, king of QDR, brought in offering to han-ʾilāt” (Rabinowitz, “Aramaic Inscriptions,” p. 2). The presence of wawation on the triptote qayn and its absence from the diptote gušam match the Classical Nabataean situation. 4 On this phenomenon, see Israel, “L’onomastique arabe.” 5 Graf, “Arabs in Syria”; I am very grateful to J. Norris for these helpful references. 6 Diem, “Die Frage der Kasusflexion,” p. 231. 7 Al-Jallad, “Graeco-Arabica I,” §5.12. 8 For a discussion of some of the evidence, see Healey, Nabataean Tomb Inscriptions, pp. 59–63; Macdonald, “Written Word,” pp. 19–20; Gzella, Cultural History of Aramaic, pp. 238–48. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 89 drawn from an Arabic source, but one rather distinct from Classical Arabic. The most recognizable difference is that a great number of Arabic names in the Nabataean onomasticon terminate in w. Theodor Nöldeke9 was the first to suggest that the nonetymological wāw corresponded to the nunated case ending in Classical Arabic, as it is usually absent from diptotic names belonging to the ʾafʿal pattern and those terminating in the feminine ending.10 Focusing on deviations from this pattern, Cantineau argued against the interpretation of it as a case vowel and suggested instead that it was a way of expressing the emphatic state in non-Aramaic names.11 Nöldeke’s view, however, won the day. In support of Nöldeke’s hypothesis, Blau summons data from the modern Arabic dialects of the Yemeni Tihāmah, where a similar phenomenon seems to be in play.12 In these varieties, indefinite triptotic nouns—that is, those that originally took nunation—terminate in u, while patterns that were originally diptotic do not.13 Wawation is not an isolated phenomenon. Nöldeke also identified a genitive ending, written y in compound theophoric names—for example, ʿbdʾlbʿly /ʕabd-al-baʕli/, ʿbdʾlhy /ʕabd-ʔallāhi/, tymʾlbʿly /taym-ʔal-baʕli/.14 Based on their distribution, Diem15 argued that they were reflexes of the case system and concluded that the system broke down in the first century bce, as one begins to witness compound names with both the correct y in genitive position alongside those with the incorrect nominative case, w: for example, ʿbdmnwtw versus ʿbdmnwty.16 Blau,17 however, produced an important response to this dating: the Nabataean Arabic personal names do not occur in an Arabic context but rather in an Aramaic linguistic setting and so do not necessarily tell us about the inflectional system of the Arabic from which they were drawn. The situation is comparable to the noninflection of Latin loanwords in English: the use of the nominative form circus in the sentence I went to the circus tells us that English lacked a nominal case system but does not imply that Latin did. Thus the general consensus is that the nonetymological final vowels of Nabataean personal names go back to original case endings. Based on this understanding, Blau sets up a historical scenario to explain their distribution:18 9 Nöldeke, “Noten.” 10 The term diptote refers to a sort of second declension in Arabic nouns, where the nominative is represented by u and the genitive/accusative (= oblique) by a; this declension cannot take nunation. 11 Cantineau, Le Nabatéen, pp. 168–69. 12 Blau, “Noun Inflection in Arabic,” p. 29. 13 On this phenomenon, see Behnstedt, Nord-Jemen, 209; Greenman, “Dialect of Central Tihāmah,” pp. 60–61. van Putten, “The Feminine Ending -at,” has recently argued that, based on the Yemeni data, the QCT, and possibly Nabataean, all nouns terminating in the feminine ending at in Arabic were originally diptotic. 14 Negev, Personal Names, s.v. 15 Diem, “Die Frage der Kasusflexion.” 16 Negev, Personal Names, p. 47. 17 Blau, “Beginnings,” pp. 183–84. 18 Blau, “Noun Inflection in Arabic.” 90 AHMAD AL-JALLAD 1. 2. 3. Final short vowels were lost before nunation; this eliminated the final case vowels of diptotes but not in triptotes as the vowels were protected by nunation. Nunation was lost, producing a second set of final short case vowels. At this stage, case no longer functioned and the final u reached the stage found in the Tihāmah dialects today. Eventually, it was transferred to diptotes that lacked any termination; this stage is meant to explain the rare appearance of wawation on names of the ʾafʿal pattern. Blau’s scenario is challenged by names such as ʿbdʾlbʿly /ʕabd-ʔal-baʕli/, where the correct case vowel is present on the second term but should have, according to the formulation above, dropped off since it was not protected by nunation. Diem19 explains such forms as resulting from analogy with indefinite nouns. This view, however, begins with the assumption that final short vowels had disappeared altogether. I suggest that this claim should be revisited. Nöldeke and Diem formulated their ideas about the Arabic case system before any true Arabic text from the Classical Nabataean period had been discovered. In 1986,20 Negev et al. published the first example of such a text.21 The ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription contains three verses of a hymn to the deified Nabataean king ʿObodas.22 The precise dating of the text is impossible, since it was not discovered in an archaeological context, but estimates place it before 125 ce.23 In any case, the text must postdate the monarch to whom the hymn is dedicated, ʿObodas I, who reigned from 95 