|
1919-2019: How to Make Peace Last?:
European Strategy and the Future of the World Order
|
2019
|
|
The 2010 Belgian EU Presidency and CSDP
|
2011
|
|
2014::
a centenary and a discovery
|
2014
|
|
The Aachen Mutual Defence Clause::
A Closer Look at the Franco-German Treaty
|
2019
|
|
The ABC of European Union Strategy::
Ambition, Benchmark, Culture
|
2007
|
|
Afghanistan’s Future::
Foreign and Local Solutions for a Fought-Over Country
|
2011
|
|
African dynamics at the climate change negotiations
|
2011
|
|
All or Nothing?:
European and British Strategic Autonomy after the Brexit
|
2016
|
|
‘All Radicalisation is Local’:
The genesis and drawbacks of an elusive concept
|
2016
|
|
Al-Shabab in Mozambique::
Taking Stock of an Insurgency Under Cover
|
2022
|
|
An Ambitious Agenda or Big Words?:
Developing a European Approach to AI
|
2019
|
|
American Leadership and Grand Strategy in an Age of Complexity
|
2019
|
|
America’s Global Defence Predicament – Why the Asia ‘Rebalancing’ Has Little Significance for European Security
|
2014
|
|
And What Will Europe Do?:
The European Council and Military Strategy
|
2013
|
|
Angola’s Africa Policy
|
2017
|
|
Anticipating the Post-Daesh Landscape
|
2017
|
|
Arab Reform::
what role for the EU?
|
2005
|
|
The Arctic, a new front for great power conflict?
|
2022
|
|
Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict::
why the ‘black garden’ will not blossom any time soon
|
2016
|
|
Articulating the logic of nuclear-sharing
|
2019
|
|
As the EU Said at the NATO Summit
|
2012
|
|
Assessing the EU’s Strategic Partnerships in the UN System
|
2011
|
|
Atlantic Loyalty, European Autonomy:
Belgium and the Atlantic Alliance 1949-2009
|
2009
|
|
Attracting and retaining talents in the EU:
What role can the EU play in ensuring a sustainable and competitive ecosystem for labour migration?
|
2022
|
|
Audit of European Strategy
|
2004
|
|
Autonomy and Strategy::
What Should Europe Want?
|
2019
|
|
Balancing Conventional and Hybrid Threats in (Future) State Competition:
Potential policy pitfalls stemming from the Ukrainian conflict
|
2022
|
|
BALANCING DEFENCE AND SECURITY EFFORTS WITH A PERMANENTLY STRUCTURED SCORECARD
|
2008
|
|
Belgian Defence in 2018::
Regeneration Time?
|
2018
|
|
Belgian Defence Policy::
The Fight Goes On
|
2011
|
|
Belgian Special Forces in the Sahel::
A Minimal Footprint with Maximal Output?
|
2019
|
|
Belgian Troops for Takuba::
What’s at Stake?
|
2021
|
|
Belgium and Counterterrorism Policy in the Jihadi Era (1986�2007)
|
2007
|
|
Belgium should not change strategy on her contribution to NATO’s nuclear role sharing
|
2020
|
|
The Belt and Road Initiative — the ASEAN Perspective
|
2019
|
|
Between al-Andalus and a failing integration:
Europe’s pursuit of a long-term counterterrorism strategy in the post-al-Qaeda era
|
2005
|
|
Beyond Corona::
Getting EU Economic Security Right
|
2020
|
|
Beyond Russia’s ‘Versailles Syndrome’
|
2014
|
|
Beyond the Brussels Effect::
Supporting the International Case for a Value-based Digital Market
|
2022
|
|
Biden’s World?:
Views from the United States, China, Russia, and the European Union
|
2020
|
|
Bleak prospects for nuclear disarmament
|
2023
|
|
The Blurring of Belgium’s Security::
Deliberate or Unintended?