to 85 bce. Thus we may reasonably assume its language reflects the Nabataean Arabic of the first century bce to the first or early second century ce. The ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription has received a great amount of attention from specialists, and each scholar who has studied it has produced a different translation. Nevertheless, these differences have mostly to do with the nuances of the text; its grammar, on the other hand, appears to be relatively clear. I provide the text according to the reading of the editio princeps,24 modified by Macdonald,25 with my own translation and verse divisions of the Arabic. Aramaic: dkyr b-ṭb q{r}ʾ qdmʿbdt ʾlhʾ w-dkyr mn ktb grmʾlhy br. tymʾlhy šlm l-qbl. ʿbdtʾlhʾ Arabic: p-ypʿl lʾ pdʾ w lʾʾtrʾ p-kn hnʾ ybʿ-nʾ ʾl-mwtw lʾ ʾbʿ-h p-kn hnʾ ʾrd grḥw lʾ yrd-nʾ 19 Diem, “Geschichte der arabischen Orthographie III.” 20 Negev, Naveh, and Shaked, “Obodas the God.” 21 For the most recent discussions and further bibliography, see Kropp, “ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription,” and Macdonald’s contribution to Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia,” pp. 399–402. 22 There have been various opinions on the purpose of this text, but I follow Macdonald’s interpretation of it as a quotation from a Nabataean Arabic liturgy; see Macdonald, “Written Word,” p. 20. 23 Negev, Naveh, and Shaked’s “Obodas the God” (p. 60) suggests that the text must have been composed between 88 and 125 ce based on the other Nabataean inscriptions from the site of Obodah. Inscriptions from the Roman phase of occupation and building are entirely in Greek. 24 Negev, Naveh, and Shaked, “Obodas the God.” 25 In Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia,” pp. 399–402. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 91 Aramaic: grmʾlhy ktb yd-h Aramaic: “May he who reads this aloud be remembered for good before ʿObodas the god and may he who wrote be remembered—May Garmallāhi son of Taymallāhi be secure in the presence of ʿObodatthe god ” Arabic: “May he act that there be neither ransom nor scar; so be it that death would seek us, may he not aid its seeking, and so be it that a wound would desire (a victim), let it not desire us!” Aramaic: “Garmallāhi, the writing of his hand” Before investigating wawation in this text, a philological discussion of the first line is in order, as its interpretation bears directly on the question of the case system. Scholars have differed considerably in the interpretation of this line’s meaning. The original editors interpreted pdʾ as “gift, reward” and ʾtrʾ as “favor,” and these meanings have been taken over relatively unproblematically by most editors.26 But Kropp convincingly argues that these words must be understood in the light of the entire text—he regards the inscription as a “Gesätz” consisting of three cola, with the first line constituting a condensed form of what the following two lines explain. In this way, pdʾ would correspond to ʾlmwtw, “death,” and ʾtrʾ to grḥw, “wound.” Within this structure, a clearer sense of the meanings of pdʾ and ʾtrʾ emerges: Kropp suggests that pdʾ should be taken as “ransom” (from death) and ʾtrʾ as “scar” (from a wound). The first line, therefore, is open to two syntactic interpretations. One could regard it as containing two clauses, with the first consisting of a modal verb ypʿl, “may he act,” and the second having two negative existential phrases: “may there be neither ransom nor scar.” This interpretation better matches the following two lines, which clearly contain two clauses. The second interpretation regards the first line as a single clause: “may he cause neither ransom nor scar.” While the meaning of both interpretations is rather close, the choice between the two has important consequences for our understanding of Nabataean orthography. The first interpretation requires the final alif to represent a short vowel, since the negative existential takes a non-nunated noun, while the second interpretation permits either a long or short vowel. Of course, it is possible that the vowel was lengthened, metri causa, as the other two lines seem to terminate in a long vowel; but it is also possible that the rhyme was qualitative rather than quantitative. Whatever might have been the case, it is clear that the final alif of ʾtrʾ signals the accusative. With these observations established, let us approach the issue of wawation. I observe that wawation is not a feature of all Arabic nouns—the word ʾtrʾ is syntactically in the accusative and terminates in an alif. The two nouns terminating in a final w, on the other hand, are syntactically in the nominative case. Moreover, in the case of ʾlmwtw, we must conclude that the final w signaled a short vowel, at least etymologically, while grḥw could be long if one assumes, as Nöldeke and Diem do, that the case vowel was lengthened following the loss of nunation. 26 For a list of opinions, see Kropp, “ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription,” n. 20. 