|
2017
|
|
Breaking the Cycle::
The Need for Better Integrated Responses in Neglected Crises
|
2024
|
|
Breaking the Law of Opposite Effects::
Europe’s Strategic Autonomy and the Revived Transatlantic Partnership
|
2021
|
|
Brexit, Strategy, and the EU::
Britain Takes Leave
|
2018
|
|
A BRIC in the World::
Emerging Powers, Europe, and the Coming Order
|
2009
|
|
Bring back the spirit of PESCO!
|
2023
|
|
Broke or broken?:
A necessary discussion about the humanitarian funding gap
|
2023
|
|
Broke or broken?:
A necessary discussion about the humanitarian funding gap
|
2023
|
|
A Brussels Declaration for an “Ever Closer Union”
|
2022
|
|
Building blocks for regional cooperation on Transitional Justice
|
2021
|
|
Building European Defence::
An Architect and a Bank
|
2014
|
|
BUILDING (REGIONAL) BRIDGES FOR TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE
|
2017
|
|
Burundi on the brink again?:
Identifying risks before the 2020 elections
|
2019
|
|
Burundi’s institutional landscape after the 2020 elections
|
2020
|
|
Cardiff::
Birthplace of a new Transatlantic Narrative?
|
2014
|
|
Chad and the West::
Shifting Security Burden?
|
2015
|
|
Charting a Green and Competitive Future for Europe
|
2023
|
|
Charting Belgium’s Economic Security – a complex country in a complex world
|
2023
|
|
Children in the Levant::
Insights from Belgium on the dilemmas of repatriation and the challenges of reintegration
|
2018
|
|
China and Geopolitics as Ontology
|
2024
|
|
China between lockdowns and the 20th Party Congress::
What can we expect for the EU and globally?
|
2022
|
|
China, Sovereign Internationalism, and Silent Pragmatism
|
2024
|
|
China, the West, and the Rest::
Who is Enjoying the Shadow of Whom?
|
2024
|
|
China’s 14th National People’s Congress::
No Ordinary Cups of Tea
|
2023
|
|
Combat Air Systems for the 21st Century::
A Shared Stake for Europe
|
2020
|
|
Conference on the Future of Europe::
a glimpse into the future of participatory democracy?
|
2022
|
|
Considering DPRK Regime Collapse::
Its Probability and Possible Geopolitical and Security Consequences
|
2015
|
|
Context matters – Why Africa should tailor its own measures to fight COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Core Groups::
The Way to Real European Defence
|
2017
|
|
Coronavirus and Power::
The Impact on International Politics
|
2020
|
|
Countering Afghan narcotics::
a litmus test for effective NATO and Russia cooperation?
|
2010
|
|
Counterterrorism in Belgium::
Key challenges and policy options
|
2016
|
|
A Court in Crisis?:
The ICC IN Africa, and Beyond
|
2017
|
|
COVID-19 and the Climate – Energy Nexus
|
2020
|
|
The CRM Act in a global perspective
|
2023
|
|
CSDP and NATO Post-Libya::
Towards the Rubicon?
|
2012
|
|
The Dangerous Geopolitics of Populism, and What NATO and the EU Can Do About It
|
2018
|
|
Dealing with land issues and conflict in eastern Congo::
towards an integrated and participatory approach
|
2013
|
|
Dealing with Russia::
Towards a Coherent Belgian Policy
|
2020
|
|
Death of an Institution:
The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence?
|
2011
|
|
Decisive elections in the DRC
|
2023
|
|
Decolonising human rights protection in Africa::
impunity rhetorically repackaged?
|
2021
|
|
Defence::
The European Council Matters
|
2013
|
|
Defence of Democracy::
A Discussion on Democracy and the Path Ahead for a Culture of Participation
|
2024
|
|
The Democratic Republic of Congo::
The Great Electoral Robbery (and how and why Kabila got away with it)
|
2019
|
|
Demographic Jigsaw::
Puzzling Out a Resilient EU
|
2024
|
|
Developments in the Field of Transitional Justice
|
2021
|
|
E Pluribus Unum?:
Military Integration in the European Union
|
2005
|
|
The Eastern Mediterranean::
Calm before the Storm in a Core European Strategic Zone
|
2021
|
|
The Emerging Powers and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Regime
|
2011
|
|
The end of ‘business as usual’?:
COVID-19 and the European Green Deal
|
2020
|
|
The End of the INF-Treaty::
Context and Consequences
|
2019
|
|
End-State Afghanistan::
A European Perspective
|
2009
|
|
End-State Afghanistan
|
2009
|
|
Enjeux autour de l’intervention du Burundi en Somalie
|
2013
|
|
The EU and China::
Modest signs of convergence?
|
2018
|
|
The EU and China::
Sanctions, Signals, and Interests
|
2021
|
|
EU and NATO Strategy::
A Compass, a Concept, and a Concordat
|
2021
|
|
The EU and Russia::
A New Foreign Policy for the “Carcass”?
|
2021
|
|
The EU and Taiwan::
Normalizing the Status Quo
|
2023
|
|
The EU as a Global Actor in a Multipolar World and Multilateral 2.0 Environment
|
2010
|
|
The EU as a Soft Power Superpower::
Why a Green Marshall Plan for the Sahel Is Imperative
|
2022
|
|
The EU Global Strategy::
from effective multilateralism to global governance that works?
|
2016
|
|
The EU Global Strategy::
Realpolitik with European Characteristics
|
2016
|
|
The EU Global Strategy 2020
|
2019
|
|
The EU Global Strategy and Defence::
The Challenge of Thinking Strategically about Means
|
2016
|
|
EU Grand Strategy::
Optimism is Mandatory
|
2012
|
|
The EU in the AIIB::
taming China’s influence from within
|
2017
|
|
An EU Security Council and a European Commissioner for Security and Defence::
The Final Pieces of the Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy Puzzle?
|
2019
|
|
An EU Security Strategy::
An Attractive Narrative
|
2012
|
|
EU Training for Civilian CSDP – Which Coherence?
|
2011
|
|
EU Ukraine Strategy should include the Eurasian Spine
|
2023
|
|
The EU–China Bilateral Investment Agreement::
Between High Hopes and Real Challenges
|
2016
|
|
EU-China Co-operation in Global Governance::
Going Beyond the Conceptual Gap
|
2017
|
|
The EU-MENA partnership::
time for a reset
|
2021
|
|
EUnity of Command – The Planning and Conduct of CSDP Operations
|
2011
|
|
EUROPE::
A TIME FOR STRATEGY
|
2009
|
|
Europe and China’s Belt and Road Initiative::
Growing Concerns, More Strategy
|
2019
|
|
Europe and the Great Powers::
Playing our Trump Cards
|
2017
|
|
Europe and the World or Snow White and the Seven Fallacies
|
2013
|
|
Europe Deploys TOwards a Civil-Military Strategy for CSDP
|
2011
|
|
Europe in a multipolar missile world:
Why the EU and NATO should not try to salvage the INF Treaty
|
2019
|
|
Europe Rediscovers Peacekeeping?:
Political and Military Logics in the 2006 UNIFIL Enhancement
|
2009
|
|
The European Citizens’ Initiative, a sufficient tool to bring Europe closer to its citizens?
|
2018
|
|
European Council Conclusions:
A Powerful Tool
|
2022
|
|
European Defence::
What’s in the CARDs for PESCO?
|
2017
|
|
European Defence Engagement in the Indo Pacific::
A View from Tokyo
|
2021
|
|
European Defence in the wake of the Lisbon Treaty
|
2008
|
|
A European Defence Summit in May 2022::
From Compass to Capabilities
|
2022
|
|
A European Global Security Strategy::
Offering Seven-League Boots to Become a Global Actor
|
2013
|
|
European Strategic Autonomy::
Which Military Level of Ambition?