92 AHMAD AL-JALLAD This short text permits the investigation of the phonological system of Nabataean Arabic from a new perspective. While a case can be made for the plene writing of short *u, not all etymologically short vowels were written. Three words that would terminate in a vowel, depending on their Arabic interpretation, lack any representation of it: ypʿl, kn, and ʾrd.27 The first word, ypʿl (CAr yafʿal[u]), can easily be regarded as a short prefixconjugation (apocopate, jussive); indeed, a modal reading would suit its syntactic context, and so no connection with yafʿalu is required. While kn is usually taken as kāna,28 the imperative kun29 and even the presentative particle kin30 are likely possibilities. The only one of these three that truly requires the non-notation of the final vowel is ʾrd, “he desired.” Context strongly favors its interpretation as a suffix conjugated form, the C-stem of the root √rwd.31 Thus the expected spelling would be ʾrdʾ if it truly reflected an underlying ʾarāda. The absence of the final ʾ can imply two things about the historical phonology of Nabataean Arabic: 1. 2. With only one example, it is certainly possible that the loss of final short vowels was conditioned. Final /a/ could have been deleted following a stressed ā́ , so ʾarā́da > ʾarā́d, while other final short vowels remained intact and were written plene. It is also possible that all final vowels not protected by nunation were lost, as suggested by Blau; a parallel is found in the history of Akkadian.32 Thus we would have the following paradigm: Pre-apocope Post-apocope Loss of nunation 3ms suffix conjugation ʾarāda ʾarād ʾarād Indef. triptote gurḥun gurḥun gurḥu Indef. triptote ʾaṯaran ʾaṯaran ʾaṯara Indef. diptote ʾabgaru ʾabgar ʾabgar This formulation, however, cannot explain the presence of case vowels on definite nouns—for example, ʾlmwtw < *ʾal-mawtu and lhy < *ʾallāhi. While Diem’s idea that the 27 See Kropp, “ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription,” n. 29, on the various readings and interpretations of this word. Structurally, it would seem that yrd of the second hemistich would have to be of the same root, as in the previous line. In my opinion, this requirement argues against Bellamy’s interpretation (in “Arabic Verses”) of the word as ʾadāda, “to fester,” and the second verb as yurdī, from rdy, “to destroy.” 28 Bellamy, “Arabic Verses.” 29 Kropp, “ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription.” 30 Noja, “Über die älteste arabische Inschrift.” 31 Bellamy’s (“Arabic Verses”) reading as ʾdd and Kropp’s (“ʿAyn ʿAbada Inscription”) interpretation of the second verb of this line as ydd are also possibilities. 32 Huehnergard, “Proto-Semitic and Akkadian,” pp. 7–8, n. 21, makes a convincing case for the loss of short *u and *a when not protected by mimation, thereby explaining the loss of the final /a/ on the 3ms predicative adjective and *a and *u on construct nouns. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 93 case endings were lengthened following the loss of nunation and subsequently transferred to definite nouns remains possible, it is challenged by the fact that the phonetic correlate of wawation in Greek transcription was [o], the normal reflex of short *u. This fact argues that the reflex of wawation was a short vowel; in other words, the case endings were never lengthened. This quibble is certainly a minor one, but one that I believe is important enough to motivate us to consider an alternative solution. I follow Blau’s view that final short vowels were lost before nunation; this sequence would have eliminated the final vowels on diptotes, the /a/ of the 3ms suffix conjugation, etc. Following this stage, we can posit that nunation was lost, thereby producing a new set of final vowels; nunation seems already to have been lost by the early first millennium bce in the northern dialects of Old Arabic.33 This loss gave rise to two classes of nouns: one that inflected for case through final short vowels, and a caseless class stemming from original diptotes. Original diptote → Loss of final vowels Original triptote → Loss of nunation Nominative ʔabgaru ʔabgar ʕamrun ʕamru Genitive ʔabgara ʔabgar ʕamrin ʕamri Accusative ʔabgara ʔabgar ʕamran ʕamra Now, rather than seeing a contrast between definite, non-nunated nouns and undefined nunated nouns at this early stage, I would argue that the above developments took place before the innovation of the definite article in Nabataean Arabic. As I have suggested previously,34 the definite article cannot be reconstructed for Proto-Arabic, as several early forms of the language do not attest it.35 If we posit that the article, in the Nabataean case ʾal, entered the language at this point in its developmental history, then we can explain why short vowels are noted on definite forms, ʾlmwtw, ʾlbʿly, while they are absent on diptotes, ʾbgr, and on the 3ms verb ʾrd. Thus, in the earliest Nabataean period I would reconstruct the case system as follows.36 33 This phenomenon is made clear by the Biyār inscription, published originally by Hayajneh, Ababneh, and Khraysheh, “Die Götter von Ammon, Moab und Edom.” While undated, its contents suggest an early first millennium bce provenance, as does the fact that it is accompanied by a Canaanite inscription. The final word of the inscription, most likely mdws1t, “destruction,” would be expected to carry nunation if the feature was distributed as in Classical Arabic. 34 Al-Jallad, “What Is ANA?” 35 The Old Arabic dialect continuum of the southern Levant attests four forms of the article: h, ʾ, ʾl-, and zero. These forms are roughly contemporary in absolute terms, although zero marking is the linguistically older form; see Al-Jallad, Outline, p. 17. 