|
2019
|
|
The European Union::
Time to Further Peace and Justice
|
2011
|
|
Europe’s Energy and Resource Challenge The Arctic Is Part of the Solution
|
2022
|
|
Europe’s “new” jihad::
Homegrown, leaderless, virtual
|
2017
|
|
The EU’s Just Transition::
three challenges and how to overcome them
|
2020
|
|
The EU’s Sanctions against Syria::
Conflict Management by Other Means
|
2012
|
|
EU-South Korea Security Relations::
The Current State of Play
|
2017
|
|
EU-Uganda relations::
friction, change, or business as usual?
|
2022
|
|
The EU-US Trade and Technology Council::
Mapping the challenges and opportunities for transatlantic cooperation on trade, climate, and digital
|
2021
|
|
Expanding the Reach of the Special Forces with a Gender-Mixed Deep Development Capability (DDC)::
Identifying Challenges and Lessons Learned
|
2021
|
|
Fear Not::
A Critical Perspective on the Terrorist Threat in Europe
|
2016
|
|
Fearing a ‘Shiite Octopus’:
Sunni – Shi‘a relations and the implications for Belgium and Europe
|
2010
|
|
Fighting for Europe:
European Strategic Autonomy and the Use of Force
|
2019
|
|
First Lessons from the Libya Operations
|
2011
|
|
For A ‘More Active’ EU in the Middle East:
Transatlantic Relations and the Strategic Implications of Europe’s Engagement with Iran, Lebanon and Israel-Palestine
|
2007
|
|
For a New NATO-EU Bargain
|
2021
|
|
Foreign Policy and the Euro::
We Have an Idea
|
2011
|
|
Fragile states and the international response::
in pursuit of security or development?
|
2009
|
|
From bad to worse::
The fate of European foreign fighters and families detained in Syria, one year after the Turkish offensive
|
2020
|
|
From Global Strategy to Strategic Compass::
Where Is the EU Heading?
|
2019
|
|
From Lisbon to Lisbon::
Squaring the Circle of EU and NATO Future Roles
|
2011
|
|
From one master of survival to another::
a tardigrade’s plea for NATO2030
|
2021
|
|
From Survival to Revival::
The Riga Summit 2015 and the revised ENP
|
2015
|
|
From Words to Deeds::
Upholding the Rule of Law in the CEE Region
|
2020
|
|
The future of the Arctic region::
what is at stake for Belgium?
|
2022
|
|
Game of Zones The Quest for Influence in Europe’s Neighbourhood
|
2014
|
|
Geopolitical Shifts in the Eastern Mediterranean
|
2013
|
|
Geopolitics with European Characteristics:
An Essay on Pragmatic Idealism,Equality, and Strategy
|
2016
|
|
Global Governance::
The Next Frontier
|
2004
|
|
The Global Strategy – reinvigorating the EU’s multilateral agenda?
|
2016
|
|
Going the Extra Mile for the 2020 Elections in the Central African Republic
|
2020
|
|
The Great Powers Have Their Ways
|
2017
|
|
‘Greening’ the EU’s cultural diplomacy::
Uncovering the potential of the culture-climate nexus
|
2021
|
|
Has Trump Reshuffled the Cards for Europe?
|
2016
|
|
Here are Four Things the West gets Wrong about Afri
|
2023
|
|
How 2400 pages of tech industrial policy will change transatlantic relations
|
2021
|
|
How the Strategic Compass can incubate a European prototype for burden sharing prototype
|
2021
|
|
HOW TO REVERSE IN A ONE WAY-STREET
|
2021
|
|
Hybrid Warfare Is Not Synonymous with Cyber::
The Threat of Influence Operations
|
2022
|
|
The Impact of the Withdrawal from Afghanistan on Russia’s Security
|
2014
|
|
Imperial Preference
|
2022
|
|
The implementation of the Gender Perspective in the EU civilian and military missions::
Leadership wanted
|
2015
|
|
Improving Peacekeeping Performance — Dilemmas and Goals
|
2018
|
|
An Industrious European Council on Defence?
|
2014
|
|
The Iran nuclear deal::
the Iranian and US domestic factors that put its implementation at risk
|
2016
|
|
Is Putin Winning, or Is He Trying not to Lose?
|
2022
|
|
Islands of Stability or Swamps of Insecurity?:
MONUSCO’s Intervention Brigade and the Danger of Emerging Security Voids in eastern Congo
|
2014
|
|
Its own worst enemy?:
The Ugandan government is taking desperate measures to control rising dissent
|
2019
|
|
It’s Time to Build a Gender-Just Peace::
Here is How
|
2019
|
|
Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy::
What does it mean for the European Union?
|
2018
|
|
Katanga::
Congo’s Perpetual Trouble Spot
|
2016
|
|
Keeping the OSCE Alive
|
2022
|
|
Kenya’s elections::
the peace lobotomy?
|
2013
|
|
The Kyoto Policy of Belgium
|
2008
|
|
Leaving the beaten track?:
The EU regulation on conflict minerals
|
2017
|
|
Legislating amidst Public Controversy::
the Services Directive
|
2009
|
|
Libya and the Post-American World::
Implications for the EU
|
2011
|
|
The Lisbon Strategy::
Which failure? Whose failure? And why?
|
2005
|
|
A Long-Term Strategy for Libya and the Mediterranean::
Over to the European Union
|
2011
|
|
Looking towards the North::
Belgium’s role in the Arctic
|
2024
|
|
Mali::
filling the void
|
2013
|
|
Mali::
Another European Intervention without the EU?
|
2013
|
|
Masters of Grand Strategy
|
2023
|
|
Mayhem in the Mediterranean::
Three Strategic Lessons for Europe
|
2011
|
|
Measuring the Unmeasurable:
Indicators of Russian State Resilience
|
2023
|
|
Message to – and from – the European political leadership::
Agreeing to disagree on strategy is a luxury the EU can no longer afford
|
2016
|
|
De militaire bijdrage van België aan het Europees veiligheids- en defensiebeleid
|
2007
|
|
Military Capabilities::
From Pooling & Sharing to a Permanent and Structured Approach
|
2012
|
|
A “military pillar” in the European Union::
Crisis management, Capabilities and Coherence (3 Cs) – And EU-US Cooperation (a 4th C)
|
2023
|
|
Missing the Target::
The African Union’s Mediating Efforts in Burundi
|
2016
|
|
Mobilizing Against Russia?:
Some Reflections on the Security Deadlock Called Ukraine
|
2022
|
|
More Competitive, More Efficient?:
The 2013 European Commission Defence Communication
|
2013
|
|
Multipolar Myths and Unipolar Fantasies
|
2015
|
|
My Summer in Beijing
|
2023
|
|
NATO, ESDP AND THE RIGA SUMMIT::
NO TRANSFORMATION WITHOUT RE-EQUILIBRATION
|
2006
|
|
A New External Action Service Needs a New European Security Strategy
|
2011
|
|
The New Force Model::
NATO’s European Army?
|
2022
|
|
A new geography of European power?
|
2011
|
|
A New Security Architecture for Europe?:
Russian Proposal and Western Reactions
|
2009
|
|
A New Security Architecture for Europe?:
Russian Proposals and Western Reactions Part II
|
2010
|
|
A new start for EU-US relations?
|
2021
|
|
Nigeria::
Is the end of Mafia politics in sight?