36 The values /e/ for *i and /o/ for *u come from Greek transcriptions of Nabataean names; it seems that the high vowels were realized lower in the Nabataean dialect (Al-Jallad, “Graeco-Arabica I”). 94 AHMAD AL-JALLAD Indef. triptote Def. triptote ʾafʿal diptote Fem. diptote Nominative ʕamro al-mawto ʔabgar śakīlat Genitive ʕamre al-mawte ʔabgar śakīlat Accusative ʕamra al-mawta ʔabgar śakīlat Since most Nabataean Arabic words appear in an Aramaic context, the only case visible is the citation form—the nominative—hence the prevalence of w on personal names of Arabic extraction but the absence of any ending on diptotes. THE BREAKDOWN OF THE CASE SYSTEM The Nabataean case system as reconstructed from the personal names and the ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription eventually broke down, as can be observed in the next Arabic text written in the Nabataean script: JSNab 17 (267 ce).37 Unlike most of the Nabataean inscriptions at Ḥegrā, this one, composed nearly two centuries after the last of the Classical Nabataean tomb inscriptions, is written in the Arabic language and restricts Aramaic to fixed formulaic contexts. All Arabic triptotes terminate in w regardless of their syntactic position or whether they are defined. JSNab 17 dnh qbrw ṣn-h kʿbw br ḥrtt l-rqwš. brt ʿbd mnwtw ʾm-h w hy hlkt fy ʾl-ḥgrw šnt mʾh w štyn w-tryn b-yrḥ tmwz w lʿn mry ʿlmʾ mn yšnʾ ʾl-qbrw d[ʾ] w- mn yftḥ-h ḥšy w wld-h w-lʿn mn yqbr w {y}ʿly mn-h Translation: “This is a grave that Kaʕbo son of Ḥāreṯat constructed for Raqōś daughter of ʕabd-manōto, his mother, and she perished in ʔal-Ḥegro year one hundred and sixty two in the month of Tammūz. May the Lord of the Eternity curse anyone who desecrates this grave and anyone who would open it, with the exception of his children, and may he curse anyone who would bury or remove from it (a body).” Unlike the ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription, this text, likely composed some centuries later, does not show any nominal inflection. Arabic triptotes terminate in w despite their syntactic position: ʾl-ḥgrw occurs in the genitive, while ʾl-qbrw is in the nominative position. The absence of wawation from the diptotes (rqwš = CAr. raqāši; ḥrtt = CAr. ḥāriṯatu) proves 37 For a brief discussion of this text and further bibliography, see Macdonald’s contribution to Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia,” pp. 402–5. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 95 that the final w is not simply an orthographic device applied to Arabic words. I would, therefore, argue that this stage of Arabic is comparable to the modern Tihāmah dialects, which have not lost the final case vowel altogether, like other forms of Arabic, but have instead neutralized the inflectional category. Another inscription from this period is the stela of Phrw son of Šly, the tutor of Gaḏīmat, king of Tanūḫ (270 ce). Like JSNab 17, this text exhibits a mixed usage of wawation. LPNab 41 (= CIS II 192)38 dnh npšw phrw br šly rbw gdymt mlk tnwḥ Translation: “This is the funerary monument of Pehro son of Solay tutor of Gaḏīmat king of Tanūḫ.” Again like JSNab 17, the diptotes šly, gdmyt, and tnwḫ lack wawation. Curiously, however, wawation is present on triptotic forms in construct, npšw.39 The interpretation of this practice is dependent on our assumptions regarding which language the author was attempting to write. The short inscription contains only one diagnostic linguistic feature, namely, the Aramaic demonstrative dnh.40 Given that JSNab17 begins this way as well, it cannot inform a judgment about the language of the rest of the inscription. I would, nevertheless, suggest that the author intended to compose the text in Aramaic; and in so doing, he used the citation form of Arabic nouns even when they were in construct. In support of this view is the phrase mlk tnwḥ; the author clearly conceived of mlk, “king,” as an Aramaic word, thus explaining the absence of wawation. Interestingly, the word npš was regarded as Arabic, thus perhaps attesting to the long presence of this noun in the language; nfs1 is common in the Safaitic inscriptions.41 If one wished to maintain an Arabic reading of this text, then one could argue that the present inscription reflects a more advanced situation than that of JSNab17, where wawation has spread even to construct forms. In my opinion, however, this case seems highly unlikely, since the basic distinction between construct and nonconstruct forms is maintained minimally in the feminine noun, at versus ah, so there would be nothing to motivate leveling of this sort. It is impossible to say whether the Arabic dialect behind this text reached the stage of JSNab17, in which the nominative case was generalized for all situations, since the nominative was the citation form for Arabic terms in an Aramaic linguistic setting. 38 Littmann, Nabataean Inscriptions. 39 Wawation was alleged to occur on a similar word in the editio princeps of the Mleiha bronze plaque inscription (Teixidor, “Inscription araméenne”), namely, ʾl-npstw. Puech (“Inscriptions araméennes”), however, has convincingly reread this inscription by showing that this interpretation was a misreading and that the word should be read instead as npst, without the article or wawation. 40 While br is also Aramaic, it continued to be used in sixth-century ce Arabic script inscriptions and even occasionally in the early Islamic period; and it seems to have been incorporated into the early Arabic writing traditions as an ideogram such that it was no longer conceived of as Aramaic. 41 Al-Jallad, Outline, p. 330. 96 AHMAD AL-JALLAD explaining names such as garmabbaʿleyo and ʾabgaro Following the loss of the case system and the generalization of the vowel nominative /o/ < *u for all situations, traditional names that originally carried the genitive ending could no longer be parsed. Since their pronunciation was fixed, this situation may have motivated some speakers to spread the nominal ending /o/ to them as well, thereby creating hybrid names such as grmʾbʿlyw42 [garm ab-baʕleyo]. The same phenomenon may explain the rare appearance of wawation on diptotes, concentrated in the Negev and the Sinai, ʾbgrw43 [ʔabgaro]. THE USE OF WAWATION AS AN ORTHOGRAPHIC DEVICE? The occasional transcription of Nabataean names into Safaitic and Hismaic suggests that some may have begun to conceive of wawation as an orthographic device:44 for example, ʿmrw (KRS 127), qymw in an unpublished inscription, and ʿkrw (TIJ 318).45 Hismaic and Safaitic orthography does not make use of matres lectionis, so the presence of a final w in these examples can only be an imitation of Nabataean spellings. That the above names normally occur in Safaitic and Hismaic orthography without final waw’s could have led to the conclusion that in Nabataean one adds a final w when writing names of certain classes. The restriction of wawation to personal and group names is indeed encountered in the next dated Arabic text written in the Nabataean script, the Namārah inscription (328 ce). The text is familiar to most, so I will not reproduce it in its entirety.46 Unlike in JSNab 17, wawation is not used on common nouns but instead is restricted to triptotic group names, regardless of their syntactic position. Triptotic common nouns Triptotic names Diptotic names Compound ʾl-šʿwb, “the settled people” ʿmrw ngrn mrʾlqyš ʾl-ʿrb, “the Arabs” nzrw ʾl-ʾsdyn ʾl-tg, “the diadem” mdḥgw rtg, “gates (construct)” šmrw mlk, “king (construct)” mʿdw The absence of nunation from mlk, “a king,” in the phrase w lm yblʿ mlk mblʿ-h /wa lam yabloġmalekmablaġ-oh/ prevents us from positing that w was placed on all undefined triptotic nouns. Its absence from ngrn /nagrān/ and mrʾlqyš further proves that it was 42 43 44 45 46 Negev, Personal Names, p. 19, º249. Ibid., p. 9, º6. See the excellent discussion in Norris, “ANA from Dūmat Al-Jandal.” Stokes, “Thamudic Inscription from Jordan,” p. 37. See Macdonald’s commentary in Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia.” ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 97 exclusively the property of triptotic, undefined anthroponyms and group names. To explain this phenomenon, we can venture two scenarios based on whether the w signified an orthographic practice or a phonetic reality: 1. 2. Wawation was purely a scribal convention—its distribution reflects a learned tradition. Wawation was a phonetic feature of the names on which it appears. The survival of the final /u/ only on personal names may speak to the traditional and archaic nature of this class of nouns. To maintain the first scenario, we must posit that scribes learned in the process of their training not to put wawation on certain personal names—names terminating in at/ah and ān, compound names with a defined second member, and names belonging to certain noun patterns, such as CuCaC, gušam = gšm—a rather elaborate practice with no practical value. The second solution would have us assume that the linguistic situation in the Namārah inscription reflects a more developed stage of that found in JSNab 17. Final vowels in general have been lost, but the generalized /u/ was maintained on personal and group names as they retained a more conservative pronunciation. The phonetic realization of wawation is supported by the spelling of ʿmrw across different scripts. In the nearly contemporary Sassanian Paikuli inscription,47 ʿmrw is spelled ʾmrw. It would be too much to claim that this spelling was an imitation of Nabataean Aramaic orthography. Even as late as the seventh century, the same name is transcribed in Greek as Αμβρου /ʕamru/, where it is clear that the word terminated in a true vowel. Thus it would seem that the final w at least sometimes had a phonetic correlate even when wawation was not active on common nouns. The Namārah inscription does not allow us to choose definitively between these two options. What we can say is that common nouns and personal names behave differently, unlike what we see in JSNab17, LPNab 41, or the ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription. nabataeo-arabic inscriptions The great scholar of Nabataean epigraphy Laïla Nehmé has established the form of the Nabataean script between the fourth and fifth centuries ce as a transitional stage between Nabataean and Arabic, termed Nabataeo-Arabic. This period witnessed the spread of the Nabataean script beyond the confines of the Nabataean kingdom. As Nehmé convincingly proposed, the writing tradition was taken over by the chancelleries of the tribal kings of North Arabia and so began to experience some change. It is in these centuries that we may begin to understand the transformation of wawation into an orthographic device, leading ultimately to its demise. Let us begin with the Nabataeo-Arabic inscription from Sakākah, dated to 428 ce. The reading and interpretation follow Nehmé.48 47 End of the third century ce; see Skjærvø and Humbach, Inscription of Paikuli. 