|
2008
|
|
No Pain, No Gain::
Taking PESCO to the Gym
|
2020
|
|
Non-judicial battles::
Kenyan politics and the International Criminal Court
|
2014
|
|
The Nuclear Safety Framework in the European Union After Fukushima
|
2014
|
|
On the Necessity of Defending Belgian Interests in Outer Space
|
2023
|
|
Oratio pro PESCO
|
2017
|
|
Où va la transition guinéenne ?:
Ou l’insoutenable légèreté du « colonellisme »
|
2023
|
|
Outspokenly Unspoken::
The Chinese People’s ‘White Paper Revolution’
|
2022
|
|
Palestinian Unity Government::
EU Should Find Ways to Cooperate
|
2011
|
|
Paving the way for a meaningful EU Year of Youth 2022
|
2022
|
|
Permanent Sovereign COoperation (PESCO) to Underpin the EU Global Strategy
|
2016
|
|
Permanent Structured Cooperation and the Future of ESDP
|
2008
|
|
Permanent Structured Cooperation for Effective European Armed Forces
|
2010
|
|
Permanent Structured Cooperation In Defence of the Obvious
|
2010
|
|
Pool it, Share it, Use it::
The European Council on Defence
|
2013
|
|
Pooling & Sharing::
From Slow March to Quick March?
|
2011
|
|
The Power to Engage::
Giving Punch to a new EU Global Strategy 2020
|
2019
|
|
Preparing for Belgium’s Thirteenth Presidency of the Council of the European Union
|
2023
|
|
Preventing the Critical Minerals Crisis:
How the Global Gateway and transatlantic connectivity cooperation can help secure critical raw material supply chains
|
2022
|
|
Procurement by Proxy::
How Sahelian Juntas acquire Equipment from Ousted Security Partners
|
2024
|
|
Protecting Civilians From Those Who Should Protect Them
|
2022
|
|
Putin in Africa
|
2015
|
|
Putin Is Creating the Multipolar World He (Thought He) Wanted
|
2022
|
|
Putting the Core at the Centre:
The Crisis Response Operation Core (CROC) and the Future of PESCO
|
2019
|
|
The Quest for a Regional Order in the Middle East
|
2018
|
|
A quoi servent les élections en RDC ?
|
2024
|
|
Readiness as a Mission::
Implications for Belgian Defence
|
2021
|
|
Redefining the EU-China economic partnership::
beyond reciprocity lies strategy
|
2019
|
|
Refining the EU’s Geoeconomic Approach to Trade Policy
|
2022
|
|
The Reform of the EU Courts (II):
Abandoning the Management Approach by Doubling the General Court
|
2016
|
|
The Reform of the EU Courts (III):
The Brilliant Alternative Approach of the European Court of Human Rights
|
2016
|
|
The Reform of the EU Courts (IV):
The Need for a Better Focus on the European Court of Justice’s Core Mission
|
2017
|
|
REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND SECURITY IN CENTRAL AFRICA – ASSESSMENT AND PERSPECTIVES 10 YEARS AFTER THE REVIVAL
|
2008
|
|
Regional security and global governance::
A Proposal for a ‘Regional-Global Security Mechanism’ in Light of the UN High-Level Panel’s Report
|
2005
|
|
Remolding China’s ‘Empty’ Belt and Road Initiative::
An Opportunity for the EU
|
2020
|
|
Renewable energy communities in the European energy policy::
an evidence of clean energy for all Europeans, not by all
|
2021
|
|
Réseaux sociaux numériques et processus démocratiques en Afrique centrale ::
entre systèmes hégémoniques et nouveaux régimes de dissidence
|
2019
|
|
The Resurgence of Bilateral Diplomacy in Europe
|
2019
|
|
Rethinking EU institutions’ rules of procedure after COVID-19
|
2020
|
|
Rethinking Geopolitical Strategies::
from Conflict Management to Conflict Resolution in the Middle East
|
2023
|
|
Returnees in the Maghreb.:
A European perspective
|
2019
|
|
Returnees in the Maghreb::
Comparing policies on returning foreign terrorist fighters in Egypt, Morocco and Tunisia
|
2019
|
|
Returnees: Who Are They, Why Are They (Not) Coming Back and How Should We Deal with Them?:
Assessing Policies on Returning Foreign Terrorist Fighters in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands
|
2018
|
|
A revised European Semester under centralised management::
the risk of overlooking social policy
|
2021
|
|
Revisiting EU Climate and Energy Diplomacy::
A Starting Point for Green Deal Diplomacy?
|
2020
|
|
Reviving the Security Function::
EU's Path to Save the JCPOA
|
2019
|
|
RFID::
New “Killer Application” in the ICT World, New Big Brother, or Both?
|
2009
|
|
The Rise of Capacity Mechanisms::
Are They Inevitable in the European Union?
|
2015
|
|
The Rise of the Street::
The Population of Kinshasa as an Unpredictable Actor in the Electoral Process
|
2016
|
|
The Role of Europe in Enhancing Cooperative Security in Asia and the Pacific::
A View from Japan
|
2013
|
|
Rumble in the DR Congo::
President Tshisekedi is taking control
|
2021
|
|
Russian Grand Strategy and how to handle it
|
2021
|
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Russian Spring 2022 Recruitment Cycle:
Putin’s Camouflaged Referendum?
|
2022
|
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Russia’s Hybrid Wars Come to Sudan
|
2023
|
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A Safe and Sovereign Europe in a Changing Global Context
|
2024
|
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Safeguarding the EDTIB::
the Case for Supervising non-EU FDI in the Defence Sector
|
2012
|
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Secondary sanctions and multilateralism – the way ahead
|
2021
|
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Security aspects of connectivity
|
2019
|
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SECURITY COUNCIL REFORM::
A NEW VETO FOR A NEW CENTURY?
|
2005
|
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Security Forces’ Strategies of Resistance to Transitional Justice
|
2019
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Seven steps to European Defence, Transatlantic Equilibrium, and Global Europe
|
2021
|
|
The slow demise of the ANC::
Political change, economic decline, and state corruption in South Africa
|
2016
|
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Southeast Asia’s Hedging::
A Strategic Opportunity for the European Union?
|
2023
|
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Stabilizing the European Continent:
Reflections on the Future of EU Enlargement
|
2022
|
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“Stand Firm and Hold the Handrail”::
A Traveller’s Impressions of a Summer of Summitry
|
2018
|
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The Start-Up Fund – An Elegant Treaty Mechanism for Sustaining Defence Capabilities
|
2013
|
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Strategic autonomy and EU-NATO Cooperation::
squaring the circle
|
2017
|
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Strategic Choices for the 2020s
|
2020
|
|
The Strategic Compass::
Entering the Fray
|
2021
|
|
Strategic priorities for the Russian PMC WAGNER::
geopolitics, propaganda and mercenary business
|
2023
|
|
Strategy and the Importance of Defence Cooperation among EU Member States
|
2010
|
|
A Strategy for CSDP Europe’s Ambitions as a Global Security Provider
|
2010
|
|
Strategy Wanted::
The European Union and Strategic Partnerships
|
2010
|
|
Strengthening multilateralism in a multipolar world
|
2023
|
|
Strengthening the Political Credibility of NATO Extended Nuclear Deterrence
|
2024
|
|
The Summit of Our Ambition?:
European Defence between Brussels and Wales
|
2014
|
|
Supranational Democracy Adrift?:
The 2019 Elections and the Future of Europe
|
2019
|
|
Tackling terror in Africa::
what local roles for insurgency groups?
|
2014
|
|
Tanks versus Banks::
Russian Military versus EU Geoeconomic Power
|
2022
|
|
Ten years of Belt & Road – quo vadis?
|
2023
|
|
The Ticking Clock for Russia’s Endless War::
Unveiling Silent Turmoil on Putin’s Second Front
|
2023
|
|
Time to think about a European Union operated airlift capability?