48 Nehmé, “Development of the Nabataean Script.” 98 AHMAD AL-JALLAD S1 dkyrw mḥrbw w ʾṣḥb-h ʾl-ʿšrh w ʿnymw w [w]ʾlw w ḥrtw w {k}ḥšw bṭbw mḥrbw br ʿwydʾlt ktb yd-h ywm ʿšrh w tmnh b-ʾyr šnt 2 X 100 + 100 + 20 + 3 {ʾ}{d}{.}{ḥg}ʾl-ḥyrh Translation: “May Mḥrb-W and his ten companions and ʿnym-W and Wʾl-W and Ḥrṯ-W and Kḥš-W be remembered-W for good-W. Mḥrb-W son of ʿwydʾlt, the writing of his hand, day 18 of Iyyār the year 323.” The use of wawation in this text is inconsistent. It occurs on most of the personal names but is lacking on the compound ʿwydʾlt, thereby matching the Namārah practice. But the author has added it to two Aramaic terms, dkyr, “be remembered,” and b-ṭb, “well.” This addition strongly suggests that w did not have a phonetic correlate, and the author misunderstood its usage.The transitional inscription UJadh 109 (455–456 ce) attests a different linguistic system from that of JSNab 17—one comparable to the Namārah inscription.49 UJadh 109 bly dkyr phmw br ʿbydw šlm šnt 2x100 +100+20+20+10 ʾdḥlw ʿmrw ʾl-mlk Translation: “Yea, may Phm-W son of ʿbyd-W be remembered [and] may he be secure, year 350 [when] they installed ʿmr-W the king.” Wawation is used on triptotic personal names but is missing from the Arabic word ʾlmlk, “the king.” That wawation does not inflect for case is proven by the Arabic phrase ʾdḥlw ʿmrw ʾl-mlk, which in older Nabataean Arabic would have been /ʔadḫalū ʕamra ʔal-mal(i)ka/, “(when) they installed ʿamr-W the king,” and according to the orthography of the ʿEn ʿAvdat inscription ʿmrw would have been spelled ʿmrʾ. Nehmé, in her habilitation thesis,50 conducted a comprehensive study of the NabataeoArabic inscriptions from northwest Arabia (Darb al-Bakrah). Her index of personal names shows a distribution of wawation rather comparable to the Classical Nabataean texts. 49 I follow the reading and translation of Nehmé, “Development of the Nabataean Script,” pp. 76–77, and Macdonald in his contribution to Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia,” pp. 419–20. 50 Nehmé, Epigraphy on the Edges. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 99 h.imā arabic-script inscriptions In 2014, the Saudi-French mission to Nagrān51 discovered eleven texts in the fully developed Arabic script and dating to the late fifth to early sixth century. Most of these texts consist only of personal names and exhibit the expected distribution of wawation. The two dated inscriptions suffice to illustrate; I follow Robin’s readings and interpretations. Ḥimā Sud PalAr 1 twbn mlkw b-yrḥ brk št 3 × 100 20 + 20 + 20 + 4 Translation: “Twbn (son of) Mlk-W, in the month of Brk, year 3 × 100 + 20 + 20 +20 + 4 (= 470 ce)” Ḥimā-al-Musammāt PalAr 1 [. . .](s)w br Ḫdšw 5+1+1+1 [. . .](ʾ)l-mʾtmr snt 4 × 100 Translation: “[Qys-w] son of Ḫdš-W, during (ʾ)l-mʾtmr of year 4 × 100 + 5 + 1 + 1 + 1 (= 513 ce)” In both of these cases, wawation is a property of triptotic names, mlkw and ḫdšw, and possibly in qysw if Robin’s reconstruction is correct. It is not applied to the month names brk or ʾl-mʾtmr, thus making the system similar to that in UJadh 109 and the Namārah inscription. The origins of these writers are unclear, but their use of the era of Provincia Arabia could suggest that they were travelers from the north. The other undated inscriptions attest a similar distribution of wawation: it is absent from Jewish names ʾsḥq,52 ʾlyʾ,53 and mwsy54 and from the diptotes ṯwbn and ʿmr.55 LATE NABATAEO-ARABIC: HYPOTHESIS By the fourth century ce, the Nabataean Aramaic writing system had come to express varieties of Arabic other than the dialect of the core Nabataean population, the one attested in ʿEn ʿAvdat and then JSNab 17. The Namārah inscription suggests that the Arabs of 51 Robin, al-Ghabbān, and al-Saʿīd, “Inscriptions antiques de Najrān”; Robin, “Kalender.” 52 Robin, al-Ghabbān, and al-Saʿīd, “Inscriptions antiques de Najrān,” Ḥimā-Sud PalAr 2:1093. 53 Ibid., Ḥimā-Sud PalAr 5:1096. 54 Ibid., Ḥimā-Sud PalAr 8:1099. 55 Ibid., Ḥimā-Sud PalAr 2. Robin prefers the identification of this name as ʿāmir because ʿumar is rather rare before Islam. ʿāmir, however, would be triptotic, and one would expect the appearance of wawation, while ʿmr is a diptote. The absence of wawation from this word, therefore, supports its interpretation as ʿumar. Its relative rareness in the Islamic genealogies does not disqualify the name from appearing here. 100 AHMAD AL-JALLAD the cis- and trans-Euphratean region of central and southern Iraq and the eastern SyroArabian desert had adopted the script but applied it to a local form of Arabic.56 The irregularities encountered in S1 (Sakāka) also suggest the same. The transformation of wawation from a true marker of nominal inflection to the various, inconsistent usages found in the later texts must be understood within the context of the spread of the Nabataean writing tradition. As mentioned above, L. Nehmé suggests that the Nabataean script continued to develop in the chancelleries of the tribal kings of North Arabia in the period between the third and fifth centuries ce.57 In the earliest periods, these kings must have sent their scribes to a scribal center, likely in the Nabataean