|
2015
|
|
Times they are A-changin’::
Africa at the Centre Stage of the new (II) Liberal World Order
|
2022
|
|
TINA for Putin — Or is there an alternative?
|
2021
|
|
To Rule The Waves::
Why a Maritime Geostrategy is Needed to Sustain European Union
|
2010
|
|
Toward a meaningful metric::
replacing NATO’s 2% defence spending target
|
2021
|
|
Toward a More Independent Europe
|
2007
|
|
Towards a Belgian Position on Brexit:
Actively Reconciling National and European Interests
|
2017
|
|
Towards a comprehensive mining strategy for the DRC?
|
2024
|
|
Towards a new multilateral energy architecture?
|
2012
|
|
Towards cutting-edge European humanitarian leadership
|
2021
|
|
A transition for the citizens?:
Ensuring public participation in the European Green Deal
|
2021
|
|
The Treachery of Strategies::
A Call for True EU Strategic Partnerships
|
2011
|
|
Trump, the Middle East, and North Africa::
Just Leave Just Leave Things to the Proxies?
|
2020
|
|
Turkish Foreign Policy and the EU:
An Everlasting Candidate Between Delusion and Realities
|
2022
|
|
The UK’s foreign and security policy::
what’s at stake in the referendum?
|
2016
|
|
UN REFORM AND NATO TRANSFORMATION::
THE MISSING LINK
|
2005
|
|
The uncertain promise of hybrid justice in the Central African Republic
|
2015
|
|
Uncovering Uncomfortable Truths::
the geopolitics of EU gas imports in the aftermath of the invasion of Ukraine
|
2023
|
|
Understanding Burundi’s predicament
|
2015
|
|
Unlocking Global Gateway towards the Green Transition
|
2023
|
|
Untangling Justice, Peace and Amnesties in the Central African Republic
|
2019
|
|
Upgrading the Belgian Contribution to NATO’s Collective Defence
|
2023
|
|
The Value of Power, the Power of Values::
A Call for an EU Grand Strategy
|
2009
|
|
The War against Ukraine and European Defence::
When will we square the circle?
|
2022
|
|
War for Ukraine and the Rediscovery of Geopolitics:
Must the EU Draw New Battlelines or Keep an Open Door?
|
2023
|
|
What Belgium Can Do::
Proposals for the National Security Strategy
|
2021
|
|
What can the EU expect from the new Belgian government?
|
2020
|
|
What Could a Geoeconomic EU Look Like in 2020?
|
2020
|
|
What Drives Europeans to Syria, and to IS?:
Insights from the Belgian Case
|
2015
|
|
What Is It Like To Be a Non-Permanent Member of The UN Security Council?
|
2018
|
|
What’s in the CARDs?
|
2019
|
|
What’s the ‘Added Value’ of Male Peacekeepers?:
(Or — Why We Should Stop Instrumentalising Female Peacekeepers’ Participation)
|
2020
|
|
Where was united Africa in the climate change negotiations?
|
2010
|
|
Which Strategy for CSDP?
|
2011
|
|
Who’s Been Making “African Solutions”?:
Mapping Membership Patterns in the African Union’s Peace and Security Council
|
2022
|
|
Why Belgium Needs a Cyber Command
|
2022
|
|
Why Belgium Needs a Special Operations Command
|
2016
|
|
Will a European Security Council bring strategic relevance?
|
2020
|
|
Will Only a Green Power Remain Great Power?
|
2021
|
|
With PESCO Brought to Life, Will European Defence Live Happily Ever After?
|
2017
|
|
A World in Flux
|
2017
|
|
‘Worse, Not Better?’:
Reinvigorating Early Warning for Conflict Prevention in the Post-Lisbon European Union
|
2011
|
|
Xi Jinping Seeks Stability The 20th National Congress of the CCP
|
2022
|