heartland, to learn writing. There they would have learned the Aramaic idiom associated with the Nabataean script, as the transitional inscriptions all reveal that Aramaic was still a large component of the writing tradition; even as late as the fifth century, a significant Aramaic component is encountered (e.g., Ḥimā Sud PalAr 1). In the context of writing Aramaic, scribes would have learned that one writes Arabic personal and group names with a final w, and perhaps pronounces them with a final u/o, unless they belong to a select group of noun patterns, such as ʾafʿal, fuʿal, faʿlān, and those terminating with at/ah, that is, historic diptotes. Of course, these wāw’s were simply part of the late Nabataean Arabic nominal system, as revealed in JSNab 17, but they would have appeared to be the exclusive property of personal names in the context of writing Aramaic, hence their absence from other classes of Arabic words— especially when the apprentice scribe spoke a dialect of Arabic lacking wawation. Shared names, such as muḥārib and mālik, could have led to the conclusion that wawation was a purely orthographic device not to be pronounced, thus resulting in some confusion as to its function. Nabataean orthography Nabataean Arabic Other North Arabian Arabic mḥrbw moḥārebo muḥārib mlkw māleko mālik If we take such a situation as a starting point, then it becomes easy to understand how the author of S1 overgeneralized and added the w to other words in the Nabataean text that he perhaps pronounced differently in his dialect of Arabic—words such as dkyrw, which he may have pronounced as maḏkūr, and bṭbw, which he may have read as bi-ḫayr.58 In a way, the use of wawation in this inscription is comparable to the overapplication of mimation in the pseudo-Sabaic inscriptions of Ethiopia. The lack of standardization, and indeed the fact that all our surviving documents in the Nabataeo-Arabic script are rock graffiti, certainly allows for a degree of variation. Despite the strong arguments for the transformation of wawation into an orthographic device, we cannot conclude that it was never pronounced. The spelling of the name ‫ عمرو‬survives into 56 The identification of the king mrʾlqyš son of ʿmrw and his territory has been the subject of debate among scholars; for an excellent discussion and innovative hypothesis, see Zwettler, “Imraʾalqays.” 57 Nehmé, Epigraphy on the Edges, p. 41. 58 I thank Laïla Nehmé for suggesting the possibility that these forms were Aramaeograms. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 101 the Islamic period, and despite later grammarians’ explaining the final waw as a device to avoid confusion with the name ʿumar, transcriptions from the first Islamic century in Greek confirm that it was pronounced ʿamru = Aμβρου.59 This ending is isolated to the name ʿamr and indeed has no basis in the dialect of the first century documents, Classical Arabic, or the Qurʾānic language. We must, then, conclude that the name ʿamru finds its source in the ancient Nabataean dialect, even though its cognate name ʿamrun must have existed and been used at the same time. In this light, it is possible that some wawated names were pronounced as they were written, perhaps because they were drawn from the Nabataean dialect. To sum up this complicated situation, I observe that by the fifth century the Nabataean Aramaic script was employed to write what must have been various dialects of Arabic across North Arabia. With it spread a peculiarity of the Nabataean Arabic dialect— triptotic nouns terminated in w. This peculiarity applied mainly to names, as the normal language of Nabataean documents was Aramaic and names, therefore, constituted the only class of Arabic nouns in the tradition. In cases when the name was drawn from the Nabataean dialect, this w was pronounced, while in names drawn from local varieties of Arabic it would have acted purely as an orthographic device, thus leading to confusion as to its function. THE SIXTH CENTURY: WAWATION IN THE ARABIC SCRIPT By the sixth century ce, the Nabataeo-Arabic script had reached the form that scholars have defined as the Arabic script. Only a handful of inscriptions in this script have so far been discovered. Here we will discuss two monumental inscriptions and three graffiti. These inscriptions have shed most of their Aramaic, with the word for son, br, constituting the last vestige of the script’s original language. The two monumental texts read as follows. Zebed (512 ce)60 [d]{k}rʾl-ʾlh srgw br ʾmt-mnfw w hnyʾ br mrʾlqys [Roundel] w srgw br sʿdw w syrw w s{.}ygw Translation: “May God be mindful of Srg-W son of ʾmt-mnf-W and Hnyʾ son of mrʾlqys and Srg-W son of Sʿd-W and Syr-W and S{.}yg-W” The use of wawation here is inconsistent. It occurs on the compound ʾmt-mnfw but not on mrʾlqys; the triptotes have it—except for hnyʾ, which must be either [honayʔ] or [hanīʔ], both of which should be triptotic. Its presence on ʾmt-mnfw may be explained by the fact that mnf = the idol Manāf itself is triptotic, but its omission from hnʾ is unexpected. It is possible that wawation did not have a phonetic correlate at this point and that the author had mistakenly considered the name hnyʾ to belong to the non-wawated class of names. 59 Al-Jallad, “Arabic of the Islamic Conquests,” §4.7. 60 The reading and interpretation follow Macdonald in Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia.” 102 AHMAD AL-JALLAD Ḥarrān (568 ce)61 ʾnʾ srḥyl br ẓlmw bnyt dʾ ʾl mrṭwl snt 4 × 100 + 20 + 20 + 20 + 3 bʿdm{f/q}{s/š}{d,ḏ,k} {ḫ/ḥ}{y/b/t/ṯ/n}{y/b/t/ṯ/n}r {b/n}{ʿ/ġ}m Translation: “I, Sarāḥʾel son of Ẓālem, built this martyrion in the year 463.” The Ḥarrān inscription is the latest inscription in pre-Islamic Arabic script, and it shows basically the same system of wawation as the Nabataeo-Arabic inscriptions: it is applied to the triptote name ẓlm but omitted from the theophoric name containing the element ʾel. Jabal Says (528 ce)62 ʾnh rqym br mʿrf ʾl-ʾwsy ʾrsl-ny ʾl-ḥrṯ ʾl-mlk ʿly ʾsys mslḥh snt 4 × 100 + 20 + 1 + 1 + 1 Translation: “I am Rqym son of Mʿrf the Awsite; the king Al-Ḥārith sent me to ʾsys, as a frontier guard, in the year 423.” This is the earliest inscription in which there is no evidence for wawation. The fact that it is an unformulaic graffito, rather than monumental or the fixed graffiti formula dkyr/dkr + PN, may suggest that it more closely reflects the contemporary book hand. The redundant addition of the wāw to personal names, a vestige of the ancient Nabataean dialect of Arabic, was finally dispensed with in favor of a writing system that more closely reflected the spoken/read Arabic. The fact that this inscription is earlier than the Ḥarrān inscription speaks to the simultaneous existence of at least two Arabic scribal traditions or registers: one in which the practice of wawation was maintained, and a more advanced form in which it was eliminated. This suggestion accords with Healey’s observation regarding the Classical Nabataean inscriptions; based on the paleography of the Nabataean papyri, he concludes that stone-carved inscriptions reflect a conservative tradition and that many of the progressive letter-shapes encountered in the transitional period had already appeared in the book hand.63 It is possible that since Nabataean and Nabataeo-Arabic inscriptions were carved on stone, they imitated the lapidary style; therefore, changes in the book hand took much longer to appear on rock, even in the seemingly informal context of a graffito. 61 The reading and interpretation follow Macdonald in Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia.” I have preferred to leave the section after bʿd untranslated. The translation given by Enno Littmann, “after the expedition to Khaybar by a year,” is widely adopted but is nevertheless a strange way of dating that finds no parallels in the other Arabic or Nabataeo-Arabic inscriptions. Robin (“La réforme”) suggests a translation much closer to the Greek, but Macdonald (in Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia,” n. 210) has rejected this suggestion as paleographically impossible. 62 The reading and interpretation follow Macdonald in Fiema et al., “Provincia Arabia.” 63 Healey, “Nabataean Contribution,” p. 95. ONE WĀW TO RULE THEM ALL 103 THE LAST WĀW While the writing of the name ʿAmr, spelled ʿmrw, continues today, the latest example of wawation applied to a non-ʿmrw personal name occurs in the Islamic period. The scribe of PERF 558 (Grohmann64), dated to 643 ce, spells his name as ʾbn ḥdydw [ʔibn ḥadīd-W] or [ʔibn ḥudayd-W]. Wawation is, however, absent from the Arabic text of the inscription, thus suggesting that it was a fossilized relic of the scribe’s name. It is also possible that the scribe was trained in a writing tradition that employed wawation but then employed the orthography of Medina—lacking wawation—in his capacity as an imperial scribe. The use of wawation in his signature could reflect a sentimental attachment to a pre-Islamic tradition, or perhaps a frozen spelling. Like the Jabal Says inscription, the writing school that gave the Qurʾān its textual form and that of the papyri from the first Islamic century lack wawation as an orthographic feature. One could carefully suggest that the Jabal Says inscription reflected the orthography of Ghassanid chancellery, which had dispensed with most of its Nabataeisms, and it is this writing tradition that was likely used in the Ḥigāzī oases, such as Yathrib/Medina. More than a century separates the earliest Islamic Arabic documents and the Jabal Says inscription—more than enough time to replace Aramaic bar with Arabic ʾbn and to innovate the tāʾ marbutah in construct forms, an orthographic convention unique to the written Arabic of the seventh century and later. At the same time, the diversity we have discussed rules out a unified Arabic script and orthography in the pre-Islamic period. Different chancelleries may have had different letter-shapes and orthographic conventions, all of which were unified following the language reforms at the end of the seventh century ce. Let us conclude with a short history of wawation in Arabic. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Wawation begins as a marker of the nominative case, first attested in the ninth century bce. The case vowel does not inflect when Arabic anthroponyms/words are used in an Aramaic linguistic context. By the third century ce, the case system of Nabataean Arabic collapsed, and the nominative ending was generalized to all triptotes. Between the third and fifth centuries ce, the Nabataean writing tradition spread to speakers of non-Nabataean dialects of Arabic that did not have a generalized nominative case on triptotic substantives. 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